the golden-groue moralized in three bookes: a worke very necessary for all such, as would know how to gouerne themselues, their houses, or their countrey. made by w. vaughan, master of artes, and student in the ciuill law, vaughan, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the golden-groue moralized in three bookes: a worke very necessary for all such, as would know how to gouerne themselues, their houses, or their countrey. made by w. vaughan, master of artes, and student in the ciuill law, vaughan, william, - . [ ] p. by simon stafford, dwelling on adling hill, printed at london : . signatures: a- c. with two final leaves of verse to the author. variant: title has "books". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published 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edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the golden-groue , moralized in three bookes : a worke very necessary for all such , as would know how to gouerne themselues , their houses , or their countrey . made by w. vaughan , master of artes , and student in the ciuill law. printed at london by simon stafford , dwelling on adling hill . . ad fratrem de insignibus suis epigramma . amhigo , cur bicolor nostrae leo stirpis alūnus ! bestia cur , frater , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tua est ! num quia purpurei nostrum sit stemma reatus expers , suspiciens candida , nigra premens ? num quia conueniant , insignia dissona , in vnum tam genus austrinū , quam boreale genus ? vel quia caucaseo similem de monte leonem prostrarit dextro vis proauitae ioue ? forte molorchaeus leo talis ab hercule cesus ; talis natus erat maenaliisque plagis . sed quî sit nostrum , seu qua ratione colorent parte priore album , posteriore nigrum : causa latet , let he mysteria tanta colorum abluit , haec centum noscere lustra vetant . macte leone tamen , frater charissime , macte ( stemmate kiffini ) thermodoonte tuo . to the right worshipfull , my louing brother , sir iohn vaughan of golden-groue , knight . cato of vtica ( as plutarch writeth ) being demaunded whom he loued best , answered , his brother then the other still continuing to aske him , and who next , he likewise answered , his brother . and so againe the third time , he answered , his brother . thrice in like sort was i ask'd , & yet vnask'd , ask'd of my selfe , though vnask'd of others , whether to one or three i would dedicate this my threefold booke . to this my self vnto my self made answere : to whō more fitly should i dedicate my first booke treating of vertue , then to my vertuous brother ? to whom my second of a familie , then to my familiar brother ? to whō my third of ciuility , then to my ciuil brother ? the consideration of which points ( deare brother ) moued me to present vnto you alone , and not to three this groue of mine , cōformed as nere as i could , like vnto that golden groue of the ancient hesperides . vvherein i could be said to imitate , the philosopher athenodorus , who parted with his elder brother zeno all his goods , & gaue vnto him the one half , for what is more agreeable to nature , thē that one brother should to his power reciprocally aid another ? & what more prodigious , thē that one brother should bee a wolfe vnto another ? this plainly and wisely was specified by the greeke poet euripides , who said : questionlesse he that loueth not his brother , loueth neither him , that begat him , nor her , that hare . and againe confirmed by antigone in sophocles : i must ( quoth she ) loue my brother better then my sonne , by reason that hereafter i may very well haue more sonnes , but , my father & mother being both dead , neuer more brethren . standing , i say , vpon these termes , & hammering in my mind on the anuill of our mutuall loue , i thought it part of my duty to impart vnto you the iust halfe of my substāce , nay , in a maner all my substance , desiring you withall , that , euē as a skilful geometriciā at the games of olympus by the bignesse of hercules foot gessed of the stature of his whole body : so by the outward view of this my triple treatise , you will measure the willingnesse of mine inward mind . as for barking sycophants and enuious caitifes , to whose controlling check the very best of all scholers haue bene subiect , i passe not for them , namely , let them make tennis balles of my bookes , yea , and bandy them quite away , if they can ▪ onely this is my wish at this present , that you , most louing brother , will diligently peruse thē ouer , & shelter thē vnder the vaile of your fauourable censure . almighty god ( that i may now ende ) giue you your hearts christian contentment , while as a pilgrime you remaine in this earthly groue , & make your mind pliable and ready for the contemplation of that golden and euerlasting groue prepared for the godly in the world to come . frō iesus colledge in oxford . your louing brother , william vaughan . to the reader . gentle reader , my two yeeres silence since the edition of my last latine poems argueth me in thy censure , eyther to haue ouerslept my selfe with epimenides , or to haue plaid the micher amongst the obscure antipodes . which inconueniences ( i confesse ) the worldes ingratitude , being a great discouragement , and the burthen of my professiō , a necessary imployment , made me with diligent care to attend another cynosure , by which the course of my studies might be directed . in consideration whereof fearing some patent of concealement i breake forth at length , and am come to plead mine own tenure in a more familiar language . and this i do , aswell because euery one may perfectly know my meaning , as that i might craue pardon of mine auditory , if either i goe awrie , or chaunce to trip , no mā goeth so vpright , but he may by some casualty or other kisse the ground . it is a good horse , that neuer stūbleth . erre i may in writing , but it is thy part ( courteous reader ) to brooke mine errours with patience . as for the subiect of my discourse , it resembleth the hearbe muscouy , in that as it being ioyned to other flowers doubleth the sweetnes of thē : so these fruits of mine being now growne to a groue , will augment each other sauour to the sence-pleasing comfort of the reader . if any man delight to haue himselfe shine with a glorious shewe of vertue , i haue giuen him the toppes of moral behauior ; if to haue his house and family wel beautified ; i haue yeelded him diuers braunches for that purpose ; if to haue his coūtrey flourish , i haue sent him the deep-grounded stemme of policy . and if the greatest gardener of the best manured eden had vouchsafed me the settes of diuiner worth , such as bloomed in the holy and golden groues of his prophets , i would haue offred vp a sweet smelling sacrifice of the purest choise ; but since that glorious paradise for the first mans offence hath bene shut vp from any entraunce , i thought good to present thee with such fruites , as this earth affoords , a three leau'd bud , not onely of incōparable sweetnes to him , that hath it , but also of infinit admiration to him , that beholdeth it . in conclusion , wheras in these bookes i make often mention of my comentaries vpon persius , thou shalt-vnderstād , that i haue had thē ready together with a most easie paraphrase in english and latine to be printed aboue a tweluemoneth agoe , but for certain respects , i caused thē to be closed in a case of delay & reiourneied , till i find better leasure to put thē forth . for euen thus & thus must we take opportunity for y e publishing of our labours , howsoeuer they may chaūce to please the curious sort but so and so . if i could promise my selfe kind & gracious acceptāce , i would promise our age the like cōmentaries vpon a satyrist of the like vaine , euen the learned iuuenal , thereby to stirre vp other men , — quos aequus amauit iuppiter , aut ardens euexit ad aethera virtus to giue light to his gloomie and hidden excellency . in the meane time view ouer this golden-groue seriously , and , if thou reapest , any good thereby , glorifie the great lord of hierarchies , who for thy sake gaue mee grace to frame it . farewell . thine in the lord w. v. carmen emblematicum in aureum g. vaughanni saltum . avreum longe nemus hoc amoenos vincit hortos hesperidum nitore : aureos fructus par●unt quotannis arbores : coelo radios ab alto hic habent frondes . locus hic amoenus , quo deum musae recolunt sub vmbris , quo canune laetae volucres sub vmbris , quo nouum lumen rutilat sub vmbris : non vepres , spinae , tribuli , inyricae hic vigent , musis locus est dicatus . aureas plantas alit hic sacrato rore vaug hannus , pretatis hortus crescite plantis : pretatis author seruet has plantas , precor , a malorum fulmine tutas . iohannes williams , s. theologiae doctor , & publicus : professor in academia oxoniensi . in eundem . omnia si nobis tria sint vaughanne , vel vnum , omnia tunc liber hic trinus & vnus habet . ethicae & vrbanae lex iuncta domestica legi , trina quidem , numeris sed quoque tota suis. promis vlissaeatua scripta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arte , dum mores hominum publica iura canis . digna igitur multa & ciuili laude refulget tum quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 canit , tum quia musa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gulielmus osbern procurator academiae oxoniensis . in eundem . ethica scribenti suggessit cynthius : annō ingenio magna est vrbs quoque digna tuo ? dumque domos coleres maior , sanctosque penates , publica sollicitat res super illa rapi . quid magis ? aeternū celebris nisi scādis olympun . materies arti cessit , & aequa seges . prima legat populus , legat altera publicus alti . hospitii dominus ; tertia regis erunt . tu bene diuiso libros dum diuidis orbi , hos orbi sapiens , te dabis ipse deo henricus pricius s. theologiae bachalaureus , & collegii sancti iohannis socius . in eundem . magnanimū vere fratrem sic imbuis arte , vt curare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seque , domumque queat . quid maius magno possis concedere fratri , quam quo prudenter seque suosque regat ? griffinus powel . in eundem . non omnes arbusta iuuant , humilesque myricae docta cothurnati musa maronis ait : ignoscas mihi , culte maro , pars altera vera est carminis , & pars est altera falsa tui . displiceant vtcunque rubi , sterilesque myricae , quique fouet tribulos falce domandus ager : laeta tamē me arbusta iuuant dumetaque laeta , aurea sunt ; & sunt aurea , amice , tua . saluete o priscum redeuntia tempora in aurum , inque dies aetas mollior inque dies . vepribus assueti mutasse cubilia patres dicuntur , nitidas atque habitasse casas . conuerso in melius saeclorum gratulor orbi , ecce tibi in medio moenia sunt nemore . non hoc thraeicius getica cū veste sacerdos natusue amphion de ioue finxit opus . ille meus condebat opus , qui prestat vtrique , ille casas cultas fecit , & ille nemus . qui vere & ex animo tuusest , iohannes budden . in eundem , ad authorem . ethica ciuilem docet instructissima vitam , musaque ciuilis regna domosque docet . sit tibi cum libro fatum par , surgit in altum ex paruo , in summos tu quoque surge locos . desere priuatam ( placeat tibi publica ) musā exemplū hoc magni grāde maronis habes . ille boues & oues gracili modulatus auena , serior hinc annis arma virumque canit . tu simili scribens vena , moresque domosque instruis ; extremam principis aula tenet . nicholaus langford , art. magister . in eundem . pactoli rutilasue tagi quid quaeris arenas ? vaughanni plures dat tibi saltus opes . india quid fuluum caput exeris ? india sordes . haec superat siluas aurea silua tuas . quid vetus ostentat bifrontē fabula ianum ? geryonem triplicem quidue poeta suum ? respuit hic iani titulum , vult esse triformis . odit geryones , excolit hic animos . mores compescit , dispescit , vt orpheus ; aedes instruit ; & plebem iure iugoque tenet . thomas came , art. magister . in eundem . cvm tria , forma , modus , situs , omnia sidera librent : iusque triplex , triplex gratia , parca triplex : cum sophiae triplex sit pars ; partusque triformis matris opis ; sty gi itela trisulca dei : quis vetet hunc lucum triplicē te dicere ? libras sidera , ius tribuis , fata charinque refers . auro deducis sophiam ( vaughanne : ) iehouae regna , maris fines , daemonis arma canis . gabriel powel . to master vaughan the author of the golden-groue . while thou in sacred studies dost bestow thy watchfull houres these thanklesse times among , frō learnings root three vertuous brāches grow , charming the pow'rs of euery muses song to leaue their two-topt hill , and for a space in thy fresh groue their mutual selues embrace . thy golden-groue , thy euer-blooming spring , thy vertues nurserie , thy wits deere brood , where like the graces dauncing in a ring stroue , three sciences inuite the publike good . needs must the groue , where these fair vertues be thought a precious and a golden groue . the morall nymph with deep discretion goes , the oeconomick with a carefull eye ; the politike the state of kingdoms knowes ; treating of nations , counsels , maiestie . the seuerall places of their best renowne , and obiects are the heart , y e house , the crown . now let the heart estraunged at the last , ( if any such the golden-groue inherite ) behold the seat where equity is plac'd with due regard of an impartiall spirit . and so preferre an honest ethicke praise , before he come to politike essayes . then let this house for occonomicks worth deserue the title , which it long hath borne . no drossie excrement from gold comes forth ; then golden as it is , o let it scorne , that any dregs or blemishes be found to spring frō out that groue , & fruitful groūd . let policie defend the lawfull right , since countries perish by the hand of wrong . vaughan , the world in censure is vpright , esteeming thee amongst the learned throng . if any stonie friend vniustly deale , t is no true diamond in golden seale . thy worke shall liue , so shal thy brothers fame , but much the more , if he regard thy paine , and gratifie thy muse , that makes his name the note of all eternitie to gaine . three ages nestor liu'd ; now ( as they be ) the muses giue thy legend three times three . thomas storer , master of arts. in commendation of the golden-groue , and the authour thereof . who so do wish philosophie displaid , garnishd in colours of most perfect hiew , refin'd againe , that lately was decaid , and this againe laid out to all mens view , which in disgrace erst bad the world adiew , ( so things suppres'd , and troden low to groūd , with great applause do to the starres abound . ) let such draw neer and view this golden-groue , whereof the rootes are , vertues of the mind : the trunks & stalks , that grow these roots aboue , ioint vertues are to priuate rule assign'd : the boughs , the publick sway of kingly kind . vertue the root , rule priuate is the stemme , the branches are , the golden diademe . all which are done by learned vaughans pen , thereby deseruing well eternall fame , who tooke great paines to benefite all men , that would with singlenesse peruse the same ; thus hath he got himselfe a golden name . and thus we see this stately golden-groue , whereof the motiue was , his brothers loue . samuel powel , master of arts. to the authour . thy selfe a tendrer of that golden-groue , to which thou send'st this golden groue of thine , how truly that so called was dost proue : how truly this : it needs no proofe of mine . it is no gilt , it is a golden booke , fit for that gemme thy brother on to looke . the gold whereof , as pure as euer shone , ( let enuie speake , she can it not denie ) feares not to touch the learneds lydian stone . who buyes this gold , too deare it cannot buy ; it is refin'd in furnace of thy braine , in fire then to trie it , were but in vaine . some say prometheus man of clay did make , but beastlike passions put into his heart : vaughan , beleeue them not , for they mistake , to make men was not his , but is thine art. thou hast effected what he ne're began , thou hast made maners : maners make the mā . gold-gutted crassus , were he now aliue , might here find gold to find an host of men : rich-finger'd midas might here learne to thriue , not by his owne rich touch , but by thy pen ; which chimick-like ( i hope ) wil turn to gold our iron times , and make them as of old . iohn raulinson , master of arts. in praise of the golden-groue , moralized by master vaughan . amid the vale of iedas bushie groue , before a bribed iudge ( such was their fate ) a trinitie of goddesses once stroue : gold caus'd their strife ( the cause of all debate . ) now a new iudge their quarrell hath acquited , attoning this late-iarring trinarie , and , sith in groues and gold they first delighted , hath built a golden-groue for this faire three . where pallas first vnfoldeth vertuous sawes , which venus doth conuey to families . then iuno tempreth both with rightful lawes , and those themselues with heauenly policies , so these , whom gold & groues first set at strife , this golden-groue combines in blessed life . charles fitz-geffrey . in commendation of this golden-groue . some write of th'isle of the hesperides , where golden fruit in greatest plentie grew ; a pretie fiction , and no doubt did please the authour selfe , although it were not true . if by our dayes we measure those of old , ( for now men loue if but to dreame of gold ) no more a fiction , now no more a toy ; vaughan hath made that true , which they but faign'd ; by vaughans art it is that we enioy that , which but onely they in shew obtain'd , a golden-groue , a harbour of delight , against the storms of fortunes weaker might . what gracious gift can sophia now bestow , on vaughan worthy his industrious paine , vnlesse of boughs , which in his groue do grow , with goldē wreaths she crown his learned brain . fortune cannot reward desert of wit , but honour , onely she doth nourish it . thomas michelborne ▪ the arguments of the chapters that are contained in these bookes . the first booke . the first part . of gods nature . chap. . the knowledge of god. chap. . atheists . chap. . the second part . of man. chap. . the soule . chap. . that a man hath but one soule . chap. . the immortalitie of the soule . chap. . the third part . of vertue . chap. . vice. chap. . that a man must not delay to become vertuous . chap. . remedies against vice . chap. . iustice. chap. . iniustice . chap. . whether it bee lawfull for one to kill himselfe . chap. . that we should not patiently indure all iniuries . chap. . the fourth part . of truth , chap. . lyes . chap. . swearing . chap. . periurie . chap. . cursers and blasphemers . chap. . deceite . chap. . whether a man be bound to performe that , which hee hath sworne to his enemie , either willingly , or by constraint . chap. . heretike , and schismatikes . chap. . iesuites . chap. . the fift part . of magnanimitie . chap. . ambition . chap. remedies against ambition . chap. of fortitude . chap. foolehardinesse . chap. feare and pusillanimitie . chap. the sixt part . of temperance , and cōtinence . ch . intemperance , and incontinence . ch . lecherie . chap. gluttonie , and drunkennesse . chap. the discommodities of drunkēnes . c. remedies against intemperance , gluttonie , and drunkennesse . chap. . stupiditie or dulnes . chap. . the seuenth part . of magnificence . chap. liberalitie . chap. . prodigalitie . chap. the properties of a couetous man. chap. . remedies against couetousnes . chap. . a dehortation from couetousnesse . chap. . whether the couetous man bee worse then the prodigall . chap. . the eight part . of clemencie and courtesie . chap. . modestie and bashfulnesse . chap. . affabilitie . chap. . indulgence . chap. . pride . chap. . scurrilitie , or scoffing . chap. . whether stage-playes ought to be suffered in a common-wealth . chap. . of crueltie . chap. . the ninth part . of patience . chap. . anger . chap. . remedies against anger . . remedies against aduersitie , and losse of worldly goods . the tenth part . of friendship . chap. . how a man should knowe his friend . chap. . flatterie . chap. . ingratitude , with a remedie agaynst it . chap. . hatred , & the punishment therof . ch . enuie . chap. . calumniation and slander . chap. . the eleuenth part . of art , and whether art be better then nature . chap. . science , or knowledge . chap. . vnderstanding . chap. . prudence . chap. . sapience , or wisdome . chap. . the ignorance of our times . chap. . the second booke . the first part . of a familie , and the diuision thereof . chap. . that there be foure kinds of matrimony . chap. . the causes why matrimonie was instituted . chap. . how excellēt a thing matrimony is . ch . after what maner the auncients solemnized matrimony . chap. . of matrimonie in england at this day solemnized . chap. . the duties of the husband toward his wife . chap. . the duties of the wife toward her husband . chap. . of diuorcement , and whether the innocēt party , after a diuorcemēt made , can marie againe during the other parties life ? chap. . of iealousie . chap. . the second part . the duties of parents toward their children . chap. . the duties of children toward their parents . chap. . of brotherly loue , and whether a man should preferre his friend before his brother ? chap. . of disobedient sonnes . chap. . the third part . the duties of masters towards their seruaunts . chap. . of the sabbath day , & whether masters may set their seruaunts at worke on the sabbath day ? chap. . the duties of seruants toward their masters . chap. . the fourth part . of acquisitiue facultie . chap. . of money , the chiefest part of the acquisitiue facultie . chap. . of bawdes , and whether they ought to be suffred ? chap. . of vsurers . chap. . of the particulars , wherein vsurie is cōmitted . chap. . whether it be lawfull for an householder to ingrosse corne in the market , to the intent hee may sell the same another time at a deerer price ? ch . . the fift part . of hospitality . chap. . wherein good hospitality consisteth . chap. . why housekeeping now-adaies is decayed . chap. . of almes , and the forgetfulnes thereof in these dayes . chap. . circumstaunces to be obserued in giuing of almes . chap. . of fasting , & that an housholder should obserue fasting dayes . chap. . of the true fast . chap. . the third booke . the first part . of a commonwealth . chap. . the diuision of a commonwealth . ch . . of a monarchy . chap. . that hereditarie succession is better election . chap. . the duties of a prince . chap. . of the name of emperour . chap. . of the name of a king. chap. . of a gynaecracie , or womēs raigne . ch . of tyrants . chap. . whether subiects may rise against their soueraigne , being a tyrant or an hereticque ? chap. . of an aristocracie . chap. . of a democracie . chap. . the second part . the members of a commonwealth . chap. of noblemen . chap. . the properties of a gentleman . cha . . that gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speak of them . chap. . of knights of honour . chap. . of citizens . chap. . whether outlandish men ought to be admitted into a citie ? chap. . of marchants . chap. . of artificers . chap. . of yeomen ; & their oppression . ch . . the third part . of counsell . chap. . of counsellours . chap. . of parliaments . chap. . of iudgements . chap. . of iudges , and their duty . chap. . of bribes , and going to law . chap. . of magistrates . chap. . of the great cares and troubles of magistrates . chap. . whether magistrates may receyue presents sent vnto them ? chap. . the fourth part . of the education of gentlemen . ch . . the causes , why so few gentlemen nowadayes bee vertuously disposed . chap. . whether youths ought to bee corrected ? chap. . of scholemasters , & their duties . cha . that scholemaisters should haue large stipendes allowed them . chap. . whether it be better for parents to keepe their sonnes at home with a priuate scholemaister , or to send thē abroad to the publike schole ? chap : . of tutoures in the vniuersitie , and how to discerne a good tutour . chap. . the fift part . of grammar . chap. . of logick . chap. . of rhetorick , and the abuse thereof in these dayes . chap. . of poetrie , and the excellency thereof . chap. . of philosophie . chap. . of the art magick . chap. . of physick . chap. . of law. chap. . of the cōmon law of england . chap. . whether alteration of lawes be good in a commonwealth ? chap. . of diuinitie . chap. . whether two religions may be tolerated in one kingdome ? chap. . of simonie , one of the chiefest ouerthrowes of religion . chap. . the sixt part . of the alteration of a commonwealth . chap. . the effects of al the cometes , and chiefest eclipses , which haue hapned in this last age . chap. . the causes of sedition , and ciuill broiles . chap. . of treason . chap. . of idlenes . chap. . of dice-play . chap. . of superfluitie in apparell , another cause of the alteration of a commonwealth . chap. . the seuenth part . of the cōseruation of a commonwealth . chap. . of taxes , and subsidies . chap. . remedies against sedition , and priuie conspiracies . chap. . the felicity of a commonwealth . chap. the eight part . of warre . chap. whether it be lawfull for christians to make warre . chap. what warres bee most lawfull . chap. . that before wee beginne warres , preparation is to bee made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging . chap. . the duties of a generall . chap. . of the choyse of souldiers . chap. . whether the straunger , or the home borne subiect is to bee preferred ? chap. . how the enemy is to bee vanquished . chap. . the conclusion , of peace . the first booke of the golden-groue moralized . the first part . of gods nature . chap. i. forasmuch as all the endeuoures of humane actions do proceed from god , and , except hee build the house , and vphold mens enterprises , their labour is but lost , that build : i hold it a requisite point of my duty , that in these morall discourses , and politique traditions , i beginne principally of his maiestie , and search out some essentiall property flowing from his diuine & incomprehensible forme . for the accomplishing of which , and of all the rest which i write , assist mee , a o thou great gouernour of heauen , and iudge of the world , with thy sacred power : graunt , i beseech thee , that my mind may ascend vp into the straight and noble seate of vertue , where i may find the fountaine of goodnesse , and reueale the same being found vnto thine almost lost & astraied sheepe . gods supernatural nature ( i confesse ) being euery way infinite cannot possibly be contained by any limited creature . * things subiect and familiar to sence are comprehended in the mind by an imaginarie resemblance of them : but as for things infinite and not subiect to sence ( of which nature god is ) how shall i be able to imprint their likenes in my feeble and shallow braine ? * no man hath seene god at any time , * yet we know him by his miraculous workes . to come neerer his description , i find that god is a most pure , essentiall , and actiue forme , without mixture of matter & forme , or distinction of partes , euery where alike , and the very same . and againe , god is vncreate , perpetuall , that is , he euer was , and euer wil be , * he was not made of nothing , for nothing , according to the philosophers saying , is made of nothing . the gentiles , albeit wāting the light to vnderstand perfect truth , were yet all of them for the most part amazed at the excellēt glory & power of god. pythagoras said , that god was a liuely mind , that pearced into al things , of whom al liuing creatures receiued their being . thales esteemed him to be an vnderstāding , that created all things of the element of water . chrysippus called him a naturall faculty endued with diuine reason . thus we see , that there is engrauen in the hearts of men a certaine feeling of gods nature , which cā neuer be rooted out . and although swinish atheists doe laugh at that , which i haue written touching the godhead , yet that is but a laughter from the teeth outward , because inwardly the worme of conscience gnaweth them much more sharply then all hote searing irons . finally , to leaue the gentiles opiniōs , i iudge it not amisse , if wee satisfie our selues to beleeue , that god is almighty , his might vnsearchable , & his power admirable . and as * the soule is wholy both in the whole body , & also in euery mēber of it : * so god is wholy both in the world , & likewise wholy in euery part of the same . of the knowledge of god. chapt. . diagoras and theodorus were not ashamed to dispute against the deitie . neither ( as i heare ) do some of our brazen-faced caualeers cease to blaspheme god by denying most impudētly his euerlasting essence . o foolish men ! when they see a faire house , they immediatly presuppose some one or other to haue built it . so in like maner whē they behold one another , will not they sometimes euē by natural discourse aske , who made them ? the heathen oratour saith , that b there is no natiō so sauage , no people so sēceles , which wil not cōfesse that there is some god : & euen they that are libertines , epicures , and in other points of their liues differing little from bruite beasts , do reserue some seed of religion : also , c the very deuils beleeue , that there is a god , and do tremble , as saith the apostle . yea , * the very obstinacy of the wicked is a substanciall witnesse that the deitie is knowen , which with their furious striuing yet cā neuer wind themselues out of the ●eare of god. but what need i dally thus with doltish atheists ? let them read the holy scripture , & they shall find fiue generall meanes , whereby god is made manifest vnto man. the first , are the framed things , wherin god did first reueale himself , for * the heauens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his hādy worke . the secōd is the sparke of nature , wherby all men as it were by naturall instinct obtaine the infallible admonition of the truth . the third way whereby god is made knowen , is the verball will , which successiuely from time to time in some countrey or other hath bene holden vp by worldly blessings , apparitions , ceremonies , prophesies , and last of all by the presence of the messias himselfe . the fourth is the holy ghost , who openeth our misty eyes , wherby we embrace the true and apostolicall doctrine . the fift meanes , whereby god is knowen , are his miracles , at the sight of which the very atheists themselues being affrighted must exclaime with iulian the apostata : o god , o galilaan , thou hast ouercome our vnbeleefe . of atheists . chap. . of atheists there are two sorts : the inward , and the outward . the inward atheist is he , that slyly carieth the countenaunce of a sheepe , and yet is no sheepe , but a sheep-biter . he swaloweth vp aduowsons , hospitals , and other mens goods vnder pretence of simplicity . he raiseth rents , incloseth commons , and enhaunceth the price of corne . with his wooll or wealth hee vseth to snarle & deceyue honest-minded men , whom at length hee notwithstanding hauing scripture in his mouth snatcheth at most greedily , & clappeth in irons . this kind of atheist i will decipher hereafter . the outward atheist on the other side openly professeth nature to be his god. and euen as the spider infecteth with poyson the fragrantst liquours hee suckes ; so the outward atheist most wickedly extracteth common places out of the secretes of nature , and turning them to his owne vse , hee blasphemeth god , whom he neuer knew . is there any rayne without a clowd ? any apples without trees ? any portraiture without a painter ? any kingdome without rulers ? can the heauens moue without a mouer ? say , thou viper , ( for a better name thou deseruest not ) wilt thou not beleeue that , which thou beholdest with thine eies ? wherfore , i pray thee , was the world framed ? was it not for man ? what idiot , when hee passeth through a village , though halfe ruinous , will not presently suppose , that it was contriued by some or other ? much rather , o sensuall beast , shouldst thou imagine , that a quickning maker , euē god , hath created not onely thee , but all the world besides . if no reason will persuade thee , yet , me thinkes , the extraordinary punishments of god , which alwaies , such atheists , as thou art , haue felt , should be of force , to recall thee from thy most damnable opinion . it is written of diagoras one of the first authours of this sect , that being fledde from athens , and his bookes burnt by vniuersall consent , he was slaine by certaine men , whom the athenians had hired for that intent . pliny the elder , one likewise of the same stampe , while hee was ouercurious in searching y e causes of nature , was choakt neere to the mountaine vesuuius with smoake , and with the smell of brimstone issuing out of the same . pope leo the tēth , who often said , that moses , christ , and mahomet were three of the greatest dissemblers , was by the iust iudgement of god sodainly strooken dead with an extreame laughter . likewise , an italian captaine of late daies in the low countries , leading his company to skirmish with the enemy , thus encouraged them : sirs , quoth he , remember the former glory of our nation , and fight valiantly : as for your sinnes , if you die , you shall vnderstād , there is no god. which when he had said , he fought , & was the first man that was slaine . not inferiour to these was one christopher marlow by profession a play-maker , who , as it is reported , about . yeeres a-goe wrote a booke against the trinitie : but see the effects of gods iustice ; it so hapned , that at detford , a litle village about three miles distant from london , as he meant to stab with his ponyard one named ingram , that had inuited him thither to a feast , and was then playing at tables , he quickly perceyuing it , so auoyded the thrust , that withall drawing out his dagger for his defence , hee stabd this marlow into the eye , in such sort , that his braines comming out at the daggers point , hee shortlie after dyed . thus did god , the true executioner of diuine iustice , worke the ende of impious atheists . furthermore , some of our worldlings may worthily bee ranged in the forefront of this hellish route . they , i say , that belch out this accursed theoreme of machiauel , namely , that the heathenish religion made men couragious , wheras our religiō makes men fearfull . o foolish sots● is the feare and loue of god become the cause of your foolish feare ? nay , rather it is your consciences , that bring feare into your hearts . the more wicked ye be , the more you feare . me thinks , that albeit ye had no demōstration of god , yet this ought to satisfie you , which proceedeth of a natural fear . for whosoeuer feareth , sheweth necessarily , that there is some supreme power which is able to terrifie & hurt him . as contrariwise , he that is assured , that nothing can appall or diminish his valour , is altogether free from feare . the second part . of man. chap. . abdala one of the wise men of arabia , being on a time demaunded , what was the most wonderfull thing in the world ? answered , man. hermes trismegistius termed mā the great miracle . others called him the little world . likewise , the wisest philosophers agreed , that mans body is composed of the foure elements , and of all their qualities . for the flesh agreeth fitly with the earth : his vitall spirites with the aire & the fire : and his humours with the water . the sense of touching consenteth with the earth . the sense of seeing with the fire : that of smelling with the aire and fire : that of tasting with the water : & that of hearing with the aire . yea , there is no part in the whole body of mā wherein one of the elements doth not interpose his vertue , albeit one of thē is alwayes predominant ouer the rest . and most certaine it is , that man is a creature made of god after his owne image , well disposed by nature , composed of bodie and soule . in this sort man had his beginning and being of the great and eternall builder of the world ; of whom likewise hee was created so noble for three reasons . the first , that by this meanes man knowing howe god hath placed him aboue all other liuing creatures , he might be induced dayly to loue and honour him , as is meete . and therefore did the lord place the eies in mans bodie to behold his wonderfull workes . and for this cause also did he fasten eares to mans head , that hee shoulde vnderstand and keep his commandements . the second , to the ende , that acknowledging the noble place & race from whence he came , hee might feare to staine his name and fame with dishonest & vnlawfull deeds . the third , that hee , not being ignorant of his owne excellencie , shoulde extoll himselfe in god , and in him , & through him he should iudge himselfe worthy of heauenly felicitie . what should i rippe vp the good discipline of liuing , the lawes , customs , arts and sciences by man inuēted , to furnish life with the three sorts of good , namely , honest , pleasant , and profitable ? according to which , there be also three sortes of companies ; one for honestie , as the learned and vertuous ; another for pleasure , as , yong folks , and maried men ; a third for profite , as marchants . wherefore by good reason man holdeth the soueraigntie , and chiefest roome in this world . of the soule . chap. . the infusion of the soule into the bodie by god the creator , is a most admirable thing : seeing that the soule , which is inuisible , is cōprehended within the body being palpable : that which is light and of celestiall fire , within that , which is earthy , cold & corruptible : that which is free , within that which is base & bound . this alone is the instrument , that can bring vs to the vnderstanding of god and our selues . this is speculatiue and actiue at one and the same instant . this is she , that for her beautie hath the foure cardinal vertues ; & for her actions , reason , iudgement , will , and memorie . briefly , this is she , about whom the wisest of the world haue occupied their curious and fine wits . pythagoras affirmed , that the soul was a nūber moouing it self . plato said , that the soule was a portiō taken frō the substance of celestial fire . the prince of the peripatetickes writeth , that the soule is the motiō or act of a natural body , that may haue life . our diuines define the soule after this maner . the soule of man is a spirit , that giueth life and light to the bodie , wherevnto it is knit , and which is capable of the knowledge of god , to loue him , as being fit to be vnited vnto him through loue , to euerlasting happinesse . that a man hath but one soule . chap. . even as in euery bodie there is but one essentiall kind of nature , whereby it proceedeth to be that , which it is : so in euery liuing creatures bodie there is but one soule , by the which it liueth . in the scripture we neuerread , that one mā had mo soules thē one . adam being created by god , was a liuing soule . all the soules that came with iacob into egipt , and out of his loines ( beside his sonnes wiues ) were in all threescore and six soules , that is , threescore and sixe persons . also the sonnes of ioseph , which were borne him in egipt , were two soules . steuen being stoned by the iewes , called on god , and said , lord iesu , receiue my spirit . saint paul raising eutichu● from death , sayde , his life is in him . our sauiour christ likewise complained vnto his disciples , saying , my soule is verie heauie , euen vnto the death . hereby we may note , that one man hath but one soule . how greatly therefore are those philosophers deceyued , who affirme , that one man hath three distinct soules , to wit , reasonable , sensitiue , and vegetatiue ? wherof these two last are in a bruit beast , as well as in a man : and the vegetatiue in plants , in beastes , and in man. this opinion of pluralitie of soules seemed so damnable vnto the ancient fathers , that augustine , damascenus , and the fourth councell of constantinople proclaimed them to be excommunicated , which would hold one man to haue many soules . briefly , to leaue this errour , * it falleth out with the soule , as it doth with figures : for euen as the trigon is in the tetragon , and this tetragon in the pentagon : so likewise the vegetatiue power is in the sensitiue , and this sensitiue is in the reasonable soule . obiection . we see yong infants hauing vegetatiue , and sensitiue soules , and not possessing the reasonable soule , before they come to yeares of discretion . moreouer , it is well knowne , that a man liueth first the life of plants , then of beasts , and last of all of man : therefore a man hath three soules , distinct aswell by succession of time , as in essence , and formall property . answere . i grant , that the faculties of mans soule are by their operations successiuelie knowne , as the vegetatiue power is knowne more plainly in the beginning : then the sensitiue : & last of al the reasonable soule . but frō thence to conclude , that infants haue no reasonable soule , i deeme it meere madnesse . for the whole soule is infused within them in the beginning , but by the sacred power of god it is not made as then manifest , vntill they attaine to elder yeres . touching your proofe ( that a man liueth the life of plants ; then the life of beasts ; and last , of a reasonable man ) i answere , that it is meant of the vitall powers ; and not of the soule : and so i yeeld , that a man at first exerciseth the powers vegetatiue , and sensitiue , and then he hath the benefite of the reasonable soule . of the immortaltiie of the soule . chap. . atheists , and the hoggish sect of the epicures ; who would faine stay in their bodily senses , as beasts do , deride the holy scriptures , saying , that it is not known what becomes of their soules af-the deth of their bodies , or to what coast they trauell , by reason that none returned at any time backe from thence to certifie them . this is their childish reason . which truly in my iudgemēt sprūg vp of their negligence , in not ferreting out the end of the soule . for to what end els was the soule created , but that knowing god her creator , and worshipping him for that great benefite , shee might stand in awe and loue of him , and at length attaine to euerlasting life , which is appointed for her end ? al other liuing creatures god made for mans vse ; but man he created to the end , that the light of his wisdome might shine in him , and that hee might participate with him his goodnesse . admit therefore , that mans soule were corruptible : what difference then , i pray thee , would there bee betweene a man and a bruite beast ? nay then consequently it must follow , that man was created without cause . wherefore did god create man of stature straight , and erected towardes the aspect of heauen , the originall place of his true pedegree , but that he should perswade himselfe that he is of a heauenly nature ? surely * the conscience , which discerning betweene good and euill , answereth the iudgement of god , is an vndoubted signe of an immortall soule . for how could a motiō without essence come to the iudgement seate of god , & throwe it selfe into feare by finding her owne guiltinesse ? further , if the soule were mortall , what rewarde is left to the iust ? what punishment to the wicked ? also , if this were true , the wicked haue that , which they most desire , and the iust that , which they most abhorre . but shall punishment bee inflicted on the iust , whereas it ought to bee executed on the wicked ? many reasons i could alleadge , but of all others this is most forcible , which god hath giuen vs in the resurrection of his sonne our sauiour iesus christ , whereby his soule was vnited againe to his body , and taken vp into heauen in the sight of his disciples . likewise we reade that ▪ god sayde to moses : i am the god of abraham , isaac , and iacob , wherhence our sauior christ concluded , that abrahā , isaac , & iacob , do liue yet after their death , seeing that * god is the god of the liuing , and not of the dead . now to be breefe , i may fitly compare these epicurian hogges vnto drunkards , who so long being drunke , vntil they haue by sleepe , sufficiently alayed the furious force of the wine which they drunk , know not whether they haue any wit or conscience , any soule or sence . obiection . men , as plinie writeth , h breathe no otherwise then beasts do , for wee see nothing of the soule of either of them : therfore the soule as wel of men as of beasts , being nothing els but a breth , is mortall . answere . plinie seeing smoake come out of the mountaine vesuuius , iudged that there was fire within , although hee behelde it not : also he knew by his nose that there was brimstone issuing out of the same , albeit hee sawe it not : howe chanceth it then , that when by his sences he perceiued somewhat more in men , then in beasts , hee was not brought thereby to beleeue , that consequently there must be somewhat within , which causeth men to differ from bruit beasts ? furthermore , men discourse learnedly of all naturall things , they are endued with reason , and their speech followeth reason , which are such things , as haue a resemblance of gods spirit shining in them : but beastes haue not in them this apprehension , for that they are produced out of the power of that matter , whereof they are ingendered . finally , the soule of man is bred in the bodie by god , aboue all the matter of the same . the third part . of vertue , chap. . whosoeuer meanes to sowe a godly field with corne , must first rid the same field of thornes and shrubs , and cut away the fernes with his sithe , that the new corn may grow with ful cares : so likewise , o mortall man , thou hauing beene all the daies of thy life , as it were in a goldē dreame , awake at last , and withdraw thy selfe from that fonde delight , that vertue which is surer & better then all arts , may the sooner enter into thy minde . be not like vnto a child , who seeing a bable wherwith he plaieth , taken out of his hand , powtingly throweth away that which he hath in his other hand , although it bee far better then the former . al worldly things , be they neuer so glorious , do fade away , yea , & worldlings themselues are so soone suffocated and choaked with euerie small moth , that they are ready to stumble at euerie straw , and to become daunted at euerie trifling cause . but cōtrariwise , they which are bedewed with the sweet droppes of vertue , wil neuer be ouerturned , eyther with worldly guiles , or with the losse of life and bloud . vertue is alway permanent : shee is quiet in most stormie times , & shineth in the darke : beeing driuen from her seate , she neuerthelesse remaineth in her coūtry , she giueth continual light , and neuer becōmeth spotted with any filth . euerie thing that is atchieued by her meanes , is good and soueraigne . for her loue , anacharsis the philosopher left his kingdom of scythia to his yonger brother , & went into athens to find her there . this also moued the emperor maximili● the . in the yeere of our lord . to answer a dutchman that craued his letters patents to make him a nobleman : it is in my power , quoth he , to make thee rich , but vertue must make thee noble . happy therfore is he that wooeth her , & thrise happy is he that is contracted to her : for euen as the prowesse & valour of a horse maketh him apt and fit for his rider to attend couragiously the onset of the enemy : so vertue strengthneth her owner against cōcupiscēce , & restoreth him ready to abide any brūts of variable fortune moreouer , ( a ) vertue is said to be three manner of waies in man , either infused by god , or planted by nature , or gotten by pains and industrie . vertue is infused by god , when we call her either faith , hope , or charitie : ( b ) she is by nature , whē we terme her nobil●ti● : shee is saide to bee gotten through paines and industrie , when wee name her either morall , as iustice , truth , magnanimitie , fortitude , temperaunce , magnificence , liberalitie , clemencie , modestie , affabilitie , friendship , & patience ; or intellectuall , as art , science , vnderstāding , prudence , and wisedome , al which together with their extremes and subordinate qualities i wil decipher hereafter . wherfore , to be breefe , let vs embrace vertue , so pretious and manifold a palme tree , which the more it is pulled downe , the more it returneth vpward ; let vs , i say follow her , who hath this singular propertie in al-her actiōs , namely , that c she maketh the man that knoweth her , so to affect her , that forthwith hee liketh all her actions , and desireth to imitate them that are vertuously disposed . of vice. chap. . even as a vertue is the beautie of the inward man , & the way to attain vnto an happie life : so vice is the sicknes therof , and fighteth against nature . ( d ) all things that are borne haue vices , as it were sowen in their minds . e he is best , that is least troubled with them . for we see , that neither fire nor feare doth carry a man away so violently as vices . they onely haue beene the vndooers of all cōmon-wealths , and as soone as they once haue entred into the mind , they wil neuer forsake it , vntil they ouerwhelme it with al kinds of sin , f hurt it with their griping , and ouerthrow al things , which are next vnto them : vnhappie man is he , that is vexed with them : farre better it were for him not to liue at al , or els liuing , g to be throwne into the sea with a milstone about his neck . although a man bee fast loden with irons , yet his captiuitie is nothing to him y t is enuironed with vices . he then , that will bee mighty , must subdue his cruell affectiōs , & not yoke himself to the foule liberty of vicious motiō . in sūme , h turne again euery mā frō his euil way , & frō his wicked imaginations . i submit your selues to god , and resist the diuell : and hee will flie from you : draw nigh vnto god , and he will draw nigh vnto you . cleanse your hearts , you sinners , & purge your hearts , you wauering minded . that a man must not delay to become vertuous . chap. . there bee many of our worldlings , which seek to shrowd their vices vnder this cloake , that they mean to amend al in time , * and this time is driuē from day to day , * vntil god , in whose hands the moments of time are , doth shut them out of all time , and doth send them to paines eternall without time . little do they thinke , that their vices are by wicked custome fortified , and as it were with a beetle , more strongly rammed into their harts & midriffes . it is an vsuall prouerbe , that whatsoeuer is bred in the bone , will neuer out of the flesh : so likewise , a wound being for a time deferred , becōmeth infectious and past cure . why then , o mortal men , doo yee builde on such a weake foundation ? why doo yee not at this instant without any further procrastinations , prostrate your selues before the most highest , ere the darke night of death steale vpon you , and * ere yee stumble at that foule black hillock ? oh , imitate not those foolish virgines , * who because they gaue not good attendaunce , were shut out of doores by the bridegrome . we see by common experience , that if a man deliuer a reasonable petition vnto an earthly king , he may perhaps attend a yeere or two , before he be fully satisfied . what then shall yee expect of the heauenly king , whom yee haue a thousand times most wilfully displeased ? is it possible for you , after you haue obstinatly resisted him all the dayes of your liues , to sue vnto him at the period of your yeeres , and to obtaine remission ? no , no , it is not presumptuous delay , that worketh vnfaigned repentaunce . you must beginne * to day , if you will heare his voice , and speed of your suites . god will not be limited and restrained according to your willes . * his wrath will come vpon you at the sodaine , and * you shall be thrust into hell like sheep . like as the poetes say of titius , so shall you , being as it were food vnto death , confume in hell , and yet reuiue againe , so that still ye may be euer dying . then shall yee crie vnto the mountaines , and say , o you mountaines fall vpon vs , & you hilles couer vs. then shall you repent to your paine , but your repentaunce shall not at all auaile you . if an husband-man for lazinesse deferre to sow in the winter , he is like in summer to starue or begge . sow therefore , o ye that are christians , while you haue time to sow , euen this day conuert vnto the lord , and yee shall reap perpetuall happinesse for your reward . repentaunce that is done at the last day , most cōmonly is done vpon feare of future tormentes . besides , * the aethiopian can assoone chaunge his blacke skinne , as you do well , hauing learned all the dayes of your liues to do euill . my selfe haue knowen a young gentleman , that sometime hauing bene disobedient to his parents , and also misdemeaned himselfe diuers other waies besides , was vrged to repentaunce by some of his well willers . to whome he aunswered : that now this was his full intent , and by the grace of god ( quoth he ) assoone as i come home to my father ( hee being as then about forty miles off ) i will vtterly renounce my former maner of liuing , and will become a new man. but see the ineuitable will of god. he was scarce seuen miles on his way homeward , when as it was his wofull chaunce to encounter with some of his enemies , and by them to be slaine . for which cause , i say , cut off all delayes , least in a matter of such importaunce , yee be sodainly surprized . yee haue not two soules , that yee may aduenture one ▪ * the night is past , and the day is come ; the day of the lord is come , * as a snare on all them , that dwel vpon the face of the earth , in which a the heauens must passe away with a noyse and the elements must melt with heat , and the earth with the workes therein must bee burnt vp . b bee yee therefore sober & watchfull in prayer : for c in the houre that ye thinke not , will the sonne of man surely come to iudge the world . remedies against vice . chap. . the roote of vice is the originall corruption , wherewith mankind hath bene ouerwhelmed euer since the fall of adam . which corruption in processe of time beyng growne by continuall custome into a sinfull habite , becommeth damnable three maner of waies . first , by thoughts ; next by wordes , as , swearing , lies ; lastly , by deedes , as murther , adulterie . now for the curing of this hydra-like malady , sixe things are to be obserued . first , we must oft consider , that the actes of vertues themselues cannot bee of any value with god , except we continually exercise our selues therein . for the longer wee delay , * the more is the kingdome and power of the diuell established and confirmed in vs. secondly , wee must once or twice a day at least call to remembrance our vices , & with a contrite heart aske god forgiuenes . thirdly , we must waigh with our selues , how that we are wandring pilgrimes in this world , and like vnto them , that vpon their iourneys abide not in those innes , where they are well lodged , but after their baite do depart homeward , vttering these words of the prophet : * woe is me , that i remaine in mesech , and dwell in the tents of kedar . the fourth remedy against vice is , that we thinke on the manifold miseries of this life , & on the end thereof . the fift , wee must oftentimes repeat that fearful saying of the apostle : * if the iust shall scarce be saued , where shal the wicked man and sinner appeare ? the sixt , we must muse vpō the day of iudgemēt , at which time * euery one must beare his owne burthen , and sinners must * giue an account of euery idle word . * about them shall be their iudge offended with them for their wickednes : beneath them hell open : and the cruell fornace ready boyling to receyue them : on the right hand shall be their sinnes accusing thē : on the left hand the diuels ready to execute gods eternal sentence vpon them : within them their consciences gnawing them : without them all damned soules bewayling : on euery side the world burning . of iustice. chap. . jvstice is a thing belonging to policy , sith the order of a ciuill society is the law , & iudgemēt is nothing els , but the decision of that , which is iust . this vertue , as the diuine philosopher writeth , b is the chiefest gift , which god gaue vnto men . for if she were not amongst vs , what would our commonwealth be , but a receptacle for theeues ? from whence c the sect of democritus concluded , that there were . things , which rule y e whole world , namely , reward & punishment . some say , that iustice is more resplēdent then the sunne , for hee lighteneth the world only by day , whereas she shineth both night and day : the sunne illuminateth the eyes of the body , iustice the eyes of the minde : the sunne molesteth vs by his continuall presence , but of iustice we shal neuer be weary , wherupon othersome affirme , that * shee is placed in the zodiake betweene the signes of leo and libra , whereby her equality and courage are vnderstood . to come neerer our owne time , let vs commune with our selues , and forethinke , what should become of vs , if there were no gallows for murtherers and heinous offendors , no whips for rogues , nor fines & amercements for affraies and such like crimes . surely , we should not liue together . the wild karnes & red-shanks of irelād would not be more sauage thē vs. wherfore , o ye , which are seated in the throne of iustice , respect not your owne priuat cōmodities : for you execute not the iudgements of man ; but of god , and he will be with you in the cause and iudgement . lay before your eies the exāple of that zealous iudge , who feared not to cōmit the prince of wales ( afterwardes king h. the fift ) for his assault into the prison of the kings bēch . for which act of iustice , that noble prince , when hee came to the crowne , yeelded him great thanks , & during his warres in fraunce , left the said iudge his substitute ouer this whole realme . to be briefe , wash your hands cleane from bribes , & administer iustice vnto all men without any kinde of affection , vaine-pitie , or fauour , lest that , they prying into your liues , in stead of honor , you be brāded in the forehead with the perpetuall note of infamie . of iniustice . chap. . iniustice is a kinde of iniurie , vsed by such as be in authority , ouer the weaker sort , a who also assume vnto themselues , more then law or right permitteth them . this vice of all others is most repugnant to mans nature , because that b a man , as long as he benefiteth , and executeth iustice , is like vnto god , but practizing iniustice , he separateth himselfe farre enough from god. woe therefore be vnto you , landlords , who forgetting your selues , and your duty towards god , do flay and vexe your tenants and inferiours with extraordinary imposts , with asking of beneuolences , letherwits , and such like . woe be vnto you , heires and elder brethren , who make dish-cloutes and no reckoning of your younger brethren , but suffer them to be idle and forlorne , which destroyeth them both body and soule : woe , i say , be vnto you , that extort , & c like rauening woolues do robbe & take praies to shedde bloud , and to destroy soules for your owne couetous gaine , so that you are * not cōtent to be infected with one haynous offence , but moreouer you rayse vp sundry mischiefes , & molest your already distressed bretheren with many and iniust taxations . for the which , god will proceed in iudgement against you , a he will powre out his indignation vpon you , & consume you with the fire of his wrath : your owne waies will he render vpon your heads . then in cōclusion shal you perceiue , how that b no wickednesse escapeth scotfree , by reason that the punishment of one consisteth in another . whether it be lawfull for a man to kill himselfe . chap. . nothing is more damnable , nothing more vngodly , then for a man to slay himselfe . for if an homicide be dāned for killing another : so in like māner he that killeth himselfe is guilty of murther , because he killeth a member of the commonwealth . yea , this is a greater sinne . for we liue here in this world altogether according to gods prescriptiō . * we are created of god after his owne image : and shall wee endamaging our selues , wrong our creator ? no , if we do , our owne consciences will accuse vs as murtherers & traitours before the tribunall seat of god. it is reason that he , which sent vs into the world for the setting forth of his glory , should call vs out of the world to yeeld an account of our bayliwike , he hath appointed vs captaines of our bodily fortes , which without treason to that maiesty are neuer to be deliuered ouer , till they be redemaūded . besides , despaire cannot beare the title of valour , by reason it proceedeth of an abiect and weake mind . now therefore if we be valiant , let vs make our valour manifest vnto gods and our countries enemies , that if we die in such attempts , the almighty may canonize vs holy martyres , and crowne vs with eternall glory in his blessed kingdome . obiection . nature graunted no longer vnto cato a patent of his life , for pompey and his complices were ouerthrowen , and if he himselfe had bene taken captiue by cesar , he had lost his honour and life : therefore it was lawfull for him to effect that , which , if hee had not , another would . answere . nature gaue cato a life not voluntarily to lose , but to sustaine and nourish . besides , nature and violence are opposite . in briefe , it had bene better for him to haue bene tormented in phalaris brazen bull , then desperately to kill himselfe . that wee should not patiently endure all iniuries . chap. . many , as the anabaptistes , doubt , whether it be lawfull or no for one christian to sue or strike another , groūding their opinion vpon a the authoritie of the scripture . yet , this schismaticall doubt in my iudgement might quickly be blotted out , if they knew what iniury meant , for a man may haue iniury offred either to his person , to his goodes , or to his credite . now concerning our person and goodes , it is certaine , that vertue permitteth vs to repell violence with violence , or els embracing patience , to remitte all to the magistrates , in whose hands the sworde of iustice remaineth . as for the reprehension of the corinthians , i answere , that they were rebuked for going to law vnder those magistrates , which were not christians , and * in that they brought the gospell in slaunder among the vnbeleeuers . in like sort i think it meeter for vs protestants to endure all iniuries whatsoeuer , then to commence suites one against another vnder any popish or hereticall iudge . but on the contrarie , if the magistrate be of our religion , what other order by the lawe of god and man is prescribed , then to sue vnto him , and to craue satisfaction for the iniurie which is done vnto vs ? a euery reproach hath a certaine sting , which wise and good men can hardly tolerate . moreouer , it is holden for a principle , that b no man is vilified and despised in his owne conceit . and therefore hee cannot chuse , but for reasonable causes goe to law , and so haue the pleas handled , that he may liue afterwards in more securitie : for experience sheweth vnto vs , how that those iniuried persons , which most are silent , as confessing themselues ouercome by their stronger , do abide continuall molestations , and liue in intolerable thraldome . touching the last way , wherby iniury is offred vnto our credit , my sentence is , that it can neuer be impaired in an honest man , by reason that vertue , which shineth with vndefiled honours , will euer patronize & protect it . what auayleth it then , that a man go to law for such a trifle , & haue his aduersary punished , namely , a noted with infamy ? beleeue me , it is better for you , o contentious witals , to end such cauillations of your wronged credit at home , then to trauell to london , and there to feed the rauening lawyers with the sweat of your browes . pursue not therefore one another with vnappeasable stifnesse , but rather end your doubts at home vnder an indifferent arbitratour without rancour or malice . the fourth part . of trueth . chap. . trueth is that infallible vertue , which reuealeth the creation of the world , the power of god , his blessing for the godly , & vengeaunce for the wicked . this is she , which rightly may be termed the cēter , wherin all things repose themselues , the mappe , whereby we saile , and the balme whereby we are healed . this is she , a whom god respecteth more then all sacrifices . to be short , this is she , which b hath so great power , that no engine , wit , or art can subdue : and although she hath no atturney to defend her cause , yet notwithstanding shee is defended by her selfe . according to our beleefe in god , truth is named faith : in agreements betweene man and man. trueth is called promise : of seruants towards their masters she is termed loyalty . but in what estimation she is in these accursed times , i trēble to speake therof . for many there be , that outface & deny their owne superscriptions : & vnlesse an honest man bring with him multitude of witnesses to testifie the truth , he is like to be defrauded of his due . o how farre do we degenerate frō the auncients ! they were woont in times past to lend money vpon a mans naked & bare promise , and likewise to passe their conueyances and state of lands in few lines : whereas now on the contrary a dozen skins of parchment will scant serue their turne ; for what do they els but hammer quirckes and crochets , and inuent twenty apish trickes to circumuent one another ? promooting petifoggers are the mouers of all these fallacies . they are the caterpillers , which exclude truth , and would make her a wandering vagabound . beware of them , o yee which are honestly bent . through their illusions a breake not the league of amity , neither preferre yee kingdomes before truth . take away this vertue , and our commonwealth is become a piracy . the losse of wealth is nothing to the losse of truth . for which cause , the philosopher doubted not to affirme , that b wise mē ought to contradict themselues for verities sake , yea , and to engage their credite for her conseruation . thinke vpon this , o lawyers , & consider with your selues , how * the speach of truth is simple , and needs not sundry explications and cauillations . of lies . chap. . of lies there bee three sortes : the first i call an officious lie , which is vsed , when otherwise an heynous offence cannot be eschued , as we read in the booke of kinges , where * michol sauls daughter saued her husband dauid by the same meanes . the second kind of lies is named iesting , which men vse at table , not of any premeditatiō or malice , but rather for to delight the company . howbeit amōg christians it is not much laudable . the third kind of lies is named hurtfull or odious , which extendeth to the harming of one or other . this sort of lying is most detestable in the sight of god and man. furthermore , a lie is a base vice , & worthy to be cont●ned of all mortall men , & especially of those , that are wise , for a the duties of a wise man are two , wherof the one is not to lie in any thing , which hee knoweth : the other , to make a lier manifest to the face of the world . and euen as we debarre wise men : so we most of all disswade youths frō lying ; for if they be suffred & borne withal to coine lies , they wil at last become altogether past grace , & by vse wil be inueterated in falshood , wherfore they must be quickly restrained , and seuerely chastised , when they lie . hereupon some hold , that * those youths are as it were naturally euill , which take a delight in telling of lies . othersome say , that * they differ not from deadly enemies . but howsoeuer , in my iudgement , they ought to bee speedilie looked vnto , and then the rather , e whē they begin once to tel lies to their owne parents , which is a most intolerable fact . of swearing . chap. . vve must not sweare at all , neither by heauen , for it is the throne of god : nor yet by the earth , for it is his footstoole : neither must wee sweare by our heades , because wee cannot make one haire white or blacke . but our communication must be yea , yea , and nay , nay , and whatsoeuer is more then these , commeth of euil . howbeit notwithstanding , there be very few here in england , that are not in a manner fully resolued to regard swearing as a vertue . hee is a gull or a puritane , quoth they , that will not sweare : nay , rather they should say , he is a member of the diuell that delighteth in swearing . hearken what an holy father sayth : sweare not at al , lest that by swearing you come to the facilitie of swearing , from thence to custome , and from custome you fall into periurie . neither can your feeble excuses suffice , in saying that you sweare not , by god , by gods bloud , by gods wounds , but rather you sweare by gog , by gogs bud , by gogs zwoonce . o foolish hypocrites ! doe you thinke although you delude vs , that you can dally with him , who noteth & heareth euerie word which you speake ? no , no : it will not goe for payment at the fearefull day of iudgement . in swearing thus , you heape hot coles of fire vpon your heades , and offend as bad , by attributing that honor vnto counterfeit creatures , which is due vnto the creator , who onely is to bee named , and that after a good sort , in all your words and deedes . take heede least that god execute vpon you such a fearefull iudgement , as he of late daies executed on a yong man in lincolneshire . this yong man , as is by master perkins , master stubs , & others credibly reported , was an abominable swearer , and his vsual othe was , by gods bloud . god willing his repentance , corrected him oftē times with sicknes , that he might be conuerted . but hee vtterly reiected all corrections . then god seeing that nothing could reclaime him frō swearing , inflicted on him a most grieuous disease , of which he languished a long time . at last his friends perceiuing him to be neere his death , caused his passing bell to bee rung . whereupon this swearer hearing the bell toll , rose vp in his bed , saying , gods bloud , hee shall not haue me yet . but loe , the iust iudgement of the lorde . at those words the bloud gushed out at euerie ioynt of his body , & neuer ceased , til al the bloud in his body was run out , and thus died this bloudy swearer , whose example , i pray god , may sink into y e harts of our swaggering caualeers , who at ech other word vse to lash out most detestable othes . now to cōclude this chapter , a whosoeuer prouoketh any mā to sweare a grieuous oth , and knoweth that he sweareth falsly , is worse then a murtherer , because that a murtherer killeth but the body , wheras he killeth the soule , yea , & which is more , hee killeth two soules , namely , his whom he prouoked to sweare , & his owne soule . obiection . it is good to haue the name of god in our mouths , therfore it is lawful to swear . answere . swearing is tvvofold godly , when we be called by the officers of necessitie to depose the truth in any doubtful or litigious matter , or else in a priuate case , betweene partie and partie , to ende strife and debate : and this is tolerable , when all other lawful proofes are knowne to bee wanting . vngodly , when we sweare vpon euerie light occasion , and in our daily talke , and this is reproued . of periurie or forswearing . chap. . an othe hath three associats , to witte , truth , iudgement , and iustice : wherof if any be found lacking , it is no longer to be termed an oth , but rather periury , which vndoutedly is a most abominable sinne : for thereby wee haue no respect either vnto his presence , who is euerie where , or reuerence vnto his cōmandemēt , which expresly insinuateth , that * we take not his name in vain , for he will not hold him guiltlesse , that taketh his name in vaine , and so trecherously abuseth his sacred maiestie . the heathen themselues detested this vice , and thereupon a homer reprehended the troians for their periure . b the egyptians punished periurers by death . yea , many holde it for a maxime , that othes are to bee obserued sacredly towardes our foes , and that not without good reason , seeing c periurie by the will of god is destruction , and by mans owne confession , infamie ; d which is likewise soundly confirmed by our ciuill lawyers . sundrie examples i might alleadge to this purpose , but for breuitie sake i wil at this time content my selfe with one onely . in the yeere of our lord . anne aueries widow , forswearing her selfe for a little money , that shoulde haue beene payde for sixe pounde of tow , at a shop in woodstreete of london , fell immediatly downe speechlesse , casting vp at her mouth the same matter , which by course of nature shoulde haue beene auoyded downewards , till she died . thus did god reward periurie . in conclusion , e hee that forsweareth himselfe , is subiect vnto two persons : first vnto the iudge , whom hee deceiueth by his lying , and then vnto the innocent party , whom he endangereth by his periury . those which would know more of this vice , i referre to the reading of my commentaries , where i haue alreadie sifted it . of cursers and blasphemers . chap. . h whosoeuer curseth his god , shal beare the paine of his owne sinne , and the blasphemer of the lordes name shall die the death . the whole congregatiō of the people shal stone him , whether he be a citizen or a stranger . this bitter cōminatiō the lord raineth down vpon such as curse and blaspheme . who then will presume to contradict and dispute against it ? if a subiect blaspheme or speake euill of his prince , presently hee is had by the back , and condemned to die ? what then shall be done with him , that banneth and teareth in peeces the name of god , who is the king of kings ? is hee not worthy of greater punishmēt , namely , to suffer both in body and soule ? * michael the archangell durst not curse the diuel , albeit he was worthy of al the curses in the world how therfore is it lawful for vs to curse ? the turkes at this day dare not transgresse herein , for feare of gods punishmēt . many of y e papists accoūt it an intolerable sin to blaspheme . o what a condemnatiō wil this be vnto vs ? i feare me , that many of them hauing as it were but a glimpse of the gospel of christ , will goe before vs protestants into the euerlasting paradise . we know in our consciences , that cursers and blasphemers are hainous offenders in the sight of god. howbe it neuerthelesse , we liue carelesse and obstinate , as beeing either dazeled like vnto owles at the eminent light of the gospel , or else bewitched and charmed by the empoysoned guiles of this world , and the prince of this world . our vsuall speeches in our anger are these : the diuell take him , vengeance light vpon him , a poxe on thee , a plague on thee . al which horrible curses haue already fallen on some of our pates , & that within these . yeeres . the plague first ouerspread it selfe through london the metropolitane citie of this realme , and from thence it crept into euerie shire in particular . the poxe likewise hath not beene absent , which many parents to their great griefe can testifie . as for the other two , the diuell and vengeance , the gallowes being burthened with traytors , murtherers , and felons , may giue sufficient euidence against vs. now concerning blasphemie , the followers thereof haue not altogether escaped scotfree , as appeared by duke ioyeus , who about eyght yeere since , felt the smart of his impious deserts . this duke , one of the cheefest of the leaguers in france , beeing ouercome by the french kings forces that now raigneth , and despairing of any good successe , vomited forth these wordes : farewell my great cannons : i renounce god , and wil run this day a high fortune . with that hee galloped amaine , and plunged himselfe , horse and all into the riuer tar , where presently hee was swallowed vp . thus did god worke the end of this blasphemous duke . and i pray god they may so still bee rewarded that blaspheme him , which causeth the foundations of the earth to tremble , in any realme or nation in the worlde whatsoeuer . what shall i write of the franciscan friers , who blasphemously compare their frier frauncis vnto christ , saying , that christ did not any thing , but frauncis did the same ? yea ; francis did more then christ , for his nayles droue away temptations . o childish comparison ! of this blasphemous route is bellarmine , that archpapist , as by these his words it appeareth . a if we , quoth he , cannot by any meanes keepe the lawe of god , then god is more vniust , and more cruell then any tyrant . the punishment of cursers and blasphemers were diuers . sometimes they were punished by death . sometimes * their tongues were cutte or bored through . and at other times their punishments were arbittarie according to the number of their offences . likewise king lewes of france hearing the lord of lenuile , one of his barons , blaspheme god , caused him to be apprehended , and his lips to be slit with an hotte iron . for which notable act of iustice , he afterwards deserued the name of a saint . let vs therefore consider of these both ordinarie , and extraordinarie punishments , and employ our whole studies to admonish those miscreants , who doe nothing else but ban and blaspheme god , yea , and otherwhiles their owne selues . of deceit . chap. . svch is the corrupt nature of this age , that men conuert that into deceite , which god gaue them for good reason , whereby it falleth out , that e one deceit bringeth in another , and consequently , cosenages are heaped vpon cosenages . herehence it commeth to passe , that so many in these dayes are conicatched . for how can it otherwise bee , as long as they listen vnto flatterers , & despise wise men , when they tel them of their follies ? wherefore beware of smoothing dissemblers , o ye that are gently disposed , and suffer your selues to bee lift out of the gulfe of ignorance , and to bee powdred with truth , which earst like sots yee haue abandoned . b none euer haue beene deceiued , but in that whereof they are ignorant , or else in that which is obscure . and if they bee deceiued , c it is prodigious , if they bee deceiued of good men . finally , * they that perceiue not deceits , shal oftentimes be deceiued of themselues . whether a man bee bound to performe that , which he hath sworne to his enemie , either willingly , or by constraint . chap. . so excellent a thing is the name of faith , that the vse therof hath not only purchased credite among friends , but also renowne amongst enemies , which foundation being laide , i constantly auerre , if a man hath sworne vnto his enemie , that he is periured , if he performe not his othe . now * vnder the name of enemie , i comprehend sixe sorts of people . first , there be forraine enemies , such as the spaniards bee vnto vs at this instant , who by an vniuersall consent , doe wage warre against vs , and these are properly to bee termed enemies . secondly , rebelles , of which number wee account the earle of tyrone , and the wild irish , who haue traitorously reuolted from her maiesties iurisdiction , are to be called enemies . thirdly , wee name pirats , rouers & theeues . fourthly , wee name aduersaries , amongst whō ciuill discords hapneth , enemies . fiftly , banished persons , outlawes , and condemned men , haue the title of enemies . in which ranke , i place robin hood , little iohn , and their outlawde traine , who spoylde the kings subiects . lastly , fugitiues , and runnagate seruants , making warre with their masters , deserue the name of enemies . in the beadroll of these enemies , flatterers , conicatchers , slanderers , and promooters , disturbers of the publike rest may be added . nowe to the question , whether wee ought to keepe touch with all these sorts of enemies ? it seemeth vnfaignedly , that we should , as shall more manifestly appeare by these reasons . first , * othes by the testimonies of the scriptures , are to be obserued . secondly , * euill is not to bee committed , that goodnes may ensue . periurie is euill , therfore not to be committed , that goodnesse may ensue : no , not although a man should lose his life for it . thirdly , of two euils , the least is to bee chosen : but periurie is a greater euil then losse of goods and landes , yea , and which is more , it is greater then losse of life : therefore it is better to lose life and liuing , then to burthen our consciences with the abominable sinne of periurie . fourthly , there cannot be honestie nor quietnesse amongst vs , if wee break our othes . sixtly , it is no poynt of liuely magnanimitie to engage our faith , vnlesse wee were willing to performe it : for h who shal dwel in gods tabernacle ? who shall rest vpon his holy hil ? euen he that setteth not by himselfe . it is rather the propertie of follie , for that a foole wil sweare any thing for his owne safegard : whereas a man of discretion will consider wel , and weigh his speech as it were by the ounce , before hee pawne it . seuenthly , whatsoeuer a man sweareth , and may performe with the fauor of god , & without sinne , that same , albeit compelled , is to bee obserued , for the name of god is of greater estimation , then al tēporall commodities : such is the promise which a man sweareth vnto theeues , because nowe and then for our amendement god permitteth temptations : therefore a man hauing sworne vnto theeues or pirates by compulsion , may not prophane his othe . likewise machiauell is worthie of many stripes , who counselled his prince to put on the foxes skinne , when his other shiftes did faile , and to follow that yong mans example , who said : h i swore an othe by tongue , but i beare a mind vnsworne . obiection . an obligation whereby a man is bound , may bee made voyde by the authoritie of a magistrate . also it is a rule in lawe : a compelled othe is no oth : therefore a man compelled to sweare , may choose whether hee will keepe his othe or no. answere . there bee two sorts of obligations . the first , wherby a man is bounde by writing vnto another man , and this kinde of obligation may bee made frustrate by the iudges . the second , whereby a mā is bounde either vnto his friendes or enemies , and this onely belongeth to god , who by them is called to record . moreouer , although this obligation by othe may bee made voyde by the publike law , yet notwithstanding , it remaineth stedfast in the priuate law of a mans conscience . of heretiques and schismatiques . chap. . they are to be accounted heretiques , which contumatiously defend erronious opinions in the church of christ , and will not by any exhortations bee conuerted to the truth . such were the arrians , that helde three degrees in the trinitie . such were the menandrians , manichaeans , carpocratians , cerinthians , valentinians , somosatenians , nouatians , ebionites , noetians , macedonians , douatists , tertullianists , pelagians , nestorians , and others , ● which by iustinian the emperour were afterwards condemned , their goods confiscated , and themselues either banished or put to death . innumerable examples cōcerning heretiques are extant : but i will cōtent my selfe at this time with the rehearsall onely of two of thē , the memory wherof , is as yet rife amongst many of vs. in the yeere of our lorde . and the third yeere of the raigne of queen elizabeth , there was in london one william ieffery , that impudently affirmed iohn moore a companion of his , to bee iesus christ , and would not reuoke his foolish beleefe , vntill hee was whipped from southwarke to bedlem , where the saide moore meeting with him , was whipped likewise , vntill they both confessed that christ was in heauen , & themselues but sinfull and wicked heretiques . in like maner , about ten yeeres ago , i my selfe being then a scholer at westminster , henry arthingtō , & edmond coppinger , two gentlemen , bewitched by one william hackets dissimulations , concluded him to bee the messias , and thereupon ranne into cheapside , proclaiming the said hacket to bee christ. for which hereticall or rather diuelish deuice they were apprehended and imprisoned : & in the end hacket was hanged on a gallowes placed vp in cheapside ; arthington was kept in prison vpō hope of repentance ; & coppinger died for sorrow the next day in bridewell . thus we see that truth , although for a time it be darkened by a cloude , yet at last it preuailes and gettes the victory : & the heretiques themselues are by gods speciall iudgements confounded , and their couragious opinions in a moment abated . neither will it be long , ere that the romish bishop , the sonne of belial shall see * his power brused with a rod of iron , and broken in peeces like a potters vessell : yea , himselfe * shall be consumed with the spirit of gods mouth , and be abolished with the brightnes of his comming . of iesuites . chap. . ignatius a maimed souldier , not for any feruency or zeale , that he bare vnto a new austerity of life , but feeling himselfe weake any longer to souldierize & follow the warres , communicated with diuers persons , and among the rest with one pasquier brouet , a man altogether vnlettered & ignorāt of diuinity . these two together with their enchaunted cōplices , to apply their title vnto their zeale , named thēselues deuout persons of the society of iesus . and thereupon presented themselues vnto pope paul the . about the yere of our lord . this pope permitted them to be called iesuites , but with this coūtermaund , that they should not surpasse the number of threescore persons . thus for a time they satisfied themselues . but within a while after , they obtained greater priuiledges of pope paul the fourth : which made their troublesome order like ill weedes to multiply a-pace , and attempt many horrible things : yea , euen most wicked treason against the liues of high potentates and princes , as against our soueraigne queene , against the french king , and diuers others . in portingal and india they termed themselues apostles ; but in the yeere . sundry of them were drowned by the iust iudgement of god. who is so simple , but hee vnderstandeth , that they in naming themselues iesuites do goe about to degrade the auncient christians , and blaspheme against god ? rather they should call themselues ignatians , and not bring in newfound orders . this the sorbonistes of paris knew very wel , when they doubted not about sixe yeers agoe to exhibite a bill in the parliament against them . what shall i write , how they giue themselues altogether to be machiauellians , and vngodly politicians , how they hoord vp wealth , how they possesse earledoms and lordships in italy and spaine ? and yet for all this , they presume to entitle themselues of the society of iesus . o wretched caitifes ! o hellish heretiques● the time will come , when this outragious profession of yours shall be extinguished by the sunne-shine of the true and apostolicall doctrine , as the sorcerers rod was eaten vp by aarons rod in the presence of pharao . the fift part . of magnanimity . chap. . magnanimity is a vertue , that consisteth in atchieuing of great exploits : and is touched chiefly vpon eight occasions . first , a magnanimous man is he , that wil neuer be induced to enterprise any dishonest point against any man , no not against his vtter enemy . secondly , he will chuse the meane rather then the extreame . thirdly , he will tell his minde plainly without dissimulation . fourthly , he will not respect what the common people speake of him , nor will hee measure his actiōs according to their applauses . fiftly , a magnanimous man , * though he should see all the world eagerly bent to fight , and though hee should see euery thing round about him set on fire , and almost consumed , yet he notwithstanding through an assured confidence will remaine constant . sixtly , a magnanimous man will withdraw his mind from worldly affaires , & lift it vp to the contemplation of great matters , * and in gods law will he exercise himselfe day and night . seuenthly , a magnanimous man wil scorne vices , and forget iniuries . eightly , he will speake nothing but wise and premeditated words , according to that old saying : a barking dog wil neuer proue good biter , and the deepest riuers runne with least noise . the auncient christians of the primitiue church were right examples of this vertue magnanimity , as they , who had all the properties thereof imprinted in thē . they , i say , who cheerefully gaue themselues to be massacred and tormented . like vnto these were our late english martyrs in queene maries daies , who gladly in defence of the true religion yeelded themselues to fire and fagot . for the vndoubted beleefe of triumph in heauen both diminished and tooke away the corporall griefe , and replenished the mind with cheerfulnesse and ioy . they knew mans lyfe to be but a bubble on the face of the earth . they considered with themselues our miserable estate ; for assoone as wee are borne , wee seeme to flourish for a small moment , but straightway wee die , and there is litle memorial left behind . they knew magnanimity to be the ornament of all the vertues . briefly , they perswaded thēselues to see their sauiour christ in heauen , and euermore to dwell with him . these , these be the duties of magnanimous men , which whosoeuer do couet to embrace , shall at last attaine to euerlasting happines . obiection . all scornefull men are wicked : * magnanimous men are scornefull : therfore they are wicked . aunswere . there bee two sortes of scornefull men , that scorne mens persons , and they are wicked . that scorne vices , & they are good : after which maner magnanimous or great-minded men do scorne insolent men & dastardes by reason of their pride and cowardize . of ambition . chap. . in ambition there be fiue mischiefes . the first is , that causeth a man neither to abide a superiour nor an equall . the secōd , an ambitious man by attributing honour vnto himselfe , goeth about to defraud god of his due . the . plague in ambition is , that it considereth not what hath chaunced to such , as exercised it . a lodowicke sforcia vncle to iohn galeaze duke of millan whom he poysoned , was one of the most ambitious men in the world ; but yet for all his italian trickes b he was at last in the yeere . taken captiue by the french king , and put in prison , where he continued till hee died . cardinall wolsey likewise here in england may serue for a patterne of ambition , who beyng preferred by king henry the eight her maiesties father , would notwithstanding haue exalted himselfe aboue the king , for which his intolerable ambition his goods were cōfiscated , and himselfe apprehended . the fourth mischiefe in ambition is , that hee hunteth after false and deceitfull glory , and c thinkes it a faire thing to be pointed at with the finger , and to be talked of : this is he . the fift , an ambitious man waigheth not his owne frayelty and weaknesse . remedies against ambition . chap. . the forward horse is not holden back without foaming and shewing his fury . the streame that rūneth , is not staied contrary to the course thereof without making a noise : & the ambitious man is not reclaimed frō his aspiring thoughts without good and wholesome admonitions ; i will neuerthelesse , as well as i can , endeuour to cure him of his cankered malady . first , let the ambitious man consider whereof he is made , namely , of dust & ashes . secondly , he must diligently goe to heare sermons , and read the holy bible . thirdly , he must thinke vpon the wauering actions of fortune , how she taketh frō one that , which she trāsferreth on another , and how she respecteth not the equity of causes , nor y ● merits of persons , but maketh her fancy the measure of her affections . fourthly , let the ambitious haue a regard whether hee be commēded of wise men or of flatt●rers . fiftly , let him compare his owne deeds with those of the holy mēs in times past . sixtly , hee must not enquire what the common people say of him . seuenthly , let him take heed by other mens harmes , and muse vpon the case of those men , who desiring to eate some fruite , regarded not the height of the tree , whereon they grew , but laboured to climbe vp to the toppe , and so fel downe headlong by reason of the weakenes of the boughes . of fortitude . chap. . the meanes to discerne a valiaunt man be eight . the first , if he be not astonied in aduersity , nor proud in prosperity , but leading both the one & the other within the square of mediocrity . secondly , he is a valiaunt man , that is milde and courteous of nature . thirdly , if a he scornes priuily to ouercome his aduersary . fourthly , if hee contemne to fight in a bad quarrell , for b fortitude without equitie is the fewell of iniquity . fiftly , if hee c giue not place to miseries , but goeth the more couragiously agaynst them . sixtly , he is a valiant man , that sorroweth to die an inglorious death . seuenthly , that feareth shame . as * hector did , when his friendes counselled him not to goe out of the city . eightly , hee is a valiaunt man , that will fight stoutly in his countries defence , and not feare to die . such a one was captaine * diagio of millan , * who in the yeere of our lord . beyng enuironed with fire and enemies , not finding any means to defend his charge , or escape honestly with life , threw ouer the wall of the place , where he was inclosed , and where no fire as yet burned , certaine clothes and straw , and vpon the same his two children , and sayd to his enemies , take you here those goods which fortune gaue me , but my goods of mind wherein my glory consisteth neyther will i giue them , nor can you take them from mee . the enemies saued the poore children , and offred him ladders to conueigh himselfe downe safe . but hee refusing all succours , chose rather to die in the fire , then receyue life from the enemies of his countrey . what shall i speake of sir philip sydney , sir richard greeneuil , and sundry others of our owne countrymen , who of late yeeres not vnlike to those of auncient times so highly commended , willingly and valiauntly lost their liues , rather then they would trust to the mercy of the spaniards ? in briefe , * commonly they , that are most affrayd to offend the lawe , are in the field most stout against their enemies , and will shunne no perill to winne fame and honest reputation . of foole-hardinesse . chapt. . foole-hardinesse is the excesse of fortitude , vsed for the most part of caualeers and tosse-pots . for seldome is it seene , that they at any time haue fought in iust causes , or haue obserued the circumstances belonging to true fortitude . their properties rather are to flaunt like peacockes , to play the braggadochians , and to trust most impudently in the hugenesse of their lims , and in their drunken gates . such are many of our yong gentlemen , who by their wise parents are sent so timely to learne wise fashiōs at lōdon . such are they , i say , who cary beehiues and commonwealths in their pates , who iet now and then in the streetes with bushes of feathers on their cockescombed sconces , and goe attired in babilonian rayments . but the higher they exalt themselues , the greater will be their fall . in the forefront of these madde-cappes may the duke of guise appeare , who in the yeere . one day before he was slaine , as he sate at dinner , found a litle scrowle of paper vnder his trencher , wherein was written that hee should looke vnto himselfe , and that his death was prepared . but hee in the same paper rashly with his owne hande wrote these wordes : they dare not , and so threw it vnder the table . by whose example let men take heed how they persist in any thing rashly , for although the poetes say , that a fortune helpeth an audacious man , yet notwithstanding that helpe is quickly ouercast and b broken by the wofull calamities of the body . wherefore wee must deeme it expedient to resist and turne backe foole hardinesse rather late then neuer . obiection . an audacious braggadochian being knocked runneth away : therefore there is no difference betwixt a foolehardy man and a coward . aunswere . two things are to be respected in a foolehardy braggadochian . madhardinesse or rashnes , which leadeth him into daunger . weaknes of nature not agreable to his mind : & this is the cause , why he trusteth sometimes vnto his heeles , rather thē his hands . of feare and pusillanimity . cha. . even as the foole-hardy caualeer trauerseth vp and downe like a lion : so a fearefull man is a pusillanimous meacocke : he feareth his owne shadow by the way as he trauelleth , and iudgeth ech bush to be a rouer . when he is among gentlemen , he holdeth his head downe like a dunce , and suddenly sneaketh away like an vrcheon . he is either by nature melancholike , or by vse a niggard or a tenderling , such a one was that gentleman of portingall , who craued of king sebastian in the yeere . a protection against some , who had sworne his death . the king gaue it him . shortly after he came againe vnto the king , and complained vnto him of the great feare he was daily in , notwithstāding his protection . whereunto the king wisely answeared : from feare i cānot protect you . farre more feareful then this portingall was that yong gentleman of patauine , who of late yeeres beyng in prison vpon some accusation , heard by one of his friēds , that of certainty he should be executed the next day following . which newes so terrified & chāged him , that in one only night he became white & grai-headed , whereas before there was no appearance thereof . the cause of this so wonderfull an alteratiō was feare , which groūded vpon a false opinion of mischief seazed on his heart , and consumed it like a pestilent canker according to that saying : * a suddaine alteration hath no great beginning . and again , * vsuall things are seldome feared . for being long expected , how can they chuse but fall out lightly ? to conclude , it is * the first and suddaine feare , that bereaueth the mind of aduise , but often consideration of it breedeth confidence , and quite expelleth all maner of feare . the sixt part . of temperance and continence . chapt. . all vertues do make a common-wealth happy and peaceable : but temperance alone is the sustayner of ciuill quietnesse , for it taketh care that the realme bee not corrupted with riot and wanton delights , whereby diuerse states haue beene cast away . this is that vertue which hindreth dishonest actions , which restrayneth pleasures within certaine bounds , and which maketh men to differ from bruite beastes . moreouer , this is that * hearbe , which mercury gaue to vlisses , least he should tast of the enchauntres cup , & so with his felows be trāsform'd into a hog . & this is that vertue , which great men ought specially to embrace , that by their example the common sort might become temperate . for * this is the reason why so many now-adayes liue riotously like beastes , namely , because they see noblemen and magistrates , that gouerne the common-wealth , to lead their liues wantonly , as sardanapalus did . therefore let noblemen be temperate , and spend lesse in showes and apparell , that they may keepe better hospitality then they doe , and benefit the poore . let them , i say , imitate those famous wights , who voluntarily resigned vp their large portions in this world , that they might liue the more contentedly . a murath the second , emperour of the turkes , after he had gotten infinite victories , became a monke of the straightest sect amongst thē in the yeere of our lord . charles the . emperour of germany gaue vp his empire into the hands of the princes electours , and withdrew himselfe in the yeere . into a monastery . the like of late did the tyrant his sonne king philip of spaine . what shal i say of daniel , and his three companions ananias , azarias , and misael ? did they not choose to sustaine themselues with pulse , when as they f might haue had a portion of the kings meate ? seeing therefore by these examples wee perceiue , howe great the force of temperance is ouer the greedy affections of the minde , let vs deuoutly loue her , and through her loue , obserue a meane in our pleasures and sorrowes . of intemperance , and incontinence . chap. . intemperaunce is an ouerflowing in pleasures , desperately constraining all reason , in such sort , that nothing is able to stay him from the execution of his lusts . for that cause there is a difference betweene it and incontinence , namely , that an incontinent man knoweth full , that the sinne which hee commits is sin , and had intended not to follow it , but being ouermastered by his lordly perturbations , hee yeeldeth in a manner against his will thereunto : whereas the intemperate man sinneth of purpose , esteeming it a goodly thing , and neuer repents him once of his wickednesse . wherehēce i conclude , that an intemperate man is incurable , and farre worse then the incontinent : for the incontinent man being perswaded with wholesome counselles , will bee sorie for his offence , and wil striue to ouercome his passions . but to make both , aswell the intemperate man , as the incontinent hatefull vnto vs : let vs call to minde , howe they do nothing else , but thinke on their present prouender and rutting . also , wee must consider , how that intemperance is that goggle-eyed venus , which hindereth honest learning , which metamorphozeth a man into a beast , and which transformeth simple wretches into tosse-potted asses : wherefore i wish all men of what qualitie soeuer they bee , to take heede of this vice , least they either be accounted beasts , or aliue bee reckoned among the number of the dead . of lecherie . chap. . lecherie is a short pleasure , bringing in long paine , that is , it expelleth vertue , shorteneth life , & maketh the soule guiltie of abominable sinne . this vice i feare mee , is too rife here in england , for howe many vrsulaes haue wee like that princely vrsula , who with eleuen thousand virgins more in her companie being taken by the painime fleete , as they were sayling into little britaine , for the defence of their chastities , were al of them most tyrannically martyred ? in steed of vrsulaes , i doubt , we haue curtezans , and whorish droyes , who with their brayed drugs , periwigs , vardingals , false bodies , trunk sleeues , spanish white , pomatoes , oyles , powders , and other glozing fooleries too long to bee recounted , doe disguise their first naturall shape , onely sophistically to seeme fayre vnto the outwarde viewe of tame and vndiscreete woodcocks . yet notwithstanding , lette a man beholde them at night or in the morning , and hee shall finde them more vgly and lothsome then before : and i cannot so well liken them , as to millers wiues , because they looke as though they were beaten about their faces with a bagge of meale . but what enfueth after all these artificiall inuentions ? the vengeance of god. insteede of sweete sauour , there shall bee stinke , insteede of a girdle , a rent , insteede of dressing the haire , baldnesse , insteede of a stomacher , a girding of sack cloth , and burning , insteede of beautie . what shal i do thē , asketh the honest mā ? how shal i discerne a chaste woman from a baudie trull , a diligent huswife , from an idle droane ? ( a ) if she be faire , she is most commonly a common queane : if shee bee foule , then is shee odious : what shall i doe ? this thou shalt doe , o honest mā , b ( b ) choose thee not a wife aboue thine estate , nor vnder , lest the one be too haughtie , or the other displease thee : rather hearken vnto a wittie virgin , borne of vertuous and wittie parents , correspondent vnto thee both in birth and degree , and no doubt but with thy good admonitions thou shalt haue her tractable . no woman is so flintie , but faire words and good vsage will in time cause her to relent , and loue thee as shee should , aboue all others : in fine , respect not dowrie , for * if she be good , she is endowred well . of gluttonie and drunkennesse . chap. of gluttonie there bee foure kindes . the first hapneth , when a man causeth his meate to bee made readie before due and ordinarie time for pleasure , and not for necessitie . the seconde , when a man curiously hunteth after diuersities and daintie meate . the third , when hee eateth more then sufficeth nature . the last , when wee eate our meate too greedily and hungrily , like vnto dogs . now to come to drunkennesse , i find that there bee three sorts thereof . the first , when wee being verie thirstie , not knowing the force of the drinke , doe vnwittingly drinke our selues drunke : and this can be no sinne . the second , when we vnderstand that the drinke is immoderate , and for all that , wee respect not our weake nature , which vnawares becommeth cup-shot ; and this is a kind of sinne . the third , when we obstinatelie do perseuere in drinking , and this certainely , is a grieuous and intolerable sinne . the discommodities of drunkennesse . chap. . the discommodities of drunkennesse are many : first , ( c ) it displeaseth god : secondly , it is vndecent and filthie : for doth not a drunken mans eies look red , bloudy , and staring ? doth not his tongue falter ? doth not his breath stinke ? is not his nose fierie and wormeaten ? are not his wits dead , according to that : when the ale is in , witte is out ? doth not his bodie shiuer ? in breefe , what doth not drunkennesse signifie ? it discloseth secrets , it maketh the vnarmed man to thrust himselfe into the warres , and causeth the carefull minde to become quite voyde of care . the third discommoditie of drunkennesse is , that it shorteneth life , defaceth beautie , and corrupteth the whole worlde . for howe can it otherwise bee , when god blesseth not the meate and drinke within our bodies ? fourthly , drunkennesse i● the cause of the losse of time . fiftly , hell gapeth and openeth her mouth wide , that the multitude and wealth of them that delight therein , may goe downe into it . for proofe whereof , i will declare one notable example , taken out of the anatomie of abuses . about twentie yeeres since , there dwelt eight men , citizens and citizens sonnes of swaden a cittie of germanie , who vpon a sunday morning , agreed to goe into a tauerne , and comming to the house of one antonie hage , an honest man , and zealouslie giuen , they called for wine . the good man tolde them that they should haue none , before sermon time was past , and perswaded them to goe heare the woord preached . but they ( saue one adam giebens , who aduised them to heare the sermon for feare of gods wrath ) denyed , saying , that they loathed that kinde of exercise . the good oast neither giuing them any wine himselfe , nor permitting any other , went to the sermon . who being gone , they fel to cursing , & wishing that he might breake his necke before he returned : whereupon the diuell appeared vnto them in the shape of a yong man , bringing in his hand a flagon of wine , & drunke vnto them , saying : good fellowes , be merrie , for you shall ha●e wine inough , & i hope you wil pay me well . then they inconsiderately aunswered , that they would paye him , or else they would gage their neckes , yea , their bodies and soules , rather thē to faile . thus they continued swilling and bibbing so long , till they could scant see one another . at the last , the diuell their tapster told them , that they must needs pay their shot : whereat their hearts waxed cold . but he comforting them , sayd : be of good cheere , for now must you drinke boyling lead , pitch ; and brimstone with me in the pit of hell for euermore . herevpon hee made their eyes appeare like fire , and in breadth as broad as a sawcer : and ere they could call for grace & mercie , the diuell preuented them , & brake their necks asunder . the other adam giebens , who counselled them before to heare gods word , hauing some sparks of faith within him , was preserued from death , by the great mercie of god. after this sort god punished drunkennesse , to the terrour of all such as delight therein . god grant that men hereafter may beware , howe they play the drunkards . for doubtlesse , although he beares with our quaffers heere in england , yet notwithstanding , hee hath prepared heauie punishments for them in the world to come . remedies against intemperance , gluttony , and drunkennesse . chap. . the first remedie against intemperance , gluttonie , and drunkennesse , is the word of god : for e ( e ) it is written , man shal not liue by bread only , but by euerie word that proceedeth out of the mouth of god. the second , they must consider the fasting and pouertie of christ , for when he said , i thirst , that is , i thirst after mans saluation , they gaue him vineger to drinke . the thirde remedie is , that they waigh with themselues the euill , which proceedeth from their vices , and the torments of the rich glutton in hell . the fourth , lette them thinke on the eternall pleasures of the other world , and n hunger & thirst after righteousnesse . the fift , lette them follow socrates aduice , i who admonished men to take heede from eating and drinking those things , which would mooue them not being hungrie , nor thirstie : and also from prying into gentlewomens beauties , lest , as the poets faine , cupid the blinde god of loue , doe perchance shoote and hit them . this reason b clitomachus knew very wel , who if he heard but one talking of loue matters , would immediatly depart away . lastly , let them auoyde idlenesse ; for h idlenesse being taken away , the force of lechery decayeth . of stupiditie or dulnesse . chap. . stupiditie is a voluntarie and too great a suppression of lawful pleasures . this vice r is seldome founde amongst men : for where shall we see any so dull , that hath no taste of pleasures ? all other liuing creatures can iudge and discerne of the meat which they eate : but dull men haue not halfe so much iudgement or discretion . therefore without doubt , they that haue lost their feeling , are no more to be called liuing men , but blocks , or stocks , or rather bruite beastes depriued of sence . there bee some men i confesse , verie bluntish and dull , yet notwithstanding , i dare not say , that they are in such sort infected by reason of this vice , the defect of temperance ; but more likely they are so , because of their vnwholsome & bad complections , or else because of some sicknesse or other . and thus much of the nature of stupiditie . obiection . stupiditie is a meane to obtaine vertue , for it is a bridling of lust : therefore it is no vice . answere . stupiditie is a bridling of lust , but confusedly , without wit or reason . the seuenth part . of magnificence . chap. . e the like difference as is between god & man , between a temple & a sepulcher , such is betwixt magnificēce & liberality : for a magnificence is a vertue , that consisteth in sumptuous & great expences : wheras liberalitie is cōuersāt in smal things , so y ● the one is peculiar to noblemen , and the other to common gentlemen . but in this age it is quite abandoned . they were wont in times past , to patronize and find poore schollers at the vniuersitie : but now , i pray you , who is so noble-minded ? who so vertuous ? they were wont to builde colledges : but now they are readie to pull them downe ; and which is more , if any intendes but to build a free-schoole or an hospital ( which is as seldome seene as a blacke swanne ) wee account him , as they say , one of god almighties fooles . the gentlemen of the innes of court , quoth y ● rich chuffes , weare so much on their backes , as would serue for the building of free-schooles . our sonnes at the vniuersitie spende yeerely in batles , decrements , and bookes , as much at would suffice for the repayring of bridges , high-waies , and such like . those preachers please our mindes best , which preach fayth , and no good workes . this cheape religion we like ; a strong barne , neighbour , is worth fifteene of their freeschooles . but alas , howe can the poore sheepe doe well , when their sheepheardes bee cold in charitie ? when these non residents care not how their flockes thriue ? when the leuits of iesus christ haue alwaies this worldly theoreme in their mouthes : hee ought to bee begd for a foole , that gathereth not for his wife and children ? o politicke worldlings ! o machiauellians ! the papistes , that in a manner builde their whole deuotion vpon good workes , shall rise against you at the day of iudgement : yea , the infidels themselues , who dedicate their substance vnto idols , shall testifie against you . what sayth your nazianzene ? b a man hath nothing so diuine as magnificence , & distribution of goods . what sayth strabo ? c mē thē principally do imitate god , when they benefite . wherefore , o mortall men , both spirituall and temporall , do good while you may , time passeth away , liue mindfull of death . after which you must yeeld account to the almightie iudge , howe you haue consumed your liues and goods . in a word , helpe to aduance and preferre schollers , for * if there be a mecenas , and furtherers of learning , we shal quickly finde virgils and horaces to eternize your names and magnificence ; whereas on the contrarie , a if magnificence and hire of paines be taken away , learning must of necessitie fall to ruine . of liberalitie . chap. . liberalitie is a vertue placed between prodigalitie and auarice , a conuersant most commonly in giuing , & sometimes in receiuing ; whereby not onely the participation of gifts & money are meant , but also the communication of good counsels and duties are vnderstood . all they which exercise this vertue , doe purchase vnto themselues loue and good will , which be of great momēt , either to liue quietly , or to rule without trouble : z their fame shall neuer fall from the earth , and they themselues shall bee highly fauoured of the highest landlord . for b oftentimes when god meanes to send his thunderbolts against the wicked , hee stayeth his hand by reason of their sacrifices & almes . now to come to the anatomizing of liberalitie , i putte downe eight circumstances , whereby a gentleman may become liberal , & so vphold his reputatiō . the first lawe of liberalitie is , to distribute vnto them , who are most worthie : otherwise , he is like a blinde man , when he knoweth not to whō he giueth : namely , he must obserue the order of nature , in preferring his brethren before his cosens , & his cosens before strangers , & a in rewarding of wise men , before sycophāts & pickthanks . the second circumstance is , that a man giue not more , then his abilitie wil afford , but rather he must cut out his coate in proportion according to his cloth : because c repentance followeth hastie liberalitie . the third , hee must not giue to thē , which haue inough alreadie . the fourth , he must not , after he hath bestowed his gifts , cast and hitte men in the teeth with them , or by his prating , cause the remembraunce of his gifts to perish . the fift rule of liberalitie , a man must not hurt one , that he may be liberal to another , for they that do this , are neither to bee accounted beneficall nor liberall , but pernicious . the sixt , he must giue willingly without requesting , for nothing is more deere then that , which is bought by praiers . hitherto appertayneth the apostles saying : as euerie man wisheth in his heart , so lette him giue , not grudgingly , nor of necessitie : for god loueth a cheerefull giuer . the seuenth , lette him respect the place , where hee giueth , that is , whether in an honest house , or in an infamous . the last law of liberalitie is , that it be without shipwracke or losse of the giuers good name . but why doe i decipher that , which nowe a dayes men haue vtterly abandoned ? where in england , nay , where in the world , can i poynt with my finger , & say : there is a liberall man ? alas , al men are become misers , there are none that are liberall , no , not one . o vngrateful wretcheslis not god your landlord , and doth not hee suffer you to enioye his lands without in comes or fines ? onely this is his conditiō , that ye vse the poore well , and cherish the needie : why then are yee couetous , why doe yee not performe his condition , and bee liberall ? it behooues you rather to lay vp riches in heauen , and not to beleeue , that this fickle and doating worlde , is a perpetuall paradise , & that the drossie excrements therof , are hallowed . communicat therfore your goods one vnto another , for treasure remaineth prepared for the godly in heauē . let not the hellish vsurer haue dominion ouer you : he is plutus ( as the poets faigne ) the god of your riches . beware of his fawnings , take heede of his motiues and illusions ; hee commeth disguised in the forme of an angell of light , perswading you by sophistrie , that liberalitie is a vice , that golden duckets are demie gods. but what followeth after all these fallacies ? death , and the vengeance of the highest . to be short , as many as are well disposed to be liberall , let them giue in their liues time , whilst they haue space to giue . it is foolishnesse for any man to defer his liberalitie till after his death : for executors will part stakes ; and besides , almes at that time , will do the giuers no good . of prodigalitie . chap. . h prodigalitie is a foolish and vndiscreete wasting and lauishing of goods : for the which pouertie and late repentance doe ensue . the rare follower of this vice careth not for circumstances , but spendeth his money vpon such things , wherof hee leaueth little remembrance or none at all behind him : he neuer thinks on the variable blasts of fortune : but ignominiously cōsumeth his patrimony in a baudy or infamous house , and if there were giuen him as much money a as the sea turneth vp sand , when it is tossed with the raging winds : yet for all that a prodigall mā will deuour al , & at last will be forced to pill & poll his poore tenāts , supplying his wāts ambitiously by vnlawful means . into the listes of this vice many of our english caualeers & souldiers do enter , who bestow al that they haue on gorgeous raiments & in visiting of queanes : wheras rather they should cōsider with thēselues , b what they are , how they meane to liue hereafter , of what vocation they are , & what profit they may reape by sauing their money . it becommeth them not to follow crowes abroad through thicke & thinne : but to respect , whither they go . it becōmeth thē , i say , not to imitate bedlems , who iourney still that way , where the staffe falleth . god hath appointed euery man to be of some calling or other . to cōclude , they deceiue thēselues in thinking , that prodigality doth ingraffe in thē a kind of liberality : for * many know how to spend , but not , how to giue . the properties of a couetous man. chapt. . the properties of a couetous mā are infinit , but principally these : first a couetous man is an infidel , for he loueth not his brethren , and * he that loueth not , knoweth not god , for god is loue . secondly , he is a theefe , for the goods that hee possesseth , are none of his owne , but gods. man is only constituted as a steward , and must one day to his perpetuall destruction , yeeld an account thereof . further , it is knowen , that * theft , and sundry other vices spring chiefly from couetousnesse . thirdly , a couetous man is a slaue , for he attendeth & wayteth on his money . fourthly , he is in continuall feare and suspition , least theeues robbe him of his treasure , least his ewes haue no good yeaning , least the flouds cary away his milles , and least there happen a wette yeere . fiftly , * a couetous man is alway vexed and agrieued in minde , for if his wife asketh for two shillinges to buy silke , sixe pence for spice or salte ; then hee frets and fumes , yelles and bannes , swearing that she seekes his vtter vndooing . sixtly , hee hath most commonly three keyes or more to his chest , and which is worse , threescore in his heart to keepe them from spending . lastly , a couetous man offendeth against the second commandement , for hee worships idols , in reposing so much confidence in his money . remedies against couetousnesse . chap. . albeit that * nature is little inough to satisfie a niggards mind , because hee is insatiable : yet notwithstanding , i will endeuor to bring him into the right way : first , let him thinke vpon the c fearefull alarums , which god by his prophets sounded against all couetous men . secondly , let him consider the pouertie of christ. thirdly , let him weigh with himselfe , how nature is content with a little , as for example , s elias was glad to eate bread and water : i daniel satisfied himselfe with pulse : n saint iohn baptist liued on locusts and wilde honey . fourthly , let the couetous man keepe good companie , and follow them that are vertuously disposed . fiftly , let him thinke on the euerlasting riches of the other world . sixtly , lette him consider of his ende and death . lastly , let the couetous man examine himselfe , and muse vpon the vnhappie liues and punishments , of such as haue beene couetous . calipha the soldan of egypt , hauing filled a tower with golde and pretious stones , and being in war with allan the king of tartarie , was at last taken captiue by him , & famished in that tower , wherein his treasure lay . more strange is that , which is reported of an archbishop of mogunce , who in the yeere of our lorde . foreseeing that corne would the next yeere be sold at an extreame rate , gathered together great store , and whorded the same vp in certaine garners , which he had built for the same purpose ; not with a godly intent to bring downe the price , but rather to enhaunce it for his own priuate commoditie . but behold the iudgements of god ; his seruants the next yeere ouerturning this whorded corne , founde cleane contrarie to their expectations snakes , adders , and vermine so thicke crept in , that it was impossible to saue ought thereof . the like , as i heard , hapned about a dozen yeeres agoe vnto a wicked niggard here in england . also , to mine owne remembrance , there was one in the yeere . that sent foure bushels of wheat ( euery one consisting of two bushels & a halfe of winchester measure ) into the market , and was offred . shillings for euery bushell , which he refused , hoping to get . shillings more on the next market day . but see the reward of couetousnes : wheat was thē sold for . shillings , & within . markets after for a noble , in somuch that that man , which refused to take . shillings for euery bushell , was now glad to haue a noble for the same . likewise a certain knight of oxfordshire punished very iustly ( but ouerseuerely ) the couetousnes of a priest , that denied the seruice of his office in the burying of a dead body , because his widow had not wherwith to pay him y e costs of the funeral . for the knight himselfe going to the buriall , caused the minister to be bound to y e corps , & so to be cast both into one graue . which done , he rode straightway to the court , & with some intercession begd his pardō of q. mary . the like fact i heard was put in practize by iohn maria duke of millan aboue an . yeers since . what shall i speake of the couetousnes of one peter vnticaro a spaniard ? who with certaine other christians , to the nūber of . hauing bene a long time withholden captiues in alexandria by the great turke , at lēgth in the yeere of our lord . conspired together for their deliuery , & by good lucke killed the gailer , and then entring into his chāber , foūd a chest , wherin were great store of double duckets , which this peter vnticaro , & two more opening , stuffed thēselues so ful as they could therewith , between their shirts & their skin ▪ which th' other christiās wold not once touch , but said , that it was their liberty , which they sought for , to the honour of god , & not to make a mart of the infidels wicked treasure . yet did these words sinke nothing into their stomacks . but within a while after , in a skirmish with the warder of y e prison , p. vnticaro & th' other . that were armed with y e duckets , were slain , as not able to weild thēselues , being so pestered with the weight and vneasie carriage of the duckets . now to end these remedies and fearfull punishments executed on couetous persons , i hold , that s couetousnesse is the roote of all euill , & the cheefest cause why god is offended with vs : to which also by his prophet he pronounceth wo , saying , woe bee vnto them that ioyne house to house , and lay field to field . a dehortation from couetousnesse . chap. . hauing heard so many remedies and fearefull examples , awake yee couetous men , and seeke to bee rich in god , and not in the fraile riches of this world , which consume away like rust , before you haue any fruition of them . distribute your goods vnto the needie , and purchase no more then serues your necessitie : yee knowe not whether your lands and goods shall be taken from you by the turkes , spaniardes , suretiships , fire , subsidies in the time of war , or any other discōmodities . in the yeere . diuers rich farmers and niggardes hearing that the spanish nauie was cōming to inuade this realme , and fearing therby the losse of all their graine and money which they had by the sea side , trāsported as much as they might into safer places : euen so , ye that bee rich , being aduertised of the wauering case of this world , see ye transport so much of your wealth , as possibly you may , into the house and purses of the poore : commit , i say , the custodie of your substaunce to christ himself , who in the day of iudgement will redeliuer the same vnto you with a glorious interest , & with a crown of gladnesse . remember the wordes of christ : ● o fooles , this night shall your soules be taken from you , then whose shall those things bee , which ye haue prepared ? euen theirs , who will make hauocke of them , and neuer thanke you once . forget not what hee commaundeth you in another place . s possesse not gold nor siluer , for r it is hard for them that haue riches , to enter into the kingdome of god : and n it is easier for a cammell to goe through the eye of a needle , then for a rich man to enter into heauen . wherefore , o ye rich , be not like to a dogge lying in the hay , which when he cannot eate himselfe , he will not with his barking , suffer the poore horses to eate thereof . oh resemble not cammels , who though they goe loaden with treasure , yet they eate nothing but hay . in fine , repent and turne to god , for hee is mercifull , and woulde not your destruction : giue almes , and make you bagges which waxe not olde , and a treasure which can neuer faile in heauen , where no theefe commeth , neither moth corrupteth . whether the couetous man be worse then the prodigall . chap. . couetousnes is one of the desires beside nature , and therefore more detestable thā prodigality , which for the most part , issueth from a generous spirit , and hath some tokens of grace and repentance : whereas contrariwise , couetousnes springeth in such , as are of base & dunghilled thoughts , which hardly may bee lift vp from the earth , and is so bred and inueterated in the bone , that it will neuer be rooted out . in a worde , the prodigall man doth good vnto many , by his lauish gifts , & by wise counsels may be brought to the square of liberalitie ; but the couetous man benefiteth none ; and ( as i sayd before ) is incurable , and as it were sicke of a dropsie , by reason of a dayly habite , which he hath taken in coueting . obiection . he that hurteth himself , is worse then he that hurteth another ; but such is the prodigall man : therefore hee is worse then the couetous man. answere . the couetous man hurteth himselfe , and others worse , by keeping that in his chest , which might credite himselfe , and releeue the needie : whereas on the contrarie , the prodigall man purchaseth friendes and good will by his spending , and otherwhiles helpeth others in their distresses . the eight part . of clemencie and courtesie . chap. . not onely reason consenteth , but also experiēce confirmeth , that of whō clemencie is abandoned , in him al other vertues are abolished : for what maketh a man seeme a god ? doth not clemencie ? surely , there is nothing that draweth neerer vnto diuinitie then it . the consideration wherof , procured by the contemplation of the notable frame of man ; prouoketh vs to bee zealous , and earnest to do our neighbour good , as not ignorant , howe that the pure grace and mercie of god , doe shine in euerie iust and honest man. wherefore , let princes , noblemen , and gentlemen , who know what vertue is , consider in howe vast a sea of inconueniences they wade connually for all their superficiall ports . let them , i say , waigh with themselues , that they bee but men ; and if for a momentarie while they frowne , and scorne to looke on their inferiours : what , will not the mightie iehouah , who noteth all mens hearts and gestures , contemne thē likewise : yea , yea , he wil also strike them with most horrible dartes of vengeance : therefore , for feare of the same , let men behaue themselues curteously , and imitate those famous wights , who by their curtesies haue merited perpetual honor . king henry the second of france , hauing in the yeere of our lord . licensed the duke of montmorency cōstable to chastise the rebellion of burdeaux , afterward gaue out a generall absolution , and forgaue euerie man. the like courtesie did the duke of guise , albeit he was a most bloudy tyrant , shewe vnto the prince of condie his prisoner , in that he spake reuerently vnto him , vsed him kindly , and permitted him to lie with him in one bed , which most men did not suppose that hee would haue done : for it is manifest , howe hatefull in ciuill broyles , the head of either faction is , so as if the one happen into the others hand , his vsage most commonly is vngentle , and his life in ieopardie . now by these and such like examples , let vs , who are reformed christians , follow the traces of gentlemen , & not like vnto heathenish canniballes , or irish karnes , persecute one another with capitall enmitie . finally , let vs againe , and againe ponder the wordes of our sauiour christ , who taught vs to bee courteous , and to forgiue our brethren not onely seuen times , but also seuentie times seuen . of modestie and bashfulnes . chap. . he that is impudent and neuer blusheth , is accounted lost , and ought to be banished from all vertuous company : but on a sodaine , * i saw him blush , therefore all is well . o noble modestie ! o honourable affection of the mind ! which deseruest to haue temples & altars dedicated vnto thee , as to a diuine goddesse : for what beautifieth the vertues ? modestie : what bridleth and tameth the furious passions of the mind ? modestie . in yong men shee is the badge of innocency , and greatly to bee commended : but b in old men she is vtterly dispraised ; the reason is , because shame fastnesse being once departed from a man , is irreuocable , and knoweth not howe to returne . but nowe alasse , in this old and spotted age of the world , youths , by reason of their parents fond indulgence , haue exceeded the limits of modestie , and are become so brazen-faced , that they will not sticke to outface & denie that which is most euident : they are i say , become so impudent and base minded , that they wil neither acknowledge any reuerēce to their elders , nor suffer thēselues to be aduised by their equalles , nor as yet look mildly on their inferiors . neuerthelesse , shamefastenesse in despight of al her aduersaries , shal be acceptable among wise men , and guide their hearts , as she did in times past . in the meane time , lette men thinke well of her , and note , whether she graceth yong men ; and then according to the effect , let them choose , whether they receiue her or no , of affabilitie . chap. . affabilitie is either a wittie vse of speech ; or a delightfull recreation of the mind ; or an amiable shew of countenāce . it is a wittie vse of speech , whē a man moueth mirth , either by the quicke chaunging of some sentence , or else by a counterfeit , extrauagant , and doubtful speech , as for example , a gentlemā on a time said vnto a gentlewoman , how now gentlewoman , what , al alone ? she eftsoone wittily answered : not alone , sir , but accōpanied with many honourable thoughts . in like sort , a merrie recorder of london , mistaking the name of one pepper , called him piper : whereunto the partie excepting , said , sir , you mistake , my name is pepper , not piper : the recorder answered : what differēce is there between piper in latin , and pepper in english ? there is , replied the other , as much difference betweene them , as is betweene a pipe and a recorder . affabilitie is a delightfull recreation of the mind , when we laugh moderately at those things , which wisely and chiefely touch some fonde behauiour of some one body , or when wee tickle some vice or other : as if a man should talk of a priuie theefe in this wise ; i haue one at home among all others , to whome there is no doore shut in all my house , nor chest lockt : meaning , that hee is a picklocke and a priuie theefe . howbeit , he might haue spoken these words of an honest seruant . affability is an amiable shew of coūtenance , as whē some great personage resaluteth the people cheerfully , & succoureth euerie one according to his power . whereby , as another s absalon , hee stealeth the hearts of the people . then they speake all , as it were in a diapazon : who can chuse but with all his heart loue this noble minded gentlemā , in whom all the sparks of aswell royall , as reall vertues do appeare ? but on the cōtrary , if a noble man , that is proud and haughty of countenance , should passe by them without any semblaunce of gentlenesse , they will thus descant of him : this man by his stately stalking , and portly gate ouer looketh powles steeple : he is as proude as lucifer , his pride will one day haue a fall . thus they read of him , be he neuer so high of degree : they care not who heares thē : their tounges are their owne . in respect whereof , i wish all gentlemen to behaue themselues affably , and courteously towards their inferiors . for whereby els is a gentleman discerned , saue by his gentle conditions ? let them therfore looke better & prie into themselues , & earnestly charge some of their most faithfull followers , to admonish them of their ouersights at conuenient seasons . of indulgence . chap. . indulgence is a fond , vaine , & foolish loue , vsed most commonly of parents towards their children . there is no vice so abhorred of wise men as this ; for they find by experience , that mo youths haue bene cast away through their parēts indulgence , then either through violent or naturall death . yea , i haue heard sundry gentlemen , when they came to yeeres of discretion , grieuously exclaime , and bitterly complaine of their parents fondnesse , saying : wee would to god that our parents had heretofore kept vs in awe and seuerity ; for now lacking that instruction , which we ought to haue , wee feele the smart thereof . vndoubtedly god wil one day demaund an account of them , and examine them , wherefore they respected not better their owne bowels . shall he blesse them with children , and they through blind indulgence neglect their education ? truly , it is a miserable case . in times past parents were wont to place their sonnes with wise gouernors , requesting them not in any case to let them haue their owne willes . but now adaies it falles out cleane contrary . for parents in these times when they hire a scholemaster , will first hearken after his gentle vsage , and then they will question with him touching the small salary , which they must pay him for his industry , so that forsooth now and then to be mindfull of this vice indulgence , they accept of a sow-gelder , or some pety grammatist , that will not sticke in a foole-hardy moode to breake priscians pate . with such a one they couenaunt , namely , that hee must spare the rodde , or els their children will be spild . within a while after assoone as their indulgent master hath taught them to decline stultus , stulta , stultum , as an adiectiue of three terminations , they bring them out of hand into the vniuersity , and there diligently do enquire after a milde tutour , with whome their tender sonnes might familiarly and fellow-like cōuerse . and what then ? mary , before a tweluemoneths end , they send for them home againe in all post haste to visit their mammes , who thought each day of their sonnes absence to bee a whole moneth . there they bee made sucklings during the next twelue moneth . well , now it is high time to suffer their ready dādlings to see new-fangled fashions at the innes of court. where being arriued , they suite themselues vnto all sorts of company , but for the most part vnto shriuers , caualeers , and mad-cappes , insomuch at the last , it will be their friends hard happe , to heare that their sweet sonnes are eyther pend vp in new-gate for their good deeds , or haue crackt a rope at tiburn . this is the effect of indulgence . this is their false conclusion , proceeding of their false premisses . now you must vnderstand , that if the parents had not thus cockered & 〈◊〉 their sonnes in their childhood , 〈◊〉 caused them to be seuerely looked vnto , they would not in the floure of their age haue come to such a miserable end . in the chronicle of the switzers , mētion is made of a certaine offendour , whom vpon his arraignement his owne father was compelled to execute , that so by the indulgent author of his life hee might come to his death . hither likewise may i referre that common story of a certaine woman in flaunders , who liuing about threescore yeeres agoe , did so much pamper two of her sonnes , that shee would neuer suffer them to lacke money ; yea , shee would priuily defraud her husband to minister vnto them . but at last she was iustly punished in them both , for they fell from dicing and rioting to stealing , and for the same one of them was executed by the halter , & the other by the sword , she her selfe being present at their wofull ends , whereof her conscience shewed her , that her indulgence was the onely cause . this ought to be a liuely glasse to all parents to prouide for their childrens bringing vp , and to purge them betimes of their wild and wicked humours , least afterwards they proue incurable , and of litle sprigs they become hard withered braunches . in briefe , o parents , correct your childrē , while they be young ; pluck vp their weedes , while they beginne , lest growing among the good seed they hinder their growth ; and permit them not so rathe , of prentises to become enfranchised freemen . in so doing , you may be assured , that they will easily be brought to study the knowledge of heauenly wisedome , and to embrace ciuility , the onely butte and marke , wherat the godly & vertuous do leuell , especially for gods glory , for their owne commodity , and for the goodnesse that thereby ensueth vnto the commonwealth in generall . of pride . chap. . pride is a bubbling or puffing of the minde , deriued from the opinion of some notable thing in vs , more thē is in others . but * why is earth & ashes proud ! seeing that when a man dieth , hee is the heire of serpents , beasts , & wormes ? who knoweth not , that god closely pursueth proud men ? who doubteth , that * he thūdreth , and scattereth them in the imaginations of their hearts , that he putteth downe the mighty from their seates , and exalteth the humble and meeke ? in somuch that * he which is to day a king , to morow is dead , wherefore , o wight , whosoeuer thou art that readest this booke , lay aside thy peacocks plumes , and looke once vpon thy feet , vpon the earth , i mean , wherehence thou camest . * though thou thinkest in thine heart , that thou art equall with god , yet thou art but a man , and that a sinfull man. in summe , wish not lordly authority vnto thy selfe , for hee that seeketh authority , must forethinke how hee commeth by it , and comming well by it , how hee ought to liue in it , and liuing well in it , hee must forecast how to rule it , and ruling discreetly , hee must oftentimes remember his owne frailty . of scurrility of scoffing . chapt. . even as i greatly commend affability and pleasant iestes : so i vtterly mislike and condemne knauery in iesting . for toungs were not giuen vnto men to scoffe and taunt , but rather to serue god , and to instruct one another . and as a litle fire may cōsume whole villages : so in like manner the toung , which is a kind of fire , yea , a world of calamity , polluteth the whole body , if it bee not refrained . for which cause , though there be some merry and conceited wit in a iest : yet we must beware , that we rashly bestow it not on them , whom we afterwards would not for any thing offend . therefore the respect of time , & consideration of the person is necessary in lesting . for we must not giue dry floutes at meales , least we be accounted ale-knights : wee must not taunt cholericke men , least they take it in ill part : we must not deride simple felowes , because they are rather to be pitied : nor yet wicked persons , for it behoueth to haue them rather punished , then laught to scorne . whether stageplayes ought to be suffred in a commonwealth ? chapt. . stageplaies fraught altogether with scurrilities and knauish pastimes , are intolerable in a wel gouerned common-wealth . and chiefly for six reasons . first , a all stageplayes were dedicated vnto bacchus the drunken god of the heathen , and therefore damnable . secondly , b they were forbidden by christian parliaments . thirdly , men spend their flourishing time ingloriously and without credit , in cōtemplating of plaies . all other things being spent may be recouered againe , but time is like vnto the latter wheele of a coach , that followeth after the former , and yet can neuer attayne equally vnto it . fourthly , * no foolish and idle talking , nor iesting should be once named amongst vs. fiftly , stageplaies are nothing els , but pompes and showes , in which there is a declining frō our beleefe . for what is the promise of christians at their baptisme ? namely , to renounce the diuell and all his workes , pompes , and vanities . sixtly , * stageplayes are the very mockery of the word of god , and the toyes of our life . for while we be at the stage , wee are rauished with the loue thereof , according to the wise mans wordes : it is a pastime for a foole to do wickedly ; * and so in laughing at filthy things , we sinne . of cruelty . chap. . there bee two sortes of cruelty : whereof the one is nothing els , then * a fiercenesse of the minde in inflicting of punishmēts . the other is a certain madnes , together with a delight in cruelty , of which brood i accoūt thē to be , who are cruell without cause . the causes , that procure cruelty , be three . the first is couetousnesse , for ( as the auncient latin oratour recordeth ) * madnesse is the father of cruelty , and couetousnesse is the mother thereof . the second is violence naturally ingraffed . the third cause of crueltie is ambition , which soweth in it a hope and desire of clyming higher . now to beautifie our subiect with examples , i bring forth first of all galeace sfortia duke of millan , who being wōderful wroth with a poore man , that by chaunce had taken a hare , which he in hunting before had lost , compelled him to eat the same raw , skinne , and all : further , the spaniards of all nations vnder the cope of heauen be most cruell , as appeared by their monstrous and horrible cruelties exercised vpon the miserable indians , whom they , in stead of alluring by faire means to the knowledge of the gospell , made some to be deuoured of dogs , and others to be cast downe headlong from steepe hilles . moreouer , many of our own coūtrymen haue bene eye-witnesse of their barbarous tyrannies . in the yeere of our lord . they brought with them hitherward gagges and such like torments to inflict vpon vs , if by gods mercifull prouidence they had not beene speedily preuented and miraculously confounded ; and i pray god all they may be so serued , that intend cruelly to vsurpe and incroche vpon other mens rights . neither with silence can i ouerskip the cruelties of cardinall albert , archduke of austria , and deputy of the lowe countries on the king of spaines behalfe . this cardinal , about foure yeeres since , hauing taken caleis in fraunce , spared not man , woman , nor child : but tigerlike caused them all to be butchered . likewise about a yeere and a halfe a-goe , the said cardinall departing from the low coūtries , with intēt to be maried vnto the king of spaines sister , that now is , left frauncis mendoza , admirall of aragon , his substitute to wage war in the low countries . but what cruelties this mendoza together with his ragged ●out hath committed within this twelue-moneth , the whole world reporteth ; and especially they of cleue land , his owne confederats to their vtter vndoing , can beare witnesse of the spanish cruelty . god of his goodnesse preserue our realme of england from their rauening clawes , & abate their pride which already beginnes to rise , and to assaile the reformed church of christ. the ninth part . of patience . chap. . patience is a vertue , that is exercised in tolerating mildly of iniurious words , of losse of goods , or of blowes . but alasse wee shall now-adaies sooner find them , that wil do away themselues , rather then they will beare any thing patiently ; the reason of this their impatiēce is , because they know not the effects of patience , which are these following , namely , first , to hope well , and then if any thing happen besides their expectations , to beare the same patiētly . secōdly , * not to be moued without a cause . thirdly , not to giue place to any trouble . fourthly , not to enuy them , which manage , although simply , matters of estate . fiftly , a patient man must spare him , that hath offended him being his weaker , and must spare himselfe , if his stronger hath iniuried him . for what skilleth it , whether fortune alway displeaseth thee ? canst not thou cōtemne her frownes , & accōpany god the authour of all things without murmuring ? consider with thy self , how god tempteth some good men with aduersity , lest that long prosperity should puffe vp their minds with pride , & how he suffereth others to be molested with pensiuenesse and damages , that thereby they might confirme the vertues of their mindes . perhaps thou complainest of sickenesse , or of sturdy seruaunts . admit thou art so vexed , yet notwithstanding remember , that * there is no passion so great , no calamity so grieuous , whose waight mans nature fayleth to sustaine . follow the example of casimire duke of polonia , who playing at dice with a certaine nobleman of his realme , chaunced to winne a great summe of money , and thereupon would needes giue ouer . but the nobleman , whose money hee chiefly wonne , was there at so fiercely moued , that hee stroke his duke , and by the benefit of the night escaped away scotfree . neuerthelesse , the next day following hee was apprehended and brought before the duke , euery man beleeuing , that he should lose his head . yea , many of the barons perswaded the duke to put him to death . whereunto his grace aunswered in this wise : truely , i know no cause , why i should punish him , seeing that , whatsoeuer hee did , was done in rage : my selfe rather am woorthy of blame , for that i vsed such vnseemely gaming ; wee must giue losers leaue to chafe . but to returne to my matter , percase thou art poore : suppose thou be ; canst thou not by study ouerwhelme this griefe ? nature is with a little satisfied . i am banished , thou sayest , and by enuious flatterers brought into disdaine among my chiefest friends . what ? wilt thou therefore torment thy body and mind , and deface the workemanship of god ? no ▪ for these misfortunes are not peculiar to thee alone , but common eyther early or late vnto all mortall creatures . let the freedome of thy banishment comfort thee , as that , which is farre to be preferred before domesticall seruitude . in fine , forget not to thinke vpon those famous wights , who chaunced to be buried in a forraine soile . of anger . chap. . although i haue written of this furious vice * els where : yet notwithstanding , i will aduenture once againe to expresse the same in a more familiar tongue ; & to make it appeare the more easie , i hold anger to be daungerous for nine reasons . first , it is contrary to gods spirit , for where by it wee are borne anew & of wild wolues made tame sheep : so contrariwise anger corrupteth vs , & of sheep reduceth vs to be wolues . secondly , anger permitteth not a man to follow good & wholesome counsels , nor to consider of that , which he hath to do . thirdly , anger is accōpanied with ambition , & causeth a man to slay himselfe , as for exāple , & aiax seing that the grecians had preferred vlisses before him , and had bestowed vpon him the armour of achilles as a recompence of his wisedome , fell mad , and in his madnesse killed himselfe . fourthly , anger maketh a man to reueale secrets like to a drunkard . fiftly , anger diffigureth a man , for it causeth him to stammer and hack in his speech , to waxe red , to looke pale ; yea , it causeth his bloud to boyle , as if there were a torche put vnder : his eies sparkle , he biteth his lips , he beateth the boord with his fist , he stampeth against the ground , and flingeth , and ouerturneth all things , that are next about him . sixtly , anger thirsteth greatly after reuenge . seuenthly , a anger disturbeth all things , and is the cause of all euill . eightly , anger destroieth all the vertues . lastly , b anger is the beginning of madnesse . remedies against anger . chap. . even as they that feare to be besieged , do beforehand prepare victuals to auoid famine , and also bulwarks , and warlike engines to repell the enemy , and defend themselues : so in like maner they , that see themselues naturally disposed to anger , ought to premeditate , and find out beforehand certaine medicines for the same ; with which being made mild , they may resist anger , or at least so temper themselues , that they may not be afflicted . in consideration whereof , i will sette downe tenne kindes of salues . the first is , that the angrie man c let not the sunne go downe vpon his wrath : nor delay it , for feare lest delayed anger breede hatred . the second remedie , the angrie man must haue a lowly and humble spirit , and * addict his mind to pietie , and to the reading of the scriptures . the third , he must not be too credulous , curious , nor superfluous in any thing . the fourth , he must perswade himselfe , how that euerie man is by nature , dull , weake , and fraile , and therefore hard for his seruants to please him . the fift salue against anger is , that the angrie mā reade the treatises of philosophers concerning patience , and gather some flowers thereof into a breuiarie . the sixt , he must whē some haue offended him , repeate ouer some tract or other , before hee bee throughly angrie . the seuenth , let the angrie man bethink with himselfe , touching the ilfauoured countenance of such , whom hee saw angrie ; and when he himselfe is angrie , hee must take a looking-glasse in his hand , and therein beholde the fashion of his face , and whether it bee altered or no. the eight , the angrie patient must eschew such meates as ingender choller , and eate the contrarie : and , if yet he amende not , hee must repaire to the phisicion , and either purge that cholericke humour , or else vse phlebotomie . the ninth , lette him muse vpon the passion of our sauiour christ. the tenth and last salue is , that hee waigh with himselfe the vncertaintie of this life , and consider of the ioyes of heauen , and of the torments of hell . remedies against aduersitie , and losse of worldly goods . chap. . when i consider with my selfe the instabilitie of this fickle worlde , and beholde the aduersitie , which sundrie honest men sustaine , i am prickt in conscience , and enforced to impart those fewe medicines which i knowe , vnto the view of the worlde . z gold and siluer haue i none , yet such as i haue , that giue i vnto you . my first remedie is , that the afflicted person haue recourse to god , & heartily beseech his maiestie to forgiue him all his sinnes . the second , the distressed patient must beleeue , that all aduersities whatsoeuer , tend to some scope or other , namely , for our misdemeanours towardes god , or for our triall : and for this cause it is expedient , that hee reioyce and bee glad , that god hath such a respect vnto him , in chastizing him in this worlde . the third remedie is , that hee perswade himselfe to bee free , and his owne man : whereas others liue in subiection to their diuelish pelfe , and are toyled with legions of troubles . this the patient philosopher confirmeth : whosoeuer ( quoth hee ) careth and feareth the losse of worldly things , or wisheth for temporall goods , is not his owne man , nor at libertie . the fourth salue for aduersitie is , that the patient man read ouer the scripture diligently , and there beholde , as in a cleere glasse , the aduersitie and pouertie of christ & his disciples . the fift remedie in such a case is , to n confer with some familiar friend : for that easeth the minde , and by talking thus in counsell with a faithfull friend , the spirits recouer their former vertue and strength . the sixt , that he either reade himselfe , or heare some other reading the treatises of morall philosophie , namely , seneca the philosopher , plutarch , boetius , and petrarch . the seuenth , that he b resolue himselfe to be cōstant , stout , and patiēt , for it is a fond thing to seeke the auoyding of that , which cannot by any meanes bee auoyded . the eight medicine is , that hee premeditate with himself , after what maner he might beare his aduersitie , that is , whether it be better to dwell in his owne country , or in a forraigne land : and whether hee should applie himselfe to this or that occupation : the ninth reason is to remēber , that a mans minde is more vehemently stirred vp to religion in aduersitie , rather thē in prosperitie . the tenth and last is , to busie himselfe with labours , & to exercise his body dayly , that thereby he may the sooner forget his woonted griefs . there be some , that giue three naturall purgations or remedies for sorrow , to witte , weeping , sighing , fasting . but these in my iudgement are very hurtful , for they impaire the force of the body , & deface the handie-worke of god. the tenth part . of friendship . chap. . friendship ought to be had in regard among mortall men , chiefely for seuen reasons : first , because s there is a certain desire of friends , to know the miseries of their friends . secondly , friendshippe ought to be respected for the friendly similitude , which is between god & good men . thirdly , because i there is nothing more agreeable to nature , and more conuenient , as well to prosperitie , as to aduersitie , then it . fourthly , for that one friend will helpe another in doubtfull matters . fiftly , n a friend will defend a friend in his absence . sixtly , friendshippe is prayse-worthie among men , because it is regarded among birdes , and also , among things which are without life : as for example , there is friendshippe betweene the peacocke and the doue : betweene the chough and the heron : vines loue the elme tree : the mirtle likewise is a friende to the oliue : and if the almond growe alone , it prooueth altogither vnfruitfull . lette vs prie into mineralles , and we shall see friendshippe betwixt the loadstone and the iron , and betweene the emerald and golde : if wee consider of heauenly bodies , wee shall finde , that mercurie , luna , sol , and iupiter , are friendes to saturne , and that mars and venus are his enemies . all the planets sauing mars and saturne , are friendes to iupiter . finally , among friendes al things are common , for n a friend is a second selfe . howe a man should know his friend . chap. . many there bee , that meeting by chance either in trauelling , or at ordinaries , do beleeue , that frō that instāt a sure league of friendshippe is established betweene them , which in good truth can neuer bee so , by reason that in the time of triall there is no more effect of such friends , then betweene the crowe and the kite , of whom ( as the fable goeth ) when it happened to the one to bee bare of plumes , and would needes borrow some , the other answered , that hee had no more then was sufficient for him . of this ranke was king richard the second of this realme , who in the yeere of our lorde . created henrie bolling brooke earle of darby , duke of hereford , and foure other earles , at that time made hee dukes , and parted landes among them , thereby thinking to haue gotten firme friendes . but boughtfriendes are seldome sure , as being like vnto arabian ●auens , who so long as they are full , doe make a pleasant noyse , but being emptie , they yeelde a fearefull crie . so in like maner it chanced to this king richard , as being shortly after deposed by the duke of hereford ( afterwarde king henrie the fourth ) whom , as i say de before , he had friendly aduaunced to that honour . wherefore a man that would bee circumspect , and know his friend , must principally knowe these positions . first , lette him consider , whether his friend bee ambitious : because that z ambition is fearefull , and for the least crosse of fortune , wil forsake true friendship . secondly , whether his friend bee couetous , for that a couetousnesse selleth friendshippe , faith , and honestie . thirdly , let him prooue his friend aforehand in matters of importance , for if he then go forwarde with a readie affection , hee may bee assured of him against the next time : but if hee once stagger , or seeme colde that way , hee knoweth what he hath to doe . of flatterie . chap. . flatterie is hardly discerned from friendshippe , by reason that in euery motion of the minde , it is glozingly intermingled with it , but in their deedes they are meere aduersaries , for flatterie dissenteth from it in al vertuous actions . this a wife man will soone espie , and that especially by these tokens . first , a flatterer is accustomed to prayse a man before his face , and yeeldeth his consent with him in all matters , as well bad as good . secondly , a b flatterer is wont to commend the deformitie of his friend , when hee is present , and to admire his stammering voyce . thirdly , a flatterer , when a man hath neede of him , turneth his backe . fourthly , a flatterer will take vpon him at first to contradict a man , & by little & little hee will yeeld as vanquished , and will shake handes with him : these bee the properties of a flatterer , of whome let euerie honest man beware ; for ( as the poet sayth ) * wicked poyson lurketh vnder the sweetest honey . and it is better to fall among a companie of crowes , then to come among flatterers , because they will not pecke a man till hee bee dead , whereas flatterers will not spare to deuoure a man being aliue . obiection . a flatterer will smoothe and consent with you in all things , therefore hee is not vitious . answere . a flatterer is either an ape by imitation , for hee will soothe a man so long till hee hath gotten somewhat by him . a shadow by deceite , for he quickly passeth . a basiliske by stinging , for with his very sight hee woundeth a man. of ingratitude , with a remedie against it . chap. . because ingratitude is the greatest token of all vices , and because the earth bringeth foorth nothing worse then an ingratefull man : i will anatomize both the vice , and the louer thereof : first , in respect of our vnthankfulnesse towardes god , and next , in consideration of so many ingratefull wretches , that liue in these accursed dayes . our first parents hauing receiued vnspeakeable benefites at the handes of god , as beeing created by him after his owne likenesse , and then constituted as monarchs ouer all other liuing creatures , shewed themselues ingratefull for the same , by eating of the forbidden apple . whose examples wee imitating , doe persist , or rather surpasse them in ingratitude , as , in forgetting gods exceeding loue , when he spared not his onely begotten sonne , but gaue him euen to shamefull death for our saluation . moreouer , wee are vnthankfull vnto him for his singular care and fauour , which hee exhibited in opening our stone-blinde eyes , and in lifting vs out of the darke pitte of errours , wherein our forefathers by the illusions of the fiende , and of his member the pope , were enthralled , and in a maner sunke . wee are vnthankfull towardes men , when wee deface with forgetfulnesse the good turnes which wee haue receiued of our friendes . this abominable kinde of vsage is at this instant too much practised by our owne countrymen and neighbours : for it so comes to passe , that the greater the benefites are , the greater most oftentimes is the ingratitude : and i knowe not who among the rest bee more vnthankfull , then children towardes their parents , and schollers towardes their teachers , who in steede of thankes , doe recompence them with disobedience , lyes , curses , slaunders , and what not ? o detestable sinne ! not the fowles of the ayre , who altogether are ignorant of reason , haue euer exercised the same . wee reade , that * a yong man falling by chaunce among theeues , and crying out , was saued by a dragon , who by him being nourished , straightway knewe his voyce , and came to helpe him . it is sayde of the storke , that so often as shee hath yong ones , shee casteth one out of her nest into the chimney , for a guerdon and rewarde vnto him , that suffered her to lodge there . oh , i would , that all they which delight in the contrarie , had beene subiect to the persian king , for doubtlesse then they would repent them of their ingratitude , when they should see their neckes in the halter . the persians knewe , that r the man , which of benefits receiued proued vnthankfull , was not worthie to liue . lette men therefore beware , whom they accept into their fauour and houses , for it may be , their ghestes will become as gratefull vnto them , as the adder , whome the husband man , finding almost dead in the snowe , brought home and cherished . s which adder being thus entertained , within a while after in lieu of his fostering , infected all the whole house with his poyson . now touching a preseruatiue against this vice of ingratitude , mine opinion is , that men haue a good respect howe they bestow their benefites , a seeing it is impossible for a wise man to bee vnmindfull of a good turne : and if they conferre their giftes vpon fooles , they are worse then mad , because they shall perceiue in the end , that a fooles acquaintance will stand them in no steade . of hatred , and the punishment thereof . chap. it is strange nowe-a-dayes to see , how one man is a woolfe to another , and how their whole imaginations are set on nought else , saue on destruction and bloud . although they speake gently , and vtter the wordes of the holy prophets , yet * in their mustie mindes they repose the foxes subtilties , and hating their brethren , are s as sounding brasse and tinkling cimballes . for which cause , lette not beastes excell vs , who are wont to conuerse with all other of the same kinde , and doe right kindly loue together . lette vs not , i say , bee at variance amongst our selues , and suffer the diuell to haue his tryumphant will , by prouoking vs to further mischiefe , and like promooters , to lay trappes for our enemies . to fall out for euerie strawe , and to reuenge euerie iniurie , is as if one member of the body should rebell against another : and to say the truth , doe we not dayly see , howe these kindes of contentious men are ouermet withall , and ouerthrowne in their owne inuentions ? albeit they flourish for a while , yet notwithstanding , at last they haue their deserts : for god , when hee strikes , strikes home , and to the quicke . for manifestation wherof , i will propose certaine late examples , and which haue chanced within this last age . in the yeere of our lord . ceasar borgias determining to poyson a cardinall , and others , inuited them to supper , and for that purpose , sent before a flaggon of wine that was infected with poyson , by a seruant , that knew nothing of the matter , commanding that no man should touch them : but such is the iudgement of god , who in the execution of iustice , raiseth one tyrant to kil another , and breaketh the brands of fire vpon the head of him that first kindled it : pope alexander the sixt , cesar borgias his father , comming by aduenture in somewhat before supper , and ouercome with the exceeding drought of the weather , called for drinke : and because his own prouision was not as thē brought from the palace , he that had the infected wine in charge , thinking it to bee recommended to his keeping for wine most excellent , gaue the pope to drinke of the same wine , which cesar borgias his bastard sonne had sent : who likewise arriuing , while his father was drinking , drunke also of the same wine ; being but iust , that they both should tast of the same cup , which they had prepared for others . in the yeere of our lord . the duke of guise purposing to sacke the citie of orleans , wrote vnto the queen mother , that within foure and twentie howres after he would send her word of the taking of orleans , wherein hee would not spare any man , woman or childe whatsoeuer : and that after hee had kept his shrouetide therein , hee would in such sort spoile and destroy the towne , that the memorie thereof should be extinct for euer . but man purposeth , and god disposeth : for the same day , as the duke about euening returned from the camp to the castle , where he lodged , minding to execute that , which he had written vnto the queene , a yong man named iohn poltrot , hauing long time before intended to giue the stroke , stayed for him in the way , as hee returned to his lodging , and discharged his pistoll laden with three bullets at him , whereof the duke presently after died . in like maner the duke his sonne , hauing occasioned that bloudy massacre at paris in the yeere . and purposing in the yeere . vtterly to roote the protestants out of the realme , was himselfe slaine through the commaundement of the french king his soueraigne , whom he a litle before most traiterously had iniuried . by these and such like examples , let vs take heed , how wee entrap one another ; yea , let vs beware , how we curse & lay in waite for our chiefest enemies . vengeance is gods , and he will reward . briefly , let vs embrace loue , and friendly agree together in christ iesu. for * loue deferreth wrath : it is bountifull : loue enuieth not : loue doth not boast it selfe : it is not puffed vp : it reioyceth not in iniquity , but in the truth : it suffereth all things : it beleeueth all things : it hopeth all things : it endureth al things . of enuy. chap. . not without reason are vices named brutish , for they be all borrowed from brute beasts . niggardize we haue from the hedgehog : pride from the lion : anger from the wolfe : gluttony frō the beare : sluggishnesse frō the asse : & enuy from the dog . all which saue enuy may sophistically be iustified : as for example , niggardize is shadowed vnder the number and care of wife and children , and otherwhiles vnder the vaile of pouerty . pride pleadeth , that familiarity breeds contempt , and that she must obey the importunity of the times . anger alleadgeth the ingratitude of men , the indignity of iniuries , the disparagement and shame , that may follow by too much patience . gluttony sheweth , that hee hath a strong constitution of body , a good stomack to his meat , and therefore hang sorrow and kill care . sluggishnesse declareth , that labour and study consume the vitall spirites , that he , which sleepes well , thinkes no harme , and he that thinks no harme , pleaseth god. thus euery vice for the most part can shrowd it selfe vnder some cloake or other . but , enuy , where is thy excuse ? truly , thou hast nothing to say for thy selfe . onely thou meanest to escape away scotfree , because thou art concealed in mans heart , as being like vnto a tree , which in outward appearaunce seemeth to be most beautifull , and is full of faire blossomes , but inwardly is rotten , worme-eaten , and withered . now a-daies thy subiects beare all the sway , they put men by the eares , they are the petifoggers , they the politicians , and who but they ? alasse , * there is no man , that enuieth not another mans prosperity . what then shall we further expect ? nothing , but the comming of the great iudge . wee see all things fulfilled ; wee see the father enuious against the sonne , the sonne against the father ; to bee short , wee see one brother enuious against another . now is that golden prophesie of the greeke oratour come to passe : to wit , * when equity and the common good are ouerturned by enuy , then must wee thinke that all things are turned topsy turuy . examples aswell domesticall as forraine be infinite concerning enuy : howbeit at this time i will rehearse but one , and that a forraine one . in the yeere of our lord . the duke of medina , seing that our english fleet had burnt the spanish nauy , & had takē the towne of cales , and doubting that the other nauy , which he had at s. lucas would either be compelled to yeeld , or pay ransome , was so enuious of our happy successe , that he caused it immediatly to be set on fire , so that to spare a reasonable redemption , he rashly lost twelue millions of gold , which ( as it is credibly reported ) the nauy valued . amongst other sins , which the turks account deadly , this of enuy is not held to be the least . for ( say they ) no man whatsoeuer shall euer come to the ioyes of paradise , although in all other things he be neuer so dutifull to please god , except he be first throughly cleansed frō this sinne of enuy. repent therfore , thou sensuall and enuious man , and aske god forgiuenes from the very bottome of thy heart . repent , i say , and god will heale thy * wound , which chirons hand can neuer do : no nor phoebus , nor aesculapius , phoebus his deare sonne ; no nor all the world besides . of calumniation and slaunder . chapt. . even as they , which lay siedge vnto cities , do not inuade their enemies ; where they see the walles strong and massy , but where they perceyue there is small resistance , and where they see the place easie to be scaled : so they , that pretend to backbite & slaunder others , do note what is most pliable and weake in the hearers mind , that thereto they may conueigh their artillery , and bring in their weapons , which are falshood , craft , and periury . this done , they tickle the hearers eares , and rubbe them as it were with a pen : so that most cōmōly the accusers are beleeued , & they , that are accused , are not called to giue answere . but in my iudgement they , that lend their eares to these curre-dogs barking , are no lesse to be reproued , then the barkers themselues , because they winke at such imperfections , & will not exchange stripe for stripe , i meane , because they will not punish and correct such slaunderers . of this brood i reckon many of our raskall trencherknights , who not onely wind themselues in by subtill deuices , but also set their tongues to sale for a morsell fo pasty-crust , and take a delight to sow dissention betwixt man and wife , and betwixt brother and brother . examples i need not produce , for our pillories beare euident witnesse of their slaunderous dealings . leaue therfore to accuse your brethren , to snap honest men by the shinnes , and to raile and scoffe at them , that will not in any case intermeddle with you . be like vnto newe borne babes , and couet the milke of loue , that so you may not bee guilty of that sentence , which the holy ghost pronounced , namely , that * whosoeuer hateth his brother , is a man-slayer . the eleuenth part . of the intellectuall vertues . of art ; and whether art be better then nature ? chap. . this name of art hath foure significations . first , it is taken for the vniuersall perfection of art , which wee comprehend in god. so we say , that * the world , and all that therein is , were made by gods art . secondly , the name of art is put for the similitude and shadow of that , which shineth in beasts , birds , flies , & such like . in this sence it is said , that the spider shewed vnto vs the art of spinning . the bee taught vs to conforme things in order . the fish learned vs the art of swimming . thirdly , the name of art is extended to the general habit of the mind , as farre forth as we do any thing by it , that is seperated from nature . so grammar , rhetorick , musick , arithmetick , logick , geometry , and astronomy are called artes. likewise in this sence prudence is named the art of composing mans actions : science the art of discerning the truth . fourthly , the name of art is taken for that true forme of art , which is distinguished from the other habites of the mind , as farre forth as it is defined an habit of the mind ioyned with true reason , apt to effect . in this signification i terme it here an intellectuall vertue . herehence ariseth that doubtfull question , to wit , whether art be better then nature ? to this i aunswere negatiuely , perswaded specially by these three reasons . the first , * the essence of a thing is better then the accident of a thing : nature is an essence , & art an accident , therefore nature is better then art. the second , nature worketh inwardly , and altereth the inward habit of the mind , but art only effecteth outwardly , & chaungeth the outward forme : therefore art is not better then nature . finally , nature is ioyned with god , according to that common sentence , god & nature do make nothing in vaine : but art is ioined with man , and by reason of mans weakenesse is subiect to innumerable errours : therefore nature is farre better then art. obiection . that which is later in birth , is first in excellency and perfection : art is in birth later then nature : therefore it is more excellent in perfection . aunswere . your rule onely holdeth in corruptible things , namely , while that which is first stayeth for the next which followeth . but when the essence is compared with the accident ( as now it is ) the essence is farre more excellent , and by a consequence nature is better then art , and your sentence false . of science or knowledge . chap. . the name of science is taken foure maner of waies . the first , it is vsed for euery certaine knowledge of a thing . so wee say that the snow is white , the crow black , the fire hot . the second , the name of science is taken for euery true habite of the mind separated from the knowledge of the sences ; in which signification hippocrates proued phisick to be a science . the third , it is vsed more properly for euery habit gotten by demonstration , separated from the habit of actiō : in this sence supernatural philosophy is named the chiefest science . the fourth , the name of science is takē more strictly for a habit gotten by demonstration separated from wisedome ; in which last signification naturall philosophy , & the mathematickes are called sciences , and supernaturall philosophy is termed humane diuinity . the benefits , that come by this intellectuall vertue , are three . first , it aswageth mans mind beyng rude and barbarous , and maketh it capable of true reason . secondly , science setleth a mans mind in constancy and discretion , that he may spend his life to the welfare and good estate of his countrey . thirdly , it causeth a man to end his dayes honourably , with an vndoubted beliefe of euerlasting life . of vnderstanding . chap. . vnderstāding is an habit of the mind , whereby as with an eye wee behold the principles aswell of practise as of contēplation . i say with an eye , because that the same , which the sight is in the body , vnderstanding is within the soule . this vertue is the reward of faith , * the spirit of god , y t sunne that giueth glorious light vnto all the world . in a word , this vertue * is as it were the guide & gouernesse of the soule . and yet all mē are not endued therewith , for now & then it hapneth , that we know more then we vnderstād . and except we pray feruētly vnto god , we cannot with all our paines & worldly labours attaine vnto it . our eyes are blinded , and must be opened . christ , i meane , must breathe on vs , that we may receyue the holy ghost . the consideratiō of this moued anaxagoras the philosopher to affirme , that * vnderstāding was the cause of the world , and of all order . this likewise moued the prince of philosophers to * proue the immortality of the soule by vnderstanding . to be brief , by the help of this vertue the soule seeth god , and examineth the first causes of nature and vniuersall formes . of prudence . chap. . all the authority and maiestie of a prince cōsisteth in the opiniō of prudence ; for euen as the sicke man obeyeth the wise physician , and the passenger hearkeneth vnto the skilfull pilot : so in like maner subiectes are obedient vnto their prudent prince , & will gladly follow whatsoeuer he prescribeth vnto them . o peerelesse paragon ! o noble prudence ! thou a rairest downe knowledge and vnderstanding , and bringest to honor , thē , that possesse thee . thou defendest our commonwealth from the spanish yoke . b thou holdest the supremacie in felicity , and sauest vs from aduersity . take away this iewell , & our liues will be filled with folly , wickednesse , and barbarisme . this politiciās do very wel know ; for how is it possible , that a common-wealth should be well ruled , vnlesse the gouernours thereof do perfectly & prudently vnderstand the nūber of souldiers , the loue of the leaguers , the scituation of the countrey , & the nature of the inhabitaunts ? king henry the seuenth therefore her maiesties graundfather deserueth great commendations , in that hee kept a priuate booke for that purpose , & therein registred the force of his realme , & the treasure , which yeerely his officers receiued into the excheker . as concerning the nature of people , i find that windy places do make men sauage , and inconstant , and that in calme countreys they become ciuill & courteous . also , we see , that they , which dwell neere the sea , and farre from london , are for the most part more fierce and hardy , then those , which liue in the midst of england . moreouer , it behoueth a prudent man to consider , that some kind of people be angry by nature , some be impudent , some fearefull , and othersome be giuen to newfangled fashions , to drunkenesse , and lechery . in like maner , a the nature of englishmen is to be couragious , to neglect death , to abide no torment , and therfore b in no place shall you see malefactours go more constantly , more assuredly , and with lesse lamentation to their death , then in england . the nature of welshmen is kind , haughty , and prodigall of life and bloud . the irish are accounted rude and couragious : which doubtlesse proceeds of their countries cold climate : for , as the philosopher saith , * they that liue in the north , and in a cold countrey are commonly called treacherous . to end this chapter of prudence , i thinke it expedient , that a prudent man yeeld vnto the necessity of the time , and take heed , that anciēt lawes & customes be not altered , because * they are the foūdations of a cōmonwealth , whereof if any be changed , the whole building must consequently fall to wrack and destruction . of sapience or wisedome . chap. . wisedome among the auncient heathen was no other thing , but a certaine kind of prudence to manage and handle great causes & matters of policy , a which profession beginning in solon , did cōtinue , and was taken vp from man to man as a sect of philosophy . but wisedome among christians hath obtained a higher title , to wit , a knowledge to expound the word of god concerning our saluation redeemed through his sonne iesus christ. this is that diuine vertue , which was ordayned from euerlasting , before any thing was made : b before the earth , the seas , the hilles , and the riuers were , she was conceyued and brought forth . when god prepared the heauens , shee was present : when hee enuironed the sea with her bankes , and layd the foundations of the earth , shee was with him , making all things : and shee delights to be with the children of men . the chymistes write , that one dragme of their power of proiection will turne a thousand dragmes of any mettall into gold . what then shall the least grayne of the celestiall powder of wisedome be able to effect ? verily , it will lift whole milliōs of soules out o● sathans net , and will transport them vp into the highest spheare : where for euer residen● , they shall enioy vnspeakeable pleasures . for this cause the emperour charles the fourth went on a time to a colledge in prage , to heare diuinity disputations there , and remained standing aboue foure howres . and when his courtiers , to whome that kind of exercise seemed irksome , told him , that his supper was ready , hee aunswered , that the hearing of those disputations was more pleasant vnto him , then all the suppers in the world . what greater testimonies of fauour towards wisedome can we wish , thē those of the princes of england , who frankly and freely granted such large charters & priuileges vnto the . vniuersities of this realme ? surely i should be too ingrateful , if i do not remēber in this place elizabeth our gracious soueraigne , who so spareth neither care nor means to preferre scholers , that shee meriteth the name of the nurse of wisdome . next , the lord archbishop of canterbury , that now is , deserueth to be had in remembrāce , in that hee daily purgeth the church of spots and schismes , and aduaunceth all students , euery man according to his desertes . likewise , sir thomas egerton lord keeper so tendereth & fostereth the professours of true wisedome , that he is worthily named the reuiuer and restorer of wisedome : yea , i haue heard it sundry times blazed , that englād neuer had the like zealous patron of scholers . there be also other furtherers of wisedome , whome i leaue to name , by reason that our bookes , which continually are published , do royalize and eternize their heroical names . god continue them in their noble minds . to finish this discourse , i aduise al mē both high and low , which haue an entraunce in them towards god , to coūtenaunce the followers of wisedome , and to strike an euerlasting league of amity with them . as for worldly wisedome , i wish them not so pretiously to esteeme it , as they doe : for what else are the wise men of this world , saue gay politicians , machiauellians , and niggards , falsely vnder the colour of wisemen , purloyning the poore , and preparing their owne selues to be ▪ scourged of the diuell , and to bee scorched in the fierie flames of hell ? of the ignorance of our times . chap. . n alas , what ignorance leadeth wretches astray , and bringeth them into a wrong way cleane contrarie from happinesse and knowledge ? the egyptians accounted it a most grieuous calamitie , to endure the e darknesse which god sent them by moyses but three dayes . howe much more ought wee to bee afraide , when wee remaine all our liues time in the night of ignorance ? manie there bee , that wish our colledges to be vtterly suppressed , and our schooles of learning to bee made barnes or wooll-houses , which were euen to wish vs peasaunts and witals like themselues . but god forbid , that any such ignorant wishes should be fulfilled . sooner z shall the earth bring foorth starres , and the heauens be eared with plowes : then that barbarisme and ignorance should in such sort ouerflow vs. take the sunne out of the firmament , and the light from the skie : what else would the world seeme , saue a massie chaos , or a rude and confused lumpe ? in like maner , if learning bee extinguished , would not wee become dizarts or cuckoes ? nay , to seeke the decay and abolishing of learning , is to prepare a way for atheisme , & consequently , to put a mart or market for the diuell . o foolish libertines , and besotted with too much pleasure ! you know , how to prize a fat bullocke , howe to buy this tenement or that tenement of landes , and hauing bought it , you know how to marle it , trim it , and stocke it ; you knowe right well howe to defray your money , to defraud your brethren of that , which god hath allotted vnto them . to bee short , you know howe to winke at iniustice , to receiue bribes , to fawne , and otherwhiles to pawne your credite for your priuate commodities : yea , & which is worse , you know holes , crochets , and quiddities , whereby you may ( as you thinke ) redeeme , or indeed infringe your pawned credite . and yet notwithstanding for all this , you make your selues so blinde , that you list not to know , where perfect goodnesse lyeth hidden . wherefore in fine repent , ( a ) cause your eares to hearken vnto wisedome , and encline your hearts to vnderstanding : for if you call after knowledge , and crie for vnderstanding , if you seeke her as siluer , and search for her as treasures , then shall you vnderstand the feare of the lord , and finde the knowledge of god. the end of the first booke . the second booke of the golden-groue moralized . the first plant. of a family , and the diuision thereof . chap. . because euery commonwealth is composed of families , & the parts of a familie bee those , whereof it is immediatly compacted : i will first declare , what a familie is , and then lay down the diuision therof . a familie is a cōmunion and fellowship of life betweene the husband & the wife , the parents & childrē , and betweene the master and the seruant . now touching the diuision of a family , i finde , that it is diuided into foure parts , whereof the first is matrimoniall , that is , of man and wife , the second is fatherly , to wit , of parents and children : the third part is masterly : namely , of masters & seruants : the fourth is , the acquisitiue , or getting facultie . all which parts of a family , i mean , god willing , to decipher . there be foure kinds of matrimonie . chap. . very children knowe , that there bee foure kinds of matrimonie : namely , that of honour , of loue , of toyle , and of griefe . the matrimonie of honor is said to be tripartite . the first is metaphysical , and supernatural , wherby god and mans nature do mystically meete together . the effect whereof , was in the incarnation of our sauior christ. the second degree of the matrimonie of honour is , when god & the soule are combined , euen by grace and glorie . the third is , when god & his church meete together , and are vnited in one mystical body . the matrimonie of loue is , when an honest man and an honest woman are linked together by god , for the propagation of mankind . the matrimony of toyle , & that which is most cōmon in this last rotten world , is , when men choose wiues not by the eares , that is , for their good report ; but by the fingers , to witte , for their large dowries ; not in hope of issue , but in regard of their outward beautie , which fadeth away like the lillies of the fielde . the matrimonie of griefe is nothing else , but the coniunction of the wicked and the reprobate : this kinde of matrimonie was of late veeres put in vre and vse , by the sect of the family of loue . the causes why matrimonie was instituted . chap. . god hauing finished the workmāship of the world , created of euery sexe two , male & female , & last of al he made man after his own image , giuing him for a copartner , a womā formed of the mans own rib , whō coupling together in matrimonie , he blessed , saying : increase , multiplie , and replenish the earth . the causes why he instituted matrimonie , bee fiue ; the first , for the lawfull generation of children in his feare , euen in the time of innocencie , before man had sinned . the second , for the auoiding of vnclean fornicatiō . the third cause , for the mutuall & reciprocall consolation and succour , which the one might minister vnto the other in distresses . the fourth , to be a token or type of the ecclesiasticall marriage betweene christ & vs. the fift cause of the institution of matrimonie is , that aduersaries might be reconciled by meanes of it , and made perpetuall friendes . how excellent a thing matrimonie is . chap. . among all the societies of this life , there is none so naturall , as that betweene man and wife . for ( as wee see ) all other societies are accused of free will and election : but matrimonie proceedeth not onely of election and free will : but also of necessitie . the excellencie of it appeareth by foure reasons . first , matrimonie is auncient , as is manifest by the time and place , where it was instituted , and h euerie good is so much the more excellent , by howe much the more auncient it is . secondly , matrimony was sanctified by god , and graced by his sonne our redeemer iesus christ his presence , * at cana a citie in galilee , where he wrought his first miracle in his humanitie by turning water into wine . thirdly , marriage , as saint paul writeth , is honourable among all : and euerie honourable thing is more eligible then that , which is not honourable . fourthly , matrimonie is excellent , because two are better then one . fiftly , matrimonie is notable , because it carrieth with it a shew of grauitie , and hath greater priuiledges : as in florence at this day , he that is father of fiue children , straightway vpon the birth of the fift , is exempted from all impostes , subsidies , and lones . also , heere in england , a married man is not so soone prest into the warres as singlemen or batchelers . in a worde , nothing within the rounde circle of this world is comparable to matrimonie . what a wonderfull marriage is between the sunne and the earth ? the sunne is the male , and with his vegetatiue heat , quickneth and nourisheth all earthly things : the earth is the female , and conceiueth trees and plants . if we behold metals , we shall finde that gold and siluer are married ( i meane not in a niggards chest ) for if a leafe of gold be put to a leafe of siluer , they will be so vnited , that they can neuer bee seuered . what more shall i adde to this induction ? he that shunneth marriage , and auoydeth societie , is to bee esteemed a wicked wretch ( as the pope is ) or more then a man , as hee whom homer reprehendeth , saying : that hee was tribelesse , lawlesse , and houselesse . after what maner the auncients solemnized matrimonie . chap. . the rites of matrimonie were diuers ▪ according to the diuersities of nations . the grecians accustomed to burne before the doore of the newe married the axletree of that coach , wherein she was brought to her husbands house , letting her to vnderstand , that she was euer after to dwell there . among the romanes s the future couple sent certaine pledges one to another , which most commonly they themselues afterwardes being present , would confirme with a religious kisse . and when the mariage day was come , the bride was boūd to haue a chaplet of flowers or hearbes vpon her head , and to weare a girdle of sheeps wooll about her middle , fastned with a true-loues knot , the which her husband and must loose . herehence rose the prouerbe : hee hath vndone her virgins girdle : that is , of a maide he hath made her a woman . it is reported of some , that the wife , as soone as shee was come to her husbands house , presented to her husband fire in one hand , and water in the other : which gaue to vnderstande , that as these two elements were most necessarie of al others for conseruation of mans life : so there could no societie be neerer linked together , then that of the husband and wife . the auncient frenchmē had a ceremonie , that , whē they would marrie , the bridegroome should pare his nailes , and send thē vnto his new wife : which done , they liued together afterwards as man and wife . in scotlād the custome was , that the lord of the soile should lie with the bride before her husband . but because this order was not decēt nor tolerable amōg christians , king malcolme , the third of that name in the yeere of our lorde . abolished that wicked custome , and enacted , that euerie bride thencefoorth , should pay to the lord for ransome of her maiden-head , fiue shillings . marriages among the gentlemen of venice , were for the most part concluded vpon by a third person , the bride being neuer permitted so much as to see her new husband , nor hee her , till their nuptial dowrie was fully treated of & agreed ; which being finished , they were married with great pompe & solemnitie . concerning the ancient order of mariages in turkie , they held it an vndecent thing , for the bride to bee brought home to her future husband with musicall instruments , but they thought it meete , that the married couple should present themselues before god , with all humilitie and reuerence : and after that these ceremonies were ended , they were led to their bed-chamber , which was prouided for them in a very secret and darke place : the next morning at the dawning of the day , the husband ( by mahomets law ) is boūd to aske his wife , whether she can read or no. if she cānot , then must he learne her to reade . in like sort , if she can reade , and her husband not , then must shee teach and instruct him . this was the old maner of marriages among the turks . howbeit , at this day , they are growne to such excesse of voluptuousnesse , that they rather resemble beasts then men . of matrimonie in england , at this day solemnized . chap. . matrimonie in england is accounted finished , after that it is solemnized in presence of the minister , and two lawfull witnesses . superstitious ceremonies there are none . onely the priest is bound openly in the church to aske the banes : to wit , whether any man can alleadge a reason , wherfore they that are about to bee married , may not lawfully come together . which being done , and no exceptiō made , they then are ioyned in the holy linkes of matrimonie . also , in some shieres , when the marriage day approcheth , the parents of the betrothed couple , doe certaine dayes before the wedding , write letters , to inuite all their friends to the marriage , whom they desire to haue present . afterwards , the mariage day being come , y e inuited ghests do assemble together , and at the very instant of the marriage , doe cast their presents , ( which they bestow vpon the new maried folkes ) into a bason , dish , or cup , which standeth vpon the table in the church , readie prepared for that purpose . but this custome is onely put in vse amongst them , which stande in neede . moreouer , it is to bee noted , that if the wife bee an inheritrix and landed , she is to let her husband enioy it during his life and hers : the which afterward descendeth to her eldest sonne , or in defect of sonnes , it is equally parted betweene her daughters . howbeit , neuerthelesse , if she die barren without children , the husband loseth all : because landes euer ( by the common law of england ) follow the succession . but if shee once had a child by him , which was heard to crie , the courtesie of our countrie is such , that y ● husband possesseth the said lands during his life . if the wife haue only moueables , as money , plate , cattell , and such like , all belong to her husband . to knit vp this discourse , * if the husband haue any landes , either by inheritance descended , or purchased and bought , and chance to die before his wife , shee shall haue the vsufruit of one third part of his landes during her life , as her dowrie , whether hee hath child by her or no. the duties of the husband toward his wife . chap. . the duties of a husband toward his wife are . the first , that he * giue honour to his wife , as the weaker vessell , for she is partaker of the grace of life . the second , hee must patiently brooke the hastinesse of his wife , for there is nothing in the world more spitefull then a woman , if shee be hardly dealt withall , or egged to indignation . hence is the prouerbe : anger thy dogge , and hee will bite thee . the third dutie , n the husband in any case must not haue carnall copulation with any other but his owne wife , for that is verie vniust , by reason it dissolueth the girdle of faith and chastitie , & is the next way to cause her to hate him : a woman is iealous , and naturally suspitious , and sith her husband breaketh with her , she will not sticke to breake with him , and priuilie borrow a nights lodging with her neighbour . the fourth dutie , the husband must not iniurie his wife by word or deede , for a woman is a feeble creature , and not endued with such a noble courage as the man ; shee is sooner prickt to the heart , or mooued to passions , then man : and againe , he , that iniurieth his wife , doth as if hee should spit into the aire , and the same spittle returne backe vpon his owne selfe . the fift , the husband in disputations with his wife , must sometimes confesse himselfe vanquished by her . the sixt , the husband must prouide for his wife , and for her house-keeping , according to his abilitie . the seuenth , the husband must suffer his wife to be merrily disposed before him , otherwise ( a womans nature is such ) shee will by stealth find out some secret place or other to tattle in , and to disport her self . the eight and cheefest dutie is , that the husband haue a special regard not to make two beddes , for so hee may take away all causes of displeasure : also , if eyther of them chaunce to iarre , by this meanes they may be soone pacified . the duties of the wife towards her husband . chap. . bvt what shall the woman do ? shall shee do what seemeth good in her owne eyes ? no : for s. peter speaketh vnto wiues in this wise : * let wiues be subiect to their husbands : which is as much to say , as they must not contradict them in any point , but rather endeuour to please them by all meanes . the second duty , the wife must not forsake her husband in aduersity , or deride him , as iobs wife did , when shee bad him * curse god and die , but shee ought to comfort and cherish him , as a part of her owne body . the third , she must esteeme the maners of her husband to be the legall rules of her life . the fourth , she must not be too sumptuous & superfluous in her attire , as , decked with frizled haire , embrodery , pretious stones , gaudy raiments , and gold put about , for they are the forerunners of adultery : * but let her haue the inward man in her heart , which consisteth in the incorruption of a mecke and quiet spirit , that is before god a thing much set by . for euen after this maner in time past did the holy women , which trusted in god , attire themselues , and were subiect to their husbands . the fift , shee must not bee iealous , or mistrust her husbands absence . the sixt duty of a wife is carefully to ouersee her household , and to bring vp her children and seruaunts in the feare of god. the seuenth , she must not discouer her husbands imperfections and faultes to any , for by disclosing them , eyther she makes her self a iesting stock , or els she ministreth occasion for knaues to tempt her to villany . the eight duty of a wife is , that she gibe not , nor flout her husband , but beare with him as long as she may . of diuorcement . whether the innocent party , after a diuorcement made , can marie againe during the other parties life . chap. . many mē now a-daies forgetting the plighted troth of man and wife are so deuoid of iudgement and vnderstandding , that they make no conscience to proue them separated , * whome god hath ioyned together . yea , some proceed further , saying , that a man hauing taken his wife in adultery , may not onely put her away , but also marrie another , notwithstanding the first being aliue . which last opinion of theirs , because it seemes somewhat probable , i will , as well as i cā , discusse . s. paul saith , that the lord commaundeth the wife * not to depart from her husband : but and if shee do , then be willeth her to remaine vnmarried , or bee reconciled vnto her husband . in which words might be made a doubt , whether the apostle meant the guiltlesse or guilty party . howbeit , i find a defensiue aunswere , namely , that hee meant the guiltlesse wife , for this commaundement ( let not the wife depart from her husband ) implieth not this sence , to wit , let not the wife be constrained as guilty to depart from her husband , but rather , let not the wife beyng guiltlesse be authour of diuorcement , and so by order of law depart from her guilty husband . further , if it were lawful for the guiltles to marie againe during the other parties life , there would be made a way for infinite diuorcements ; yea , and the commonwealth would be endaungered by reason of often dissentions , cauillations , and innouations : whereas otherwise , mē knowing , that either they must liue singly , or be reconciled , seldome or neuer should we see diuorcements . to knit vp this doubtfull and litigious question , i resolue on this , namely , that we being christiās should consider that the spirituall marriage , which is betwixt christ and his church , is now and then polluted by vs with spirituall fornication , and that notwithstanding all this , it pleaseth his diuine maiestie to be at a new atonement with vs , & to comfort vs after this maner : * returne , o yee disobedient children , and i will heale your rebellions . for euen * as a woman hath rebelled against her husband : so haue yee rebelled against me . in like sort it behoueth vs to forgiue one another , and to imitate our sauiour christ , who mercifully pardoned the woman , whom the scribes & pharisees tooke in adultery , saying vnto her : * goe , and finne no more . to be short , wee ought to thinke how troublesome second marriages are like to be , both for the childrens sake , and also for the guilty party , who being out of all hope of reconciliation , will fall to despaire , and to greater vices , and perhaps neuer afterwards will become reformed . of iealousie . chap. . iealousie is a malady of the mind , ingendred of loue , which will not admit a corriuall or copartner in the thing beloued . to this passion the wild asse is most subiect : for in a whole herd of females there is but one male , and he is so iealous , that he will not permit any other to come amongst them : and when the female hapneth to haue a male colt , the sire with his teeth wil bite off his stones , as fearing he would couer his damme . among men , the italians bee most iealous , for they , if their wiues do but once commune , albeit openly with men , do presently suspect them of adultery . the germanes of all nations are lesse iealous , although their womē be very faire . pope pius the second , otherwise called aeneas siluius in the yeere of our lord . being at the bathes in germany , wondred much at the boldnesse of the dutchwomen , who would euē with men step naked into the bathes ; whereupon he was wont to say , that the germanes were farre wiser then the italians . our women here in england , a although they be in the power of their husbands , yet they bee not so straightly kept as in mew , & with a gard , as they be in italy & spaine , but haue almost as much liberty as in frāce , or in germany , and they haue for the most part all the charge of the house and household , which is the naturall occupation and part of a wife . in summe , there is no nation vnder the cope of heauen lesse iealous then ours , who tender their wiues so kindly and charitably , that b at their deaths they make them eyther sole or chiefe executrices of their last willes and testimēts , and haue for the most part the gouernment of the children and their portions . the second plant. the duty of parents towards their children . chap. . parents must haue a carefull eye to their childrē , because thereupon principally dependeth the glory of their house . and that their duties towardes them may the more manifestly appeare , i will set downe what they ought to do . first of all , parents must teach their children to pray vnto god , to rehearse the creed , and the ten commaūdements , and to catechize them in the chiefest points of faith . secondly , they must beware , that they come not among such felowes as sweare , curse , and such like , and to that end they must place discreet tutours ouer them . thirdly , parēts must breake them from their willes , & correct them sharply , when they offend ( yet not in their anger ) for * in smitting with the rod , they shall deliuer their soules from hell . fourthly , parentes must not permit their children to weare gorgeous attires or newfangled dresses , but rather declare vnto them the vanity thereof . fiftly , parentes must procure them wise and learned teachers , when they are fit to go to schole . sixtly , parentes must not marre their children by marying them , during their minorities , neither cause them against their willes to bee assured . seuenthly , parentes must see , that their children liue in vnitie , peace , and concord ; for if debate and discord be pernicious among al men , how much rather betweene brethren ? lastly , parents must ordinarily vse equality amōg their children so neere as they may , and not shew more affection to one then to another , least thereby they prouoke thē to anger and desperation . of the duty of childr●●●●wards their parentes . chapt. . the first duty of children towards their parents is , they * obey them in all things , for that is well pleasing vnto the lord. also , they must remember , that the earthly father is the true representer of god the vniuersall father , and therefore * next after god to be had in reuerence . the second duty of children towardes their parentes is , that they endeuour by all means possible to asswage their parents anger . thirdly , * children must helpe their parents in their old age , and supply their wantes with all necessary complements . of brotherly loue . whether a man should preferre his friend before his brother ? chap. . nothing is more acceptable vnto the lord , thē that brethren should loue one another . the which vndoubtedly by his soueraigne maiesty is ingrauen at our birth , for we see the first occasion of this amity to be bred euen from our natiuity . therefore it is the duty of a brother not to bee angry or discouer the faults of his brother . further , it is the part of a brother to loue his brother aboue all other , for he may daily get many of this friendly mould , and more , if these faile : but it is no more likely to get a new brother , then to get an eye , which is drawn out , or an hand , which is chopt off . hence springeth that question , whether a mā should preferre his friend before his brother ? to this i aunswere negatiuely , that he should not ; and especially for these two reasons . first , we are bound to follow nature , if she leades vs not astray , ( for who so euer followeth nature , followeth god , by whome she is directed ) therefore we are bound to loue our brethren aboue our friends , seeing that by nature wee are chained with our brethren , and whatsoeuer we bestow on them , we bestow on our selues . whereunto soundeth that saying of the poet : a take heed , that thou make not thy friend equall with thy brother . secondly , the loue of brethren is better then the loue of friends , for it includeth in it more then the other ; as for example , when friends be at variaunce , we see nothing left betwixt them ; but if brethren chaunce to disagree , the knot notwithstanding of brotherhood in despight of them remaines stedfast : moreouer , a man being forsaken of all his parasitical friends , is neuerthelesse of his brother , as it were by a natural instinct receiued and comforted . to bee briefe , i exhort all brethren to assist one another with mutuall loue , & not to beleeue any whispering make-bates , whose onely drift is to shift for themselues , and to oppose not onely friend against friend , but also for their owne priuate good to put brother against brother . this exhortatiō of mine if brethren will embrace , let them assure themselues , that they shall enioy the felicity of the celestiall paradise , which is already prepared for them . of disobedient sonnes . chap. . the very turkes thēselues according to the second commaūdement contained in their alcoran , do require such dutifull obedience of children towards their parents , that they expresly forbid any , vpon pain of death , to gainsay them either in word or deed . besides , it is an article of their beliefe , that god will neuer forgiue them , who are accursed of their parents . yea , they assure thēselues , that no sorrow , nor penitent contrition of mind is euer able to wash or do away the foule burthen of the parents curse . likewise , the * popish canonists do condemne thē as infamous , which rebell against their parents . what then shal we do , that are reformed christians ? shall we suffer the sonne to abuse the father , to commence suit against him , & approbriously to endamage him ? no. god forbid . we wil rather * lead him to the magistrate , who shall impose on him , what punishment soeuer the father demaundeth . wee will * stone him to death for his vnnaturall disobedience . but suppose hee were left vnpunished , would he not ( thinke you ) be cut off as an vnprofitable member by the iust iudgement of god ? would not his daies be shortned ? yea , yea ; he shall not only die in this world , but also his body in the world to come shall alway be tormēted in hot scalding lead , and his soule for euer shall endure the horrible paines of hell . we read in our english chronicles , that the sonne of henry the secōd , king of this land , by the instigation of the french king tooke armes against his owne naturall father , betwixt whom diuers mighty battels being fought , the victory alwaies inclined to the father , so that the disobedient & rebellious sonne was enforced to desire peace , which the father mercifully graunted , and forgaue him his offence . howbeit notwithstanding , god the auēger of such abominable factes punished him for his disobedience , by causing him to die . yeeres before his father . a meet punishment ( no doubt ) for him , seeing that he could not tarie till after his fathers death . further , we heare , that there was of late daies a certain man , that dwelt in a village neere to cambray , who in a great fury threw his owne mother out of his house three times in one day , and the third time told her in anger , that he had rather see his house on fire , then that she should abide there one day longer . but mark the end ; it fortuned that on the very same day according to his speech , his house was strangely fired , & quite consumed to ashes . an euident signe assuredly of gods displeasure . the exāples wherof i would to god might serue for a warning to all children , if not to mollify , yet at least to terrifie thē frō dealing crookedly & peruersly with their parēts , * whom god himself cōmaūded to honor , & left here in this world as semblable images of himselfe . the third plant. of the duty of masters toward their seruaunts . chap. . the duty of masters toward their seruaunts i comprise in sixe points . first , i counsell masters not to keepe any seruaunts in their houses , that are giuen to swearing , gaming , whoring , drinking , or to any such notorious crimes . secondly , i exhort masters to haue a speciall care , that their seruaunts be catechized and taught in the word of god. thirdly , they must not make them labour on the sabaoth day . fourthly , they must see that their seruaunts lie not abroad in the nights . fiftly , masters must grauely correct their seruants according to the quality of their faults , least being let alone , they waxe bold , and so fall into worse courses . lastly , masters must looke , that their seruaunts receyue their wages or hires at due times . of the sabaoth day . whether a master ought to set his seruaunts at worke on the sabaoth day ? chap. . a the sabaoth both in the old & new testament is sanctified and hallowed ; and b in it magistrates , townesmen , and all men o● what quality soeuer they be , must surceas● from working , chiefly for foure reasons first , that they might remember th● creation of the world , for c in sixe daies the lord made heauen and earth , and all , that therein is , and rested the seuenth day . secondly , that they might assemble together , & gratefully thanke his diuine maiesty for his daily blessing powred down vpon them . thirdly , that they might recreat , refresh , and repose themselues , to th' end they might labour the next week more aptly . fourthly , the sabaoth is to be obserued , by reason it is the seuenth day ; which number containeth great and hidden mysteries . the skie is gouerned by seuen planets . the reuolutiō of time is accomplished in seuen dayes , which wee call weekes . a god commaunded noah to take into his arke cleane beasts & fowle by seuens . b pharaoh dreamed that he saw seuen fat kine and seuen leane . * dauid deliuered seuen of sauls sonnes to the gibeonites to be hanged . * christ being termed the first stone of god hath seuē eyes . * seuen thousand men did god reserue , that neuer bowed their knees to baal . * zachariah in a vision saw a candlesticke of gold , with a bowle vpon the top of it , and seuen lampes therein , and seuen pipes to the lampes . * iob had seuen sonnes . * seuen angels go forth before god. neither were a the seuen brethren whom antiochus put to death , voyd of a mystery . b s. iohn in the reuelation sawe seuen golden candlestickes , and in the middest of them the sonne of man hauing in his right hand seuen starres . moreouer , c he saw the opening of the seuenth seale , and the seuen angels , which stood before the lord , to whome were giuen seuen trumpets . * the antichrist is prophesied to sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast , which hath● seuen heads . by which , as all true christians be perswaded , the pope and his cardinals attired in scarlet , & his seuen hilled city of rome are meant . what more shall i write of the worthinesse of this seuēfold number ? mans life goeth by seuens , named climactericall yeers , which * macrobius hath well obserued . sith therefore it hath pleased god so to esteeme of this number , let vs christians honour the same , as fearing the scourage of the commaunder . it was ordained by a good and godly act made in y e parliament of scotlād in the yeere of our lord . being the one and twentieth yeere of the raigne of iames the fourth , that no markets , nor fayres should be holden on the sabaoth day . which act king iames the sixt , that nowe is , by the consent of his three estates , ratified and approoued in the parliament holden in the yeere . cōdemning the breakers of the sabaoth to forfeit all their moueables to the vse of the poore within that parish , where they dwelt . it was likewise there enacted , that no handy-work should be vsed on y t sabaoth , nor any gaming , playing , passing to tauernes , nor wilfull remaining from prayer and sermons , should bee in any case exercised vnder the penalties following : to wit , of euerie man for his labouring , as often as he was taken in the fact , ten shillings : and of euerie person for gaming , playing , passing to tauernes , and wilfull remaining from praier and sermons on the sunday , twentie shillings to bee presently payed , and imployed to the releefe of the poore in their parish . i could wish , that some speedy good order were taken here in englād , for the breakers of the sabaoth . for many now a-dayes , hauing beene idle all the weeke before , doe of set contumacie labour that day in despight of the lord & his sabaoth . some frō morning to euening do nothing els but play at dice or tables , swearing & staring at the least crosse of fortune . others againe be delighted with reading of pāphlets , louebooks , ballads , & such like , neuer once so deuout as to name god , vnlesse shamefully abusing him . oh how oftē do they vse on that day vnseemly speeches ? the very turks , i feare me , go beyond them in deuotion . for they duly on their festiual daies resort to their churches , neuer once gazing or looking aside as long as seruice lasteth . the seruice being ended , they go home each mā to his house , inuiting , & humbly beseeching the priests to beare them cōpany : with whō they questiō touching diuine matters , not by carping , nicking , & nipping , but with pure simplicity & feruent care ; wheras many of vs christians contrariwise , do openly prophane not only holidaies , but also the lords day , & yet they terme themselues christians . christiās , o coūterfeit christiās , & worse thē painims . me thinks , if nothing else could moue you , yet the daily myraculous punishments inflicted on such prophane persons as you bee , should bee a terrible warning for you . at kinstat a towne in france , dwelled a certain couetous woman , about fortie yeres ago , who was so eager in gathering together worldly pelfe , that shee would neither frequent the church to heare the word of god on sunday her selfe , nor yet permit any of her familie to do it , but alway toyled about pilling and drying of flaxe , neither would shee bee disswaded by her neighbours frō such an vnseasonable work . one sunday as she was thus busied , fire seemed to fall downe among the flaxe without doing any hurt . the next sunday it tooke fire indeed , but was soone quenched . for all this , shee continued forwarde in her worke euen the third sunday , when the flaxe againe taking fire , could not be extinguished , till it had burnt her , & two of her childrē to death ; for though they were recouered out of the fire aliue , yet y e next day they all . died , & that which was most to be wondred at , a yong infant in the cradle , was taken out of the midst of the flame , without any hurt . thus god punisheth the breakers of y e sabaoth . famous is that example , which chanced neere london in the yeere of our lord . on the thirteenth day of ianuarie , being sunday , at paris garden , where there met together ( as they were wont ) an infinite number of people , to see the beare-baiting , without any regard of that high day . but in the middest of their sports , all the scaffolds and galleries sodainely fell downe , in such wise , that two hundred persons were crushed well nigh to death , besides eight that were killed forthwith . in the yeere of our lord . i being as then but a boy , do remember , that an alewife making no exception of dayes , would needes brue vpon saint markes day : but loe , the maruailous worke of god , whiles she was thus laboring , the top of the chimney tooke fire , and before it could bee quenched , her house was quite burnt . surely , a gentle warning to them that violate and prophane forbidden dayes . notwithstanding , i am not so straight laced , that i would not haue any labour done on sundayes and holy dayes . for i confesse , r it is lawfull to fight in our countries defence on any daie : s it is lawfull to enter into the bath : and it is lawfull for phisicians and apothecaries to temper and prepare medicines for the sicke , and for cookes to dresse meate for our sustenance . it is lawfull for vs to take paines to hinder our peculiar damages , for what man is there that hath a sheepe , and if it fall on a sabaoth day into a pit , doth not lift it out ? in like maner , it is lawfull to worke , when there is an inundation or deluge of waters , and also vpon vrgent necessitie , to take vp a draught of fish , which for that day being let alone , would haue beene cast away . more yet would i write , if i feared not to be termed a gagling sophister , as hauing alreadie discussed this question in my commentaries vpon persius . i will therefore proceed to the next . of the duties of seruants towards their masters . chap. . the first dutie of seruants towardes their masters is , that they be subiect vnto them ( e ) and please them in all things , not answering againe , nor replying , although otherwhiles they know better what is to be done , then their masters . the second is , that they be honest and faithfull vnto their masters , and not ( as many now a-dayes do ) flatter & cologue with them , therby thinking to get some bootie . the third duty of seruants is , that they seeke their masters profit more thē their owne . the fourth , that they reueale not to others their masters secret affayres . the fift , that they defend their masters , euen to the hazarding and losing of their liues . the famous effect whereof , appeared in that couragious seruant of maurice , duke of saxonie ; who of late yeeres , seeing his master sodainely assaulted by certaine turks that lay in ambush , and cast from his horse , couered him with his owne body , & valiantly repelled the enemie , vntill certaine horsemen came and saued the prince , but died himselfe a little while after , being hurt and wounded in euerie place of his body . finally , to fill vp this discourse , seruants must diligently and honestly guard their masters , and their masters goods : for r they that keepe the figge tree , shall enioy the fruite thereof : and they that waite vpon their masters , shall come to honour . the fourth plant. of the acquisitiue facultie . chap. . now hauing sufficiently disputed of the chiefest parts of a familie , i come to the last part , that is , to the acquisitiue or possessorie facultie , wherof i find two kindes ; the one naturall , the other artificiall . the naturall consisteth in breeding of cattell , in manuring of the groūd , in hauking , hunting , fishing , & in spoyles and pillages both by sea & land . the artificiall way of getting , lyeth in exchanging , either ware for ware , as , of cloth for silkes , of wool for graine : or els of wares for money . and againe , those acquisitiue arts bee disallowed , which are loathed of men , as the trade of brokers , huxters , toll-gatherers , bauds , vsurers , and ingraters . of which three last , after my next discourie of money , i wil , god willing , entreat . of money , the chiefest part of the acquisitiue facultie . chap. . money ( as plinie writeth ) was coyned by king seruius of rome , with the image of a sheep and an oxe . others say , that it was first inuēted at the siege of troy. but i find that money was many yeeres currant before the warres of troy. abraham bought a field of ephron the hethite for foure hundred siluer sicles of money currant amōg marchāts ; which is of our money , three and thirtie pound , six shillings and eight pence . howbeit , there is no vse of coyned money in sundry coūtries at this instāt . in y e coūtry of * pretious iohn , salt goeth for money . the indians of peru neuer made any account of money , before the spaniards robbed them of their gold . besides , within these two hundred yeeres , mony was verie scant heere in england : for king edward the fourth , in the ciuill warres betwixt him and henrie the sixt , beeing on a time pursued by the earle of warwicke , who then was turned to the contrarie side , bought a ship in the yeere of our lord . for eight score nobles , to saile into ireland : which price in those times was esteemed wonderfull deare . also , in the yeere . money coyned of leather was rise in this realme . of which kinde of money my selfe haue seene of late , aboue tenne bushels in an olde castle in wales , stamped , as farre as i remember , with the duke of lancasters image . for in those dayes , certaine dukes were licensed to coyne money . so likewise wee reade , that countie palatines , as chester , durham , and ely , could then giue pardons concerning the pleas of the crowne , and send writs in their owne names . in the kingdome of cathay , money is yet neither of gold nor siluer , nor of any other metall , but onely of the barke of mulberie trees , which is cut as well into sundrie small , as great round peeces , whereon they engraue the names of their countrie , rating them , as wee do ours , according to their greatnesse & smalnesse . it is petie treason among them to employ any other money . sir thomas moore reporteth , that his faigned vtopians did make chamber-pots , and other vesselles , that serue for most vile vses , of gold and siluer . moreouer , he saith , that they made great chaines , fetters , and giues , wherein they tyed their bondmen , of the very same metals : and whosoeuer among them for any offence was infamous , by his eares hung rings of gold , about his necke was a chaine of gold . thus by all meanes possible , they procured to haue gold and siluer among them in reproach and infamie . and if wee christians examine our selues somewhat more neere , wee shall finde , that money is one of the chiefest causes why so many felonies , murthers & treasons be committed , and why the crie of the poore is so often come before the lorde . for this cause plato the diuine philosopher saith , that h in a common-wealth well gouerned , there should not any money bee vsed , because it marreth good maners , and maketh the mind of a man couetous and in satiable . of bawdes . whether they ought to be suffered . chap. . although i haue touched this infamous question in another booke of mine , yet notwithstanding i iudge it not amisse , if i repaint the same with more breuitie , in a more familiar tongue . the first that instituted the filthie order of stewes , was venus , who because shee alone would not seeme to bee a whore , ( as hauing lyen with mars , vulcā , mercurie , anchises , and sundrie others ) appoynted in cypres , that women should prostitute themselues for money to all commers . which custome was renewed by the popes , who built most statelie houses for whores , and ordained , that they for the same should pay yeerely great summes of money . there bee some men liuing , that know how pope paul the third had aboue fortie thousand courtizans , that paied him an infinite tribute . the report goeth , that pope clement the . that nowe is , receiueth of euery baudy house in rome yeerely , a iull , that is , twentie thousand duckets . these panders are to whorehunters , as brokers to theeues . they entice yong lasses with gaudy garments , & deceitfull promises , to serue euery mans turne for gaine : which done , they teach these virgins their schoole-lessons , namely , to bring in swaggrers to outsweare a mā of his money , to faine thēselues with child , made of a cushion ( for cōcealme●t wherof , the bawds must be wel bribed , ) to caper in mens armes til they haue guld thē of their purses , to counterfeit teares with an oniō , yea , & to vse fine glozing speeches : as , sir , you mistake your marke , i am none of your wanton gilles , you abuse my credit , my mistris cals me . and immediatly after , perceiuing the lusty wooer to haue mony in his purse , she begins by degrees to listen , saying : many men will promise much , but performe little , they beare vs in hād , vntil they haue got their pleasures of vs , and then away they go , but you lo●ke like an honest man. after this , the bawdes seeing their wenches deformed , they giue thē drugges to raise their colours , and to seeme fairer . this is the bawdes acquisitiue facultie , whereby they liue . some bawds haue a dozen damsels , some lesse , yet of euerie man they take largely , as . shillings a weeke , or tenne pound a month . it is said , that lōg meg of westminster kept alwaies . courtizans in her house , whō by their pictures she sold to all commers . but i returne to the extirpation thereof . we reade , that r theodosius the great , in the yeere of our lord . vtterly chased al stewes out of his empire . for which notable act , his name euē at this day is greatly honoured . no lesse praise deserueth henry the eight of famous memory , for abolishing & putting down of the stewes in london , which then were innumerable . therin he imitated the good k. iosias , who brake down the houses of the sodomites , that were in the house of the lord. finally , no man is ignorant , that the pestilent disease of the french pockes was sent as a punishment to stewes . of vsurers . chap. . n he that receiueth any thing ouer and aboue the capitall summe that was lent , is an vsurer . for which respect i compare him to an aspet for euen as he that is stūg with an aspe , falleth asleepe , as it were with delight , but dieth ere he awakes : so an vsurer taketh great pleasure in his interest at the first , but at length he is so ouercloyed with money , that he can neuer enioy any rest : the cause is his conscience , which like a multitude of furies vexeth his heart , and fortelles him of his euerlasting damnation . hence it is , that the romanes inflicted as great punishment on an vsurer , as on a theefe : and not without cause , for hee that killeth a man , riddeth him out of his torments at once , whereas an vsurer is long in punishing and vndoing his creditour , causing him by little and little to pine away . also , an vsurer by vndoing of one , vndoeth many , namely , the wife and whole houshold . moe gentlemen heere in england haue vsurers , banquers , and marchants driuen to despaire , then either warres or sicknesse . for when a yong punie commeth vnto them , desiring to be credited for money or apparrell , then one of them counterfeiting themselues forsooth to be coy like women , wil burst foorth into these termes : the world is hard , and wee are all mortall , wee may not venture our goods , god knowes howe wee earne our liuing : wherefore make vs assurance , and you shall haue tenne poundes ( worth in silkes and veluets . ) well , this passeth on currant , assurance is giuen with a witnesse . a little after , if the gentleman hath not wherewithal to pay as wel the interest , as the principall agreed vpon , whensoeuer this reprobate cut-throate demaundeth it , then presently as round as a ball , hee commenceth his statute-marchant against him , and for tenne poundes profite , which was scarce woorth fiue pound in money , hee recouereth by relapse ten pound a yeere . o intolerable wickednesse ! o diuelish haberdashers ! and worse then those vngodly tenants , who seeing their landlords heyre comming , sayde one to another : i this is the heire , come , let vs kill him , and wee shall haue his inheritance : darest thou , o wretched cormorant , hope to bee saued , and expect to bee partaker of the heauenly blessings ? art thou a christian , and wilt suffer thy brother in christ thus to miscarie through thy entanglements & exactiōs ? no , no : thou art a member of sathan , thou art in the gall of bitternes , and in the bond of iniquitie . obiection . the lawes of england do permit vsurie , to wit , two shillings in the pound , therefore an vsurer is not wicked . answere . it is one thing to permit vsurie , and another to allow thereof . by our positiue lawes is meant , that those men , who cared not , howe much they extorted out of poore mens handes for the loane of their money , should bee empaled and limited within certaine meeres and bounds , lest they ouerflowed reason so that the lawes do but mitigate the penalties , and if it were possible , they would restraine men from it . of the particulars wherein vsurie is committed . chap. . a man committeth vsurie sixe maner of wayes . first , i whosoeuer lendeth corne vnto his neighbour , with promise , that at the redeliuery thereof , he should giue him somewhat more , is an vsurer . as for example , if he lend to a man fiue bushels of corne at may , vnder condition that he giue him sixe bushels at bartholmewtide . secondly , hee that forestalleth and intercepteth corne in the market , and that not for any want , but to sell it againe dearer then hee bought it , thereby to enrich himself with the impouerishing of many . thirdly * he committeth vsury , that for the loane of his mony receiueth a greater gage , then the money valueth , and claimeth the same as forfeit , the money being not repayed him at the prefixed time . fourthly , he is an vsurer , that lendeth his money vpon cōdition , that the other buy his necessaries at his shop , or grind at his mill . fiftly , he is an vsurer , that keepeth false ballances , and that selleth bad & musty things for good and new . finally , hee that incloseth commons , & turneth tillage into pastures , is an vsurer . whether it be lawfull for an householder to ingrate and ingrosse corne in the market , to the intent he may sell the same another time at a dearer price ? chap. . whosoeuer hee be , that forestalleth corne in the market , and trāsporteth it home into his garners , there keeping it , vntill a dearer time fall out , without doubt committeth vsury . for euery mā ought to sell as he bought , and doing otherwise he is an vsurer , and must make restitution of the ouerplus . * the which if he denie , he is eftsoone depriued of all power to make his last will and testament . besides , there be statute punishments ordained for the repressing of this filthy lucre : as , forfeits to the clerkes of the market , & fines●to be paid to the prince , if the foresaid party be taken in the maner . in summe , b his cankred gold and siluer ( which hee hath thus receiued of the poore buyers ) and the rust of them shall be a witnesse against him at the feareful day of iudgement , and shall eat vp his flesh as it were fire . the fift plant. of hospitality . chap. . hospitality is the chiefest point of humanity , which an housholder cā shew , not only vnto his friēds , but also vnto straungers & wayfaring men . for which cause * he that keepeth a good house , and entertaineth straungers , is said to receiue christ himself . which likewise another holy father confirmeth , saying : * we must tēder hospitality without discretion , lest that the person , whom we exclude and shut out of doores , be god himselfe . this abraham knew very well , when hee accustomed to sit in his tent doore of purpose to call in trauellers , and to relieue them . among whom * he entertayned on a time three angels . this also was not vnknowen to lot , when as he vsed to harbour ghestes , and * compell angels beyng vnder the shape of pilgrimes to come into his house . wee read , that the harlot rahab , for her hospitality * was saued with all her household from death at the winning of iericho . wherefore , o yee that be rich , see that ▪ yee keepe good hospitalitie , and relieue the impotent and distressed . to conclude , if we consider more narrowly and pierce more deepely with a sharpe eye into the benefits of hospitality , though no other cause could perswade vs , yet * the monumēts of the new testament might exhort vs thereunto . wherein good hospitality consisteth . chap. . they are greatly deceyued , who thinke , that hospitality doth consist in slibber-sauces , in spiced meates , or in diuersities . for these are nought els , saue fooleries , and fond wasting of goods , whereby the flesh is prouoked to lechery , & becommeth altogether inflamed , massy , and diseased . further , experience teacheth , that none are more subiect to sicknesses , then they , that gurmaundize and feed on sundry kindes of dishes . the reason is , because that those diuersities , which they eat , be repugnant and contrary the one to the other , and breed putrifaction and corrupt humours within their bodies . whereas contrariwise they , that liue on one sort of meat and hardly , do looke faire , lusty , & well complexioned , and most commonly attaine vnto very old age . good hospitality therefore cons●steth not in gluttonous diuersities , but rather in one kind of meat , in clothing the naked , and in giuing almes vnto the poore . why houskeeping now-adaies is decayed . chap. . the causes , why hospitality is nowadaies brought to so low a saile , are fiue . the first is ambition , which moueth gentlemen , that are of large reuenewes , to weare gorgeous attires , to traile a costly port after them , to caualiere it abroad , and giuing vp house-keping at home , to take a chamber in london , where they consume their time in viewing of stage playes , in carousing of healths , & ( perhaps ) in visiting of courtizans . the second is hatred , which pricketh gentlemē to fall out with their neighbors , and to enrich the lawiers by commencing of suites and cōtrouersies . the third is couetousnesse , which perswadeth landlords to hoord vp substāce for the diuell , to enhaunce incomes , to rayse rents ( for feare least yeomen keep better hospitality then themselues , ) and to conuert tillage into pastures . in consideration of which abominable abuse , it was most prudently enacted in the last parliament , that all landes , which were conuerted into sheepe pastures , or to the fatting or grazing of cattell , ( the same hauing beene tillage lands ) should be before the first of may in the yeere of our lord . last past , restored to tillage by the possessours thereof , and so should continue for euer . it was further enacted in the said parliament , that euery person offending against the premisses aforesaid , should forfeit for euery acre not restored the summe of twenty shillings yeerely , as long as the offence continued . the fourth reason , why hospitality is caried to so lowe an ebbe proceedeth of building ; for sooner shall wee see a gentleman build a stately house , then giue almes , and cherish the needy . the fift and last cause of the decay of hospitality is gluttony , which enduceth men to prepare artificiall cookeries & diuers sorts of meate : wheras one large and wholesome messe of meat could peraduenture counteruaile , yea , and go beyond all their iunkets , and dainty delicacies . of almes , and the forgetfulnesse therof in these dayes . chap. . the poore , being an inferiour family in gods church , are recommended by him to our charge , namely , that wee should relieue them in their distresse , & consider , that whatsoeuer wee do vnto them , we do vnto christ himselfe , who for our sakes left a glorious habitation , and became poore . besides , we must remēber to giue almes vnto the poore in respect of that holy mans saying : * the poore crieth , and the lord heareth him , yea , and deliuereth him out of all his troubles , alasse , let vs ponder with our selues , wherefore did the lord giue vnto many of vs such great aboundaunce of wealth in this life aboue our brethren , if it were not to vse them well , and to furnish the needy . the simplest idiot of vs al doth very wel know , that wealth was not giuen vs to hoord vp , no nor to consume the same in superfluous vanities . why then do we keep our clothes in our presses , our money in our coffers ? why do wee misspend our goods in gaudy rayments , in caualiering shewes , in feeding of houndes , in banqueting , in reuelling , and in a thousand trumperies besides ? oh why do we not waigh in our minds , that whatsoeuer wee spend more then wee need , is none of ours , but the poores ; & to detaine from them , is to pill and poll , yea , and perforce to spoyle them . what shall we say , when god will demaund an account of our stewardships ? doubtles , except wee do out of hand repent , and giue almes , wee shall bee cast as a pray vnto the deuill , and with him bee tormented in hell for euermore . o fearfull doome ! the misbeleeuing turkes are woont secretly to send their seruaunts abroad , & purposely to hearkē amongst their neighbours , which of them hath most need of victuals , money , and apparell . yea , & more then that , in their musaph or alcoran they haue these words : if men knew , how heauenly a thing it were to distribute almes , they would not spare their owne flesh , but would euen teare the same , and slice it into carbonadoes , to giue it vnto the poore . the papists , that are ouerwhelmed in superstition and idolatry , do hope ( although sacrilegiously ) to be saued by their almes-giuing . oh what a shamefull thing will this be against vs at the dreadfull day of iudgement ? verily , i feare me , it will be easier for them , then for vs , to enter into the kingdome of heauen , if speedily we amend not , & be boūtiful vnto the poore , for * whosoeuer stoppeth his eares at the crie of the poore , shal also cry himselfe , and not be heard . where now-adayes shall we find the woman of sarepta to entertaine elias ? where are abraham and lot , to feast the holy angels ? if eliza were now liuing , surely he should want his hostesse the sunamite . nay , which is more , if christ himselfe were here , he should neither find martha to welcome him , no nor mary to powre any sweet oyntments vpon his head . the members of christ * make supplication , and pray meekely : but the rich giueth a rough aunswere . lazarus beggeth still without doores , & yet for all his begging cannot come by the crumbes of the rich mans table . wherefore extend your bounty vnto the poore , o yee that be rich , according to the proportion of your wealth , and as your good conscience shall lead you , so giue . remēber that your daies be short vpon earth , and that you haue but a smal time to liue . distrust not gods promise , who said , that * whatsoeuer is giuen to the poore , is lent to himself , and looke , what you lay out , shall be payd you againe . obiection . a mā , that hath a great charge of children , cannot well giue almes vnto the poore : therefore he may be excused . aunswere . marke what christ saith : * he that loueth his father and mother aboue me , is not worthy of me . * the loue of god is not with them , who will not benefit the poore . the widow of sarepta preferred not her sonne before elias in the time of famine ; neither was that lost , which shee bestowed on elias . in a word , no man must despayre of gods reward . * i have beene yoūg , ( quoth the prophet dauid ) and now am old ; and yet saw i neuer the righteous forsaken , nor his seed begging their bread publickly with vtter shame and discredit . circumstaunces to be obserued in giuing of almes . chap. . howbeit for all this , i am not so indulgent and fond , that i would haue men to distribute almes without exception , and without due regard of circumstaunces . for herein fiue things are to bee respected : whereof the first is , that they giue their almes for the lords sake , and that voluntarily , of their owne proper motion . the second , that they argue with them touching their religiō , before they giue them any thing , to the end , they may vnderstand , whether they be true protestants , or froward papists , or atheists . the third , that they dispute with thē concerning their conuersation . the . that they giue their almes vnto religious men , and to them that be old , blind , lame , or crazed and sicke of body . the fift & circumstāce to be noted , and followed in distributing of almes , is , that men giue them not for a brauery , and vainglory , to be praysed and extolled of the world , but rather of pure zeale & deuotion , not expecting any recompence againe . of fasting . that an housholder should obserue fasting dayes . chap. . * even as learned and wise physicians , in euery fluxe of the belly occasioned of surfet and repletion , do for the most part prescribe an exquisite diet , and also a purgation , to wit , of rheubarb or such like , to the end that not onely the superfluous substaunce of the belly may be drawne out , but also that nature may be strengthened by the secret property and vertue of the medicine : so expert and wise householders ought in time of famine specially to haue regard , that they lay downe a limited order of fasting vnto their families , whereby they may not onely purge the rebellious humours of the flesh , but likewise in after-clappes sustaine themselues the better from pouerty and dearth . oh , what is it for a man to spare two meales in a weeke , and bestow the estimate vpon the poore ? alasse , it is not much out of their way . wee read that the iewes , so oft as they would pacifie or aske any benefit of god , vsed most commonly to fast . by fasting a moses saw god. b elias after his fasting was entertained of god. c the niniuites fasted with repentance , and were pardoned . by fasting * daniel reuealed nabuchodonozors dreame . but if these examples can worke no charity in the adamant and steely hearts of our english rookes : yet ciuill policy , me thinkes , and her maiesties commaundement might preuayle so much with them , that they obserue frydaies , saturdayes , lent , and ember dayes ( so neere as they may ) as fasting dayes , both for the preseruation of meates ordained for their owne sustenaunce , and for the safegard of their consciences , and for the supplying of their neyghbours wants . obiection . good meates do nourish bloud , and do reuiue aswell the vitall as the animall spirites . as for fish , figges , and such like , they bee slimy , windy , and make a man to bee ill complexioned . and againe fasting is more daungerous , for it weakneth and enfeebleth the whole body : therefore a man ought not to obserue fasts . answere . al the commodities , which you bring on the behalfe of meats are nothing in comparison of the good , that spring of fasting , for by it men become capable of visions , and of the word of god ; by it many sicknesses are alayed . wheras on the contrary , by flesh the body is enflamed , and tormented with hot burning agues , & with innumerable maladies besides . so that the commodities of fasting do farre exceed & downewaigh the discōmodities thereof . yet notwithstāding , i verily beleeue , that old persons , and cholerick folkes may be licensed to eat flesh . in like maner women with child , scholers , and they , that by study and care haue annoyed their spirits , might be authorized from fasting . in briefe , i am perswaded , that * fasting is hurtfull for them , which haue not attained to their perfect growth and strength . of the true fast . chap. . neuerthelesse , i am of this mind , that those men obserue not the true fast , which hypocritically forgo a meale or two , of purpose , colourably to hunt for worldly prayse , and to be accounted religious in the sight of man : but they rather are the true and allowed fasters , that strongly leane to the euerliuing god , that shunne as the horrour of hell al earthly vanities , and that mortifie the filthy appetites of the flesh . albeit the other ( i confesse ) is a coadiutour to that thing , and auayleth much for that purpose . whosoeuer therefore is willing to fast vprightly , and according to the ordinaunce of god , must fast with all the members of his body . first , hee must fast with his eyes , and not pry too much into the pompeous shewes , & dazeling beauty of this world , lest at the sight thereof , as of a cockatrice , he be wounded to death both of body and soule . next , he must fast with his eares , that is , hee must not consent to the alluring speeches of seminarie priests , heretikes , flatterers , slaūderers , and such like , lest sirenlike they entice him into their snares . thirdly , he must fast with his toung , and beware of blasphemies , lies , and vngodly communications . fourthly , he must fast with his mouth , that is , he must take heed that he eat and drinke no more , then sufficeth nature , and that he abstaine from meats at conuenient seasons , whereby as with a wing he may fly into heauen . fiftly , he must fast with his heart , and refraine from sinfull and idle thoughts . sixtly , hee must fast with his feet , and bridle them from being too swift to shead bloud , or from trudging to london for proces against his brethren . the end of the second booke . the third booke of the golden-groue moralized . the first plant. of a common-wealth . chap. . a common-wealth is a societie of free mē , vnited together by a generall consent , to the end to liue well and orderly , not onely in regard of iustice , but also of commoditie , and for the preseruation of themselues , as well in peace , as in warre . the which is a thing naturall , both in respect of parts , to wit , a shire , a parish , and a family , whereof a commonwealth is the accomplishment : and of men naturally disposed to liue in societie . neuerthelesse , there haue beene many societies , which were not common-wealths , but certaine base habitations in villages , where the weaker yeelded seruice to the stronger . also , the arabians at this day , wander vp and down , ignorant of liuing , and do carrie about with them their woodden habitations , which they draw vpon charrets , seeking for prayes and spoyles frō the riuer euphrates , along vnto the sea atlantique . but to these and such like , well may i apply that saying of the philosopher , namely , that n he , which cannot abide to liue in companie , is eyther a beast , that is , a monstrous wicked man , or a god , that is , a man surpassing the ordinarie sort of vertuous men in perfection . the examination whereof , caused all that were free and liberally borne , to be enclined vnto societie , and to defend the common-wealth with all their powers : yea , and r thereunto to beare a greater affection , then to their parents . although our families bee destroyed , yet the commonwealth standing , wee may in time flourish againe : but if the common-wealth be destroyed , both we and our families must likewise come to vtter destruction . let this serue for a watch-word to our english fugitiues , who vnnaturally haue abandoned their natiue countrie , and now being become seminarie priestes and vncleane spirits , like vnto them r that in the reuelation , issued as frogs out of the dragons mouth , doe by all shameful acts , and false counsels , suborne their countrymen to conspiracies against their prince and common-wealth . the diuision of a common-wealth . chap. . it was a great controuersie among politicians , about the diuision of a common-wealth ; for some would allow but of two sorts : some contrarie appoynted foure , and others fiue . a polybius accounted seuen . * bodinus , whose iudgement is most of all applauded , approoueth onely those three speciall kindes of a commonwealth , which x aristotle hath mentioned . the first , a monarchie , where the gouernement of the whole common-wealth , is in one mans hand . this kind regarding the weale publike , more then the weale priuate , is named the soueraigne authoritie , as in england , france , spaine , denmarke , polonia , and swethland . the second , an aristocracie , where the smaller number , and those of the best sort do beare rule ; as the senate of rome in times past , and the gentlemen of venice at this present day . the third kinde of a common-wealth is called a democracie , where the regiment of a commonwealth consisteth in the power of al , or else , of the greater part of the people : as in ancient times at athens , and nowe at this present , the cantons of switzerland . of a monarchie . chap. . among all creatures , as well hauing life , as without life , one alwaies hath preeminence aboue the rest of his kind . r this inferiour world obeyeth the superiour , and is ruled by it , as wee see by a certaine vertuous influence associated with light heat , and ( named by some , the quintessence of the world ) which issueth down frō the celestiall essence , & spreadeth it selfe through the lumpe of this huge body , to nourish all things vnder the moone . in like maner , we see the sunne the principall minister of this celestiall vertue , as a monarch among the planets , illuminating al the world with his glistering beams . we see the moone as an empresse , predominant ouer al moist things . we see the fire bearing the soueraigntie ouer the other elements . in musicall concents consisting of soundes , we see the treble as it were commāding the base . among reasonable creatures man onely is the chiefe . among beasts , the lion. among birdes , the eagle . among fishes , the whale . among metals , gold . among graines , wheate . among aromaticall spices , balme . among drinke , wine . and to conclude , haue not the bees one onely king ? is not vnitie the first of numbers , and when we haue cast our accounts , do not we return the same to one totall summe ? thus by naturall discourses wee see , that a monarchie of all other regiments , is the most excellent . n if wee search ancient fables , we shal find that the gods were ruled by iupiter . what blind bayard therefore wil deny , that i all superiour and inferiour things are much better ordered by the arbitrement of one , then by the aduice of many ? moreouer , there bee foure forcible reasons , which prooue that a monarchy ought to be preferred before all other sorts of gouernments . first , r from the beginning of countryes and nations , the gouernement was in the hands of kings , who were not extolled to that high degree of maiestie by ambition , but for their modestie , which was knowne to all men . likewise , that which is auncient and first ▪ is more noble then that which is newfangled and later . secondly , the image of a monarchie is found in priuate families . for the authority of a father ouer his children , may bee resembled to a royall gouernment , because the children are the fathers charge : hee alone must prouide for them , and their offences are by him chastised . with which concurreth that common speech : euery man is a king in his owne house . thirdly , a monarchie hath continued aboue a thousand yeeres ; whereas the longest aristocracie and democracie , haue not lasted aboue sixe hundred yeeres . our kingdome of brittaine retained a monarchie , from the time that brutus first inhabited it , vntill cadwalader , who was the last king of the british bloud ; which was aboue foureteene hundred yeeres . then in the yeere of our lorde . the kingdome was diuided among seuen of the nobles , who still continued ciuill warre one vpon the other , vntill ecbert in the yeere . reduced the seuen prouinces into one whole kingdome . since which time there ruled princes as monarches , vntill now this yeere of our lord , one thousand six hūdred . whereby wee finde , that our monarchie hath alreadie lasted full eight hundred yeeres . scotland likewise hath endured in a monarchie , from the yeere of our lord eight hundred and twentie , dungall then raigning , vntill this present yeere . fourthly , a monarch carrieth a greater maiestie , whereby hee seemes gratious and amiable in the sight of his subiects , and dreadfull to his enemies . to conclude , lette vs consent , that n a monarchie is the most excellent regiment of all others , as that which draweth neerest to gods will , who is the monarch of all monarches , king of kings , and lord of lordes . obiection . it is better to be subiect vnto god alone , then vnto man : for he foreseeth al things to come , and without his prouidence one sparrow shall not fall on the ground . and seeing that hee is so carefull for these small things , will not he , thinke you , care for r man , that is of more value then many sparrowes ? furthermore , wee are christians , n chosen of god , and pretious as liuely stones , and also made a spirituall house , an holy priesthood , to offer vp spirituall sacrifices to god by iesus christ , i with whom the presence of his spirit will alwayes bee , vntill the end of the world . therefore iniurie is done vnto him , if wee allow of any other monarch , but onely him . answere . even as it hath pleased god of his diuine prouidence to ordain the sunne , moone , and elements , as emperours ouer this inferiour world : so in like maner , hee working by such meanes and instruments , s constituted moses , iosuah , and others , iudges ouer his people , by whome as his instruments , hee brought to passe his sacred will , and deliuered the israelites from egypt , where they were enthralled . and although hee defendes vs with an outstretched arme , and hath illuminated vs with the light of his gospel , yet notwithstanding , hee hath appointed princes , as his vicegerents and instruments heere on earth , to see his word plan●ed , heresies rooted out , and offenders by political lawes executed . monarches therefore must bee obeyed , r as the ministers of god , to take vengeance on the wicked . s there is no power but of god , and the powers that bee , are ordained of god. wherefore , let no man speake euill of the ruler of the common-wealth . that hereditarie succession is better then election . chap. . h many affect the place of a monarch , not to any good end ( they being not good themselues ) whome neuerthelesse the custome or lawe of nations hath restrained by a double bridle of election and succession . the latter is that , when maiestie commeth of descent , and one prince is borne of another . the other , when as birth-right being set aside , they are chosen by consent of voyces . succession without doubt is the better , as by reasons shall appeare . first , it is meete that the sonne possesse the kingdome for the fathers sake . secondly , the sonne is brought vp to follow his fathers steps , especially in defending of religion . thirdly , a the alteration of matters giues opportunitie to strange and great attempts . fourthly , the sonne by nature from his father obtaineth a smacke of policie , and beeing alwayes present with him , knoweth the state of the kingdome better then any other . fiftly , the successour is woont to administer iustice more constantly and sincerely . whereas the elect prince must in a maner fawne on his electours and newe subiects . finally , s no authoritie can prosper or endure , which is purchased by canuasing and flatteries , & there is lesse danger in the acceptation of a prince , then in the election . the dutie of a prince . chap. . there are foure cheefe qualities necessarie for a prince to maintaine his reputation . the first is clemencie , to forgiue trespasses . for as the sunne , when it is highest in the zodiake , moueth slowest : so the higher a prince is soared to greatnesse , the more gratious and meeke hee ought to bee towardes his humble subiects . the second , to imprint the lawes and ordinances of god in his minde , and to leuell all his actions to the glorie of the king of kings : as well for the health of his owne soule , which hee ought to hold dearer then his whole kingdome , yea , then all the world : as for good ensample and imitation vnto his subiects . the third is liberalitie , to succour poore scholers and souldiours ; for as there is nothing more common then the sunne , that communicateth his light to all the celestiall bodies , and chiefely to the moone , so a prince ought to impart part of his reuenewes to the distressed , and especially aboue the rest , to students & souldiours . the fourth , to haue courage and vertue to tolerate abuses . for z although his power and authoritie extend so farre , that the countrie of india quaketh at his commandement : & although the farthest island in the sea doth serue and obey him : yet if hee cannot bridle his owne affections , his power is not worthie to be esteemed . of the name of emperour . chap. . this name emperour the romanes first inuented , not for their kings , but for their warlike generalles . serranus , camillus , fabius maximus , and scipio the affrican , as long as they gouerned the romane hosts , were entituled emperours . but when they finished their warres , they were called by their owne proper names . afterward , when antonie was discomfi●ed by augustus caesar , it chanced that the common-wealth came altogether into his hands . whereupon the romanes desired that hee would not assume vnto himselfe the name of king , because it was odious vnto thē , but that he would vse another title , vnder which they would bee his loyall and obedient subiects . then augustus being at that time generall , and therefore named emperour , chose this title , to doe the romanes pleasure . so that augustus caesar was the first , that called himselfe by the name of emperour . the cause why they hated the name of king , was by reason that their forefathers in auncient times , hauing deposed their king tarquin for his tyrannies and rapes , had forbidden by an edict and solemne othe , the name of king euer after to be vsed among them . augustus beeing dead , tiberius succeeded him in the empire of rome ; then caligula , claudius , nero , and foure and thirtie more , before the empire was by constantine the great , in the yeere of our lord . transferred to constantinople , where it continued vnited vntill the yeere of our lord seuen hundred ninetie and foure . at which time the empire was parted into the east and west , which lasted in that sort , vntill the yeere of our lord a thousand , foure hundred , fiftie and three , constantinople to the great disparagement of all christian princes , was taken by the great turke , called mahomet the second . neuerthelesse , the empire of the west , or rather of germanie , since that time hath as yet remained with the house of austria , rodolph the second now raigning . of the name of king. chap. . touching the title of king , it is to be noted , that according to the diuersitie of nations , so did they diuersly nominate their princes : to wit , among the egyptians they named them pharaoes : among the persians , arsacides : among the bythinians , ptolomeyes : among the latines , siluii : among the sicilians , tyraunts : among the argiues , kings : among the sara●ens , amiraes : and nowe of late among the persians , soldanes . in the beginning of the world all princes were termed tyrants : but when people beganne to perceiue , how great difference was betwixt the one and the other , s they agreed among themselues , to call the good princes kings , and the wicked tyrants . whereby wee see , that this title of king is authorized only vnto iust princes , and that doe well deserue to be so named . in this realme of england , there hath not at any time beene vsed any other generall authoritie , but onely the most royall and kingly maiestie . i neither hath any king of this realme , taken any inuestiture at the handes of the emperour of rome , or of any other forraine prince , but helde his kingdome of god to himselfe , and by his sword , his people and crowne , acknowledging no prince in earth his superiour , and so it is kept and holden at this day . of a gynecracie , or womans raigne . chap. . women by gouerning haue got no lesse renowne then men , as is euedent by learned histories . for which cause * the diuine philosopher found great fault with his countrymē the graecians , because their noblewomen were not instructed in matters of state & policie . likewise iustinian the emperour was highly displeased with the armenians , s for that most barbarously they prohibited women from enioying heritages , and bearing rule , as though ( quoth hee , ) women were base and dishonoured , and not created of god. n in the right of succession the sisters sonne is equall to the brothers sonne . whereby is vnderstood , that women are licensed to gouerne , aswell as men . moreouer , there be two forcible reasons , that conclude women to be most apt for seignories . first , * there is neither iew , nor graecian : there is neither bond nor free : there is neither male , nor female , for they are all one in christ iesus . the minds , and actions of men and women do depēd of the soule , in the which there is no distinction of sexe , whereby the soule of a man should bee called male , and the soule of a woman female . the sexe rather is the instrument or meanes of generation ; and the soule ingendreth not a soule , but is alway permanent and the very same . seeing therefore that a womans soule is perfect , why should she be debarred by any statute or salique law from raigning ? * the body is but lumpish , and a vassall to the soule , and for that respect not to be respected . secondly , * vertue excludeth none , but receyueth all , regarding neither substaunce nor sexe . what should i rippe vp the examples of sundry nations , * which preferred women before themselues . and for that cause * they did neyther reiect their counsels , nor set light by their answeres . semiramis after the death of her husband ninus , fearing lest the late conquered aethiopians would reuolt and rebell from her sonne yet young of yeeres and ignorant of rule ; tooke vpon her the principality , and for the time of his nonage , ordered the kingdome so princely , that shee passed in feates of armes , in triumphs , conquests , and wealth , all her predecessours . nicocris defended her empire against the medes , ( who then sought the monarchy of the world ) and wrought such a miracle in the great riuer of euphrates , as all men were astonished at it ; for shee made it contrary to mens expectation to leaue the ancient course , & so to follow her deuice to and fro , to serue the citie most commodiously : insomuch that she did not onely surpasse all men in wit , but ouercame the elements with power . isis after the decease of her husband osyris raigned ouer egypt , and tooke care for so much prouision for the common wealth , that shee was after her death worshipped as a goddesse . debora iudged israel : iudith the bethulians : lauinia after the death of eneas gouerned italy : dido carthage : olympias pirrhus his daughter ruled ouer epire : aranea was queen of scythia : cleopatra of egypt . helena after the death of leo the emperour raigned in constantinople ouer all asia as empresse . ioanna was queene of nauarre , & marying with philip pulcher the french king , made him king of nauarre in the yeere of our lord . margaret ruled ouer flaunders in the yeere of our lord . and another princesse of that name y e only daughter of valdemare the . king of dēmark & norway gouerned those kingdoms after her fathers death ; & in the yeere of our lord . she tooke albert the king of swethland captiue , & kept him in prison . yeeres . ioanna was queene of naples in the yeer . leonora dutchesse of aquitaine was maried to henry duke of gaunt , and in despight of the french k. brought him aquitaine & poiteaux in the yeere . queene mary raigned here in englād in the yeere . what should i write of elizabeth our gratious queene , that now is ? which by her diuine wisedome brought three admirable things to passe . first , her maiesty reformed religion , that by the romish antichrist was in her sisters time bespotted . secondly , she maintayned her countrey in peace , whē all her neighbour princes were in an vprore . thirdly , she triumphed ouer all her foes , both domesticall and hostile , traiterous and outlandish . if a man respect her learning , it is miraculous , for shee can discourse of matters of state with the best philosopher ; she vnderstandeth sundry kinds of languages , and aunswereth forreine ambassadours in their forreine tongues . if a man talke of the administration of iustice , all the nations vnder the heauens cannot shew her peere . in summe , her princely breast is the receiuer , or rather the storehouse of all the vertues , aswell morall as intellectuall . for which causes england hath iust occasion to reioyce , and to vaunt of such a gratious mother . to whome the monarch of monarches long continue her highnesse , and strengthen her ( as he hath done hitherto ) to his perpetuall glory , confusion of all her enemies , and to our euerlasting comfort . of tyraunts . chap. . sir thomas smith termeth him a a tyraunt , that by force commeth to the monarchy against the will of the people , breaketh lawes already made at his pleasure , and maketh other without the aduise and consent of the people , and regardeth not the wealth of his commons , but the aduauncemēt of himself , his faction , & kindred . also , there be two sorts of tyrants . b the one in title , the other in exercise . he is in title tyrant , that without any lawfull title vsurpeth the gouernment . in exercise , he that hath good title to the principality , and commeth in with the good will of the people , but doth not rule wel and orderly , as he should . and so not onely they , which behaue themselues wickedly towards their subiects , are called tyraunts , as edward the second of this realme in the yeere of our lord . and alphonsus of naples , that lawfully came to the crowne in the yeere . but also they are named tyrants , which albeit they behaue themselues well , yet they are to be called tyraunts , in that they had no title to the principality ; as s●eno the king of denmark , that vsurped this realme of england in the yeere . and pope clement the eight , that now is , who about two yeeres ago seysed on the dukedome of ferraria onely by pretence of a gift , which constantine time out of mind bequeathed to the papacy . furthermore , there be sixe tokens to know a tyrant . the first , if hee sends abroad pickthanks , talebearers , and espies to hearken what men speake of him , as tiberius the emperour was woont to do . the second , if he abolisheth the study of learning , and * burneth the monuments of most worthy wittes in the market place , and in the assembly of the people , least his subiects should attaine to the knowlege of wisedome . as alaricus king of the gothes did in italy , in the yeere . and the great turke in his empire . the third , if hee maintaine schismes , diuisions , and factions in his kingdome , for feare that men should prie into his doings . as the popes haue done alway from time to time : and of late daies the queene mother in fraunce . the fourth , if hee trust straungers more then his owne naturall subiects ; and continually goeth garded with a strong company : as vortiger sometime king of this realme did , when he brought in hengist and the saxons , and gaue them the countreys of kent and essex to inhabit . the fift , if he without cause cōmand his chiefest nobles to be cashiered & branded with ignominy , or to be imprisoned and put to death , for feare lest they should waxe too popular and ouermighty . such a one was frauncis sfortia duke of millain , that caused alphonsus king of naples villanously at a banquet to murther earle iames sonne to nicholas picinio ( whome he had sent ambassadour to the sayd alphonsus ) for no other cause , then for that hee feared his might , & because the braciques in italy , & some of his subiects highly esteemed him . the sixt token to know a tyrant , is , if he do away learned and wise men for no other intent , then that fearing they should reproue him , & write against his depraued & vngodly life . as domitius nero , that commaunded seneca the philosopher , and the poet lucan to be slaine ; and domitian , that banished the poet luuenal for the same cause . but of this matter i haue spoken * in another booke . whether it be lawfull for subiects to rise against their prince being a tyraunt or an heretique ? chap. . even as the prince ought to remoue the causes of mislike , which his subiects haue conceiued against him , and to extinguish the flame , that being nourished in one seuerall house would breake into the next , and at last into the whole towne : so in like maner subiects ought to please their soueraigne , and to tolerat all rigour , yea , and to lay downe their neckes vpon the block , rather then to cōspire against his power , which he hath from god. it may be , that he is raised as another nabuchodonozor of the lord for a scourge to punish the transgressiōs and enormities of the inhabitants . * the dishonourable things , which a prince doth , ought to be accounted honourable . men must patiētly ( for they can do no otherwise ) beare with an vnreasonable deàre yeere , with vnseasonable stormes , and with many blemishes and imperfections of nature . therefore they ought to endure with as constant courages the heresies and tyrannies of their soueraigne . but , thou wilt say , subiectes must obey only iust and vpright princes . to which i answere , that a parents are bound to their children with reciprocall and mutuall duties . yet , if parents depart from their duty , and prouoke their children to desperation : b it becommeth not children to be lesse obedient to their parents . c but they are subiect both to euill parēts , and to such , as do not their duty . further , if seruants must be obedient to their masters , aswel curteuos as curst , much more ought subiects to obey not onely their gentle , but also their cruell princes . this didacus couarruuias an excellent lawier confirmeth , saying : * if a prince , ( whether by succession or election he was made , it skilleth not ) doth exceed the limits of law and reason , he cannot bee deposed , nor put to death by any subiect ; yea , * it is hereticall to hold that paradoxe . for * god is he , which chaungeth the times and seasons : he taketh away kings , and setteth vp kings : to the intent , that liuing men might know , that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men , and giueth it to whomesoeuer hee will , and appointeth ouer it the most abiect among men . hence is it , that we seldome heare of rebels , that euer prospered , but in the end they were bewrayed and brought to confusion . in the time of henry the fourth there rebelled at one time against him the duke of exceter , with the dukes of gloucester , surrey , aumarle , & salisburie : and at another time the earle of worcester , the archbishop of yorke , & hēry hotspurre sonne to the earle of northūberland ; all which were either slaine or beheaded . to come neerer the state of this question , we find , that leonagildus an auncient king of the gothes in spaine , both a tyrant and an arrian in the yeere of our lord . pursued the true christians , and exiled his own sonne , because he was of the true religion . whereupon this young prince being moued at the persecution of the christians in his countrey , did twise raise armes against his lord and father . at the first he was taken captiue and banished ; at the second he was put to death on easter day . by which example wee may note the effects of gods iudgements , and rebuke the rashnesse of this prince , that rebelled against his soueraigne . wherefore , o yee that be subiect to cruell princes , refraine your fury , learne to obey , & beware lest the same chance vnto you , which is faigned to haue chanced vnto the frogs , who being importunat on iupiter to haue a king , a beame was giuen them : the fi●●t fall whereof did somwhat affright them , but when they saw it stil lie in the streame , they insulted theron with great disdain , & praied for a king of a quicker spirit : thē was sent vnto them a stork , which tyrānized & daily deuoured them . in a word , rebels in taking care to auoid one calamity , do entāgle themselues in a whole peck of troubles , as by this fable of y e frogs is euident . and oftentimes it hapneth that the remedy is more dangerous then the malady it selfe ; for of one tyraunt they make three hydraes , or els in seeking to shun tyranny , they reduce their gouernment to a troublesome democracy . of an aristocracy . chap. . the rule of a certain and prescribed number of noblemen & gentlemē respecting the benefite of the common wealth , is termed an aristocracy : & if any ambitiously preferre their priuat cōmodity before the publick good , and by cōspiracies dispose of all matters appertaining to the cōmonwealth , as it please thē , it is named an oligarchy . for as irō is consumed in time by rust , although it auoideth al incōueniēces ; so some peculiar dammage or other sticketh to euery commonwealth according to the nature therof ; as for exāple , this * oligarchy endamageth an aristocracy ; tyrāny is opposite to a monarchy , & sedition to a democracy . that aristocracy is best allowed , where the gouernment is allotted to a few noble & vertuous men , which bestow most in common seruices , and make lawes for the rest , directing their cogitations to no other scope , then the publick good of their countrey . the citizens of venice do deliuer the discussing of their matters , aswell ordinary , as of importance , to the senate , which are very fewe in number , as not ignorant , how , few being made priuy of their matters , they should bee the more priuily managed . neuerthelesse this kind of commonwealth being compared with a monarchy , will be found imperfect & farre inferiour . true it is , that siluer and tinne are good , but yet imperfect metals in comparison of gold , wherein the souerainety and perfection of all metals consist . in like maner an aristocracy well tempered may be good , but seldome it so falleth out . this realme of england , when it was diuided into prouinces , as mercia , northūberlād , & others , & ruled by the nobles , was soone surprized by the danes : whereas if it had continued counted , they durst neuer aduenture to set foot in any one place of this realme . briefly , an aristocracy disagreeth with the law of natiōs , which all men held in great estimation , for a all nations had kingdomes distinct , and kings appointed for them . the israelites required a king of the prophet samuel : for , said they , b wee will be like all other nations , and our king shal iudge vs , and go out before vs , and fight our battels . obiection . mediocrity in al things is praise-worthy , & extreames dispraised : an aristocracy is the mediocrity between a monarchy & a democracy : therefore it is best . answere . the mediocrity betweene a monarchy & a democracy is perfect & praise-worthy , if it could be equally diuided , & thereby the vertue drawne out ; which is in a maner impossible . of a democracy , chap. . a democracy of all regiments is the very worst , as being a market where all things are sold , & fashioned by owles , whose sight the night lighteneth , & the day makes dim . what is more preposterous , then to see the multitude ( a mōster of many heads ) void of discretion , deliberating and determining on wise mens deeds , yea , & now & then on their liues ? are not they still shuffling the cardes and desirous of new cōmotions ? are not they wauering & corrupt ? wretched , i say , & miserable is that commonwealth , which wāts a head , & where the people raigne . * sooner will a foole be brought to play vpō a harpe , then the vndiscreet multitude bee made fit for magistracies . no mā is so foolish , that hauing need of physicians wise & experienced , he will put his body into the hands of rude and raw empiriques . likewise a as of a iudge incapable & vndiscreet cā be no expectatiō of righteous iudgemēts : so in a popular state full of confusion & vanity , there is no hope , but at aduenture of deliberatiō , & resolution wise or reasonable . which caused anacharsis the philosopher , when hee saw the areopagites propoūding causes , & the people resoluing thē , to say , that wise men among the the athenians moued matters , & fooles determined thē . how great troubles did the florētines sustain by this sort of gouernment , vntil of late it was reduced by the mediceis into a monarchy ? in fine , y e multitude cōpoūded of many & diuers spirits , of maners , & customes , can neuer distinguish between good & bad co sel , by reasō that b whatsoeuer is moderat , they esteeme a kind of slouthfull cowardize , and whatsoeuer is circūspectly forewarned , that they hold to be curiosity . but whatsoeuer is rash & hasty , that is thought by them to be couragiously deliberated . the democracy of the switzers hath continued without troubles two hūdred yeeres and vpwards : therefore a democracy well constituted may endure as long as an aristocracy or monarchy . answere . of the continuance of the switzers popular gouernment , i find two causes . the first , they haue slaine all their noblemen , and they mistrust not one another . the second , the most factious and seditious of them are commonly abroad as mercenary souldiers vnder the frēch king and other potentates , and the rest at home more tractable regard not how the world goeth . the second plant. the members of a commonwealth . chapt. . all the people , which be in euery royall commonwealth , are generally either gentlemen or of the commonaltie . of gentlemen there be three degrees . vnder the first and chiefest is the prince comprehended . vnder the second , dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , barons , and knights of honour . vnder the third and last are contained knights , graduates of law , esquires , masters of arts , captaines , and they that beare the countenance and port of gentlemen . whereunto also might bee added a fourth degree of gentlemen , whome wee name gentlemen of the first head : i meane them , r to whome heraldes for money doe giue armes , newly made and inuented , the title whereof shall pretend to haue beene found by the sayde heralds , in perusing and viewing of olde registers , where his ancestors in times past had beene recorded to beare the same . the commonaltie likewise is diuided into citizens , artificers , marchants , and yeomen . of noblemen . chap. . if wee call to remembrance all things that wee haue seene , wee shal finde euery one thing in particular to excel the rest of the same kind , in some perfection or other . let vs looke vp into the zodiake , and there wee shall see the sunne to surpasse the minour● starres . among metals , gold , siluer , and brasse are best . among stones , the marble , iuorie , and loadstone . among pretious stones , the diamond , the smaragde , and saphire . among trees , the pine , the iuniper , the apple-tree . and so among liuing things , some exceede others . what maruaile therefore is it , if among men , the verie same order bee obserued ? in the buying or selling of a horse , wee glorie & boast of his sire : and shall wee not respect , of what stocke and parentage a man is descended ? s eueryman , i confesse , commeth of noble seede , that is to say , from god ; but afterwards he becommeth degenerate and ignoble , by forsaking god his beginning , and by leaning vnto wicked vices . for which cause there was a law in rome termed prosapia , that is , the law of discēt , by the which it was ordained , that whē cōtention did arise in the senate house , for the cōsulship , that they which descēded from the torquatians , decians , and fabricians , should obtaine the place before others . concerning noblemens priuiledges , they be many , wherof we wil at this present recite onely . first , a nobleman cānot be chalēged to the combat or lists , by any inferior man. secondly , a noblemā is sooner preferred to beare office in the cōmon-wealth , to sit in commissiō , & to be an arbitrator betwixt partie and partie . thirdly , by the ciuill law , the testimonies of noblemen are sooner approoued . and whereas inferior gentlemē must personally appeare in criminall causes , it is lawfull for noblemen to bee absent , so that they substitute an atturney or proctor for them . fourthly , a nobleman hauing cōmitted an hainous offence , as murther or treasō , is iudged by his peeres & equals : that is , the yeomārie doth not go vpō him , but an enquest of the l. of the parliamēt , & they giue their voices , not one for al , but each seuerally , as they doe in parliamēt , beginning at the yongest l. and for iudge , one l. sitteth , who is high steward of england for that day . and this punishmēt is beheading : but if an inferior gent. offend in this sort , then at the next sessions he hath twelue godfathers on his life , and is condemned to bee hanged . fiftly , noblemen and their wiues are licensed to weare clothes of gold , but knights & esquires are forbiddē them . to hasten to an end , this honour of auncestrie as it doth adorne noblemen , so doth it greatly disgrace them if they liue not vertuously . for thereby they eclipse their genealogie , and become themselues vtterly vnknowne . in consideration of which abuse , a notable law was enacted among the rhodians , to wit , that those sonnes , which followed not their fathers vertues , but liued wickedly , should be disinherited , & their reuenewes giuen to the most vertuous of that race , not admitting any vitious heyre whatsoeuer . the properties of a gentleman . chap. . the meanes to discerne a gentleman bee these . first , hee must bee affable and courteous in speech and behauiour . secondly , hee must haue an aduenturous heart to fight , and that but for verie iust quarrels . thirdly , hee must bee endued with mercie to forgiue the trespasses of his friendes and seruants . fourthly , hee must stretch his purse to giue liberally vnto souldiours , and vnto them that haue neede : for a niggard is not worthie to bee called a gentleman . these bee the properties of a gentleman , which whosoeuer lacketh , deserueth but the title of a clowne , or of a countrie boore . in breefe , it fareth with gentlemen , as it doth with wine : which ought to haue foure good qualities , namely , it must not taste of the caske : next , it must sauour of a good soyle . thirdly , it must haue a good colour . last of all , it must sauour of the goodnes of the grape , and not bee sophistically mingled with water and such like . that gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speake of them . chap. . the common people groūd their actions vpō fallible expectations : they are stout when perils bee farre off , and very irresolute when they approach . who therefore is so brainesicke , as to beleeue their assertions ? what else is glorie , then a windie gale , neuer comming from the heart , but onely from the lungs ? n they that be praysed vnworthily , ought to bee ashamed of their praise . admit they bee iustly praised , what thing more hath it augmented to the conscience of a wise man , that measureth not his good , by the rumour of the common people , but by the trueth of the conscience ? for which cause the romanes built two temples ioyning together ; the one being dedicated to vertue , & the other to honour : but yet in such sort , that no man could enter into that of honour , except first hee passed through the temple of vertue . n honor ( as the philosopher sayth ) is a reuerence giuen to another , for a testimonie of his vertue . insomuch as honor is not attributed to vertue by dignitie , but rather it is attributed to dignity , by vertue of them that vse the dignitie . howbeit notwithstanding , e i haue not such horny heart-strings , that i would not at al haue mē to be praysed ; but my meaning is , that gentlemen should obserue a meane and a limitation in their common applauses , and fine soothings . for s to bee altogether carelesse ( as stoykes & cynicks would haue euerie one to be ) what men think of thē , is not onely a marke of arrogancy , but also a token of a loose life . wherefore gentlemen must endeuour by al meanes , & without vain-glory , to keep a good name , especially among their neighbors , & to beare themselues such men indeede , as they would haue al men account thē . wherto accordeth that saying of the poet : thou shalt liue well , if thou takest care to be such a one , as thou hearest how the people testifie of thee abroad . of knights of honour . chap. . those i call knights of honour , who , here in england , are named knights of the garter , and in france , knights of the order of saint michael . the original of the honorable order of the garter , was first inuented after this maner . whē k. edward the third had , by the means of edward the blacke prince his sonne , taken captiues king iohn of france , and king dauid of scotland , and had put them both in ward at london , and also had expelled king henrie the bastard of spaine , restoring the kingdome to peter the lawfull king , then he , to honor and grace his victories , deuised an honourable fellowship , and made choyse of the most famous persons for vertue , and honoured them with this order , giuing thē a garter adorned with gold and pretious stones , together with a buckle of gold , to weare onely on the left legge . * of which order hee and his successors , kings and queenes of england should be soueraigne , and the rest , by certaine lawes among themselues , should bee taken as brethren and fellowes in that order , to the number of sixe and twentie . and this breefely touching the inuention and authour of the honourable order of knights here in england . now i will addresse my pen to write of the honourable order in france . king lewes the eleuenth of france , after he had made peace with his peeres , whom in the beginning of his raigne , he had excluded from his presence , inuented at amboise , in the yeere of our lord . a societie of honour , consisting of sixe and thirtie noblemen , and named saint michael patron of them ( euen as the english knights had deuoted themselues to the tuition of saint george ) giuing ot each of them a golden chaine , of the value of two hundred pound , which they were bound to weare daily , & not to bestow , sell , or gage the same as long as they liued ; & if any one of them chanced to die , forthwith there was an election to dubbe another in his roome , not by voyces , but by litle scrowles turned together in the forme of balles , the which they did cast into a bason , and the lord chauncelour was to reckon them . then he , that had most balles on his side was admitted to the societie , the king speaking these words : the honourable societie do accept of thee as their brother , and in regard of their good wil to thee-wards , do bestow this golden chaine on thee : god grāt thou maist long weare it . when the king had spoken these words , hee gaue him a kisse on the right cheek . this is the custome of dubbing kinghts of the order of saint michael . also , there be other orders of knights in christendome , as , the kinghts of the golden fleece , knights , of the bathe , knights of the patent deuised by y e pope , and knights of the rhodes . but because the rehearfall of them are not much appertaining to our purpose , i cease to treate further of them . of citizens . chap. . he that first inuented a citie , was the cause of much good . the which praise some attribute vnto eloquent men . some to saturne . and others to orpheus and amphion . for in the beginning of the world , people liued barbarously like vnto bruit beasts : and the nature of man was such , that they not hauing eyther the law naturall or ciuill prescribed , rogued vp and downe dispersed in the world , & possessed nothing , except that , which by force they tooke away from others , * til there arose some notable men both in wisedome and valour , who knowing , howe it was to instruct man , assembled all of them into one place , ordamed a citie , and enuironed them round about with walles . further , citizens in generall are they that liue vnder the same lawes and soueraigne magistrates . but citizens particularly are they , that are free-men , & do dwel in cities and boroughs , or corporated townes , generally , in the shire they be of no account , saue onely in the parliament to make lawes . the auncient cities appoynted foure , and each borough two , ( whome we call burgesses of the parliament ) to haue voyces in it , and to giue their consent and dissent in the name of the citie or borough , for which they be appoynted . whether out landish men ought to bee admitted into a citie . chap. . it is commonly seene , that sedition often chanceth there , where the inhabitants be not all natiue borne . this lycurgus the lawgiuer of the lacedemonians rightly noting , r instituted , that no stranger should be admitted into his common-wealth , but at a prefixed time . his reason was , because seldome it is seene , that the homeborne citizens , and the outlandish doe agree together . in the yere of our lord . the londiners made an insurrection , and slew all the iewes that inhabited amongst them . the neapolitanes and sicilians , in the yeere of our lord . rose against william their king , because hee gaue certaine offices to frenchmen , and killed them all in one night . the citizens of geneua repining at strangers , which resorted and dwelled among them , conspired together in the yeere . to expell them ; and a if caluin had not thrust himselfe betweene the naked swords to appease the tumult , doubtlesse there would haue beene a great slaughter . there is at this present day , a religious law in china and cathaya , forbidding on paine of death , the accesse of strangers into the country . what shall i say of the constitutions of princes , whereby strangers were vtterly extruded and excluded from bearing offices in the common-wealth r arcadius and honorus empercurs of rome decreed , that no man out of the parish , where a benefice fel voyde , should be admitted minister . likewise , x pope innocent the third was woont to say , that hee could not with a safe conscience preferre any strangers to bee officers in the kingdome of hungarie . king charles the seuenth of france in the yeere of our lord . proclaimed , that no alien or stranger should be presented to any ecclesiasticall liuing liuing in his realme . for which respects , princes must haue great regard touching the admission of strangers , and especially to their number . for if they exceede the natiue inhabitanes in number and strength , then through confidence in their own might , they will presently inuade and ouerthrow their too too kind fosterers . of marchants . chap. . forasmuch as there bee three sorts of citizens : the first of gentlemen , who are wont now and then for pleasure to dwell in cities : the second , of marchants : and the third of manuaries and artificers : it is expedient , that i hauing alreadie declared the properties of gentlemen , should now conse quently discourse some what of marchants : and then of artificers . by marchants necessaries are transported frō strange countries , and from hence other superfluous things are conueyed to other places , where they traffick so commodiously , that the whole commonwealth is bettered by them . euerie countrie hath a seuerall grace naturally giuen vnto it , as , moscouie is plentifull of hony , waxe , martin-skinnes , and good hides . the country of molucca yeeldes cloues , sinnamon , and pepper . in the east indiaes grow the best oliues . damascus aboundeth with prunes , reysins , pomegranates , and quinces . from fraunce we fetch our wines . from francoford wee haue bookes brought vnto vs. so that whosoeuer considereth the generall cōmon-wealth of all the world , hee shall perceiue , that it cannot continue long in perfection , without traffique and diuersities . of artificers . chap. . x amongst occupations , those are most artificiall , where fortune is least esteemed : those most vnseemely , whereby men do pollute their bodies : those most seruile , wherin there is most vse of bodily strength : and those most vile , wherein vertue is least required . and again , the gaines of tole-gatherers and vsurers are odious : and so are the trades of butchers , cooks , fishmongers , and huxters . pedlers likewise & chaundlers are accounted base , for that they buy of marchants , to the end , they may presently vtter the same away . in vttering of which , they cog and cousen the simple buyers : thē which nothing is more impious or more hurtful to the conscience . these kind of men a haue no voyee in the common-wealth , and no account is made of them , but onely to be ruled , and not to rule others . of yeomen , and their oppression . chap. . a yeoman is hee that tilleth the ground , getteth his liuing by selling of corne in markets , and can dispend yeerely fortie shillings sterling . there is no life more pleasant then a yeomans life : for where shall a man haue better prouision to keep his winter with fire enough , then in the country ? and where is there a more delightful dwelling , for goodly waters , gentle windes and shadowes , then in the coūtry ? this life was so highly regarded in ancient time , that euen emperors and generals of war , haue not bin ashamed to exercise it . c herehence descended remus , and q. cincinnatus , who , as he was earing his foure acres of land , was by a purseuant called to the city of rome , & created dictator . dioclesiā left his empire at salona , and became a yeoman . let a man repaire at any time to a yeomans house , and h there he shal find all manner of victuals , meath , and all of his owne , without buying or laying money out of his purse . but now a dayes yeomanrie is decayed , hospitalitie gone to wracke , and husbandrie almost quite fallen . the reason is , because landlords , not contented with such reuenewes , as their predecessours receiued , nor yet satisfied , that they liue like swinish epicures , quietly at their ease , doing no good to the commonwealth , doe leaue no ground for tillage , but doe enclose for pasture many thousand acres of ground within one hedge , the husbandmē are thrust out of their own , or else by deceit , constrained to sell all that they haue . and so either by hook or by crook , they must needes depart away poore seely soules , men , women , & children . and not this extremity onely do our wicked ahabs shew , but also with the losse of naboths life do they glut their ouergreedy minds . this is the cause , why corne in england is become dearer , then it was woont to bee ; and yet notwithstanding all this , sheep & wool are nothing better cheap , but rather their price are much enhaunsed . thus do our remorcelesse puttocks lie lurking for the poore commons , to spoile them of their tenemēts , * but they shall not long enioy them . and why ? because they are oppressours of the poore , and not helpers , their bellies are neuer filled , therefore shall they soone perish in their couetousnesse . the third plant. of counsell . chap. . counsell is a sentence , which particularly is giuen by euery man for that purpose assembled . there be fiue rules to be noted in counsell . the first , to counsell wel , wherein is implied , that whatsoeuer is proposed , should be honest , lawful , and profitable . the second , counsell must not be rash and headlong , but mature , deliberated , and ripe , like vnto the barke of an old tree . thirdly , to proceed according to examples touching things past , as , what shal chaūce to the israelites , because they haue worshipped the goldē calf . fourthly , to giue counsel cōcerning the present time , & of those things , which are cōprehended in the sences . so christ said vnto the disciples of iohn : a go , and shew iohn what things yee heare & see . the blind receiue their sight , & the halt do walke : the lepers are clensed , & the deafe heare : the dead are raised vp , & the poore receyue the gospel . fiftly , to foresee things to come , & to forewarne men of them ; as , b he , that shall offend , shall be bound hand and foote , and cast into vtter darkenesse , where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . of counsellours . chap. . seuen things are required in a counsellour ; first , the feare of god , for he is the only authour of al good counsels . secondly , experience in matters of policy . thirdly , learning & knowledge in the lawves . for * hardly will they bee infected with ●●●onious vi●es , whome learning hath purged . fourthly , mildnesse . fiftly , a coūsellour must be naturally borne within that state , where he gouerneth . sixtly , he must be secrete , lest he worke to himselfe the occasion of his owne death ; as the bishop of setto did : who because he reuealed to the french king , that cesar borgias his master brought with him a bull authentike & ratified from the pope his father , for a diuorcement to the french king , which hee dissembled , was by the said duke eftsoone poisoned . seuenthly , a counsellour ( if it be possible ) ought to be of noble parētage , for * they which haue more nobility , haue more right in a cōmōwealth , then the ignoble . and euery one esteemeth nobility in his countrey , as a thing very honourable , seeing it is likely , that the best parents should beget the best children : and nobility is the vertue of the stock and race . of parliaments . chap. . parliaments are right necessary in a commonwealth , & without them the whole estate is mortified and sencelesse . for euen as a man cannot liue without a soule : so a commonwealth cannot liue without parliaments . by experience it is found out , that they haue saued commonwealths frō ruine & decay . greece had neuer so long flourished , if the great counsell of the amphictions , first instituted by amphiction the sonne of deucalion , had not beene holden twise a yeere , in spring time and in autumne at delphos in the temple of apollo , which was seated in the heart of all greece . the counsel of nicene hindred the proceedings of the arrians , and caused the true religion to be planted . the parliamēts of germany , where the emperour and the seuen electours meete , haue preserued the state thereof from the intrusions of the turkes . so likewise the aggregation of the genowayes , the iourney or diet of the switzers , the great councell of the vene●ian gentlemen , the diuan of the turks , the assembly of the states of polonia , the . councels of spaine , to wit , the councell of spaine , of the low countries , of the inquisition , of the indians , of italy , of the order of saint iohn , & of warre : the meeting of the states of fraunce , and the parliament of england consisting of the prince , baronrie , and commonalty haue maintained their commonwealths more securely aswell from hostile as from domesticall enemies . to hold a parliament , is , when the prince communicateth his affaires of importance with his subiects , demaundeth subsidies of them , taketh their aduice , heareth their molestations , & prouideth for them reasonably . * the iudges in our parliament of englād are the prince , the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons represented by the knights and burgesses of euery shire and borough towne . the officers are the speakers , the clarks , and the committies . the authour of this parliament was king henry the third , induced thereunto ( as i suppose ) by his barons , who rebelling against him , made england tributary to pādolph the legat in the popes name . and doubtlesse the calling and holding of it is the chiefest meanes of all our welfares . for in times past it appeased ciuill warres , it deliuered the whole realme from the incursions of forraine enemies , and maintained continuall warres abroad with the scots and frenchmen . in a word , this holding of parliament is the anchor of our whole comonwealth , wherby it is set sure and stayed , as a ship in the water . of iudgements . chap. . ivdgemēt is that , which is decreed by the iudge , not altogether dissenting frō the tenor of the law . of iudgements some be called ciuill , some criminall : but because our ciuilians haue largely treated of them , i will proceed to another diuision , which makes most for our politique instruction . iudgements againe are either priuat or publique : ordinary or extraordinary : priuat iudgemēts cōcerne testaments , successions , mariages , contracts , wardships , gardianships , bondages , & prescriptions . publique iudgements are of grieuous offences against god and man : as , high treason , petie treason , murthers , rapes , felonies , riot , bribes , forgeries , and insurrections . ordinary iudgements are those , which are executed by the iudge , according to the prescription of the law . * extraordinary are called when the iudge departing somewhat frō the rigour of the law , iudgeth more mercifully according to his owne conscience . the cōmon & vsuall forme of iudgement , that is exercised here in england is by the great assise , or by a quest of . men necessarily of that shire , where the defendāt dwelleth . these mē the sherife warneth to appeare vpō pain of amercements . and appearing ( vnlesse exceptions be made against thē ) they besworne to tell the truth of that issue or criminall cause , according to their conscience and euidence or writings authēticall laid before them . then these . men are shut vp in some roome hard by , and kept by a bailiffe without any kind of sustenance , fire , or candle , vntil al of them agree vpō one verdict about the said issue or criminall cause . this is our common order of iudgement . there are likewise other formes , whereby iudgement is giuen , as by the parliament , by combat , and such like , which are absolute , and without appeale ; howbeit they be seldome vsed . of iudges and their duty . chap. . ivdges must not goe astray from the right , but discharge themselues pure & innocent to god , the prince , & the law . * they must not be corrupted with bribes and extorsion , nor by other mens bra ●les hunt for a pray . they must be men for their yeres , very ripe in prudence , iudgement , and experience ; for their countenance , seuere and graue ; for their parentage , ( if it be possible ) renowmed aboue the residue of the people ; for their credit , strong in opiniō with the common people . * they must not pronounce sentence against the statutes of the realme , or against the common law . neither must they condemne any man vpon suspition : for better it is to suffer the guilty to escape vnpunished , then to condemne an innocent . they must neither be too seuere , nor too remisse , but they must determine circumspectly , as the matter , and necessities require . howbeit , in light matters let them be somewhat addicted to lenity , and in waighty affaires to seuerity being tēpered with a meeke countenance . and if they would needes remit penalties , forfeits , or capitall punishments , let them first satisfie the agrieued parties . iudges may erre sixe maner of waies . first , when they be partial towards their friends and kinsmen . secondly , * when they haue no power ouer them , whome they iudge . thirdly , when for hatred they prosecute any man. fourthly , when they repriue men for feare to displease some great personage . fiftly , when being greased in the fist with the oyle of gold , they winke at enormities , and corruption . sixtly , when being vnlearned they iudge rashly & without premeditation . of bribes , and going to law . chap. . woe be vnto you , * that haue taken giftes to shead bloud , or haue receyued vsury , and the encrease , and that haue defrauded your neighbours by extortion . for you respect not what the lawe decreeth , but what the mind affecteth : you consider not the life of the man , but the bribes of the butcher . when the rich man speaketh , he is attētiuely heard : but when the poore complaineth , no man giueth eare vnto him . or if percase one of our fine-headed lawyers vouchsafe to take his cause in hand , he followeth it slowly , and in a dozen sheets not hauing eight lines on euery side he laieth downe such fri●olous and disguised contradictions and replications , that his suites shall hang seuen yeeres ; yea , and perhaps a dozen yeeres , according to the number of those superfluous sheetes , before they bee brought to any perfection , & vntill the poore client become farre behind hand . nowadaies the common fee of an atturney is no lesse thē a brace of angels , notwithstanding hee speake but once , and that ( the lord knows ) very coldly to the right sence of the suit . and if a poore man should proffer him lesse , he wil aunswere him in this maner : sir , behold my face and complexion , and you shall find , that it is all of gold , and not of siluer . innumerable are the quirkes , quiddities , and starting holes of our english petifoggers : for sometimes when a definitiue sentence is pronounced , they forsooth will inuent some apish tricke , eyther to suspend it from execution vpon some smal cauillation or obiection , or els they call it into a new controuersie by a writ of errour or by a ciuill petition ; or , to cōclude , they find out some shift or drift to reuerse and reuoke the sentence . thus do they play the sophisters with their seely cliēts , or rather conies , whom they haue catched and intrapped in their nettes . but these disorders would bee quickly reformed , if men will follow my counsell , which is , to forbeare awhile from going to law . honest and well disposed men might content themselues at home , and not gadde euery foote to the court of common pleas , to the chauncery , to the starchamber . neighbours , isay , and kinsfolkes ought to regard one another , and to end all doubts and quarrels among themselues : i do not meane by brutish combats and affraies , but by mediations , atonements , and intercessions . man is by nature humane , that is , gentle and curteous : and good vsage will in time cause him to relent from his former stubbernesse . many countries haue their courts , leetes , or lawdaies , where men generally do meet together : there , me thinkes , light controuersies and iarres might assoone be taken vp and decided , aswell as in farre places . if this aduice of mine were obserued , we should haue fewer lawyers and lesse controuersies . of magistrates . chap. . even as in the body of a liuing creature the organe of seeing is ascribed only to the eies , & al the other off●ces do obey them as their guides : so in like maner all offices in the commonwealth are cōmitted vnto wise magistrates , as to the eies of the realme , & the other members must be directed by thē . for which consideration i require in a magistrate learning and vertue , without which he is not worthy to be termed the eye of a commōwealth , but rather a blind bayard , as wanting both the eies of the body & the eies of the mind . whē as we chuse a rapier , we chuse it not , because the hilt is double-guilt , & the scabberd of veluet and beset with pearles : but because the point of it is sharp to enter well , and the blade strong & stiffe . so hapneth it in the electiō of magistrates , namely , that they be learned & vertuous , rather then hādsomely and beautifully proportioned in body . strength of body is required in a laborer ; but policy in a magistrate . this is profitable to a twofold scope , that the wise & feeble may commaund , and the strong obey . next , magistrates must cōsider , why the sword of iustice both by the law of god and man is put into their hands ; that is to say , they are the ministers of god and the executioners of the law , to take vengeance on the wicked , & not to let offenders in any case wilfully to perseuer in their errours . in the beginning , euery malady is easy to be cured : but if it be let alone for a while , it groweth past remedy . magistrates therfore must in time prouide salues to redresse abuses : otherwise they incurre the anger of god. they must haue lions harts , that they shrink not in iust causes . they must bee constant , lest by their friends intercessions they waxe partiall . lastly , they must be both graue & ciuill : graue in commaunding , & ciuill in conuersation . of the great cares and troubles of magistrates . chap. . o how greatly are mē deceyued , that perswade thēselues , that magistrates do lead the ioyfullest liues . litle know they , how vnquiet bee their thoughts . they thinke not of their lōg watchings , and that their nature is weakened , and through such distemperatures their bodies languish . no man liueth exempt from some sorrow or other . although ignorant men and fresh-water souldiers , to whome warre is pleasant , account it felicity to commaund : yet if they compare in an euen balance the waight of such troubles , as daily happē in their magistracies , vnto the weakenesse of pleasure which proceedeth by cōmaunding , they shal perceiue , that far greater is the toyle of the one , then the toy of the other . how often are they cumbred with cōplaints ? how long in perusing of informations ? so that in fine their offices will not permit them any contentation . * poore men , that weary their bodies to get food for the sustentation of themselues , their wiues and children , and do pay subsidies to their prince , should liue in too great discomfort and despayre , if great men and magistrates had nothing in this world but pleasure , and they on the contrary side but toyles and calamities . but god hath otherwise disposed of the case . for they languish in mind : whereas poore men do but weary their bodies , which easily might be recouered againe . the consuming of the vitall spirites is in a maner irrecuperable ; insomuch as the cares of the one exceed farre the labour of the other . whether magistrates may receyue presents sent vnto them ? chap. . * they that walke in iustice , refusing gaine of oppression , and shaking their hands from taking of giftes , shall dwell on high , their defence shall be the munitions of rockes , and they shall see god in his glory . for b giftes do blind the eies , and peruert the words of the righteous . no magistrates therfore must presume to take gifts , * vnlesse they be to be eaten or drunke vp within three dayes at the furthest : & that not of suters , for they giue them , to the intent they may corrupt their authority , and so speed of their owne pleas and pursuites . let them rather imitate cicero , * who as long as he was pretour of cilicia , would neyther himselfe receyue , nor permit any of his company to take presentes , no , not that beneuolence , which by the law iulia was due vnto him . * at thebes the images of iudges were put up without hands : wherby is meant , that they ought not to receyue any rewards , that were offered them . there is at this present time a publique law amōg the switzers , that magistrates vnder paine of death should not take any thing eyther directly or vndirectly for iudging . the fourth plant. of the education of gentlemen . chap. . * man is by nature a gentle creature : who with his happy nature getting good education , becommeth diuinely disposed : but if hee lacke this education , he waxeth the most wicked of all creatures , that are borne vpon the earth . many drops of water ( as wee see ) falling vpon the hard marble stone do pierce and make it hollow . and the ground being well tilled and manured beareth goodly corne . so in like maner a man well brought vp acknowledgeth his duty towards his maker , & knoweth how to conquer his owne affections . whereas contrariwise gentlemen being euill nurtured , cā neuer vnderstand how farre the power and abilitie extendeth , that god hath giuen them . for they neuer read it themselues , neither are they taught by them that know it ; h nay , few that vnderstand it , are admitted to their presence : and if one bee , yet dare he not instruct them in it , for feare of displeasure ; or if happily at any time hee put them in minde thereof , no man will abide him , or at least he shall be accounted but a foole ; peraduenture also it may be taken in il part , and so turne to his harme . howbeit , the vertuous must not abstain from their godly admonitions , seeing that n they cannot benefite the common-wealth more , then when they teach and instruct young mē , especially in those times , wherein they are so corrupted , that they must needes by all well disposed persons , bee refrained and restrained of libertie . one saith , i am an heire , borne to a thousand pound land . another sayth ; i haue a fat farme , and a house well furnished . what cause haue i to feare ? let the world chance as it will. another againe craketh and breaketh his lungs wel-nigh with windie bragges , because he is a knights eldest sonne , s fetching his pedegree by a thousand lines and branches , from some worthie lord , and because some neere kinsman of his is made censour , maior , iustice of peace , or lieutenant of the shire , * to whom he may say , good morrow , cousin . infinite are the fooleries of youth , which by due correction , and diligent exhortation must bee rooted out . i will therefore comprehend their education vnder foure lessons . the first is instruction , vnder which are cōtained foure rules . the . wherof is , to teach children the feare and loue of god , and to shew them , that they must not glorie too much in worldly goods . secondly , to teach them , how to bridle their tongues , to bee modest , and to embrace vertue : for education properly , is nothing else but a bringing vp of youth in vertue . thirdly , to shew them the facultie of exercise , which serueth to the maintenance of health and strength , z by ordering the body with light and gentle exercises . fourthly , familiarly to declare vnto them examples , as well of good men , as of wicked men , that thereby they may learne how the good are rewarded , and the wicked punished . the second lesson appertaining to the instruction of youth , is prayse , that is , to commende them , when they doe well , that thereby they may bee incouraged the better to goe forwardes . for youth is like vnto moyst and soft clay , and for that respect , is to bee egged on to glorie in well doing . the third is counsell , which must bee giuen by their sage vncles , or auncient men , concerning their dutie towards their parents , elders , and teachers . the fourth poynt of instruction is threatning and correction , which is to bee vsed , when they offend and neglect to follow the aduice of their teachers , and when they beginne to bee headie , stubborne , and selfe-willed . this the diuine philosopher verie well noted , saying : that s a boy , not as yet hauing fully and absolutely giuen himselfe to vertue , is a deceitfull , cruell and a most proud beast . wherefore he must be bound with a schoolemaster as it were with a strong bridle . the causes why so fewe gentlemen no we adaies be vertuously disposed . chap. . i find that there bee foure causes , why so few gentlemen in this age , attaine to the knowledge of vertue . the first is , the corruption of the whole world : for now are s the abominations of desolation . these be dayes of vengeance to fulfil althings that are written . the minds of men are so peruerse and barren , that they will not receiue the seed of true wisedome . their cogitations are too much bent to the pompes and follies of this transitorie world . the second cause proceedeth of counterfeit and vnsufficient teachers , whose onely occupation is couertly to woo yong scholers , that come guidelesse and headlesse into the vniuersitie : and 〈◊〉 gotten them into their nets , they afterward let them runne at randon . but 〈◊〉 iudgement , such youths as suffer 〈◊〉 to be snatched vp for haukes meate in this or the like maner , do therin imitate sicke folkes , who refusing the good phisician , by some braine-sicke mans counsell , doe commit themselues to the tuition of such a one , as by ignorance killeth them . the third cause is the niggardize of parents , who continually labour to gather the drossie and vnconstant pelfe of this world , and in the meane time make no reckoning of their children , but permitte them to grow old in follie , which destroyeth them both bodie and soule . the fourth and last cause , is the indulgence and fond loue of the parents , who take their sonnes from the vniuersitie , as fruite from a tree , before it is ripe , or rather as pullets without feathers , to place them at the innes of court , where , as i haue written in my commentarie vpon persius , e they gad to stage-playes , & are seduced by flattering coni-catchers . whether youths ought to be corrected ? chap. . a good huswife knoweth how hard a thing it is , to keepe flesh sweete and sauorie , vnlesse it bee first poudred and put in brine . so likewise , it is impossible for parents to reape any ioye of their sonnes , except they bee first corrected . roses must needes wither , when they be ouergrowne with briers and thornes : and children that are assailed and ouertaken by whole legions of affections , must at last fall , if they be not accordingly succoured . * hee that spareth the rod , spilleth the child . and euen as phisicions and chirurgeons are verie necessarie in a citie for the healing of diseases and bloudie woundes , so are rods expedient for the chastisement of the corruptions of the soule . whereunto agreeth the prouerbe : many times the rodde is better for children then bread . this xenophon considered , when hee brought in his youth c cyrus , complaining and telling his mother , that hee was beaten by his master . ● our ciuilias also thought it expedient , that boyes should bee punished . and doe we not our selues see by daily experience , that those parents , who dandle and cocker vp their sonnes , and winke at their follies , bee most commonly agrieued and brought to heauinesse ? an vntamed horse will be stubburne , and a wanton child will be wilfull . in like sort , suffer thy son to haue his will for a time , and he will become ( do what thou canst ) rude , inflexible , and wantonly disposed to all maner of vices . waxe , as long as it is soft and clammie , receiueth any impression or seale , but being hardened , it receiueth none . so likewise , chastise thy child , and imprint discipline in his heart , while hee is young and towardly , and thou shalt bow him to what instruction thou wilt , but let him haue his owne scope , and n hee will rather breake then bow . obiection . diuers youthes will performe more at a becke , then they would otherwise at a blow . also , it is slauish , as said socrates , to be beaten : therfore youths ought not to bee corrected . answere . my meaning is not , that all youths should be corrected ; for many there be , that naturally are inclined to liue vertuously , and such i would haue rather incouraged by praises , then discouraged by threatnings . my question onely includeth sturdie and stubborne youthes , who being let alone , will become worse . and wheras you say with socrates , that it is slauish to be beaten : i answere with the same socrates , that it is slauish to deserue beating . if socrates his free nature be not found , surely socrates his slauish nature must be beaten , and that euen by socrates his owne confession . of schoolemasters and their duties . chap. . princes that in the frontiers of their enemies , keepe fortes and garrisons , doe choose wise and expert captaines to ouersee them ; otherwise it were better to batter downe the forts , and to remoue the garrisons , then it should come into the hands of the enemies . so in like maner parents , which tender the training vp of their childrē , ought to choose out a good schoole-master , that will not onely instruct them in learning , but also informe them in the precepts of good maners . else , they imitate horsecoursers , whose onely delight is , to pamper and fatne their horses , and not to manage them as they should : so that when such iades come to trauell , they praunse gallantly at the first , but in the midst of their trauelling , their grease melting away , they founder and fall downe in the mire . euen so young men hauing gotten but a taste of learning , become so headie with a fond fantasie of that little which they haue , that they tire and lie downe in the midst of their bookish pride . the consideration whereof , hath prouoked mee principally to require in a schoole-master , morall and politique philosophie , thereby to instruct his schollers in awe , obedience , and loue . for would it not grieue the prince to see his subiects rebellious ? the father to finde his sonnes disobedient to his will ▪ withall , a schoolemaster must be endued with these nine qualities . first , hee must be well skilled in grammar , rhetoricke , and poetrie . secondly , hee ought to haue discretion to iudge of his scholers nature and disposition . thirdly , courage to heartne and egge forward a toward youth . fourthly , perseuerance not to giue ouer his schoole vpon enuie or grudge of some particular person . fiftly , hee must haue affabilitie and courtesie , least his schollers as apes taking example by his froward lookes , become rough and disobedient . sixtly , hee must vse mediocritie in correcting , that is , hee must correct them according to the qualitie of their faults , and while hee is so occupied , hee must not reuile or nickname them . seuenthly , hee must bee endued with some maiestie of countenance , and strength of bodie , otherwise hee will bee contemned , and made a iesting-stocke . eightly , with continence , to abstaine from lecherie and excesse in drinking , apparrell , and such like . ninthly , a schoole-master must not impose more labours on his scholers , then they can well sustaine , least thereby hee cloying them with too much at once , doe make them dull , and so daunt them from their bookes . for it is loue that maketh vs to take delight , and to profite in our studies . and this is the cause , why plants moderately watered doe grow , but being too much moystened , they are choaked and drowned . that schoole-masters should haue large stipendes . chap. . in vaine doe i treate of necessarie schoole-masters , vnlesse parents bee gratefull vnto them : a stipends doe nourish arts. wherefore teachers are to bee stirred vp to benefite the common-wealth , through the augmēting of their allowances . x constantine the emperour enacted , that schoole-masters should haue large salaries payed them : whereby hee got him an immortall name . it was also decreed by the councell of laterane , that a prebends should be giuen to schoole-masters . n the like was done by the councell of trident. it is great pitie that euery seuerall parish in this realme of england , hath not a good schoole-master constituted in it , for the training vp of youth , and an indifferent liuing out of the same parish , for his trauell . for lacke whereof , some carefull parents now-a-dayes , are constrained to send their children a hundred miles off , either to eaten colledge , westminster , winchester , or other like places , where they pay much for their diet and tuition , and peraduenture so much , as being spared , might encourage them to kee●● them the longer at the vniuersitie . but perhaps you will aske mee , at what time i would haue schoolemasters receiue their exhibition ? to which i answere : either the one halfe aforehand , and the other halfe at the halfe yeeres end , or else quarterly , or rather x the one halfe at the halfe yeeres end , and the remnant at the tweluemonths end . this is my foundation , which being wel laid , i doubt not but to see youths more ciuill , & better lettered . whether it bee better for parents to keepe their sonnes at home with a priuate schoole-master , or to send them abroad to the publike schoole . chap. . in my iudgement this question is worth the deciding , to wit , whether gentlemen should maintaine their children at the free-schoole , or rather at their houses , where they themselues may ouersee their towardnesse ? they that approoue this priuate teaching , alleadge three speciall reasons . first , children are by nature weake , and quickly surprized with infectious diseases , therefore they had rather haue them in sight , where they may be tendred and regarded ; which is likewise confirmed by that common saying : namely , the masters eie fatneth his horse . secondly , they will learne modestie and ciuilitie at home , whereas if they were abroad , they would become rude , impudent , aud vicious . thirdly , they being in number few , will be more diligently taught and informed ; which in a maner is impossible in a common schoole , by reason of the confusion of so many scholers . howbeit notwithstanding these reasons , publike teaching seemeth to bee of most force , and that for foure causes . first , because h the wisest sort of men haue preferred the publike instruction before the priuate . secondly , a childe will get wit and experience by conuersing with many . thirdly , when hee misseth in his lesson , hee may in the common schoole speedily recouer that which is lost , by conferring with his mates . fourthly , if hee bee by nature melancholike , crabbed , or wicked , hee will in a free-schoole bee reformed , partly for shame to bee beaten in the sight of many , and partly for feare , in seeing offenders punished . these bee all the reasons which i can coniecture on the behalfe of the publike scholemaster . to knit vp this question of priuate and publike teaching , this is my resolution , that children from the first time they bee put to schoole , vntill they bee at least thirteene yeres of age , should be cloystered at home with a priuate teacher , and then placed in the common schoole for two or three yeeres space , till they bee readie and fit for the vniuersitie . of tutours in the vniuersitie . how to discerne a good tutour . chap. . parents in any case must not send their sonnes to the vniuersitie , before they bee at least foureteene yeeres of age : whither being once come , they must curiouslie hearken ( but not of vnlearned persons and boyes , for they measure mens sufficiencie by their owne fancie ) after a good tutour , that will not onelie furnish them with necessaries , but also reade himselfe vnto them : otherwise , the parents may one day repent them ●f their sonnes education . for many tutours now-a-dayes will not sticke to receiue a marke or twentie shillings a quarter , for each of their scholers tuition , and yet not vouchsafe once to reade themselues vnto them , but to substitute young bachelers of art , who , albeit some of them can reade tolerably , yet notwithstanding they cannot correct and prouoke the sluggish , as wanting both discretion to iudge , & seueritie to compell . it is therefore very prudently decreed , although not alwaies executed , by the vniuersitie , that none should be a tutour , vnder a master of arts , & yet not euery master , but such a one , that for his integritie of life , and sufficiencie of learning , is admitted by the vicechancelour , the head of the house , whereof the tutour & the scholers are , & by the consent of two doctours , or two bachelers of diuinitie , to be a tutour . the qualities of a good tutour bee tenne : the first is , that hee bee godly and vertuously giuen . the second , that he be well seene in humanitie and philosophie . the third , it is requisite that he be no lesse then seuen & twentie yeeres of age , and no more then fortie , because the one lacks audacitie and grauitie to commaund , and the other most commōly is negligent . the fourth , a tutour must be sober aswell in words as in deeds . the fift , he must not ( as many nowadaies do ) suffer his pupilles to be idle , and to haue their owne willes . the sixt , he must chastise them seuerely , if they play at dice , sweare , fight , or such like . the seuenth , he must ( if hee may possibly ) haue them in his sight and chamber . the eight thing required in a tutour is , that he be famous in the vniuersity for his learning , and also well friended , that thereby he may both supply his scholers wantes , and looke that they be not iniuried . the ninth duty of a tutour is , that hee haue an especiall care and respect to his scholers battles , lest that by permitting them to spend what they please , he incurre the displeasure of the parents , and so hazard his credit . the tenth and last duty of a tutour is , that he keepe his scholers in awe and obedience ; and not too familiarly insinuate himselfe vnto them , seing that according to the old adage , too much familiarity breeds contempt . and ( in conclusion ) whosoeuer giueth his scholers but an inch , may be assured , that they will ( do what he can ) take a whole ell . the fift plant. of grammar . chap. . grammar is an art that consisteth in speaking & enditing truly . it had the beginning , of noting what is more fit & vnfit in cōmunication ; which thing men imitating in their speech , in processe of time inuēted this art. although before adams fall from paradise , learning was natural , yet neuerthelesse no man can now of himselfe come to the knowledge of it , without practize , exercise , and other mens inuention . charondas the lawgiuer extolled grammar aboue all other artes : and that iustly , for ast; by meanes of it the chiefest things in the world are written ; as lawes , constitutions , willes , and testaments , and such like , as concerne mans life . whereby we see that * grammar is many wayes profitable to mans life . but alas , the vse thereof is in these dayes not perfectly knowen . albeit we haue many that profes it , yet for al that , few there be that vnderstand it aright . the reason is , because nowadayes they thinke , that whosoeuer can prattle in latine , make verses , or patch a declamation , is a substanciall grammarian ( or , as they terme him , an humanitian ) which , god wot , they know not what it meanes . for a * grāmarian is he , that can speake the vsuall tongues elegantly , and expoūd the mysteries of poets with their tropes and figures , and that hath some smack in philosophy , because sundry places in poets are quoted out of the quintessēce of the mathematikes . of logick . chap. . like as they , that digge for metals , do strictly and diligently search the veines of the earth , and by earnest noting the nature thereof , attaine at last to the perfect knowledge of the mine : so they , that will enioy learning , aswell for the common good , as for their owne profit , must narrowly study this art of logike , * which is conuersant with vs in our daily conferences . and no doubt but hauing studied it well , they shall find it expedient three maner of wayes . a first , for exercise . secondly , for disputations . and thirdly , for the knowledge of philosophy . but thou wilt say , it is obscure , vnpleasant , and therfore in no wise profitable . oh how weake is the connexion of this argument ! admit that it is at first rough and irksome : yet notwithstanding b whē thou shalt enter farther into it , an insatiable desire of learning it , foorthwith will cause thee to embrace it . for without doubt c god himselfe reuealed the knowledge of logike vnto vs. and if we neglect this worthy and magnificent gift of his , he will also for our ingratitude withdraw not onely this art , but all other artes whatsoeuer from vs : though wee haue both wit and learning together , yet shall they litle auayle without logicke . what maketh youths to speake so boldly & roundly ? logike . what maketh atturneyes to go so fast away with their words and pursuites ? logick . in al artes therefore logick is praise worthy . logick is defined to be an art , that knitteth well together all discourses formed by speeches , and all positions in them , according as they depend one vpon another , & are grounded vpon good reason . and euē as gold by seuen fires is tried and purified : so in like maner a the truth in despight of errours is by logicall disputations found out , and restored to her former liberty . for b the end of logick is to discerne in philosophy the truth from the false ; as if a man should say , knowledge is the end of it . the duties of it are foure ; namely , to define , to deuide , to compose true arguments , and to dissolue them that be false . the partes of logick are two , to wit , * the first intentions , and a the second intentions . howbeit for all this , the faigned vtopians are reported * neuer to haue been able to find out the second intentions : by reason that none of them all could see man himselfe in common , as they terme him , though he bee , as s●me know , bigger then euer was any gyant , and pointed vnto vs euen with our finger . but i leaue the vtopians to their nullibies . of rhetoricke , and the abuse thereof . chap. . rhetorick is an art , that teacheth a man to speake finely , smoothly , and eloquently . and whereas logick formeth speech as it were a bare picture , & hauing nothing but simple draughts , which serue to furnish it in respect of ech part and lineament thereof : a rhetorick beyng the offspring of logick shapeth it not onely as a picture well varnished , but also enriched and polished with glorious fields and medowes , and such like glozing shewes , that it may become faire to the eye , & pleasant to the eare . being well applied , b there is nothing so sacred to perswade as it . but nowadaies it is not much profitable , especially to preachers . for although rhetorical speeches do delight their auditory ; yet notwithstāding , they make not much for y ● soules health . c simple & material speeches are best among friēds . preachers therfore must labour to speak & vtter that , which the hearers vnderstand , & not go about the bush with their filing phrases . they must not ( i say ) come with excellency of wordes to shew the testimony of god vnto the people . * neyther must their preaching consist in the enticing speech of mans wisedome , but in the plaine euidence of the spirit and of power . moses , when god commaunded him to go downe to the israelites , would haue excused himselfe , saying , * o my lord , i am not eloquent , neyther at any time haue beene : but i am slow of speech and slow of tongue . then the lord said vnto him , who hath giuen the mouth to man ? or who hath made the dumme , or the deafe , or him that seeth , or the blind ? haue not i the lord ? therefore go now , and i will bee with thy mouth , and will teach thee , what thou shalt say . caluine that zealous preacher had , as many men know , an impediment in his speach , and in his sermons neuer vsed any painted or rhetoricall termes . what shall i write of our common lawyers , who with their glozing speeches do as it were lay an ambush for iustice , and * with their hired tongues think it not vnhonest to defend the guilty , and to patronize vnlawfull pleas ? why will not they imitate anacharsis the philosopher , who when the scholers of athens laughed him to scorne , by reason hee could not pronounce greeke distinctly , and eloquently , answered them , that a speach was not to bee termed bad , as long as it contayned good counsels , and as long as honest deeds did follow after his words ? constantine the emperour deserueth great praise , in that * hee tooke away the forme of making deceitfull & fine phrazed libels ? in like sort we read , that * the elegant solemnities of stipulations , and such like trifling words were laid aside . in briefe , it was decreed among the areopagites in athēs , that no orator should vse any proheme or forespeech , and digression , nor perswade them eyther to mercy or to enuy . of poetry , and of the excellency thereof . chap. . when * the children of israel were enthralled in the land of bondage : then god , who is alway the helper of the friendlesse , raised vp moses his seruaunt , made him ruler of his distressed people , and deliuered them with a strong & out-stretched arme frō their miserable captiuity . whereupon * moses framed a song of thankesgiuing vnto the lord in verse , which i take to be the most auncient of all . so that it is certaine , and ( as they say ) able to be felt with hands , that poetry came first by inspiration from god. likewise a deborasung a psalme of victory in meetre . dauid also & the prophets were poets . if wee prie into the liues of the heathen , we shall find that poetrie was the chiefest cause of their ciuility . whē b before they remained scattered lawlesse , and barbarous , like vnto sauage beasts , amphion and orpheus two poets of the first ages assembled th●se rude nations , and * exhorted them to listen their eare vnto their wholesome counsels , and to lead their liues well and orderly . and as these two poets , and linus before them reclaimed the wildest sort of men : so by all likelihood mo poets did the same in other places . further , poets were the first , that obserued the secrete operations of nature , and especially the celestial courses , by reason of the perpetuall motion of the heauens , searching after the first mouer , and from thence proceeding by degrees to consider of the substaunces separate and abstract . they were the first , that offred oblations , sacrifices , and praiers . they liued chast , and by their exceeding continence came to receyue visions and prophesies . so likewise a samuel & the prophets were named seers . now sithence poetry is so sanctified , it will not bee amisse , if i anatomize her parts , and compare her with other faculties : which done , i doubt not but she wil deserue a more fauourable censure euen of the momistes themselues . the prince of philosophers writeth , that b rhetorick had her first beginning from poetry . the chiefe of the late philosophers doubted not to proue , that c poetry was part of logick , because it is wholy occupied in deliuering the vse of examples , i do not meane that kind of example , which is vsed in common conferences ; but i meane the maners , affections , and actions of men , which are brought as examples eyther to be imitated or shunned of the spectatours , or readers . in like maner , poetry is more philosophicall and serious then history , because poetry medleth with the generall consideration of all things : wheras history treateth onely of the particular . and not onely history , but also philosophy , law , and phisicke are subiect to poetry , for whatsoeuer nature or policy , case or medicine they rehearse , that may y e poet , if he please , with his forme or imitation make his owne . but , mee thinks , i see a rout of criticall pharisees comming towards mee , and discharging whole volees of cannon shot against my breast , and exclayming without reason , that i falsely erre , for prouing poetry to bee deriued from moses . the gentiles ( say they ) were the first founders of poetry , and therefore it ought to be reiected . well do i deny this argument , demaunding of thē , whether philosophy be bad , because the painims brought the knowlege thereof to light ? whether greeke letters be euill , because cadmus inuented thē ? whether the bookes of resolution bee blame-worthy , for that r. p. a fugitiue papist wrote thē ? o mōstrous absurdity ! what ? wil they with the foolish donatists vtterly refuse the sacraments , because the priests are vicious , that administer them ? or wil they with the anabaptists forbid alsuites & going to law , because the lawyers , that cōmence thē , are corrupt ? thē farewell quietnesse , farewel money , yea , farewell religion , & all : for each of them was , is , & will be abused for euermore . othersome there be , that iudge poetry vnlawfull , for that they themselues are not capable thereof . and againe there be some , that meane to kil the lion with a straw , and condemne poetry for the fables that are contained therein . but if i should dash these enuious sycophāts with a blurre of inke for euery offence , which they commit against the truth , they would , i feare me , become blacker then aethiopian negroes . as for poetical fabies and parables what els should i retort , but that , which one of the ancient fathers hath written on their behalfe ? to wit , * poets do speake that which is most true , and by their mysticall fables do decipher profound matters . after which maner dauid in his psalmes saith , * thou hast brought forth a vine out of egypt : thou hast cast out the heathen , and planted it . what is vnderstood by this vine , & the plāting thereof , but the childrē of israel , whom god by his diuine prouidence brought out of egypt , & gaue thē inheritance in the land of chanaan ? likewise we read of the steward , of the prodigall child , & such like in the new testament . whē perseus , dedalus , & bellerophon are faigned to fly : what els is meant by their flying , but their speedy iourneying ? what doth the trāsformatiō of halcione into a bird signifie ? namely , that shee , after the death of her husband ceix , mourned & sorowed like vnto that same bird . when lycaon is reported to be metamorphozed into a woolfe : what other sence is vnderstood by the wolfe , then that this king was a tyrant & a rauenous theefe ? by the painful trauell of vlisses is portrayed the liuely picture of mans miseries . icarus had winges , and therewith mounted vp into the aire : but so soone as the sunne had melted his waxen wings , he fell downe into a riuer , and was drowned . whereby is included that no man must rashly reach aboue his pitch . if men would speake & inueigh against niggards , what better instance cā they make , then in danae , tantalus , and midas ? to blaze prodigality , and such as were giuē to pleasures , the poets painted acteon turned into a hart , who was so much delighted in hunting , that in the end he was eaten vp of his dogs ; that is , he spent all his goods in feeding of hounds . for an exāple of whoredome they inferre circe , who was so beautifull , that she rauished and enchaunted all such as beheld her . and so wee must iudge of the rest . iupiter betokeneth the highest god : phoebus the sunne : mars warre : themis law : minerua learning : venus loue : vulcan fire : ceres corne : bacchus wine : neptune the sea : the nymphes signifie riuers : and by destiny is declared the ineuitable will of god. there is no faculty of any account , but hath hard & obscure significations ; as for example , naturall philosophy comprehendeth the first matter and the first mouer . alchymy cōtaineth dark words : as , saturne signifieth lead : mercury quicksiluer : sol gold : luna siluer : venus copper : iupiter tinne : mars iron ; with diuers words of art a hūdred times more mysticall then these . i wil passe ouer the elixers , fixations , and such like names of the chymists . thus ( gentle reader ) mayst thou see , that euery science hath other significations , then the plaine names do declare . why then wil dunces vpbraid poets with their intricated fables , which none but oedipus can interpret ? only sonnes of art , to whome god hath imparted his blessing , must attaine to the right knowlege of the muses . hearken what another saith , a the faigned examples of the poets are fit and conuenient for the amendement of maners . to bee short , i am verily of this opinion , that b all poets are sworne enemies to lies , and do vtterly detest falsehood : and among the rest homer was the searcher and louer of truth and verity . sundry times haue i beene conuersant with such , as blasphemed poetry , by calling it mincing and lying poetry . but it is no maruel , that they thus deride poetry , sith they sticke not in this outworne age to abuse the ministers of god , by terming them bookish fellowes and puritanes , they themselues not knowing what they meane . what more shall i write ? poets at all times haue beene preferred before all artists , & highly esteemed of all princes . euripides was entertained of amintas king of macedon . sophocles together with pericles was cōstituted gouernour of athens . antimenides the poet was generall of an army . likewise tyrtaeus the poet being lame on one legge , was by the oracle of apollo chosen chieftaine of the lacedemonians , & got the victory ouer his enemies . lysander king of lacedemon , in reward of a few verses , gaue vnto the poet antiochus his hat full of siluer . the sicilians hauing ouercome the athenians , spared many of them for euripides his sake . and if they heard any verses like vnto his , they would haue thē by heart , and one would present them to another with great ioy . * alexander the great left his tutour liuing aristotle behind him , but tooke the workes of dead homer with him , & euery night he caused them to be laid vnder his pillow . and not only homer was thus honoured , but also for his sake all other meane poets , insomuch as cherilus a simple poet had for euery good verse , which he composed , a philip noble of gold , amounting to the value of an angel english. theocritus the poet was in estimation with ptolome king of egypt , and with queene berenice his wife . ennius was highly fauoured by that noble warriour scipio : virgil and horace were aduaunced by augustus the emperour . to come neerer our owne time , hiernus an excellent poet , and yet of base linage , when frotho k. of denmark died without issue , and the peeres of the realme had determined him to succeed , that best could honour the dead king : among the rest , hee knowing that poetrie was the onely meanes to reuiue the memorial of the dead , made an epitaph , which publikely repeated , hee was by generall consent elected king. ieffery chaucer , the english poet , was in great account with king richard the second , who gaue him in reward of his poems , the manour of newelme in oxford shire . neither will i passe ouer with silence , the fauor of the french queene anne , wife to lewis the twelfe of france , extended to poets . this queen passing on a time from her lodging towards the kings side , saw in a gallerie allen chartier a learned poet , leaning on a tables end fast asleepe , which this princesse espying , shee stouped downe to kisse him , vttering these words in all their hearings : wee may not of princely courtesie passe by , and not honour with our kisse the mouth , from whence so many golden poems haue issued . frauncis the first , french king in the yeere of our lord . made those famous poets , dampetrus and macrinus , of his priuie counsell . king henrie the eight , her maiesties father , for a few psalmes of dauid turned into english meeter by sternhold , made him groome of his priuie chamber , and rewarded him with many great gifts besides . moreouer , hee made sir thomas moore lord chauncelour of this realme , whose poeticall works are as yet in great regard . queene marie for an epithalamy composed by verzoza a spanish poet , at her marriage with king philip in winchester , gaue him during his life two hundred crowns pension . her maiestie that now is , made doctour haddon being a poet , master of the requests . in former times , princes themselues were not ashamed to studie poetrie . as for example , iulius cesar was a very good poet. augustus likewise was a poet , as by his edict touching virgils bookes appeareth . euax king of arbia wrote a booke of pretious stones in verse . cornelius gallus treasurer of egypt , was a singular good poet. neither is our owne age altogether to bee disprayed . for the old earle of surrey composed bookes in verse . sir philip sydney excelled all our english poets , in rarenesse of stile and matter . king iames the sixt of scotland , that now raigneth , is a notable poet , and daily setteth out most learned poems , to the admiration of all his subiects . gladly i could goe forward in this subiect , which in my stripling yeeres pleased mee beyond all others , were it not i delight to bee briefe : and that sir philip sydney hath so sufficiētly defended it in his apologie of poetrie ; that if i should proceede further in the commendation thereof , whatsoeuer i write would bee eclipsed with the glorie of his golden eloquence . wherefore i stay my selfe in this place , earnestly beseeching all gentlemen , of what qualitie soeuer they bee , to aduaunce poetrie , or at least to admire it , and not to bee so hastie shamefully to abuse that , which they may honestly and lawfully obtaine . obiection . the reading of catullus , propertius , ouids loues , and the lasciuious rimes of our english poets , doe discredite the common-wealth , and are the chiefe occasions of corruptions , & the spurres of lecherie : therefore poetrie is blame-worthie . answere . in many things not the vse , n but the abuse of him that vseth them , must bee blamed . the fault is not in the art of poetrie , but rather in the men that abuse it . poets themselues may bee traitours and felons , and yet poetrie honest and vnattainted . take away the abuse , which is meerely accidental , and let the substance of poetrie stand still . euerie thing that bringeth pleasure , may bring displeasure . i nothing yeeldes profit , but the same may yeeld disprofit . what is more profitable then fire ? yet notwithstanding wee may abuse fire , and burne houses , and men in their beds . phisicke is most commodious for mankind , yet wee may abuse it , by administring of poysoned potions . to end this solution , i conclude , that many of our english rimers and ballet-makers deserue for their baudy sonnets , and amorous allurements , to bee banished , or seuerely punished : and that poetrie it selfe ought to bee honoured and made much of , as a precious lewell , and a diuine gift . of philosophie . chap. . ● philosophie is the knowledge of all good things , both diuine and humane . it challengeth vnto it three things : first , contemplation to know those things , which are subiect vnto it , as c natural philosophy teacheth vs the knowledge of the world : geo o●●trae of the triangle : the metaphysick of god : and morall philosophie , of vertue and felicitie . secondly , philosophie chalengeth the execution and practise of precepts . thirdly , the promotion of a good man ; * which three concurring together in one man , do make him a wise philosopher . the iewes diuided philosophie into foure parts : namely , into historical , ciuill , naturall of the contemplation of sacrifices , and into diuine of the speculation of gods word . of which i will at this time content my selfe with the natural , and the ciuill r naturall philosophie is a science that is seene in bodyes , magnitudes , and in their beginnings or ground workes , affections , and motions . or , as others say , a naturall philosophie is a contemplatiue science , which declareth the perfect knowledge of naturall bodyes , as farre foorth as they haue the beginning of motion within them . x there bee seuen parts of it . the first is of the first causes of nature , and of naturall bodyes . the second of the world . the third , of the mutuall transmutation of the elements , and in generall , of generation and corruption . the fourth is , of the meteours . the fift , of the soule , and of liuing creatures . the sixt , of plants , the seuenth , of things perfectly mixed , and of things without life , as , of minerals and such like . n ciuill philosophie is a science compounding mans actions out of the inward motion of nature , and sprung vp from the fulnesse of a wise minde : insomuch that wee may in all degrees of life attaine to that which is honest . this ciuill philosophie is diuided into foure parts : ethicke , politicke , oeconomicke , and monastick . ethick is the discipline of good maners . of oeconomick and politick , i haue discoursed before . monastick is the institution of a priuate and a solitarie life . but of the worthinesse of this ciuill philosophie , and by how much it goeth before the naturall , i haue expressed in i another booke . of the art magick . chap. . the auncient magicians prophesied either by the starres , and then their art was termed astrologie : or by the flying and entrailes of birdes , and this they called augurie : by the fire , and that they named pyromancie : or by the lines and wrinckles of the hand , which was termed chiromancie or palmistrie : by the earth , called geomancie : by the water , and that they termed hydromancie : or by the diuell , and this we call coniuring or bewitching . all which superstitious kindes of illusions ( i feare mee ) haue beene too often vsed heere in england ; witnesse of late yeeres the witches of warboise : witnesse figure-casters , & calculatours of natiuities : witnesse also many of our counterfeit bedlems , who take vpon thē to tell fortunes and such like . now-a-dayes among the common people , he is not adiudged any scholer at all , vnlesse hee can tell mens horoscopes , cast out diuels , or hath some skill in southsaying . little do they know that s this art , ( if it b●e lawfull to call it an art ) is the most deceitfull of all arts , as hauing neither sure foundations to rest vpon , nor doing the students thereof any good : but rather alluring them to throw themselues away vnto the diuel both body & soule . wo be vnto thē that delight therein , for it were better for them that they had neuer beene borne . a man hauing in his furie killed one , may by the grace of god repent , and bee sorie for his offence ; but for the coniurer or magician , it is almost impossible that hee should be conuerted , by reason that the diuell is alwaies conuersant with him , and is present euen at his very elbow , and will not once permit him to aske forgiuenesse . experience whereof doctour faustus felt , who was at last torne in peeces by the diuell . cornelius agrippa likewise , a man famous for his great skill in magicke , and as yet fresh in some old mens memorie , went continually accompanied with a diuell in the shape of a blacke dōgge● and when at his death hee was vrged to repent and crie god mercie , hee pulled off the coller which was about the dogges necke , and sent him away with these words , packe hence , thou cursed curre , which hast quite vndone mee . with that the dogge went away , and drowned himselfe in the riuer arar ▪ within a little after agrippa deceased , whose iudgement i leaue vnto the lord. as touching the deedes of coniurers , i confesse , they bee wonderfull ; for r the charmers of egypt turned roddes into serpents in the sight of pharao . and there is nothing which good men doe , but sorcerers like apes will assay to do the like . many of them ( among whome i meane pope siluester the second , pope benedict the ninth , and pope alexander the sixt ) were cunning in the scriptures , professed holynesse of life , and gaue pardons and indulgences ( as the pope doth now ) vnto them that would buy them . but in the end they were pitifully and openly tormented and deuoured by the diuell their schoole-master . my selfe haue seene about eleuen yeeres agoe , a counterfeit dumbe fellow , that could by signes and tokens foretell diuers , things to come . hee could signifie what misfortunes a man hath suffered , what yeeres hee was off , what wife hee had maried , how many children he had ; and which is most strange of all , hee would finde out any thing which was hidden of purpose . at last it was this yong magicians happe to arriue at a zealous gentlemans house , who hauing before heard of his miraculous deedes , eftsoone suspected him and made no more adoe , but by violence and threatning enforced him to speake , and to declare his dissimulation procured , as hee himselfe confessed , by the diuell , with whome hee had couenated to become dumbe , on condition that he might performe such miracles . haue heard and read of many coniurers , that wrought wonders , and things almost incredible : yet neuer haue i either heard or read of any that prospered , but at the last , they eyther came to the gallous or fagot , or else they were preuented , and miserably taken by the diuell . which is the cause , that wise men haue vtterly detested this blacke arte , as being admonished by other mens harmes , to beware of it . so that none but malicious , simple , and grosse-headed persons , who eyther for reuenge , or for couetousnesse are so seduced , doe enter into league and confederacie with the diuell . to knit vp this discourse , i aduise all persons , and especially olde women , to take heede of illusions and charmes ▪ seeing principally , i they bee damnable , and forbidden by the lawes of god. secondarily , s magicke is infamous & abominable by the laws of man both ciuill and canon . finally , men must abstain from sorceries , coniurations , witchcrafts , and such kind of wickednesse , for feare of punishment , because , c if any sayth the lord , turne after such as worke with spirits , and after southsayers , to goe ( spiritually ) a whoring after them , then will i set my face against that person , and will cut him off from among his people . and in another place : n thou must not suffer a witch to liue . looke therefore vnto your selues , and bee prepared , o simple wretches , lest otherwise the siend finding you vnreadie , will quickly surprize you , and so inueigle your weake and shallow mindes . of phisicke . chap. . many confound phisicke and philosophie together , because both of them doe alike respect naturall bodies . but our r ciuilians haue distinguished the one from the other . for which cause i will at this time surcease the concordance , and fall to the declaration of the goodnesse thereof . there is no facultie , saue law and diuinitie , comparable vnto phisicke . insomuch as mightie potentates haue not disdained to exercise it . gentius the king of illyria , found out the vertuous qualities of the herbe called gentian . iuba king of mauritania and lybia , found the herbe called euphorbium . sabor king of the medes , sabrel king of the arabians , mithridates king of pontus , and auicenna king corduba , were professed phisicious . the angell raphael caused blind tobias with the gall of a fish to receiue his sight . luke the euangelist was a phisicion : yea , and * god himselfe is called the supreme phisicion both of body and soule . wherefore see that you honour phisicke , o yee that bee rich , and make much of the phisicion for the lord created him . of law. chap. . the law is the knowledge of things as wel diuine as humane , and of that which is iust and vniust . of ciuilians it is declared tripartite : as it comprehendeth the law of nature , the law of nations , and the ciuill law . the law of nature is a feeling which euerie one hath in his conscience , whereby hee discerneth betweene good and euill , as much as is sufficient to deliuer him from the cloudie cloake of ignorance , in that hee is reprehended by himselfe . a hence commeth the coniunction of male and female : the procreation of children , and education . the law of nations is a prescription , that all maner of people can claime : as , to resist violence was lawfull : to defraud the wilie and subtill was no fraude : to hurt a herauld was not tolerable : to pay euery man his owne was right : and in a maner all contracts were brought in by this law : as buying , selling , hiring , gaging , and infinite others . the ciuill law is that , which is squared according to honestie , and is termed euery priuate law , enacted by one peculiar people . there is also a diuine law , which is three-fold : to witte , the morall law , the ceremoniall law , and the iudiciall law . the morall law is that , which is constituted for all nations , if they will obserue the commandements of god , the ceremoniall law was an instruction of infancie giuen to the iewes , to bee exercised vnder the obedience of god , vntill christs comming . the iudiciall law is that , which was giuen them for politicke gouernement , teaching them certaine maximes of iustice , whereby they might liue quietly , without molesting one another . of the common law in england . chap. . as soone as brutus came into this realme , hee constituted the troians lawes throughout all his dominions . but when diuisions and ciuill broyles hapned a little after his decease , those lawes decayed for a long time , vntill malmutius reuiued them , enlarging them with many profitable more , and were named malmutius lawes : vnto which martia a queene of this land , added the decrees of her time , and were called martiaes lawes . besides these , king lud is reported to amend them . then in the succession of time , raigned saint edward , a right vertuous prince , who selected and enacted excellent good lawes : but within a while after , the normans conquered this land , and altered the estate thereof , appoynting new lawes in their owne language , as a people naturally inclined to sophisticall and doubtful sence , whereby they wrested the lawes to all constructions . yet notwithstanding , king edward the third was enduced to abrogate many of the norman lawes , and in their stead to inuest new and wholesome lawes . the method of which , is at this day put in practise among our sergeants and vtter-sarristers . obiection . that law which is of no antiquitie , neither grounded vpon any good foundations , nor vsed in any countrey but one , cannot bee good : such is the common law of england : therefore it is of no effect . answere . our common law of england ( i confesse ) is of no great antiquitie : yet grounded vpon the law of nature , and approoued by the vniuersall consent of the prince , nobles , & commons , in a generall parliament . in briefe , necessity hath no reason . whether alteration of lawes be good in a commonwealth . chap. . there was a law amōg the locrensians , that whosoeuer did intrude himself to make a new law , should come with a halter about his necke : insomuch that if his lawes were approued , he went away safe as he came : if reproued , hee was presently hanged . so in like maner , when we alter our vsuall diet , wee feele great innouations in our bodies , and do perhaps fall into some sicknesse or other : but when we be accustomed once vnto it , then we recouer , & waxe more lusty then before we were . custome ( as they say ) is another nature . but yet this custome may bee reduced into a better . the alteration of lawes ( i confesse ) at the first seemeth rough and raw vnto our fraile and queizy natures . but within a while they be better liked of . which moued the diuine philosopher to say : that * chaunge of lawes , excepting those that be bad , is perilous at all times . this caused the kentishmen to rise against king william the conquerour of this land , and priuily to enclose him round about in the woods , that thereby hee might the sooner be compelled to cōdiscend to their petition , which was , that they might be suffered to enioy their ancient customes and liberties . as for the deciding of this question , i thinke , that some lawes may bee altered and reduced into better . howbeit law-makers must aduise themselues wel in that behalfe , & take great heed therein for where there ariseth small good by innouations of lawes , it is an euill thing . surely , * it is better to beare with the imperfections of lawes : because the alteration of them will not do so much benefit , as harme , by vsing men to disobey . and againe , who is so dull-spirited , which will not graunt , that defects of lawes ought now and then to be winked at and dissembled ? vpon which occasion * all persons vnder the age of forty were heretofore forbidden to enquire whether lawes were well or ill made . ripenesse of yeares is a great meane to conserue people in their obedience . and for that cause * young men are thought vnfit to deale in matters of state and morall philosophy . of diuinity . chap. . the auncient philosophers accounted three kinds of speculatiue or contemplatiue sciences : to wit , * naturall philosophy : the mathematickes : and diuinity , which is the first and chiefest beginning of all things , which is the cement that soddereth the peeces of the building of our estate , and the planke , wherewith our ship is fortified . take away this beginning , and the world will seeme a confused chaos . take away this cement , and our building is ruinous . in a word , vncaske the plāks of a ship , & it wil leake & sinke into the sea . plant ye therfore religion in your kingdomes , and let not the heathen rise vp against you at the day of iudgement . the romanes , we read , through the bare instinct of nature , did so reuerētly thinke of diuinity , that they sent their childrē into hetruria to learne it there . and yet many of vs christiās presume to iniure the ministers god , albeit we know , that * nothing is hidde from him , and that he is present , and still accompanieth vs in the midst of our secrete cogitations . god make cleane our hearts within vs , and cause vs to regard his ministers and word better then wee do . otherwise , let vs expect for nothing , but fearfull alarums , warres , heresies , pestilence , and famine continually without ceasing to annoy and destroy both vs and our countrey . whether two religions may be tolerated in one kingdome ? chap. . two religions cannot be suffered in one kingdome : for diuersities cause factions , garboiles , and ciuill warres , which neuer end but with the subuersiō of the commonwealth . the tranquillity of all estates consisteth in the vnion and consent of the inhabitants . take away this vnion , and it is but a denne for rouers and theeues . the first foundations of kingdomes were built vpon the rock of one religion ; and the heathen themselues had neuer established their lawes , if they had harboured pluralities of religions . he that displaceth this stone , shaketh all the building . * no man can serue two masters , for eyther he must despise the one , or loue the other . neither must princes halt betweene two opinions . * if the lord be god , follow him , but if baal be hee , then go after him . in religion there is no mediocrity , for a man must either be a christian , or els , he must be an enemy of christ , that is , an antichristian , according to our sauiour christes words : he that is not with mee , is against me : and he that gathereth not with me , scattereth . b i am the lord , saith god , this is my name , and my glory wil i not giue away to another : neyther my prayse to grauen images . also , it is written , e thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serue . but how is it possible to obserue this commaundement , as long as our papists beleeue that h the pope is no man , but gods vicar , and more expresly , that hee is god ? theodosius therefore is highly commended , in that i he made warre with the. arrians , and proclaimed one true religion 〈◊〉 be planted throughout all his empire . in this likewise england may faithfully glory , that beyng welnigh drowned in the sea of popish superstition , she is now saued and restored to the true and apostolicall doctrine : the which god of his goodnesse maintaine from heresies and schismes . of simony , one of the chiefest ouerthrowes of religion . chap. . simony is a deliberatiue will eyther of buying and selling , or els of posting ouer and exchaunging some spirituall thing , or some thing annexed to the spirituality , as aduowsons , presentations , and such like . this vice is called after the name of simon magus , by reason that he * offred the apostles money , that they might giue him the power , that , on whomsoeuer he layd his hands , he should receyue the holy ghost . for which his execrable proffer , hee had this answere of peter : * thy money perish with thee , because thou thinkest , that the gift of god may be obtained with money . simony may be cōmitted three maner of wa●es . first , whosoeuer selleth or buyeth the word of god , is a simonist . wherefore the lord said vnto his disciples , freely you haue receyued , freely giue . secondly , hee that giueth , or taketh any thing for a bishopricke , benefice , headship , or for a fellowes or scholers roome , is guilty of simony . thirdly , * the minister that denieth to bury the dead , or say diuine seruice , committeth simony . now hauing declared how many waies simony is committed , i wil shew , that it is the vtter ruine of the cleargie , and consequently of the whole commonwealth . first , * simony is condemned with excommunication , the seuerest censure of the church : and therfore odious . secondly , simony hindreth house-keeping , so that ministers cannot distribute almes . thirdly , it breedeth the desolation and destruction of the state . for commonly * there ensueth a dissolution of the commonwealth , when the fruits 〈◊〉 reuene●es therof are decreased . fourthly , simony discourageth parents to send their sonnes to the vniuersity : for what parents bee so foolish , as to bestow in maintenaunce of their sonnes at least three hundred pound before they attayne to perfection , and then to pay againe two hundred poūd for a benefice , or foure hundred pound for a chauncelorship ? surely it is a lamentable case . i had rather , saith one , that my sonne be a colier then a scholer . for what shall i put my sonne to schoole , when he shall pay so much for a liuing ? better it is for me to leaue my sonne an ingram foole , then to buy him a liuing through vnlawfull meanes . besides , who is so bluntish , that knoweth not the great & infinite labours of scholers ? that seeth not their eyes weakned , their bodies empaired , & which is worse , their spirites decaied ? o stony hearts ! o wicked simonists ! doubtlesse this abomination portends some great calamity to follow . lastly , * simony is an heresie , and for that respect it ought to be reiected from all true christians . to wind this vp in a word , i wish all pastours and patrons of benefices and chancelourships to looke more narrowly vnto themselues , and to stand in feare of god , who vndoubtedly is offended with their simony , and will one day * requite the slacknes of their punishments with the weight thereof , & wil cast them downe headlong into the bottomlesse and tormenting pit of hell , where euery sence of their bodies shall abide his peculiar punishment . their eyes shall haue no other obiects then diuels and snakes : their eares shall bee afflicted with clamours and howlings : their noses with brimstone and filthy smels : their tast with poison and gall : and their feeling shal be vexed continually with boyling lead and firy flames . the sixt plant. of the alteration of a common-wealth . chap. . commonwealths , euen as mortall men , haue their infācy , childhood , stripling age , youth , virility , middle age , and old age : that is , they haue their beginning , vegetation , flourishing , alteration , and ends . and like as diuers innouations , & maladies do happen to mē , according to the cōstitutiō of their bodies , or according to their diet and education : so in like maner it falleth out with commonwealths , as being altered eyther by domesticall & ciuill wars , or els by forreyne , or perhaps by both together , or by the death of the noblest inhabitaunts , or to bee briefe , by vices , which are suffred to creepe in . it is necessary that all things , which are in this world should waxe old , and * hasten to the same end , some sooner , others later , according to the will of god their creatour , and by his permission through the influence of the heauenly bodies from which this mutuall succession of life and death issueth . howbeit notwithstāding , i confesse that prodigious signes are not the causes of euents , but rather foretokens of them . like as an iuy bush put forth at a vintrie , is not the cause of the wine , but a signe that wine is to be sold there : so likewise if wee see smoke appearing in a chimney , wee know that fire is there , albeit the smoke is not the cause of the fire . * god onely chaungeth the tymes and seasons , hee discouereth the deepe and secret things , and the light is with him . the effects of all the cometes , and the chiefest eclipses , which hapned in this last age . chap. . forasmuch as the alterations of commōwealths are for the most part foreshewed vnto vs by heauenly signes : i iudge it more meet for mee to declare those , which chaunced within this last age , rather then in any other , especially for that they are neerer to our fathers memories , and also more familiar vnto vs. in the yeere of our lord . there appeared a comet in the north , after the which followed many and straunge effects . for the frenchmen assaulted the kingdome of naples : & the tartarians the kingdome of polonia . then was a great famine in swethland , and a cruell plague throughout al germany ; besides ciuill warres amongst themselues , in taking part with the bauarians against the bohemians . thē died pope pius the . together with the archbishop of tre●ires , and diuers other famous wights . in the yeere . appeared another comet . whereupon died prince philip the father of charles the fift and ferdinand afterward emperours . maximilian the emperour made warre with the frenchmen and venetians . in the yeere . was an eclipse of the sunne . about which time george duke of saxony inuaded and spoyled frizelād . king lewis the . of fraūce , and vladislaus king of hungary & bohemia departed out of this world . in the yeere . was seene another eclipse of the sunne . immediatly after the which died the emperour maximilian the first . christierne the . king of denmarke fought a most bloudy battell with the swethens : & within a while after he was deposed of his kingdome . in the yeere . appeared a great comet : the operation wherof the poor● hungarians felt , as being barbarously ▪ to the shame of all christians , martyred & destroyed by the turkes . the prodigious disease of sweating was rife here in england . the riuer tiber ouerflowed the citie of rome . the sea also consumed away a great part of the low countries . in the yeere of our lord . wa● seene another blazing starre : whereupō a litle while after , king h. y ● . was diuorced frō his brothers wife . the sect of the anabaptists begā to rise . pope clement the . departed out of this life : and pope paul the . was inuested in his roome . in the yeere . chaunced an eclipse of the sunne : & presently after appeared a comet : the effects wherof were many . for there was a great cōmotiō in gaūt , which the emperour not without much damage at lēgth appeased , & took away their priuileges frō them . iohn the k. of hungary ended his life . and so did henry duke of saxony . the duke of brunswisk was by the young duke of saxony and by the landgraue of hassia driuen out of his countrey . the english ouercame the scots . in the yeere . chaūced foure eclipses , one of the sunne , and three of the moone . wherupō the l. high admiral of england arriued with a fleet of two hūdred saile in scotland , where he spoiled lieth , and burned edinburgh . king henry the eight went himselfe in person to fraunce wiith a great army , & cōquered boloigne . the marques of brandeburge died in his banishmēt . and before three yeeres after the fight of the said eclipses were fully expired , king henry the eight deceased . likewise , the french kings sonne , the duke of bauarie , the queene of polonia , the queene of spaine , the archbishop of mogunce , & martine luther ended their liues . in the yeere . a blazing starre was seene at al times of the night , to wit , the sixt , the seuenth , eight , ninth , and tenth of march : when presently after , open war was proclaimed between england and fraunce ; and a great army was sent by q. mary ouer to s. quintaines . the protestants were persecuted and cruelly dealt withall in this realme . and queene mary , before a tweluemoneth came about , departed out of this life . in the yeere . was seene towards the north a straunge starre , in bignesse surpassing iupiter , and seated aboue the moone . at which time succeeded the bloudy massacre and persecution of the protestants in fraunce . many great personages ended their liues ; as , king charles the ninth of fraunce , mathew parker archbishop of canterbury , and sundry other . pirats robbed and spoyled many of our marchants on the west seas . the sect of the family of loue begā to be discouered at london . sebastian the king of portingal , and mule the king of moroco were both slaine within lesse then sixe yeeres after . in the yeere . appeared a comet bearding eastward . whereupon a little while after , certaine cōpanies of italians & spaniards sent by the pope to strengthen the earle of desmond in his rebelliō , landed on the west coast of ireland , and there erected their antichrists banner against her maiesty . campian and other seminary priests returned to this realme , and were attached . in the yeere . appeared another comet , the bush wherof streamed southeast . but the effects thereof followed in the death of edmund grindal archbishop of canterbury , & thomas earle of sussex : and in the apprehending of arden , someruile , and other traitours in warwickshire . also within a while ensued a great dearth here in england . in the yere . appeared a comet northward . at which time hēry carew l. hunsdon , & l. chamberlaine of her maiesties houshold , and sir frauncis knowles ended their liues . robert earle of essex , and charles l. high admiral of england generalles of the english fleet burned the spanish nauy , & sacked the towne of cales . moreouer , there continued here in england a great dearth of corne , with straunge inundations of waters , graue maurice got a famous victory ouer the spaniards in the low countreyes . alphonsus duke of ferraria departed out of this life . the pope and the bastard of ferraia had diuers bickerings about the dukedome . finally , before the yeere went about , died gunilla the queene mother of swethland , and gustaue duke of saxony her nephew . likewise iohn marquesse of brādeburge one of the electours , & anne queene of polonia , daughter to charles archduke of austria , being great with child , ended their liues . in the beginning of the yeere . was seene a most fearfull eclipse of the sunne , in the seuenteenth degree of piscis , neere to the dragons head : the like whereof was seldome heard off at any time before : for the sunne was darkened full eleuen poynts , which very neere is the whole compasse of his body . the effects of it are these following . sigismund prince of transyluania , not finding his power sufficient to encounter the turks , voluntarily resigned his dominion to the emperour rodolph the second . the king of swethland returning into his realme from polonia , had diuers conflicts and skirmishes with his subiects . william lord high treasurer of england deceased . and so did king philip the second of spaine , albeit after a more strange maner . for it is credibly enformed , that this tyrant was eaten vp of lice and vermine . a punishmēt no doubt befitting his vsurping life . rome was againe ouerflowne by the riuer tiber , whereby fifteene hundred houses perished , and in a maner all the popes treasure was lost . cardinall albert sent mendoza admirall of aragon , with his rascalitie , into the low countries , where , vpon his owne confederates of cleueland , he hath exercised many bloudy tragedies . theodore duke of muscouie ended his life . there was a great deluge of waters in hungarie . the turks had wonderfull bad lucke vpon the seas . the vnited states of the low countries sent a huge fleete into spaine , where they had verie good successe , to the vtter vndoing of many a spaniard . what shall i write of the terrible rumours of warres , which were noysed throughout all england this last summer ? assuredly these enents were foreshewed vnto vs by the horrible eclipse , which appeared now aboue two two yeeres agoe . since which time i waited continually for some notable effect or other : neither could my mind otherwise presage , but that such things would come to passe , which now ( god be thanked ) are ouerpast . this after a sort , i communicated at that time to master ia. pr. an auncient wise gentleman , and a deare kinsman of mine , at whose house , i as then being lately come into my countrey , after my fathers decease , soiourned . god grant vs better and happier successe in this new yeere . of the causes of sedition and ciuill broyles . chap. . there be sixe causes of sedition . the first and chiefest is the contempt of religion . for if men loued god , which they cannot doe , except they loue their neighbour , doubtlesse no such effects would follow from their actions . a the loue of religion breaketh swords into mattocks , and speares into sithes , and causeth that i nation shall not lift vp sword against nation , neither learne to fight any more . the second cause of sedition is the factions of the subiects , which euer haue beene , and euer will bee the subuersion of estates . the third cause is riotous prosperitie : for ouer-great aboundance of wealth , is the prouocation of mischiefes , x and maketh men to become diuels . the fourth is , when the prince ouerchargeth his subiects with tributes , and when hee substituteth niggardly and deceitfull treasurers and lieutenants to receiue the leuied money , that will not sticke to detaine a part thereof for their owne priuate gaine . the first cause of sedition is iniquitie : a as , when that which is due by proportion , is not giuen to them that bee equall ; and when the prince bestoweth honour , which is the hire and guerdon of vertue , vpon raw and meane men . this was one of the originall causes of the late troubles in france , when the queene mother , for the establishment of her regencie , dubbed simple gentlemen knights of the honourable order of saint michael , first instituted by king lewis the eleuenth , and til that time held in great estimation . the sixt cause of sedition is , when the prince winketh at the cosonages of magistrates and lawyers , and permitteth some of the richer sort to enclose commons , and to rake their inferiors out of measure . of treason . chap. . treason bringeth no lesse danger and hurt to men , then loyaltie doth profit and felicitie : for it is farre easier to vanquish a knowne foe , then to subdue a traitour and a priuie conspiratour . this wicked monster in time of warre , worketh more scath and damage , then all artilleries . howbeit , hee neuer enioyeth his promised hire , but is at last cruelly punished . as for example , the great turke in the yeere of our lord . hauing taken constantinople through the treason of iohn iustinian a genoway , whō after he had made king according to his promise , caused his head to bee chopt off within three dayes . to approch neerer our owne time , let vs bethinke with our selues the mercifull prouidence of god , in discouering the hainous treasons pretended against our dread soueraigne queen elizabeth . of late yeeres , namely , in the yeere . what befell to tilney , sauage , babington , and the rest of their cursed complices ? were they not all executed , & brought to confusion ? likewise doctour lopouze , the queenes phisicion , who had poysoned sundry noblemen of this realme , and by the spanish kings procurement , went about to poyson the queene her selfe , had he not in the yere . his deserued punishment ? euen so the last yeere one squire , by the instigation of a spanish frier , going about to do away her maiestie , was surprized in his treason , and executed to the terrour of all such diuelish traitours . be therefore better admonished , yee wauering men , let the example of such as were executed , terrifie your minds from rebellious attempts , and suffer not wilfully the diuell to tempt and leade you into temptation . of idlenesse . chap. . o you slouthfull men , why doe you miche , range , & turne your backs to vertuous labours , seeing that they , who ouercame the delites of this world , haue deserued heauen for their rewards ? why doe you straggle & rogue from house to house ? beleeue me , there is no occupation in the world , that bringeth with it lesse profit then yours . x goe to the emmet , yee slouthfull sluggards : consider her wayes , and learne to bee wise . she hath no guide , no teacher , no leader , yet in the summer shee prouideth her meate , and gathereth together her foode in the haruest . oh why haue you forgotten the words of the lord , namely , z in the sweate of thy face shalt thou eate thy bread ? remember what penalties are imposed on runnagates and loytering droanes . in the primitiue church it was decreed , that all men should liue of their owne labour , and not vnprofitably waste the fruits of the earth . likewise the ( faigned ) syphograuntes or officers of the vtopians , r tooke heede , that no man sate idle , but that each one should diligently apply his owne craft and occupation . what shall i say of our owne constitutions here in england ? in the yeere of our lord . it was enacted in the parliament , that all persons aboue the age of foureteene yeeres , which were taken begging and roging abroade , should be apprehended , whipped , and burnt through the eare with a hot iron , for the first time so found ; and the second time to be hanged . for which consideration , looke vnto your selues yee carelesse caitifes , gette you masters , that may instruct you in some occupation or other ; which done , labour continually : & that not onely for your selues , but for the reliefe also of such as are not able to helpe themselues . in so doing , sathan the enemie of grace , who hitherto like a wily foxe hath awaited for you , shall goe away in despaire , and ( as they say ) with a flea in his eare . of dice-play . chap. . christians ought vtterly to forbeare dice-play : first , because r the diuell inuented it . secondly , because it is flat against the commandement of god , namely , x thou shalt not couet any other mans goods . thirdly , dice-play is for the most part accompanied with swearing and blaspheming gods holy name . fourthly , i the holy fathers of the church haue most vehemently written against it . fiftly , all sports and recreations must haue respect to some profite , either of body or of mind , ( otherwise it is but lost , for which wee must one day yeelde an account to god ) but dice-play , as wee know , is no exercise for the body ; neither is it any pleasure for the minde : for the euent of the hazard or maine , driueth the players minde to a furious hope , and sometimes into a fearefull quandarie : to wit , when hee doubteth the recouerie of his lost money . sixtly , we are charged , not to consume our time in wicked and vnlawfull exercises . seuenthly , men must abstaine from dice-play , that they might shew good example to their inferiours . for * if graue parents delight in wicked dice-play , their sonnes will likewise be enduced thereunto . eightly , a dice-play is condemned by the lawes and decrees of princes . by the law roscia , all such as played at dice were banished from their countrey . it was also enacted in rome , that s dice-players should bee amerced in foure times so much as they played for . king edward the fourth of this realme decreed , that euerie dice-player should be imprisoned two yeres , and forfeit tenne pound . king henrie the seuenth enacted , that dice-players should bee imprisoned one day , and that the keeper of the gaming house should bee bound to his good be hauiour , and be fined a noble . king henrie the eight ordained , that euerie one which kept a dicing house , should pay fortie shillings , and the players themselues a noble , for euerie time so occupied . ninthly , this kind of play is odious and reproachfull , as appeared in antonie , to whome cicero obiected , that hee x not onely himselfe was a dicer but also hee fostered such men as were dicers , i augustus the emperour was noted , and ill thought of for his dicing . lastly , the despaire and aduersitie which dice-players fall into , and their extraordinarie punishments be sufficient meanes , to reclaime and terrifie men from it . in the yeere of our lord . one steckman of holsatia hauing lost much money at dice , fell into despaire , and therewithall killed three of his children , and would haue hanged himselfe , if his wife had not preuented him . likewise in the yere . one schetrerus playing at dice in an ale-house neere to belisan , a towne in heluetia , blasphemed god. wherupon the diuell came in place , and carried him away . also , my selfe haue knowne a wealthie yeoman , that was as great a dicer , as any other in that shire where he dwelt , and ( i thinke ) had gotten wel-nigh a thousand pound by that his occupation : but what became of him and his wealth ? marrie , he bathing himselfe in a riuer , was sodainely drowned : and his sonne , to whom his goods after his death did rightly appertaine , before . yeeres were expired , spent al at dice , and at this day is glad to stand at mens deuotion . in summe , do wee not commōly see , that dice-players neuer thriue ? and if perhaps one amongst a thousand chance to winne , notwithstanding at last he loseth all , & so may put his winnings in his ere , yea , and which is worse , hee hazardeth his soule , which hee ought to hold more deare then all the world . but because i haue largely confuted this vice in c other places , i will proceed to the other cause of the alteration of commonwealths . of superfluitie of apparell , another cause persi. of the alteration of kingdomes . chap. . in the beginning of the world , men were clothed with pelts and skins of beasts : wherby is to be noted , that they were become as beasts , by transgressing the cōmandement of god , touching the fruit in paradise . apparell was not giuen to delight mens wanton eies , but to preserue their bodies from the cold , and to couer their shame . they had no beuer hats sharpe on the top , like vnto the spire of a steeple , nor flatte crownde hats , resembling rose-cakes . they wore no embrodered shirtes , nor garments of cloth of gold . they knew not what meant our italianated , frenchified , nor duch and babilonian breeches . they bought no silken stockins , nor gaudie pantoffles . their women could not tel how to frizle and lay out their haire on borders . they daubed not their faces with deceitfull drugs , wherewith , hiding the handi-work of god , they might seeme to haue more beautie , then hee hath vouchsafed to giue them . they imitated not hermaphrodites , in wearing of mens doublets . they wore no chaines of gold , nor ouches , iewels , bracelets , nor such like . they went not clothed in veluet gownes , nor in chamlet peticotes . they smelt not vnto pomanders , ciuet , muske , and such like trumperies . and yet for all that , they farre surpassed vs in humanitie , in kindnesse , in loue , and in vertue . their onely cogitations were bent to decke the inward mind , & not the outward body , which is nothing els , sauing a liuing sepulcher . they knew that if the mind were humble and lowly , the raiment for the body must bee euen so . euerie seede bringeth forth herbes according to his kind : as time seed bringeth foorth time , and tare seede tare . such as the heart is , such is the body ; if the heart bee proude , the fruit thereof will be ill weedes , and proud attires . but why is the earth & ashes proud ? to what end will our fine apparell serue , when death knocketh at out doores , and like a theefe in the night surprizeth vs vnawares ? our yong gallants , when they hire a chamber in london , looking daily to bee sent for home by their parents , will neuer trouble themselues with any charges or garnishing it , as otherwise they would doe , if they were assured longer to continue in it . and what , i pray you , is the body , but a chamber lent to the soule , wherehence it expecteth continually to bee sent for by god our heauenly father , and ( as saint paul speaketh ) to bee loosed , and to be with christ ? for what cause doe wee take such care to apparell the body , seeing within a while after it must putrifie , and returne to the dust of the earth , from whence it came ? what reason haue wee to neglect the soule , which neuer dieth ? why do we not follow king henrie the sixt of this realme , who when the earle of warwicke asked him wherefore hee went so meanely apparelled , answered , it behooueth a prince to excel his subiects in vertue , and not in vesture ? let vs call to remembrance the wife of philo , the iewish philosopher , who wisely answered one of her gossips , that demaunded of her , why she went not ( as other matrons ) attired in pretious garmēts : because ( quoth shee ) i thinke the vertues of my learned husband sufficient ornaments for me . whereto consenteth that of the comick : z in vaine doth a woman goe well attired , if shee be not also well manered . but what neede i spend time in producing of examples , when our sauiour christ scorned not to weare a coate without a seame ? which kinde of apparell if a man now-a-dayes vsed heere in england , presently , a one of our fine caualeers would laugh at him , and prize both him and his apparell , scant worth a hundred farthings . oh , what a shame is it , that euerie seruing-man in england , nay , euerie common iacke , should flaunt in silkes and veluets , and surpasse gentlemen of worship ! i haue knowne diuers , who would bestow all the money they had in the world , on sumptuous garments ; and when i asked them howe they would liue heereafter , they would answere : a good marriage will one day make amends for all ; thereby implying , that they hoped to inueigle and deceiue some widow or other . which pretence of theirs being frustrate , they will bee driuen to commit burglaries and murthers . in respect of which inconueniences , i exhort euerie man to liue according to his vocation , and to obserue her maiesties decrees and proclamations , whereby caualeering groomes , and dunghilled knaues , are straightly prohibited to weare the same sutes and apparell as gentlemen obiection . god hath created al things which are in this world for mans vse : therefore any man may weare cloth of gold , siluer , or such like . answere . true it is , that god made all things in this world to be vsed of mā ; but herein i must distinguish men : some men be noble , some ignoble . there is no reason , why cloth of gold , permitted onely to noblemen , should be equally permitted to earth-creeping groomes . and again , god hath appoynted men not sole cōmanders , but bailies of his goods & creatures , with condition , that they giue an account of the vtmost farthing of the same . and in this regard noblemē may gorgeously attire themselues , so long as they clothe the needie and distressed members of christ. but if noblemen on the contrary , clothe themselues sumptuously , without reseruing meanes to furnish the poore members of christ , then will the lord at the great day of iudgement , pronounce this fearefull doome against them , r depart frō me , ye cursed , into eternal fire : for i was naked , & ye clothed me not . to knit vp this briefely , i say , that god created al things for his owne glorie , and to take occasion to extoll him , but not for our pride , to abuse them . the seuenth plant. of the conseruation of a common-wealth . chap. . there be many means to preserue a commonwealth ; but aboue the rest these ten are of most efficacy . the first , and chiefest is to liue vprightly in the feare of god. the second , to make no delay in executing of attainted and condemned persons . the third , to suffer euery man to enioy his owne , and not lauishly to spend & rake the priuat inhabitants goods . the . to haue a great regard of mischiefs & euils at the first budding , how small soeuer it be , for * the corruptiō , that creepeth in by little & little , is no more perceyued , then small expenses be , the often disbursing wherof vndoeth the substance of a house . and as great rayne & horrible stormes proceed from vapours and exhalations , that are not seene : so alteration & changes breed in a commonwealth of light and trifling things , which no man would iudge to haue such an issue . the fift means is , that magistrates behaue themselues mildly and modestly towards their inferiours . the sixt , that princes bee not partiall in their subiects factions . the seuenth , the prince & his coūcell must not giue care to euery tale and crafty deuice : for it may be , that the enemy hath his intelligence in the realme . the eight , to cast out heretickes and schismatickes frō amōg the people . the ninth , to muster & traine the people once a moneth in martiall affaires . the tenth is , to discard stageplayes , vsury , extorsiō , bribes , and such like abominable vices . of taxes and subsidies . chap. . * the peace and tranquillity of a commonwealth can neuer be had without souldiours , nor souldiours without maintenance & pay , not pay cā be purchased without taxes and subsidies , which are the lawfull reuenewes of the prince to maintaine his realme . but , thou wilt say , taxes and subsidies bee for the common good of the realme , & not for the princes maintenaunce . to which i answere , that * the prince may likewise vse taxes and subsidies to his priuat royalty , which is after a maner conioyned with the honour of the princely state , that hee beareth . how is it possible for a prince to beare a stately port , vnlesse hee hath sufficient reuenewes ? let therefore all true hearted subiectes * giue vnto cesar that which is cesars : * tribute to whome tribute belongeth : and custome to whome custome . without this ground we had long since been a pray vnto our enemies . the scots would haue swalowed vs vp . the spaniards also would haue triūphed & cruelly massacred vs , as they did the poore indians . none but wizards and niggards will seeke to be exempted from contributions , & shake off the necessary yoke of obedience . experience layeth downe before our eyes the successe of them , that grudge and rebelled against their prince for taxing . the beginnings haue beene vngodly , and the ends miserable . in the yeere of our lord . the cōmons of kent & essex , to the number of threescore thousand , rebelled against king richard the second beyng their soueraigne : but they were discomfited , and the most part of them sharply punished . likewise in the yeere . a great commotion was moued by the commons of the north , by reason of a taxe , which was imposed vpon them of the tēth peny of all their lands & goods . but their rash attempt was speedily broken , and their ringleaders hanged at yorke . by this wee see the miserable issue of all such rash reuoltings , and therewithall consider , how detestable they are in the sight of god , let therfore al subiects patiently endure whatsoeuer subsidy is leuied , and night & day beseech the lord to graunt thē peace , whereby their taxes will become shortned . remedies against sedition and priuy conspiracies . chap. . the plaisters , that are to bee applied vnto sedition , be diuers , according to the causes therof . yet notwithstāding , i will epitomize and draw some of them into a breuiary . first , the prince must betimes forethinke to alay the seditions , which beginne to kindle . for euery mischiefe at first is soone cured , but being let alone , and taking farther roote , it gathereth more strength . secondly , the prince must by espials know , who slaūder or speake euil of him . howbeit , respect must be had , lest the innocent be iniuried . thirdly , the prince must proclaime rewards to the reuealers of conspiracies . fourthly , the prince must aforehand remoue munitions and artilleries out of the way , & put them in safe custody . in so doing he shall find the seditious the more tractable . fiftly , the prince must seuerely punish the authors of sedition , * lest they , that come after , go about to imitate such wickednesse . sixtly , the seditious must be sundred by some policy or other . seuenthly , the seditious must be allured with ambiguous & doubtfull promises . eightly , the prince must diligently looke , that his loyall subiects cōmunicat not with the seditious , for * such communing together at such times , and in such sort , is very daungerous , especially for the party , that is like to take the foile . ninthly , the prince must * send men of honour and dignity vnto the rebels vnder pretence of reward , to the intent , that their captaines , who desire innouations , may be withdrawen from them . of the felicity of a commonwealth . chap. . the felicity of a commonwealth is , when by some diuine prouidēce frō aboue , there meeteth in one person the right maiesty of a prince , and the mind of a wise philosopher . for then needeth no cōpulsion , no rigour , no extremity to bridle the subiects , what is more delightfull , then to see the true image of vertue in their visible prince ? then to heare the wise lessons and golden speeches issuing out of such a mouth ? happy , i say , is the realme , where the prince imitateth the order of an expert phisicion , who whē the remedies , which he prepareth to cure the weakenesse of the inferiour members , encrease griefe in the head , he throweth away all infirmities most light , and with the fauour of time , hee proceedeth carefully to the cure of that , which necessarily importeth the health of the patient or commōwealth . the eight plant. of warres . chap. . because * a prince ought to be prouided against all chaūces as well of warre as of peace : it will not bee amisse , if i write somewhat of warrelike affaires . the original whereof in my opinion proceeded from * nemrod the iolly hunter before the lord. the graecians inuented first of all the vse of armour . and the almaines deuised in the yeere of our lord . gunnes being the most terrible engines of al others . now touching the causes and effects of warre , doubtlesse , god seing that no benefits could fructifie , nor threatnings disswade vs from our disobedience , sendeth warre , as his fearefull instrument to rouse vs frō sluggishnes , & to plague vs for our manifold iniquities : according to that dreadfull alarum , which long since hee sounded against vs. * if , quoth he , you wil walke in my ordinances , i will send peace in the land : but if you will not obey me , but despise my cōmandements , i will send a sword vpō you , that shall auenge the quarrell of my couenant , and you shall be deliuered into the hands of the enemy . this the spaniards of the island saint maries knew & felt this last summer , being the yeere of our lord . insomuch as when two english ships , and one ship of amsterdame had taken the said island , and the generall had demaunded the spanish gouernour , wherefore hee yeelded so soone ? hee answered , that the sinnes of the inhabitants were great , and therefore it was bootlesse for them to resist . as for the discommodities of warre , they be infinit : it treadeth vnder foot the lawes of god and man : it maketh the church to be derided , and placeth tyrants in the throne of iustice. in conclusion , warre enduceth many malecontēts to follow the importunity of the time , and breedeth pestilence and dearth : for victuals spent , dearth must needs ensue . whereupon sundry infectious diseases spring . whether it be lawfull for christians to make warre ? chap. . although the marcionists haue heretofore doubted , whether christians might make warre ? yet notwithstanding , i wil by forcible reasons maintaine the contrary . first , it is written , that the israelites should warre against their enemies , and a not faint , nor feare , nor be amazed , nor a-dread of them . secondly , lawfull warres are named b the battels of the lord. thirdly , c the lord himselfe is a mā of warre . fourthly , saint iohn baptist confirmeth the lawfulnesse of warre in these wordes , which he spoke vnto the souldiers : e do no violēce to any man , neyther accuse any falsly , and be content with your wages . fiftly , cornelius a captaine was so fauoured of god , that h he receyued the holy ghost . sixthly , i the magistrate carieth not the sword in vaine . seuenthly , it is lawfull for any man to defend himselfe . for l reason teacheth , that it is lawfull to repell force offred to our liues and to our persons , with force . to conclude , it is lawfull for one people to assault another , so that it it bee either to get their owne againe , or els to punish reuolters . howbeit neuerthelesse , i counsell warre to be practized as a last and desperat medicine , which without very vrgent occasion ought neuer to be applied . what warres be most lawfull . chap. . a those warres be most iust , whereto we are constrained ; and with good cōsciēce may we take armes , when there is no safet●● for vs , but in armes . to this an anciet bishop subscribeth , saying , b that fortitude , which defendeth a mans countrey from forrayne enemies , or sustaineth the desolat and oppressed , is perfect iustice . moreouer , c the holy ghost by many testimonies of scripture declareth such warres to bee lawfull . the iniury , which is done to ambassadours , ministreth lawfull cause for princes to take armes in hand . therefore k. dauid made war with the ammonits , for that they villanously misused the messengers , * which he sent to comfort the yoūg king of ammō for his fathers death . most iust likewise was that warre , which king richard the first of this realme made with the infidels for the recouery of the holy land . and surely it is a meritorious and religious deed , that christian princes should vnite their forces together , and proclaime warres against the trukes , who to their great shame haue now welnigh conquered all hungary , & are at the very gates of germany , and consequently or all christendome : this peril how long soeuer it is de●ferred , doubtles is like to happen . suppose our christian princes could do no other good , but keepe back the turkes forces from further inuasions , would not this be a meanes to restore and reuiue the dismembred estate of christēdome ? yea certainely . to that end i constantly auerre , that it is lawfull to warre : prouided still , that the determination be not to put to death any , that will be brought to the true knowledge of the gospell . for it is not with swords , but with words , not with constraint , but with cōference , that misbeleeuers are become conuerted . that before we begin warres , preparation is to be made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging . chap. . a to the execution of warres three things are needfull : prouision , men , and adnice . vnder prouision i comprehend armour , money , & victuals . touching armour , i would haue an indifferent company of weapōs prepared both for horsmen and footmen : as , artillery , powder , bullets , billes , pikes , launces , bowes and arrowes , plated doublets , iackets of male , and such like . next , money must be gotten , b without the which nothing can be done , as it ought to be . and if they fight with siluer speares they will conquer all . money being gotten , it is meete , that victuals be prouided , seeing * through want thereof souldiers will bee ouercome without stroke . against other euils there are cures , but there is no striuing against hunger . herehence proceed mutines , despaires , infectious sicknesses , and innumerable kinds of calamities . hauing forethought of prouision , it is also necessary , that men should bee mustered and chosen out . for * if there be a mighty hoste of men in the field , what towne or countrey is not willing to welcome them ? in like maner the captaine generall must forecast , whether horsemen would serue his turne better then footemen ? this question being well discussed , the generall must take aduice with his chiefe and wisest lieftenaunts concerning the successe of the warres . for * what king going to make warre with another king , sitteth not downe first , and taketh counsell , whether he be able with ten thousand to meete him , that cōmeth against him with twenty thousand ? or els , while hee is yet a-great way off , he sendeth an ambassage , and desireth peace ? the dueties of a generall . chap. . in a generall seuen things are required . first , that he be religious and deuout : for thē if he with iosuah say , * sunne , stay thou in gibeon : and thou moone , in the valley of aialon : the sunne wil abide , and the moone will stand still , vntill he be auenged vpon his enemies . secondly , a generall must be a man of authority , by reason that * nothing is more auailable in the ordering of battels , then authority . thirdly , he ought to be temperate : for how can he gouerne others , that cannot rule his owne affections ? fourthly , he must be well experienced , that he may see how the enemy lieth , what way is best , eyther to prouoke the enemy , or to defend himselfe . fiftly , a generall must be witty and well spoken , because souldiers minds will be sooner inflamed to fight by sweet exhortations , then by all the trumpets in the world . sixtly , he must be couragious and valiant , that he may * giue the first onset , when any bickering is at hand , and shew the way to others . lastly , a generall ought to be very well seene in philosophy , & specially in geometry , otherwise he will neuer be able either to incampe himselfe , to find out the enemy , or to cōceiue the scituation of places : as for example , how the champion fields are couched together , how the valleys hang , how broad the marishes be , & how the mountaines are lift vp . of the choyse of souldiers . chap. . there be six notes to discerne a good souldiour . the first is , that he be an honest mā . the second , that he be strōg and valiant . the third , that he be constant & patient . the fourth , that ( if it be possible ) he be a gentle-man borne : the reason is , because most commonly he is more easily trained for the warres , and will scorne to yeeld himselfe vanquished to the enemy . the fift marke of a souldier is , that he be nimble , actiue , and not of a fat or grosse body , lest like a carters iade he founder and fal downe . the sixt , a souldier ought to be chosen from seuēteene yeeres old to sixe and forty . but in my opinion elderly souldiers are more apt & fit to go to the warres , then young men , by reason that they are lesse mutinous , and better able to endure . whether the straunger or the home-borne subiect ought to be preferred ? chap. . if we cōsider the cause , frō whēce proceeded the late destructiō of italy , we shall find , that the calling in of the switzers and frenchmen to aide it , turned to the desolation of it . lodowick sfortia duke of millaine sent for the switzers to succour him against the frenchmen . but how sped he ? mary , hee was by his owne mercenaries deliuered prisoner ouer to lewis the twelfe , french king . yea , we read , that the greatest misery , which euer hapned to the brittish nation diuided , was , when vortiger mistrusting the peeres of his realme , called in the saxons to helpe him , who at last cōpelled him to deliuer the chiefest part of his kingdome vnto them . so that at length they droue away at the naturall inhabitants of the countrey . for which cause the natiue subiect is to be esteemed , who stādeth not so much vpō his valour & pay , as vpon his loyalty & reputation . besides , no man is so barbarous & sauage , as to take part with strāgers against his owne countreymen . how the enemy is to be vanquished . chap. . we must obserue twelue rules , before we discomfit our enemies . wherof the first is , that wee aske forgiuenes of god for our misdeedes , and feruently beseech him to goe before our armie . the second is , that the captaine generall forbid all blasphemies , swearing , dicing , rioting , and such like impious doings . the third , that none but wise men beare office in the campe . the fourth way to ouercome the enemie , is to bee well prouided of necessaries . the fift , captaines must not enuie one another . the sixt , niggardly and corrupt officers must bee seuerely punished . the seuenth , our warriours must make no long delay in the enemies country : especially if the climat therof be contagious and noysome . the eight meanes to obtaine the victorie ouer our foes is , not to permit any to straggle abroad and rob , lest meeting with ambushes , they bee vnawares surprized . the ninth , marchants , on paine of death , must not transport any newes , prouision , or commodities into the enemies coast . the tenth , valiant men must bee nobly recompenced for their aduenturous acts . the eleuenth rule , to haue a fresh supply alwaies at a becke ; and for that purpose , some of the best experienced captaines must be left behind , to conduct the rawest sort , and to traine them vp in martiall discipline . the twelfe and last obseruation is , that all transgressors be rigorously chastised , to the terrour and ensample of others . the conclusion , of peace . chap. . lest for treating of martiall affaires , i bee either termed a fauourer of contention , or else a simple dizart , as hauing h neuer as yet seene the enemie in the face , no not so much as their tents : heere voluntarily i resigne my crest , i lay downe mine ensigne . in regard whereof , i demaund an oliue branch , the onely true and vndoubted token of peace . the reason that thus mooueth mee , is our owne safetie : for if wee should doe nothing but fight and enter into skirmishes , in the end , r our fieldes would remaine without village , and the ashes of our burat houses as a graue would couer our dead corps . who knoweth not , that peace is the end of warre ? peace therefore must bee established betimes . z all things are sodered together through vnitie , but disseuered through discord . the realme of france is a liuely spectacle hereof , which being of late yeeres hackt by the leaguers , as it were into mammocks , became wel-nigh a pray vnto the spanish king . but now being vnited againe , shee recouereth her former strength . wherefore , o souldiour , lay downe thy musket and armour , and say not with the poet : x i haue as yet long speares , round shieldes , head-peeces , and glistering cuiraces . oh , seeke not to defile thy handes in thy brothers bloud . forgiue thine enemie , euen as god forgiueth thee . hearken ( i pray thee ) what the apostle sayth , if it bee possible , as much as in you is , haue peace with all men . and againe , c let the peace of god rule in your hearts , to the which ye are called all in one body . finally , to end this discourse , and therewithall my booke , i conuert my speech vnto thee , o lord of hostes , humbly from the bottome of my heart desiring thee to saue vs from the furie of our enemies , and to sende vs peace in christ iesus , to whom with thee and the holy ghost , for this which i haue written , and for all other benefites receiued , i yeelde all praise , honour , and glorie . amen . if i haue done wel , & as the matter required , it is the thing that i would : if i haue spoken slenderly and barely , it is that i could . finis . in aureum magistri gulielm vaughanni saltum . avratum vellus vario discrimine iason , medaea meritis auxiliante tulit : auriferos saltus paribus vaughannus adiuit , auspiciis musa sub duce multa ferens . tota domus , tota vrbs , respublica tota labore doctior , & coepit ditior esse suo . hinc habet oeconomus fultos virtute penates , inque magistratu plenus habetur honos . quodque magis , gens quaeque operis loetissima tanti , instructa eximiis legibus , alma viget . quid dabit authoritanto pro munere gratae post eritas ? laudis praemia nuda placent ? si foret haec tantis ●etas ingrata , tacerent nulla tamen laudes saecula sera tuas . mathaeus gwin , in medicin . doctor . iames perrot esqvire to his assured louing cousin , the authour of the golden-groue . thy goldē-groue yeelds good & goldē trees : the rootes thereof are vertues of the mind ; the branches are wel train'd vp families : the body is the common-wealth refin'd . good fruit on such good trees do alwaies grow whē wisdome reaps , what vertue first did sow . in paradise , ( which was a golden groue ) the tree of life in glorious maner grew ; which earst , whē eue did satans speech approue , mans life by taste for euer could renew . in this thy groue growes no forbidden plant , heere all is sound without bad iuice or want . of eu'rie tree in wisedomes paradise , thy golden muse ( good cousin ) hath some taste ; three bookes are planted by thine exercise , bookes such , as enuies breath shall neuer blast . thrice blest art thou , to whom in youth befals , to bud , and bring such golden vegetals . idem ad eundem . omnia fortunae sunt sublunaria ventis subdita ; nec constant tot monumenta ducum . sirogites : vbi sunt septem miracula mundi ? alterna referent haec cecidisse vice . solatamen fugiunt excusa volumina ventos , sola animi viuo sunt bona digna cedro . crede mihi ( cognate ) tuam virtutibus vrbem , auratosque lares famalo quetur anus . epigramma . 〈…〉 ad . authorem . a vriferos alii soliti promittere montes , deducunt bardis nania barda modis . aurea tu vero promittens , aurea praestas , ducis & auriferis aurea rura modis . thomas iames master of arts , and fellow of new colledge in oxford , to master vaughan the author of the golden-groue moralized . whilst brothers liue , as brothers they must loue , as thē one wōb , so they one mind must beare . this vaughan shewes in this his goldē-groue , in this his learned worke without compare . two brothers like two feete so well they goe , or like two mariners together row . the soyle which hath these louing brothers bred , was euer held a soyle of great account , here brute of yore his golden time had led , whose bruit and fame vnto the skies did mount : whose noble seede amongst his issue sowne , hath made the britaines through y e world wel known for great soldiers , & resolued mē ( known known for their loue to learning and the arts ; as these two brothers on the worldes scene , approu'd of late by their true acted parts : the other by his pen deseru'd the same . his pen was siluer , but his head of gold , that could so much in so few lines containe ; that in three bookes could all things so vnfold : ( if all bee three , as learned writers sayne ) of metals , gold the purest is esteemd ; of our late writers , thou as best art deemd . the muses hire is not well ratified : ( such is their fare in these accursed daies ) but of thy brother be thou gratified , hee le pay thee loue , as thou dost pay him praise . for both your meeds let goldē groues abide , and after death you golden wreathes betide . ad magistrum vaughannum de aureo suo saltu . pr. epigramma . lis erat in docto , bene nec discussa , senatu : an ciues aurum commaculet , vel alat : i●●pulit ad stuprum dana●n iouis aureus imber : impulit a●●onidem per mare vellus ouis . aurcolum peperit ●ixas in s●ltibus idae pomum ; subiecitteque atalanta , proco . hanc saltu aurifero tu litem difcutis aurum , palladi si detur , non maculat , s●d alit . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pind. in pythiis . ps. . a senec. in hercule furente . boet. l. . de consolatione philosop . m●tr . . * arist. li. . ●osterior . analiticor . & li. . physic . & casus lib. cōment . physic. cap. . * . ●oh . . . * cic. lib. . de natura deorum . * arist. l. . physic. lucr. lib. . de rerū natura , persius satyr . . & b●et . lib. . de consolat . philosop . calu lib. . instit. cap. . * arist. li. . de anima . * casus li. . cōm . phys. ca. . b cic. li. tuscul. c iam. . . * calu. li. . instit. cap. . * psal. nazian . in iulian. orat. . machia . in prin●cipe . ce. . arist. li ; . de anima . ca. . gen. . gen. . . ibid. . act. . . mar. . . * i thinke , arist : li. . anim . cap. arist. li. . de generatione animal . cap. . * calu. lib. . instit. cap. . exo. ca. ▪ ver . matth. ca. . verse persius satyr . . h plinius lib. . ca. ● . boetius lib. . de consolat . philoso . metr . . piccolom grad . de virtu . moral . arist. lib . rhetor . plutar. in vita periclis . august . epist. propert. lib. . e horat. li. . ser. senec. li. de tranquil . ani . mar. . iere. . iam. . . p● . * persius satyr . . * resolutiō li. . par . . cap. . * iere. * mat. * psa. . & heb. * eccle. . * psa. luke . & apoc. . ioel. . * iere. . * rom. . * apoc. a . pet. b . pet. c mat. * resol . li. . part . cap. . ps. . . pet. . * gal. . * . pet. . * resolut . li. . part . . cap. . ex a●selmo . arist. li. . polit. cap. . b plato li. . de republ . c plin. lib. . natur . histor . * piccolomi . grad . . de virtut . moral . ex nigidio . figulo . . chron. . a aristot. lib. . ethic . ca. b plato in gorgia . c ezec. . * iuuenal . satyr . a ezech. . b seneca epist. * gen. . sydn . li. arcad. cas. lib. specul . moral . cap. . a matth. cap. . epistol . ad rom. cap. . & epistol . ad cor. ca. caluin . li. . instit. cap. . a cic. act . . in verrem . b arist. li. . rheto. a l. lex cornel. § . ff . de iniur . a ouid. epist . . b cicero orat . in vatin . a silius ital. li. . b aristot. lib. . ethic . ca. . * eurip. in phoen. . sam. a arist. li. . sophis . elenchor . cap. . cic. li. . offic . & greg. lib. . moral . * 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offic. c. . h psal. . h hippo●●●us apud ●uripidem . nouell . praefation . §. haereticos wesēbec . in c. de haeretic . & clarus lib. . §. haeres . num . & . * psal. . * . thes. . arist. lib. . ethic. cap. . * osorius li. . christian . nobilit . * psal. . * arist. lib. . ethic . ca. . a bembus li. . venet . hist. b gnicciardin . li. . histor. c persius satyr . . a eurip. in rhes . b ambr. li. . offi. c virg. li. . aeneid . * aristot. lib. . ethic . ca. * homer . lib. . iliad . * machiauel . li. histor. florent . plutarch . in vita cleomen . a virg. lib. . aenei . & ouid. lib. . metam . b quintil. declamation . . * arist. li. . physic. * vegetius lib. . de remilit . * terent. in eunuch . * homer . lib. . odyss . * aristot. lib. . ethic . ca. . daniel . . esay . gellius lib. . ca. . st●baeus sermon . . & bruson . lib. cap. . b martial . lib. . epigram . ad priscum . plautus in aulular . prou. . & . ioel. . luke . . horatius lib. . epistol . esay . . e matth. iohā . n matt. . i plut. de curiosit . et xenop . lib. . de dict . & fact . socrat . b elian. li. . vari . hist. c. h ouid. li. . de remed . amo . r arist. li. . ethic. cap. . e arist. li. . ethic. cap. . a ibid. b naziā . in oration , de cura paupe . c strab. lib. . * martial . lib. . epigr. a tacitus lib. . annal. a arist. li. . ethic. cap. . z hor. li , . od. & mart. lib. . epigram . b oui. lib. . fastor . a macr lib. . saturnal . c plinius iuni . lib. . epist. . cor. . h arist. lib. . ethic . a boetius lib. . de consolat . philosop . metr . . b pers. satyr . . * tacitus lib. . histor . * . ioh. . * arist. li. . politi . * iuuenal . satyr . * seneca in hercu. o●te , c amo. . esay . luk. . iud. . s . reg. . i dan. . n luke . . s . tim. . esay . . luk. . s matth. . r mar. n ibid. luc. . arist. lib. . physic. mat. * terent. in adel. b ari. lib. . ethic. cap. vlt. & plautus in amphyt . s . sā . * eccl. . * luke . * eccl. * eze. a tertull. lib. de speculo . b concil . . carthag & synod . laodic . cap. . * ephes. . * saluian . lib. . de gubern . dei. * prou. . . * sen. lib. , de clementia cap. . * rutilius lupus li. . de figur . sent . * aristot. lib. . de anim . * eurip. in orest. * in cōment . in sat. . persi. & sophoc . in aiac● , & ouid. lib. . metam . a homer . lib. . iliad . b ennius apud cicer●nē li. . tusculan . c ephes. . * senec. in thebaid . z act. . boetius lib. . de consolatione philosophiae . metr . . n cominaus li. cap. . b plautus in asin. a lucretius li. . de rerum natura . s eurip. in helen . i cic. in laelio , & manilius . lib. . astron. n horatius lib. . satyr . . n arist. lib. . ethic. z cicero in oratio . pro milon . a salust . in coniurat . catil . b iuuen. satyr . . * oui. lib. . eleg. * aelianus lib. . variar . histor . r xenoph li. . paed . cyr. s aesop. in fabu . a cōminae . li. . ca. * persius satyr . . s . cor. . * . cor. . * plaut . in bacchid . * demost. oration . . contra aristo . * virgil. in poemat . de liuor . plura de his in cōmentar . meis in satyr . . persii vide . * . ioh. * plato lib. . de legib. * arist. li. . metaphysic . text . . * manil. 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . & ●lotin . li. de anim . & idaeis , cap. . * caluin . lib. . institut . ca. . * cic. academic . quaestion . lib. . * aristot. lib. . de animal . cap. . a eccle. . b sophocl . in antigon . a smith . li. . reipub . anglican . cap. . b ibid. * arist. in probl. * bodin . lib. . de repub. cap. . a plutarc . in them. vita . b prou. . n boetius lib. . de consolatione philosophiae . metr . . e exo. z ouid. li. . trist. eleg. . prou. . notes for div a -e arist. lib. . polit. h arist. li● . topic . cap. . * iohn . heb. . arist. li. . politicor . s l. si a sponsa . c. de d●nat . ante nuptias . * smith . lib. . de republic . anglic. cap. . * . pet. n casus lib. . thesaur . oecono . cap. . * . pet. * iob . * . pet. * matth. . * . cor. * ierem. * iere. . * ioh. . a smith . lib. . de republ. anglic. cap. . b smith . lib. . de republ. anglic. cap. . * prouer. . * coloss. c. . & l. . ff . de obsequi . parent . & patron . praestād . * pythag. in aureis carmin . * l. ff . de agnoscēd . & alend. liber . §. . & . & l. . c. de alend. liber . a hesiod . apud plutarch . de fratern . amore . * caus. . q. . can. . * l. si filius tuus . c. de patri . potest . * deuter. . * exo. leuit. deut. . a extr. de feriis . c. . b l. . c. de feriis . c exod. . a gen. . b gen. * . sam. . * zach. . * . reg. . * zach. * iob . * tob. a . machab . . b apo. . c ibid. . * ibid. * in ciceron . de somnio scipionis . r mac●h . li. . ca. s de consecrat . distinct . canō . in fin . mat. . in sat. titus . r pro. . plin. lib. . c. . gen. . * belul the aethiopian word , in english is pretious , and not presbiter or prester , as heretofore it hath been mistaken in print . h plato li. . in leg . in commentar . in sat. . pers. r socrat. li. . hist. ecclesia . cap. . . reg. . n couarruuias li. . varia . resolutiō . cap. . i mat. . mar. . act. . i panorm . in cap. cōsuluit . dè vsuris ▪ * l. . & c. de pignorat . action . * panorm . in cap. ad nostrā de empt . & vend . & couarruui . li. variar . resolut . cap. . b iam. . * chryso . hom. sup . gen. * august . lib. cōtra haeres . * gen. * gen. * iosu. . * luc. rom. . tim tit. . heb. . . pet. * psal. * prou. mat. . * prou. * luk. * mat. * . ioh. * ps. . * cas. in append. thesaur . oecon. a exo. b . reg. . & tertulli . de ieiun . aduersus psychi . & cypr. de ieiunio & tētationib . christi . c ionas . * dan. . * hieron . ad laet. notes for div a -e n arist. li. . politic cap. . r accursius ad l. . c. de procurat . r apo. . a li. . de militari . roman . disciplin . * li. . de repub. cap. . x li. . policit . r arist. li. . mete●rolog . n isocrat . in oratiō . ad nico. i arist. li. . metaphys . r iustin. ex lib. . trog . pompe . ari. li. topicor . cap. . n plato . lib. . de . leg . math. . r ibidem . n . pet. . i math. cap. vlt. s exo. . deut. . s rom. . ibid. exod. . h lipsius lib. . politicor . cap. . a tacitus lib. . histor. s curtius lib. . histor . z boetius lib. . de consolation . philosoph . metr . . s plutar. lib. de repub. i smith . lib. . de repub. anglicā . cap. . * plato li. . de legumlat . s nouell . de armen . n iustiniā . in nouel . . cap. . § neque illo de c●ter . * galat. . * aristot. li. . polit . ca. . * senec. in epistol . * lipsius li. . polit . cap. . * tacitus li. de morib . germanor . a lib. . de repu . anglic. cap. . b bartol . in tract . de tyrān . * tacit. in vita agricolae . * in comment in satyr . . pers. * plautus a ephes. . & coloss. . b ibidem . c calu. li. . instit. cap. . * . part . decret . cap. . §. . * soto li. . de iustitia & ●re . q. . artic . . * dan. . & . * aristot. lib. . politicor . a l. ex hoc genere ff . de iustitia , & iure . b i. sam. . * persius satyr . . a guicciard . lib. hist. b thucid. lib. . histor . obiectiō r smith . li. . de repub . anglic . cap. . s boetius lib. . de consolation . philosoph . metr . . smith . li. . de republic . anglic. cap. . n boetius li. . de cōsol . philo. pros . . n ari. li. . ethicor. e persius satyr . . s cicero . li. . offici . horat. li. . episto . . * smith . li. . de republic . anglic. cap. . ari. li. . politic. cap. . * cicero in oratio . pro sesti . & plato li. . de legib . smith . de repub anglic. ari. li. polit. ca. . r rhodiginus li. lection . antiquer . cap. . a beza in caluin . vita . r l. in ecclesiis . de epis. & clericis c. statuerunt . x cap. bonae . . §. intelleximus , de postulation . praelat . x ari. li. . politic. cap. . a smith . . de republic . anglic. xenoph. in oeconomic . c persius satyr . . h horatius epod. . & cicer. desenect . morus lib. . vtopi . * iob . a mat. b mat. * cassiod . lib. epistol . * aristot. li. . polit . ca. . * smith . lib. . de republ. anglic. cap. . * cuiacius in paratit . ff . de extraord . criminib . * l. ●mne . c. ad leg . iuli. repetund . & l. . ff . ad leg . corn. de sicar . iul. paul. li. . sentent . tit . . apud cuiaciū . * sotus li. . de iustitia & iure . * ezech. . * cominaeus lib. cap. . * esa. b exo. deut. & eccl. . * lib. . decretal . tit . . ca. . * cic. lib. . ad atticum , epist . . & . * plutar● . de iside . * plato li. . de legib . h cōminae . lib. . n cicero li. . de diuinati . persius satyr . . s persius ibid. * persius ibid. z arist. lib. . politicor . cap. & . s plato dialog . de legib . s dan. . mat. luk. . mar. e in sin . satyr . . prou. . c xenoph. ●i . paedi . lib. . & . ff . tit . . eccle. n seneca in thyest. a cassiod . lib. . epist . . x l. medicos . §. c. de profeso soribus & medicis . a in cap. de magi . li. . tit . n concil . trident. sessio . . dereform . c. & sessio . . de reforma . c. . x baldus ad leg . . de suffrag . h ari. li. politic. cap. . xenoph. li. . paed. & quintiliā . li. . cap. . ast; diodor. sicul. lib. . ca. * arist. lib. . polit . ca. . * quintil . lib. . institut . oratori . * iohan. grāmatic . lib. . prior. analyt . a arist. li. . topic. cap. . b gell. lib. . ca. c iamblichus epistol . ad dexippum . a l. fin . §. mixta muner . ff . de muneribus & honorib . b zabarella li. . de natura logic . cap. . * de quibus aristo . in praedicamēt . a de quibus aristo . in lib. de interpret . prior . analyt . posterior . topic . & elench . * morus lib. . vtop . a arist. lib. . rhetoric . cap. . & . b aristoph . in ra●nis . c aeschylus in prometh . . cor. * ibid. * exod. * martia . lib. . epigram . * l. . & . c. de formulis & impetrationis bus actionū sublatis . * l. fin . c. de donationibus . * exod. * exo. a iudic. cap. . b cic. lib. . de legibus . * hor. de arte poetica . a . sam. . b aristot. li. . rhetoric . c zabar . lib. . de natur . logic . * lactantius . * psa. a zabar . lib. . de natur . logic . cap. . b osor. li. . ciuilis nobilitat . * sydn●i . in apol. poet. n august . lib. . de doctrin . christiā . cap. . i oui. li. de tristib . elegi . . ibid. cicero li. . de oratore . c arist. li. . metaphys . text . clemens alexandrinus . li. . stromat . r ari. in initio lib. . de coelo . a zabarel . lib. de constitutione naturalis scientiae . cap. . x pererius lib. . physic. cap. . n piccolominaeus in introduct . ad . gradus ciuilis philosophiae . cap. . i in commentar . in satyr . . persi. s plinius in initi . li. . r exod. . i exo. leuit. deut. s tacitus li. . annal . vlpianus lib. . de offic . procons . tit . de mathematic . & serutus in lib. . encid . ac canō . . caus . . q. . & can . . caus . . q. . c leuit. . n exo. . r l. . § medicorū ss●de variis & extra●rd . cognition . clemens alexandrinus li. . paedag. cap. . eccless . . l. institut . tit , de iust. & iure . §. iurisprudentia . a l. iustitu . tit . de iure . natu. gent. & ciuil . §. ius natur . * plato li. . de ●●gibus , * arist. lib. . politic . ca. * plato li. . de legibus . * arist. lib. . ethic . ca. * aristot , lib. . metaph. cap. . * sen. in epist. * matt. * . reg. . luc. b esa. e matt. . h decret . part. . lib. . tit . . de electione . i socrat. li. . eccles . histor . c. * act. . * ibid. mat. * . q. can. que●sta est nobis . & cap. abo●lendae de sepult . * sotus li. . q. . art . . & nauarr. in manu●al . ca. . * tacitus lib. . annal. * l. q. . ca. quisquis . * valer. maxim , lib. . * ouid. li. . metamorph . * dan. . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . anno . a esay . . i micha . . x ouid. lib. . metamorph . a arist. li. . politic. cap. . valerius maxim. lib. . ca. . x prou. . z gen. r moru● li. . vtop . r cypriā . lib. de alea . x exo. i august . in epist. . ad maced . ambros. lib. . offici . cap. . chrysost. homil . . in matth. p. marty . commēt . in iudic. cap. . & danaeus lib. de alea. coloss. . iuuenal . satyr . . a c. lib. . tit . . l. alear . vsus . &c. ff . . tit . . s paedian . in . lib. . diuinat . ciceron . x cicero philip. . sueton. cap. . c in commētar . in satyr . . & . plautus in mostellar . a persius in fin . satyr . . r mat. . * aristot. li. . polit . cap. * tacitus lib. . histor. * caluin . lib. . instit . c. * mat. * rom. * cic. ad brutū . * comi● naeus li. cap. . lipsius li. . polit. cap. vle . iustinian . in prolegomen . institut . * gen. * leuitic . . a deu. b . paral. . c exo. e luc. . h act. i rom. l cic. pro milon . a liuius lib. . b ambr. li. . offic . c caluin . lib. . institut , ca. . * . sam. . a lipsius lib. . po● lit . cap. . b demo●th●● . lib. . olynt . * vegetius lib. . de remilit . cap. . * xenoph. li. . paedt . cyr. * luc. * iosu. * cic. pro lege manili . * silius italicus lib. . h cicero . lib. . de orator . r seneca in hercule fureate . z aeliā . li. de natur . animal . cap. . x homer . lib. . ili●d . rom. . c colos. . . macc. . tullys offices in three books / turned out of latin into english by ro. l'estrange de officiis cicero, marcus tullius. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) tullys offices in three books / turned out of latin into english by ro. l'estrange de officiis cicero, marcus tullius. l'estrange, roger, sir, - . 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't is hard , me thinks , that a man cannot publish a book , but he must presently give the world a reason for 't ; when yet there 's not one book of twenty that will bear a reason ; not one man of a hundred , perhaps , that is able to give one ; nor one reason of a thousand ( when they are given ) that was the true reason of doing it . the true reason ( i say ) for there 's a great difference , many times , betwixt a good reason , for the doing of a thing , and the true reason why the thing was done . the service of god is a very good reason for a man's going to church ; and yet the meeting of a m●striss there , may , perchance , be the true reason of his going . and so likewise in other cases , where we cover our passions and our interests under the semblances of virtue , and duty . but however , since custom ; ( the plague of wise men , and the idol of fools ) since custom ( i say ) will have it so , that a man had as good go to court without his cravat , as shew himself in print without a preface ; i shall e'en content my self to play the fool too , in so much , and in so good company . ( general dedications being no other , then fashionable fopperies . ) for what can be more ridiculous , than for a man to treat princes , and tinkers ; coxcombs , and philosophers ; men of honour , and rascals , promiscuously , all in a stile ? now as it is no easie matter to give a good reason for writing at all ; so it is yet more difficult to give that reason in an epistle ; which , at best , stands in need of another very good reason , for its own support . but prefaces , at the ordinary rate of prefaces , are wholly inexcusable ; only an idle deal of fiddle-faddle betwixt the writer and the reader , made worse , by care , and peins ; and digested , out of vulgar , and pedantique common-places , into one mass of putid and elaborate folly. this liberty of prefacing against prefaces , may seem a little unreasonable ; but common scriblers are allow'd the privileges of common strumpets . one of the frankest prostitutes that ever i knew since i was born , had these words the oftenest in her mouth : lord ! ( says she ) to see the impudence of some women ! to come now to the reasons that indu●●d me to the translating of this little book ; i shall begin with the excellency of the work it self ; which has ever been esteemed , both for the method , and matter of it , as one of the most exact pieces of the kind that ever was written , and the most instructive of human life . in so much that cicero himself valu'd himself upon this tract of morals , as his master-piece ; and accordingly recommended the study of it to his beloved son , under that illustrious character . secondly , as it was composed in a loose , and troublesome age , so was it acc●●modated also to the circumstances of those times ; for the assert-of the force , and efficacy of virtue against the utmost rigour , and iniquity of fortune . vpon which consideration likewise , i have now turn'd it into english , with a regard to a place , and season , that extreamly needs it . i do not speak this , as if at any time it would have been superfluous ; but that desperate diseases require the most powerful remedies . to give you the sum of it in a few words ; it is a manual of precepts for the government of our selves , in all the offices , actions , and conditions of human life ; and tending , not only to the comfort of men in society , but to the conducting of particulars also , into a state of felicity , and virtue . it is a lesson that serves us from the very cradle , to the grave . it teaches us what we ow to mankind ; to our country ; to our parents ; to our friends ; to our selves ; what we are to do as children ; what , as men ; what , as citizens : it sets , and it keeps us right in all the duties of prudence , moderation , resolution , and justice . it forms our manners ; purges our affections ; enlightens our understandings ; and leads us , through the knowledge , and the love of virtue , to the practice , and habit of it . this treatise of offices , i find to be one of the commonest school-books that we have ; and as it is the best of books ; so it is apply'd to the best of purposes ; that is to say , to the training up of youth , in the study and exercise of virtue . the foundations of an honorable , and a blessed life , are laid in the very cradle ; and we suck in the tincture of generous , or perverse inclinations , even with our mothers milk : insomuch that we may date the greater part of our greatest miscarriages , from the errors , and infelicities of our first institution , and education . but tho' , upon the whole matter , i do highly approve of the usage of this book in schools , i must confess yet , with submission , that i am not at all satisfy'd in the ordinary way of using it . for the cutting of it out into particles , here and there a chop , makes it a lesson , to the boys , rather of syntax , then morality ; beside the prejudice that it suffers under the trivial name of a school-book ; and the disgust which naturally continues with us , even when we are men , for that which we were whipt for , when we were boyes . now the matter of this book being so excellent ; and truly the latin of it hardly ciceronian ; it should be our bus'ness rather to inculcate the doctrine then the stile ; and yet in such manner too , that the one may be attended , without neglecting the other . and this may be effected to the common benefit of the schollar , in both kinds ; by , first , reading , and expounding these offices , whole to him , in english , before he be put to hack , and puzzle upon them by snaps in the original ; the one facilitating , and preparing him for the other . let him be , first , and in his mother-tongue , instructed in the principles of moral duties ; and he shall then with the more ease , profit , and delight , take the same notions down in latin , and digest them . whereas in beginning with the latin , the pupil has little more to do , then to bring together the nominative case and the verb , without either understanding , or heeding the main scope , and intent of the book . i might here entertain the reader with twenty stories of the interruptions i have met with , in the course of this translation ; how it has been only the work of broken hours ; and i might plead these distractions in excuse of all its inequalities , and defects . but such as it is , plain , and simple , i do here present it to the publique , without either vanity , or complement : and , i hope , without giving unto any sort of reader any iust cause of compleint . for he that does not like it , may let it alone , and there 's no hurt done . tvlly's offices . the first book . although , after twelve months spent in the school of cratippus , and that at athens too , you cannot ( my son marcus ) but be abundantly instructed in the precepts , and institutions of philosophy , by reason of the great authority of the master , as well as of the place ; the one , for erudition , the other for example : i am yet of opinion , that you shall do well , nevertheless , to take the same course in your studies , that i have done in mine , and to mingle your latin with your greek ; as a method which i have ever found very much conducing to the bus'ness , both of an orator , and of a philosopher : beside that it will give you the command , indifferently , of both languages . in this particular , i am perswaded that i have done my country-men no small service ; and that not only those who have no skill at all in greek , but even the learned themselves will acknowledge , that i have in some sort contributed to the advantage , both of their eloquence , and iudgment . wherefore , as you have the greatest philosopher of this age for your master , you shall also learn of him as long as you please ; and so long , certainly , you ought to desire to learn , as you find your self the better for it . upon the reading of my writings , you will see a great deal in them of the peripatetique , ( for i am a follower of socrates , and of plato both. ) as to the matter it self , you are at liberty to use your own judgment ; but yet the acquainting of your self with my stile , will undoubtedly be of some use toward the improvement of your latin tongue . and let me not in this be thought arrogant neither ; for , allowing my self the meanest of many philosophers , i have yet some right , me thinks , after an age spent upon this study , to value my self upon all the parts of an orator ; as propriety , perspicuity , and the flowers , and ornaments of well-speaking . wherefore i must earnestly recommend unto you the perusal , not only of my orations , but likewise of my philosophical discourses , which are now swell'd almost to the bulk of the other : and that you will read them with intention , and care : for tho' there may be , in the other , a greater force , and dignity , yet this smooth , and temperate mixture is not to be neglected . among the greeks , i have not found any man that has successfully apply'd himself to the language of the bar , and to this gentle way of argumentation , both at once ; unless i should reckon demetrius phaler●us for one who was indeed a subtle disputant , no very powerful orator ; but then such a vein of sweetness with him , that a body might imagine theophrastus had been his tutor . for my own part , i have labour'd in both these kinds ; and with what effect , let the world judge . plato , i believe , would have made a ready , and a weighty pleader , if he had bent his mind to 't : and demosthenes , a queint , and a polite philosopher , if he would but have treated of , and stuck to what he had from plato . and this was the case also , of aristotle , and isocrates ; they were both of them fond of their own way , and slighted one another . but being resolved to write somewhat to you at present , and more , hereafter ; i have made it my choice to begin upon that subject , which i look upon to be most accommodate to your age , and best becoming the authority of a parent . there are many profitable , and important points in philosophy , which have been accurately , and copiously handled by divers learned men : but that which i take to be of the greatest latitude , falls under the head of offices , or duties betwixt man and man ; whereof , we have many precepts , and traditions transmitted to us from our fore-fathers . for there is no condition of life , either publique , or private ; from courts of iustice , to particular families ; either solitary , or in society ; but there is still a place for humane duty : and it is the well , or ill discharging of this office , that makes our character in the world , either glorious , or shameful . and this is the common theme too of all philosophers ; for who shall dare to usurp that sacred name , that never prescrib'd rules for the government of life ? but there are some doctrines yet , that render these offices wholly vain and useless ; upon a mistake concerning the ends of good , and of wicked men : for whosoever phansies any possibility of separating the supreme good , from virtue , that man can never be either a friend , or a iust , or a generous person , upon that foundation . ( that is to say , so long as he agrees with himself , and without attending to the dictate of a better nature . ) can any man be brave , that makes pein the worst of evils ? or temperate , that makes pleasure the sovereign good ? this is so clear , that it is not worth a dispute ; beside that i have expresly discours'd upon it in another place . the patrons of these positions must contradict themselves , if they will pretend , in any sort , to intermeddle in this matter : for there can be no sound , stable , and natural principle of duty erected upon any other foundation , than this ; that virtue is only , or , at least , chiefly desirable , for its proper self . wherefore the stoiques , academiques , and peripatetiques , were much in the right , in this particular ; as the whimsies of aristo , pyrrbo , and herillus , are long since out of doors : not but that they had as much right as other people , to a freedom of debate , if they had but left us in a state , or capacity of election ; without cutting off the very means of any correspondence at all with humane duties . therefore at this time , and in this question , i shall follow the stoiques ; not as an expositor , but ( after my usual custom ) i shall draw as much water at their well as i think fit , and then make use of it according to my own discretion . being in this book to treat of the offices or duties of mankind , it will be proper , in the first place , to define what is intended by the word office ; ( a thing omitted by panaetius , which i wonder at : ) for all reasonable propositions ought to be introduced by a definition ; for the better understanding of the point in debate . of duties , or offices , there are two kinds ; the one respects the ends of good men ; the other consists in certain rules , and precepts to be apply'd to the vse , and conduct of humane life . under the former , are these questions : whether all offices be perfect , or not ? whether one office be greater , or less then another ? and what offices are found to be of the same sort , and degree ? but those offices which are deliver'd to us by precept , tho' they have a regard also to the life of good men , yet it does not so much appear ; because they seem to be rather a provision for the ordering of life in society . these are the offices which we shall discourse of in this book . there is also another division of offices ; some are call'd middle , and imperfect , others perfect ; we may call the latter , a right , ( according to the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the other , a common office , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) defining that to be perfect which they call right , and that to be a middle office , when a man may give a reasonable accompt for the doing of it . it is natural to deliberate , before we resolve ; and panaetius reduces the subject matter of deliberation into three general heads . the first question is , whether the thing deliberated upon , be good , or evil ? wherein several men are many times of several opinions . the second enquiry or consult refers to the ease , pleasure , or convenience of life ; as estate , for the purpose wealth , or power ; by which we are enabled to be helpful , both to our selves , and our friends : whether the matter in debate be convenient , or not ? and this question is carry'd by the appearance of profit . the third point of deliberation , lies in a case , where the honest and the profitable come in competition . for when vtility drives one way , and virtue invites us another , there follows a distraction of mind , and a dubious anxiety of thought . it is a great failing to leave out any thing in a division ; and yet there are two things omitted in this. for the question is not only whether a thing be honest , or not , but where there are two things honest , before us , which is the honester ? and of two profitables , whether is the more profitable ? so that his three branches must be extended to five : first , the concurrence of two good things ; secondly , that of two profitables ; and lastly , both of them in comparison . of which in order . all living creatures are originally mov'd by a natural instinct , toward the means of self-preservation : as the defence of their lives , and bodies ; the avoidance of things hurtful to 'em ; the search , and provision of all necessaries for life ; as food , shelter , and the like . it is likewise common to them all , the appetite of propagating , and continuing their kind ; with a certain care , and tenderness for their issue . now betwixt a man , and a brute , there is eminently this difference . the one is carry'd on by sense , and to that only which is present ; with little or no regard to what is either past , or to come : whereas the other , by the benefit of reason , sees the consequences of things ; their rise , and their progress ; and couples together , causes , and effects ; compares resemblances of times , actions , and events ; tacks the present , to the future ; and so taking in his whole life at a view , he prepares all things for the use , and comfort of it . it is by force of the same reason , that nature makes one man a friend to another ; that she moves us to the love of communication , and society ; that she implants in us a particular affection to our children , and dictates to us the necessity of communities , and councils . this is it that puts us upon providing for food , and clothing ; and not for our selves alone , but for our wives , our children , our friends , and for all those that are under our protection . this impression raises great thoughts in us ; and fits us for action : but there is nothing so appropriate , and peculiar to mankind , as the love , and faculty of tracing out the truth . insomuch , that we are no sooner at liberty from common cares , and business , but our heads are presently at work upon something to be either seen , or heard , or understood ; accompting upon the knowledge of things wonderful , and hidden , as a necessary ingredient into a happy , and a virtuous life . from whence may be drawn this conclusion , that whatsoever is true , simple , and sincere , is most congruous to the nature of man. this love of truth is accompany'd with a desire of rule ; so that a generous and well-qualified mind , will never be brought into subjection , unless either for learning , or instruction sake ; or in submission to a iust , and lawful governour , for the common good. this elevation begets a contempt of fortune , and a dignity of spirit . and it is no small matter neither , the power of reasonable nature even in this respect ; that man alone understands order ; the bounds of decency , in words , and actions , and the terms of moderation : that only man is affected with the beauty , the gracefulness , and the symmetry of visible objects . now if nature , and reason , take such care to convey the images , even of sensible things , from the eye , to the mind ; how much a greater value must she set upon the grace , and constancy of our manners ; and the keeping such a guard upon all our words , and deeds , that no vnmanly thing , not a loose syllable , or thought escape us ? this is the composition of that honesty we look for , which is never the less venerable , for being little esteem'd : for without any approbation from abroad , the whole earth ●●nnot yet hinder it from being praise-worthy in its own nature . oh! my son , marcus , we may fashion to our selves some feint idea of virtue or wisdom ; but if it could be presented to our eyes in its genuine lustre , how should we be transported ( says plato ) with the love of it ? there is not any virtue whatsoever , but arises from one , or other , of these four heads ; and consists either , first , in the search , and perception of the truth ; or , secondly , in the conservation of hamane society ; giving every man his due ; and keeping faith in all promises , and contracts ; or , thirdly , in the greatness , and force , of a brave , and invincible courage ; or , fourthly , in the order , and measure of all our words , and actions ; according to the rules of modesty , and temperance . now though these four virtues may be complicate , and linkt together , there are yet certain distinct duties , that issue severally from each of them : as the scrutiny and bolting out of a truth ; from prudence , which is a faculty particularly appertaining to that virtue : for he that makes the best judgment of the truth of things ; he that most readily finds the way to 't ; and gives the best account of the reason of it , we conclude him , without all dispute , to be the wisest man. so that effectually , the proper subject of this virtue , is truth : but the business of the other three virtues , is , to procure and maintain necessaries for the commodity of life ; the upholding of communities , and society ; and to shew the dignity of the mind , as well in ●●e communicating of our fortunes , as in the acquiring of them ; and more yet ( if there shall be occasion ) in the despising of them . but order , constancy , moderation , and the like , require somthing of action , in concurrence with the operations of the mind : and he that would acquit himself in the course of his life , with reputation and a good grace , must observe order , and measure . of these four parts , into which we have divided the nature , and the power of virtue ; that which concerns the disquisition of truth , holds most affinity with the soul of man. we are all of us , both drawn , and led to a desire of knowledge ; and every man values himself upon being wiser then his neighbor ; but on the other side , to fail , to wander , to be ignorant , and to be deceived , we look upon as a wretched , and a reproachful thing . in the pursuit of this most natural virtue , we must take heed of two mistakes : first , the taking up of things upon trust ; and flattering our selves , that we know more , then effectually we do . he that would keep clear of this rock , ( as every man should endeavor it ) must diligently attend his business , and allow himself time to consider of it . the other is the bestowing of more pains and study upon things that are obscure , hard , and superfluous , then the matter is worth : whereas by avoiding these errors , and employing the same application upon profitable knowledge , and the study of virtue , a man gains to him self deserved commendation . we have heard of cajus sulpitius , for his astrology ; of sextus pompeius , for his geometry ; and of other persons eminent for logique ; and civil law ; which sciences are all of them exercised in the investigation of truth ; and yet for a man to divert himself , by these studies , from common offices , and business , is against the nature of humane duty . for the excellency of virtue lies in action ; but yet not without intervals ; for we must work , and rest , by turns . not that the mind is ever idle ; but still in a constant agitation of thought , even when the body is most at repose : and all the motions of it are apply'd either to the deliberating , and advising upon things honest , and tending to a good and happy life ; or upon the acquiring of wisdom , and knowledge . and so much for prudence , which is the first fountain of virtue . of the other three virtues , we find that to be of the largest extent , which directs the ordering of men in society : and in a kind of community of life . of this , there are two parts ; iustice , which is the more glorious virtue , and entitles us to the very name , and character , of good men ; and beneficence , which we may otherwise call liberality , or bounty . the first duty of iustice is this ; that we hurt no man , unless provoked to it by an injury , and in our own defence . we are then to distinguish , betwixt things common , and particular ; and to use them accordingly : not that any thing is private in its own nature ; but as it becomes so , either by antient possession , as appropriated by the first occupant , or by conquest , upon the right of arms ; or else by law , agreement , condition , or lott . from hence comes the field arpinas , to be called arpinatium , and tusculanum , to be called the field of the tusculanes ; and in like manner is it of private possessions . now since custom , and vsage , have rendred many things private , which nature made common ; let every man quietly enjoy his lot ; and be reputed an enemy to the publique , if he attempt any thing beyond it . but because ( as plato says singularly well ) we are not born for our selves alone , but for our country , our parents , and our friends : and with the stoiques , that the earth , and all the productions of it , were created for the use of man ; and man only for mans sake begotten ; that one might be helpful to another : what can we do better then to follow , where nature is our guide . to lay common benefits in common ; and by an intercourse of good offices , as giving , and receiving ; by arts , industry , and all our faculties , to incorporate mankind into one society . the foundation of iustice , is faith ; that is to say ; a firmness , and truth in our words , promises , and contracts . the stoiques , that are great etymologists , will have fides to be as much as fiat , and that it is therefore called faith , quia fit quod dictum est ; because that which is said , is done . this may seem to be far fetch'd ; but however , we have taken the freedom to apply it . there are two sorts of injustice : one is the immediate doing of an injury ; and the other is , the not protecting , or defending the injur'd person ; for so much as in us lies . for he that injuriously offers violence to any man , either in his rage , or any other passion whatsoever , may be taken to be in some degree , constructively , a murtherer ; and he that does not his best , to save his neighbor from harm , and to keep off the blow , is as well to blame ( tho' not so much ) as the deserter of his parents , his friends , his country , or his companions . now there are many injuries done us upon set purpose to hurt us , which arise yet from fear ; as when he that watches to do another man mischief , does it upon prevention , for fear the other should hurt him . but the greater part of injuries are done with a design to compass something we have a mind to : wherein avarice has a very great share . as to the matter of riches , they are desir'd , partly for our necessities , and partly for our pleasures . the desire of mony in great minds , is to make an interest by it ; and to get into our power , the means of obliging . it was the saying of crassus , that he that would be vppermost in a commonwealth , could never have mony enough , till he was able to maintain an army at his own charge . there is a pleasure also , in a splendid , and magnificent appearance ; rich furniture ; and men take delight to live in reputation , glory , and plenty ; which begets an insatiable thirst of mony to maintain it . and yet we are not forbidden to advance , or encrease our fortunes ; provided it be done without wrong to another ; and by fair means , but men are apt to forget the rules , and measures of iustice , when they come once to be transported with the desire of empire , high places , and titles . it goes a great way , that saying of ennius . there is no faith , or fellowship in empire . 't is a hard matter to preserve friendship , and agreement , in a case where there are many competitors , and but one can succeed : which manifestly appeared in that tempest which c. caesar lately brought upon the government ; who confounded heaven and earth , and overturn'd all laws divine , and humane , for the compassing of that power which he vainly propounded to get wholly to himself . and great pity it is , that this inordinate desire of honor , dominion , power , and glory , does for the most part infest the most famous wits , and the largest minds : so that an error in this case , is th● more to be avoided . now in all injuries , there is a great difference betwixt that which is done upon the sudden , and in hot blood ( which is commonly but short , and transient ) and that which is done upon fore-thought , and council , for those in a heat , are much lighter then those upon preparation ; and this shall suffice of injuries , offer'd , or done . now why we do not protect , and defend the oppressed , but abandon our duties ; there may be several reasons . we are not willing to be at the charge , or trouble ; we are loth to make enemies ; or it may be , we are negligent , lazy , sluggish , taken up with particular studies ; or hinder'd by bus'ness , and this makes us leave those expos'd to ruine , whom it is our duty to preserve . wherefore we must take heed , not to rest upon that which plato observes of the philosophers ; as if the studying and endeavouring to find out the truth , the vilifying and despising of the things that most men vehemently desire , and quarrel about , entitled them presently to the character of honest men : not considering , that while they are so just on the one side , as to wrong no body , themselves ; they are yet so unjust , on the other , as to leave other people to do it : and so rather than quit their studies , they forsake their duties , and their friends , whom they ought to defend . and therefore ( says he ) they would have nothing to do with the community it self , if they were not compell'd by force : a thing which ought rather to be done , by good will , and by choice . for it is not the quality of the act , let it be never so right , but the intention of it , that makes the virtue . there are some , that either for saving of their own stake , or out of an averseness even to dealing with mankind , cry , let every man look to his own bus'ness ; i meddle with no body ; and all this , to get the reputation of harmless people . these men , while they shun one injustice , they fall into another . for he that contributes neither study , labor , nor fortune , to the publique , is a deserter of the community . now these two sorts of injuries being laid down , together with the causes of them ; and having stated , beforehand the bounds of iustice , it will be no hard matter to assign unto every person , and occasion , its proper duty , if we be not over partial to our selves : but in another bodies case , it is quite another matter : although terence's chremes will have every individual to be concern'd in the common interest of mankind : but yet being more sensible , and quicker-sighted in our own concerns , then for the good , or evil that befals others ; ( which we look upon as more remote ) we pass upon the one , and the other , ( tho' in the very same case ) a quite different judgment . it is good advice therefore , to forbear coming to a resolution ; where we doubt whether the thing be good , or bad . for the right is as clear as the sun ; but a wavering implies the deliberation of an injustice . but it often falls out , that the same thing which at one time would become a man of honor , and iustice , would at another time not only vary , but prove the clear contrary . as the delivering up of a trust to a mad man ; or keeping promise with him : nay in matters of faith , and truth , it is just , in some cases to deny ; and in others , not to keep touch ; for all must refer to those fundamentals of iustice already propounded . as first , to wrong no man ; and secondly , in all cases to consult the common good. so that the duty is not always the same ; but changes with the occasion . suppose such a promise of contract past , as if it were performed , would manifestly tend to the damage , either of the party promising , or of the person to whom the promise was passed to have it perform'd . if neptune ( as it is in the fable ) had not made good his promise to theseus , his son hippolitus had been sav'd . the story goes , that of three wishes , the last was in his passion the destruction of hippolitus : and the grant of that request , cast him into inconsolable sorrows . so that neither are we to keep those promises that are unprofitable to the promised ; or more hurtfull to the promiser , then advantageous to the other . of two evils , we are to chuse the less : as if i promise to plead any mans cause , and in the interim , my son falls dangerously ill ; it is no breach of faith , or duty in me , not to appear ; but rather the contrary ; and it were yet worse , in him to whom the promise was made , to complain of such a disappointment . and now in matters where a man is under violence , or over-aw'd by fear , or out-witted , and over-reach'd by fraud , every body knows that those promises are not binding ; many of them being discharg'd in form , by the praetors court ; and some by the very law it self . there are several injuries , that are meerly matter of cavil , and only advantages taken , by a crafty and malitious interpretation of the law. from whence comes that saying , extreme right , is extreme wrong . the proverb is now worn threed-bare . of this sort , there have been many practices , even upon a publique score : one agreed upon a truce with the enemy for days , and afterward made incursions upon him , and destroyed his country by night ; because the cessation was for days , not nights . neither can i justifie our countryman , if it be true : q. fabius labeo ( or some body else ( for i have it only upon hearsay ) was by the senate constituted arbitrator of the boundaries of nola and naples . when he came to the place , he took the commissioners apart , and advised them in private , not to do any thing greedily , or to press too much ; but rather to abate of their pretensions , then to demand more ; and prevailed so far upon them , that there was a good space of ground left betwixt them ; so that when they had marked out their bounds , according to agreement , that which was left in the middle , was adjudg'd to the romans . this was rather a cheat then a iudgment ; and this indirect , and crafty way of imposing , should be avoided in all cases . there are certain duties to be observ'd also , even to those that do us the greatest wrong ; for there must be a meane in the very punishment , and revenge : and i do not know , whether it may be sufficient , for the aggressor barely to repent of his injury , without some penalty over and above ; both for his own amendment , and the terror , and example of others . the laws of war , among all nations , should be strictly and punctually observ'd . for since there are but two ways of contending , the one , by dispute , the other , by force ; the one , humane , and the other brutal ; we must of necessity have recourse to the latter , where the former will not take place . wherefore the end of war is to secure our selves from violence , in a state of peace : and in case of victory , we should preserve those that behaved themselves with honor , and generosity in the action of the war : as our ancestors receiv'd into the very privileges of the city , the tusculans , the aequi , the volsci , the sabines , the hernici ; but carthage , and numantia , they wholly ras'd . i could wish they had spar'd corinth ; but they had a respect , i suppose , to the strength , and scituation of the place , and so destroy'd it ; that for the future , it might not , some time or other , prove an encouragement to a revolt . in my opinion , peace should be always consulted , where it may be had without treachery : and if my advice had been hearkned to in this matter , we might yet at this day , have had some sort of a republique , though not the best ; whereas now we have just none at all . we should provide likewise , not only for those that are overcome in the field , but for those also that threw down their arms , and cast themselves upon the faith of the general . nay i would have an enemy receiv'd , even after the battery is begun , and the breach made . in which point , we have been so scrupulously just , that according to the custom of our predecessors , those that took cities , or nations , conquer'd in war , into the roman allegeance , were made patrons , and protectors of what they took . and the rights of war are set forth with exact solemnity in the provisions of the faecial law ; wherein we are given to understand , that no war can be iust , and warrantable , unless it be grounded upon some matter of claim , or denounced beforehand , by proclamation . pompilius ( the general ) held a province ; and a son of cato's listed himself a soldier under his command . pompilius , finding it convenient to discharge one legion , cato's son serving in that legion , was also dismist ; but he continuing still in the army , out of a love of action , his father wrote a letter to pompilius , requesting him , that if his son continu'd with him in arms , he would give him the military oath , over again , because his former sacrament being dissolv'd , he could not otherwise justifie his putting himself into the quarrel . such was the reverence they bare , even to the conscience of making war ! there is extant , an epistle of marcus cato the elder , to his son marcus , when he was a soldier in macedonia , in the persian war. wherein he tells his son , that he heard the consul had dismist him ; and charges him not to engage in any combat , as a thing unlawful for him , that was no longer a soldier , to fight an enemy . it is remarkable , the changing of the word perduellis ( a publique enemy ) into hostis ; to sweeten the foulness of the thing , by the softness of the term. for hostis ( with our forefathers ) was as much as peregrinus , ( a stranger ) as appears by the twelve tables . aut status dies cum hoste . and then , adversus hostem aeterna authoritas . what can be gentler , then to treat an enemy in this easie language ? although custom , i must confess , has made it harsher , by transferring the signification of it , from that of a stranger , to the proper denomination of one that bears arms against us . nay in the case of a war for honor , or dominion , there must yet be the same causes , and grounds beforementioned , to make it just : but still all contests of this kind must give fairer quarter : for ( as in ordinary differences ) we distinguish betwixt an enemy and a rival , our title , and dignity lies at stake in the one case ; but our life and reputation , in the other . the war we had with the celtiberi , and the cimbri ( the spaniards , and danes ) was a war of enmity ; and the question was not , who should govern , but who should live. with the latines , the sabines , the samnites , the carthaginians ; and with pyrrhus , the quarrel was empire . the carthaginians were perfidious ; hannibal was cruel ; but the rest more honourable . it was a glorious declaration , that of pyrrhus , about the discharge of some prisoners , as we find it in ennius . let mercenaries truck , and treat for gold ; honour 's a thing not to be bought or sold. courage and steel must end this glorious strife ; and in the case of victory , or life , fortune 's the iudge . we 'll take the chance of war ; and what brave man soever she shall spare with life ; depend upon 't ; i 'll set him free ; let him but own the gift , to the great gods , and mee . this was a royal speech , and resolution , and well becoming the bloud of aeacus . but even in the case of a private promise ; and upon what pinch , or necessity soever ; faith is yet to be kept , even with an enemy . when regulus was taken prisoner in the first punique war , and sent to rome to sollicite the exchange of some prisoners , upon his oath to return : so soon as ever he came there , he advised the senate against himself ; and that they should not agree to the exchange . his friends , and relations prest him extremely against going back again ; but he chose rather to return to the torture , then to stay and break his faith to an enemy . in the second punique war , after the battel of cannae , hannibal sent ten prisoners to rome , under an oath of returning ; unless they could obtain the liberty of such and such prisoners in exchange . they were no sooner out of the camp , by hannibal's permission , but one of them found out a shift to evade the oath ; and presently went back under colour of something left behind him , and then returning , went his way , as if the obligation of the oath had been discharg'd . and so it was , in words , but not in effect ; for in all promises , the intention is to be consider'd , not the letter . the censor set a fine during life , upon all their heads that were forsworn ; and upon his , among the rest , that invented this shift . but the more generous instance of iustice to an enemy , was that of our ancestors . in the case of pyrrhus : there was a fugitive that made a proposal to the senate , for the poysoning and dispatching of pyrrhus : but the senate , and fabritius deliver'd up the traitor to his master : such was the detestation they had for treachery , that they would not make use of it , tho' to the destruction of a powerful and an invading enemy . and so much for military duties . we must not forget neither , that toward the meanest of men also , there is a justice to be observ'd ; even in the condition , and fortune of slaves : and it is good council , to advise the using of them as hirelings ; and for their work , to allow them their reward . now there are two ways of doing a man an injury ; the one is by force , the other by fraud . the one is the quality of the fox , the other of the lion. they are neither of them proper for a man ; but yet fraud is the more odious of the two ; and of all injustices , that is the most abominable , and capital , which imposes upon us , under the colour of kindness and good meaning : and this shall suffice for iustice. to persue my purpose , i shall now handle the point of liberality , or bounty ; then which there is nothing more accommodate to the nature of man : but it falls under many limitations . it should be our first care to see , that what we give , may not be to the disadvantage of the person we would oblige , or of any other body ; and that it be not above our proportion . secondly , that it be suited to the dignity of the receiver ; for this is the foundation of justice , to which all the circumstances of it are to be referr'd , he that pretends to gratifie any man with that which is rather to his damage , then to his benefit , is so far from deserving the reputation of being liberal , or bountiful , that he is to be accounted as the most pernicious of flatterers . and those also that rob one man , to give to another , are guilty of the same injustice , with them , that take mony out of their neighbors pockets , to put into their own. there are many people that look big , and set up for men of honor , that yet have this humour of taking from one , and giving to another ; and reckon upon it , as a high piece of bounty , if they can but advance the fortunes of a friend , upon what terms soever . but this is so far from a good office , that it is the clear contrary . let us therefore so govern our favours , that we may oblige those we love , and yet hurt no body . shall we call it liberality , in l. sylla , and c. caesar , the translation of so many estates from the right owners , into the possession of strangers ? there can be no liberality in a case of injustice . the second caution is the keeping of our bounty within compass ; and not to give beyond our ability ; for they that extend their kindnesses beyond this measure , wrong their relations , by transferring those bounties to strangers , which they should rather have communicated , or left to their friends . this humour of liberality , is commonly accompanied with a certain greediness , that makes no scruple of getting any thing , though by rapine , or injury , so they may but have wherewithal to supply a mistaken bounty . nay , there are many that give largely , merely to be thought bountiful ; and this , only upon a score of vanity , without any frankness of heart ; which is rather a flash of ostentation , then an act of generosity , and virtue . the third caution is , the making choice of a worthy person ; wherein we should consider the morals of the man that we would oblige ; his particular disposition towards us ; our entercourse with him in a community , and society of life , and the good offices he hath already done us . it would be well , if we could find a concurrence of all these ; but if not , the more inducements we have , and the greater they are , the more is their weight . howbeit , since we do not live with men absolutely perfect , either for virtue , or wisdom ; but with those that acquit themselves very well , if they can but arrive at some seint resemblances of virtue ; let this be also taken into consideration , that no man whatsoever is to be neglected , in whom there appears the least sign , or glimmering of goodness . but still we are to set the greatest value upon him , that we find best endow'd with the soft , and gentle virtues of modesty , temperance , and that iustice , of which we have already spoken at large . for a bold , and manly courage , in a man that is neither good , nor wise ; is commonly more forward , and eager , perhaps , then is convenient . the other are more properly the virtues of a good man. and so much for our manners . touching the good will that any man bears us ; it is , first , our duty to do much good , where we are much belov'd : but then we are not to express that affection , in a childish ardour , and fondness of passion ; but in a constancy , and firmness of mind . in the case of an antecedent merit , where we are not now to enter into an obligation , but to acknowledge , and requite it ; there must be a more than ordinary care taken . for gratitude is the most indispensable of all duties . if hesiod bids us , restore what we borrow ; if we can , in a larger measure ; what ought we to do in the case of a prior obligation ? are we not to imitate fruitful lands , that still return more than they receiv'd ? we are ready enough to oblige those that we hope to be the better for hereafter . how should we behave our selves then , toward such as we are the better for already ? since so it is , that there are two sorts of liberality , the one , of bestowing a benefit , and the other of returning it ; it is at our choice , whether we will give , or no : but an honest man is not at liberty in the point of returning it ; provided that it may be done without injury . and yet we are to distinguish also betwixt benefits receiv'd ; and the greater the benefit , the greater is the obligation . now the obligation is to be valu'd according to the mind , the intention , and good will of the giver : for many people do many things rashly , without either iudgment , or measure . they squander away their donatives , indifferently upon all ; carry'd on by sodain , and impetuous passions , as if they were driven by the wind. now these benefits are not so much to be esteem'd , as those that are conferr'd with steadiness , and consideration . as to the placing of our bounties , and returning of acknowledgments , ( supposing other things to be equal ) it is our duty to help him first , that is most in want ; tho' most people do the contrary . for they are there most officious , to offer their service , where they hope for most again ; tho' in cases , where their help was not at all needful . for the preservation of society , and good correspondence among men , we should do well to proportion our bounties to our relations ; and to give most to those that are our nearest friends . but for those principles of nature , which regard communities , and humane society , they must be fetch'd higher ; as the first thing that we take notice of in the fellowship of mankind . reason , and speech are the bond of it ; which , by teaching , learning , communicating , disputing , and iudging , accommodate one man to another , and ciment the whole body into a kind of natural community . nor is there any thing wherein we are further remov'd from beasts , than in this advantage of society . it is usual for us to speak of courage , and boldness , in lions and horses ; but we hear nothing of either iustice , equity , or goodness in them ; and the business is , that they have neither speech , nor reason . this society of one man with another , and of all , with all ; this society , ( i say ) general and particular , is of a large extent ; and herein there must be a community preserved , of all those things which nature hath brought forth , for the common use of men : provided always , that such things as are limited by laws , and civil ordinances , may be observed according to the constitution . as to the rest ; they may be reduc'd to the greek proverb , friends have all things in common . now all those things that men hold in community , are such , as ennius having laid down in one instance , may be apply'd to many . to put a wandring traveller in 's way , is but to light one candle with another : i 've ne'er the less , for what i give — from this one case we may learn , that whatsoever we may part with to another , without any damage to our selves , it is our duty to give , or to lend freely , tho' to a stranger . of this sort , we reckon many things to be in common ; as water from a river ; fire from fire ; good counsel to a man that is in doubt , or distress . all these things are profitable to the receiver , without any loss , or burthen to the giver . so that we may both use these things our selves , and yet be still contributing of somewhat to the common good. but in regard that particular persons have not much to give , and the number of those that want , is almost infinite ; common liberality must have a respect to that end of eunius . we must keep wherewithal to give light to our selves , that we may have the means of being bountiful to our own. to descend now from humane society in the latitude , of which there are many degrees ; there is a nearer bond yet , betwixt people of the same province , the same nation , and the same language : and it is yet stricter , betwixt men of the same city : for among citizens , there are many things in common : as courts of justice , temples , walks , ways , lanes , customs , judgments , suffrages ; beside frequent meetings , and familiarities , common bus'ness , commerce , and contract . and there is yet a nearer tye ; and that is , the society of kindred , which is contracted into a narrow place , apart from the vast society of mankind . it is by nature , common to all living creatures , the appetite of producing the kind : and the first society is in wedlock , the next , in children ; it comes then to a family , and a community of all things . and this is the original of a city , and as it were the seminary of a commonwealth . the relation of brothers comes next ; and after that , of brothers , and sisters children ; who , when they are too many for one house , are transplanted into others , as into colonies . and then follow matches , and alliances , with increase of kindred ; and their off-spring is the beginning of a commonwealth . there is no doubt but relation of blood , and the kindness that arises from it , must necessarily endear men to one another . for it is a great matter to have the same pedigree ; to exercise the same religion , and to deposite their ashes in common sepulchres : but of all associations , there is none so firm , none so noble , as when virtuous men are link'd together by a correspondency of manners ; and a freedom of conversation . for such is the charm of that honesty which we have often spoken of , that the very encounter of it moves us , tho' in a stranger , and makes us friends to the possessor of it , where-ever we find it . now tho' all virtue whatsoever , is , of it self , amiable , and attractive ; insomuch that we cannot but have an esteem for those that we find possess'd of it ; yet iustice , and liberality gain upon us in a higher degree . but there is nothing more lov●ly , or more engaging , than a conformity , and agreement of good manners . for where there are the same inclinations , the same desires , and the same will , the one cannot chuse but be delighted with the other , as with its proper self ; and it effects that which pythagoras requires in friendship ; the making one , of many : and it is a great obligation that is created by the reciprocation of benefits , that pass forward and backward , in exchange : which being mutual , and grateful ; must needs , upon the entercourse , produce firm and extraordinary friendship . but when ye shall have lookt over all the ties in nature , as far as your mind , and your reason can carry you ; you will find nothing dearer , no obligation of greater importance , then that by which we are every one of us ty'd to the commonwealth . our parents , children , kindred , acquaintance , are all dear to us ; but our single country is more then all the rest : and every honest man is ready to lay down his life for the advantage of that sacred interest . how execrable then is the barbarous impiety of those people , that have torn their country to pieces , by all sorts of villany ; and who not only have been , but are at this instant , conspiring the destruction of it , by a final desolation ? but if there should be any dispute , or comparison , where to pay our duty , in the first place , our country and our parents are the principals ; to whose benefits we are the most oblig'd . our children and our families are next ; as depending upon us alone , without any other retreat : after these , our friends and relations ; which are commonly of our own rank , and condition . wherefore we owe the necessary helps of life to these beforementioned ; but for conversation , table-society , counsels , exhortations , consolations , and ( upon occasion ) reproofs : these things are found most amongst friends ; and let me tell you over again ; the pleasantest friendship is that , which is contracted by a similitude of manners . now in the exercise of all these duties , we should observe what every man has most need of ; and what with our help , he may , and what without our help , he cannot attain ; and in some cases there is a respect to be had to times , and occasions , even before relations : there are some offices that we should rather pay to one , then to another ; as i would sooner help a neighbour in with his harvest , then either a brother , or familiar acquaintance ; but in a suit of law , i 'll defend my kinsman , or my friend , before my neighbour . wherefore these circumstances , and the like , should be duly consider'd in all offices . by custom , and exercise , we shall become good accomptants : for it is by adding , and substracting , that we come to know what remains ; and consequently , in all cases , the bounds , and limits of our duty : but as neither physitians , nor commanders ; nor orators , tho' never so well instructed in the rules of their profession , shall ever be able , without use , and practice , to make themselves eminently famous ; to the same end , are the precepts of humane duties deliver'd us ; that we should put them in exercise ; but yet the difficulty , and condition of the thing does over and above require it . now in what manner that virtue is deriv'd , and whence that duty arises , which falls under the consideration of sociable rights , and common iustice ; we have almost said enough already . in the propounding of four general heads , from whence all virtues , and duties flow ; that which is done with a noble , and exalted mind ; a mind advanced to the contempt of fortune , and worldly things ; that virtue , i say , ought to be reputed the most glorious : and therefore that reproach of ennius's is always at hand upon occasion : young men , in shew , but wenches , in your hearts ; while cloelia plays the brave , and acts your parts . you 're for exploits that cost no sweat , nor bloud , &c. and on the other side , with what transport and rapture do we extol the humour of brave and generous actions ? from hence , comes that field of the rhetoricians , upon marathon , salamis , plateae , thermopilae , leuctrae , stratocles ; and from hence it is , that our cocles , the decij , the two scipio's , marcellus , and a world of others , especially the romans themselves , are grown so famous , for the greatness of their minds . and their ambition of military honour , may appear in this , that almost all the statues they have left us , are dress'd up in armour . and yet that elevation of courage , which is seen in hazzards , and adventures , unless accompany'd with justice , and contending rather for the publique , then for it self ; that courage ( i say ) is so far from being a virtue , that it is a fault , and a brutal ferity , inconsistent with the tenderness of humane nature . wherefore the stoiques have well defin'd it , in calling courage , a virtue contending for equity . nor did any man ever gain the reputation of true valour , by treacheny , or malice . nothing can be honest , but what is just ; and therefore it was notably said of plato . as that knowledge ( says he ) which is divided from justice , is rather craft , then wisdom ; so that courage , which is bold , and adventerous , is rather temerity , and foolhardiness , then valour ; if it be carryed on by passion , or interest , rather then for a common good. wherefore all men of valour , and great undertakings , should be likewise men of goodness , simplicity , candor , and friends of truth : which are all inseparable from justice . but the mischief is , that this tumour , and elation of mind , breaks out many times into a pertinacy , and an ambitious desire of rule . for as plato has it , the lacedemonians were naturally inflam'd with an ardent desire of overcoming . so that whosoever has the greatest soul. is the most addicted to aspiring thoughts : and to set himself above all ; or in truth rather to stand alone . it is a very hard matter , for a man to observe the tenor of true equity ( which peculiarly belongs to justice ) in the inordinate appetite of superiority and dominion , from whence it comes to pass , that such men will not be govern'd , either by reason , or any publique , and lawfull constitution . this humour starts factions in a commonwealth , that work by bribery , and corruption , to advance their power , and their fortunes ; whose business it is , rather to make themselves greater , by violence , then to keep themselves in a station of equality by iustice. but the harderany thing is , the fairer it is ; nor is there any time , or season , that can dispence a man from justice . wherefore those are truly brave , and magnanimous , that keep off an injury , not those that offer it . he that is truly wise , and stout , places that virtue which is most consonant to nature , in action , and not in glory ; and in making himself more considerable then other men , rather then appearing so . no man can be said to be truly heroique , that depends , for his reputation , upon the opinion of the multitude . but every man , the higher his stomach is , and the greater his thirst of honor , the more easily is he transported to do unjust things . he stands upon a slippery place : for where is the man , who after all his hazzards , and travels , does not desire , and expect glory , as a reward of his adventures ? you shall know a man of generosity , and courage , chiefly by these two marques . first , he despises outward things , upon an opinion that a man should not admire , wish for , or desire any thing but what is becoming and honest ; nor subject himself to any person , passion , or fortune . the other is a disposition of mind ( as is said before ) that spurs a man to attempt things great and profitable ; but difficult , laborious , and dangerous , as well in the matter of life it self , as in other conveniences that belong to 't . all the splendor , and reputation ( and let me say , the profit also ) of these two things rests in the latter : but the cause , and the motive is in the former : for there is the rise , and spring of great resolves , that carry men even above the consideration of any thing that is below . the thing it self is seen in two particulars : first in judging that only to be good which is honest ; and , secondly , in a freedom of the mind from all perturbations . for it must be confest to be the part of a brave and generous mind , to look upon those , as little things , which many account to be great , and glorious ; and to contemn them , upon the foundation of a firm , and setled judgment . it is likewise the part of a constant , and invincible mind , so to bear all sorts of calamity , and affliction , as neither to depart from the order of nature , nor to descend below the dignities of a wise man. how incongruous is it for a man that stands the shock of danger , to be broken with lust ? or to endure the fatigue of labour ; and then to be overcome with pleasure ? this must therefore be avoided ; and so must the greedy desire of mony. there is not a greater argument of a narrow , and wretched mind , then to dote upon pelf : nothing more humane , and honourable , then to despise it , if we have it not ; and to employ it generously , and do good with it , if we have it . and so for the affectation of glory : we must beware of it ( as is said already ) for it bars a man of his liberty ; which a brave man will rather die , then part with . we should not be sollicitous neither for power ; which , in some cases , we should not receive , and in others , we should lay down we must deliver our selves from all disorders of mind ; either by fear or appetite : and likewise from all sowerness , and transport , either of delight , or of wrath ; that we may be calm , and secure : in which state , we shall find both steadiness , and credit . there are at this day , and there have been many , that to gain this repose , have wholly withdrawn themselves from publique business : among these , the noblest , and most eminent of philosophers ; and men truly , of great severity , and weight ; who could neither endure the people , nor government : and so retired into deserts , and retreats , to live privately with themselves . and these men , in this recess , had the same design with princes ( whose privilege is to live as they list ) that they might want nothing , but enjoy their freedom , without controll . wherefore , since both those that affect power , and the other idle people that i speak of , aim at the same thing ; and have this in common betwixt them ; the one thinks they may gain their end , if they had but ample fortunes : and the other , theirs , if they can but be content with their own , and with a little : they may be both , ( for ought i know ) in some measure , in the right . but it must yet be allow'd , that a private , and retir'd life , is both easier and safer : and less importune , and troublesome to others . but the life of those that apply themselves to publique business , is more profitable to mankind ; and more conducing to the acquisition of honour , and reputation in the world. wherefore there is something to be said for those excellent wits that dedicate them selves to letters ; without medling in publique affairs : and also for such others , as either for want of health , or perhaps some more powerful impediment , have quitted their publique stations ; being well satisfi'd , that others should enjoy the power and the credit of the employment . but for those that have none of this pretence , to talk of despising government , and offices , which most people have in great estimation ; i do not only , not approve of them , but take them to be much to blame . not that i disallow of their judgment , in the little consideration they seem to have for glory ; but because they are manifestly afraid of the labours , troubles , repulses , and displeasures that they are to encounter . for there are many that behave themselves vnequally in contrary cases : severe contemners of pleasure , but they sink under pain ; regardless of fame , but dejected with scandal . nor are they steady , even in these very cases : but for those that are by nature , fitted and qualifi'd for civil business ; i should advise these people to apply themselves to it without delay ; and to take some commission in the government . for this is necessary , both as to publique administration ; a●d to shew the greatness of the mind . and publique officers , as much perhaps , as philosophers themselves , ( if not more ) should be affected with a general disdain of external things , ( as i have often said ) and stated in an immoveable tranquility , and security of mind ; which will deliver them from all anxiety for things to come ; and establish them in a life of constancy , and honour . now this point is by so much easier , for a philosopher to gain , by how much his life is less expos'd to the stroke of fortune : for there are not many things that he stands in need of : beside , that in case of any disaster , his fall is not so dangerous . it is but reasonable therefore to conclude , that men in great , and publique places , are exposed to greater perturbations of thought , then those that live in privacy and repose . so that a greater stock of courage is there necessary , and a mind at liberty from trouble , and care. but for him that puts himself into business ; let him first consider the honesty of the employment ; and then , his own abilities , to go thorough with it . wherein let him neither rashly despair , out of heartlesness , and sloth ; nor be over confident neither , in the opinion of himself . but in all matters of business , a man should diligently prepare himself before he goes about it . but since most men take military charges to be of a greater consideration then civil , this opinion should be a little qualifi'd ; for 't is a very common thing for men to apply themselves to that course of life , out of an itch of glory ; and this happens most frequently in men of large souls , and abilities : especially where the genius lies that way , and the disposition carries them to the profession of armes . but if we would deal impartially , there have been greater and more glorious things done in the senate , then in the field for although themistocles be worthy of all honour , and his name , and memory , more illustrious then that of solon ; salamis being still mentioned as a memorial of his noble victory over xerxes , which is still preferr'd before the counsel of solon , for the institution of the areopagites . this must not at all give way to that : for the one did once , deliver , preserve , and help the city ; but the other will ever do it . this council preserves the laws of athens , and constitutions of their ancestors . themissocles cannot say that ever he help'd areopagus , but the other may truely boast of serving themistocles . for solon was the founder of that senate which manag'd the war : and so for pausanias , and lysander . it is true , that their actions , and conduct , enlarg'd the territories of the lacedemonians ; and yet the laws of licurgus , are incomparably to be preferr'd . nay , and upon that very consideration , their armies were both readier and bolder . it was my opinion , even when i was a boy , that marcus scaurus was not inferiour to caius marius ; and when i came afterwards into publique business ; i lookt upon q. catulus not one jot below cneius pompeius . for what signifie armies , abroad , without counsel at home ? neither did affricanus ( tho' an excellent man , as well as a great captain ) do the common-wealth a nobler service in the rasing of numantia , then pub. nasica ( a private man ) did at the same time , in cutting off tiberius gracchus . now this instance is not purely civil ; but in some respect , military , because it was done by a violent hand : but still it was done by a civil council , and without an army . it was a memorable saying of mine , that is so often cast in my teeth , by a sort of malicious , and envious people . let swordmen to the gown give place . and crown the oratour with bayes . to pass over other instances . did not the sword give place to the gown , when the commonwealth was under my administration ? never was there a more malicious conspiracy ; and yet by the influence of our diligence , and counsel , how quickly was it crush'd ? insomuch , that the very arms themselves fell out of the hands of the most audacious of the mutineers . when was there ever any action done in the field , or any tryumph comparable to it ? this boast , . to you , my son , that are to inherit the honour of my actions , and to whom i would recommend the imitation of them ; this boast , to you , ( i say ) may be allow'd me . nor is it any more then cn. pompey ( a man laden with military honours ) ascribed to me in a full audience . my third triumph ( says he ) would have been to little purpose , if cicero , by preserving the commonwealth , had not left me a place wherein to triumph . so that domestique , and civil resolution , is not inferiour to military . and it requires more pains , and study , to be employed upon it . that virtue without dispure , which we look for from a high , and illustrious mind , is acquired by the force of the soul , not of the body . and yet the body is still to be kept in exercise ; and so affected , as to obey the dictates of counsel and reason , in the dispatch of business , and in the bearing of toil. but the honesty here in question is wholly plac'd in the care and consideration of the mind : wherein the men of the robe , in civil administration , bring no less advantage to the publique , then those that b●ar arms : for war is many times , either not begun , or otherwise finish'd , by their advice : nay , and some brought on too : as the third punique war of m. cato was ; where his authority prevail'd , even when he was dead . wherefore the faculty of determining , is more desirable then that of contending . always provided that we steer not our cour●e r●ther by an aversion to war , then a consideration to benefit . in the undertaking of a war there should be such a prospect , as if the only end of it were peace . it is the part of a vali●nt and a r●solute man , not to be discomposed in disasters , or to make a bustle , and be put beside himself ; but to maintain a presence of mind , and judgment , without departing from reason . as this is the marque an● e●●ect of a great courage ; so is the other , of an excellent understanding , to forecast in our thoughts the events of things to come : and to weigh beforehand the good and the bad ; and what 's to be done when it happens , without being put to the foolish exclamation of who would have thought it ? these are the works of an elevated soul , that supports it self upon prudence , and judgment : but he that rashly thrusts himself into dangers , without fear , or wit ; and engages an enemy hand over head ; this is only brutality , and outrage : but yet when the time comes , and necessity requires it , let a man fight with his sword in his hand ; and rather lose his life , then his honor and freedom . in the case of rasing or demolishing of cities there should be great care taken , that nothing be done either headily , or cruelly . it is the part of a great man , in publique broyles , to punish the guilty ; but still to spare the multitude ; and in all conditions , to adhere to that which is right , and honest . there are some that esteem feats of arms above civil administrations ; ( as is aforesaid ) and there are others that think it more estimable , to deal in dangerous , and crafty , then in quiet , and considerate counsels . we must never in such manner avoid dangers , as to appear weak and faint-hearted ; and we must likewise have a care , on the other side , not thrust our selves into vnnecessary hazzards ; which is one of the greatest follies in the world. wherefore in difficult cases , we should do like physitians , that apply gentle remedies to gentle diseases : but in cases of extremity , a desperate disease must have desperate cure. none but a mad man will with for a storm in fair weather . but it is yet the part of a wise man , to weather it the best he can , if he falls into a tempest . and the honour is so much the more , if the advantage of the success be greater then the miscarriage . actions are dangerous , partly to the undertakers , and in part to the commonwealth : some run the hazzard of their lives ; some of their good names ; and others , of the love of the people : now we should more frankly venture our selves , then the publique : and more chearfully expose our selves for honour , and reputation , then for other commodities . some there are that make no scruple of hazzarding their lives , and fortunes , in the defence of their country ; and yet are so nice and scrupulous in the matter of reputation ; that rather then run any risque of their honour , they will leave their very country in danger . as callicratidas the lacedemonian general , in the peloponnefian war ; after many glorious exploits , ruin'd all at last , by not removing the navy from the arginusae , and making his retreat without giving the athenians battel , as he was advis'd to do ; to which he made this answer , that if the lacedemonians lost one fleet , they might set out another ; but that if he quitted his ground , his honor was lost for ever . but the lacedemonians however might have born this loss , whereas the other blow was mortal ; when cleombrotus , for fear of an ill report , unadvisadly engaged with epaminondas , where the whole power of the lacedemonians was cut off at a blow . how much better now was the conduct of q. fabius maximus , of whom ennius . fabius was slow ; but sure ; and his delay restored the tottering state. now it was his way to mind his bus'ness , not what people said : he liv'd a great man , but he 's greater dead . this is an error , of a quality to be avoided also in civil matters . for there are many that dare not speak their opinions , tho' for the best ; for fear of falling under evil tongues . there are two precepts of plato to be observ'd by all men of authority in the government . the one is , in some sort to assert and defend the publique interest , that all their actions should refer to that , without any regard to their own advantage . the other is , to attend the service of the whole , in such sort , that while they are serving one part , they do not abandon another . it is in the administration of a government , as in the case of a ward : the commission has a regard to the benefit of those that are deliver'd up in charge ; and not those to whom such a charge , or care is committed . but they that provide for one part of the people , and neglect another , bring into a city the most pernicious thing in the world ; that is to say , discord , and sedition : and when they are split into parties , some side with the people ; others , with the nobility : but none mind the whole . this wrought great mischiefs among the athenians ; and in our republique not only sedition , but the most pestilent civil wars . a course not to be endur'd by a sober , and valiant patriot ; or any man that deserves a place in the government : for such a man will apply himself wholly to the care of the publique , without designing either upon wealth , or power to himself ; and in such manner defend the whole , that he also provide for every part of it : neither will he bring any man into envy , or hatred , by calumny , o● subornation ; but resolutely adhere to iustice and honesty ; maintaining his post , in spite of all opposition ; and rather die then desert the aforesaid duties . ambition or the thirst of honour is a wretched thing : of which plato says very well ; they that strive who shall be uppermost in the republique , do as if mariners should contend which should be at the helm . and he tells us further , that we are to account those for enemies that take up armes against the commonwealth ; and not such as with honesty , and iudgment labour to defend it . this was the controversie betwixt p. affricanus , and q. metellus , without any sort of bitterness . give no ear to those that take it to be the part of a brave , and resolute man , to be violently angry with an enemy : for there is nothing more commendable or better becoming a generous person , then clemency , and good nature . nay towards a free people , where all are liable to the law , we should join a facility with that which we call height of courage , least if we should accustom our selves to transports upon unseasonable addresses , or shameful importunities , we should fall into a humour of morose and unprofitable sourness : provided that with these soft , and gentle ways , we use severity also , where the publique requires it ; for without that , a city can never be kept in order . all reproof , and correction , let it be without contumely , as being directed only to the profit of the commonwealth ; without regard to the gratifying of his passion , or interest that gives either the words , or the blows . and the punishment , likewise should be proportion'd to the fault : for it is unjust that one man should have blows , and another , not so much as a check , for the same transgression . ●ut above all things , correction is not to be given in anger ; for a man in passion will never observe the due mean betwixt the two extremes of too much , and too little : wherein the peripatetiques are much in the right ; if they would not also approve of anger given us by nature for our advantage . but i am for the avoiding of it in all cases ; and i could wish that magistrates , like the laws themselves , would never proceed to punish , in wrath , but only in equity . let us also in prosperity , and when we have the world at will , as much as possible , avoid pride ; disgusting of every thing ; and arrogance ; for it is the same levity to be transported either with good fortune , or with bad : and it is an excellent thing to observe an equal tenor of life , and to have still the same humour , and the same countenance ; as we find it recorded of socrates , and c. laelius . philip of macedon , was outstript by his son , in glorious atchievements , and military execution , but in gentleness , and humanity of manners , alexander came short of him : so that the one of them was always , great , and the other was many times intemperate , and brutal . 't is good advice , that bids us , the higher we are , to be the more humble . panoetius tells us of affricanus ( his disciple , and familiar friend ) how he was wont to say , that as we put out horses of service to riders , for the training them , and making them fitter for use , when they are grown fierce , and unmenageable , by being chaf'd , and heat by the action of the battel ; so should we commit men , that are transported with prosperity , and over-confident in themselves , to some guide that should keep them , as it were in the ring ; or within the bounds of reason , and good government , to make them understand the uncertainty of humane affairs , and the changes of fortune . it is in the height of our prosperity , that we should chiefly consult our friends ; and allow them more authority over us then at other times : but we must have a care of entertaining flatteries , and of being impos'd upon by fair words , wherein we are too easie to be mistaken . for such is the conceipt we commonly have of our selves , that we think no commendation more then we deserve . from this weakness there arise innumerable errors . for when we come once to be blown up with praises , and high opinions of our selves , we do but serve to make sport for others , and labour under grievous mistakes . and so much for this point . their business that govern common-wealths , must of necessity be of the greatest moment , and require the largest souls ; because it has the largest prospect , and concerns most people . this is to be given for granted ; and yet it must not be deny'd neither , on the other side , that great generosity of mind has been many times shew'd in a private life ; either in the search , or attempt of great matters ; and the people yet keeping themselves within their own bounds , or else mingling with philosophers , and men in publique bus'ness ; contenting themselves in their private condition : neither scraping together estates , by all manner of ways , nor debarring their friends from the use of what they had ; but rather dividing with them , and with the republique , where there was occasion . now for this estate , let it be , first , well gotten ; and neither by shamefull , nor by odious wayes : let a man next do good with it to as many as he can ; ( so they be worthy ) let him encrease it , with prudence , diligence , and good husbandry : and let him rather indulge liberality , and bounty , then luxury , and lust. he that observes these rules may live soberly , splendidly , and generously ; and no less candidly , faithfully , and amicably with all men. we are now to speak of the remaining part of duty ; wherein bashfulness , and a certain gracefulness of life ; temperance , modesty , the composure of all perturbations of the mind , and moderation , are to be consider'd . here it is that we find that same decorum , or as the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is of so excellent a nature , that it is inseparable from virtue . for whatsoever is decent , is likewise honest ; and whatsoever is honest , is becoming . but still there is a difference betwixt this same honesty , and decorum ; which may be better understood , then explained : for that which becomes us , does only then appear , when honesty is gone before . now this decorum does not only appear in the virtue now in question , but also in the three former . for the right and prudent use of reason , and speech ; the doing of every thing considerately ; the finding out of truth , and the defending of it , looks well in any man ; as on the other side to be deceived , to mistake , to slip , to be impos'd upon , is as misbecoming , as if a man were in a fit of dotage , or out of his wits . and so whatsoever is iust , is also gracefull ; and whatsoever is vnjust , or dishonest , is likewise misbeseeming ? and the same rule holds in fortitude : for whatsoever is done generously , and like a man of courage , cannot but be gracefull too , and well-becoming a man ; and the contrary as reproachfull , and misbecoming . wherefore the decorum i here speak of , appears likewise in all other virtues ; and does in such manner appertain to them , that it lies open ; and there needs no mystery to the finding of it out . there is in all virtue , somewhat that is gracefull , and only separable from virtue , by imagination : as the gracefulness , and beauty of the body , cannot well be separated from health : and so it is with the gracefulness here in question . it is a decorum that is in a manner so confused with virtue , that it is incorporated with it ; but in the mind and conception , it may be distinguish'd . and there are of it , two sorts . the one is a certain general decorum , that shines in all virtues ; and there is another that is subject to this , or dependent upon it , which respects every virtue in particular . the former is commonly defined to be a decorum congruous to the excellency of man , in that which differences man , from other living creatures . but the special decorum , as dependent upon the general , they define to be a quality so congruous to nature , that moderation and temperance appear in it , with the very image of a generous soul. this we may judge to be the decorum , which the poets observe ; whereof we have spoken more in another place . but we are then said to observe the strict decorum of the poets , when every word , and action is fitted to the dignity , and condition of the person . as what could be more improper , and unseemly then to bring in these just judges , aeacus , and minos with these words in their mouths , let them hate , so they fear : or , the father is the grave of his own children . and yet when atreus says it , what acclamations are there , because the expression suites with the person ! but nature her self , as to us , has given every man his part , with greatexcellency , and advantage over other living creatures . so that the poets will see to the accommodating of all parts to the variety of persons , even the observing of a decorum , toward the worst of men , as well as the best . but since nature has assign'd us our parts of constancy , moderation , temperance , modesty ; and the same nature teaches us not to be wholly careless , how we demean our selves toward one another ; it is clear to us , how far that decorum extends , that belongs to every virtue , and every kind of honesty . for as the beauty of the body , with an apt disposition of the parts , proves the eye ; and delights us in the very correspondence , symetry and apt disposition of the parts ; so this decorum , that illustrates life , gains upon all those we converse with , by the order , steadiness , and moderation of all our words , and deeds . wherefore there should a certain reverence be used toward all men , both high , and low ; for 't is the humour of an arrogant and dissolute man , not to care what the world says of him . but there 's a great difference betwixt iustice , and modesty , upon all accounts . it belongs to iustice not to wrong men ; and to modesty , not to offend them : wherein the power , and virtue of a decorum , does most eminently appear . this is enough said , i suppose , to make it understood , what is intended by that which we call a decorum . the duty that proceeds from it , is chiefly to preserve our selves in a conformity to nature ; a guide that will never mislead us ; but conduct those that follow her , to all acuteness , and perspicacity of understanding ; to the best means of uniting men in society ; to that which is strong , and manly . but the mighty power of gracefulness is in that part which we are now upon : for not only the motions of the body , according to nature , are to be allow'd , but the motions of the mind likewise much more , the force , and nature , of the mind , is two-fold : one part is plac'd in the appetite ; the greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that carries a man hither and thither : the other , in reason , that teaches us , and explains to us what to do , and what to avoid ; by which means , our appetite shall be kept obedient to our reason . in all cases , we should have a care of rashness and negligence ; and do nothing but what we can give a fair account of . this is ▪ in some degree , the image and description of duty ; but then we must so order it , that the appetite follow the dictate of reason , so as neither rashly to out-run i● , nor out of heaviness , and sloth to desert it ; but keep it quiet , and calm , and free from all perturbation . this make us eminent for constancy and moderation : for those appetites that wander from the rule ; and skip from one thing to another , either by coveting , or avoiding : those appetites , i say , for want of being govern'd by reason , will without all question pass bounds , and measure ; for they relinquish and cast off their allegeance to reason , which they ought to obey by the law of nature : and their ill efsects are imprinted , not only upon our minds , but also visibly upon our bodies : as in the transports of wrath , lust , fear , pleasure ; what an alteration is there of countenance , voice , motion , gesture ? from whence we may collect , how necessary it is to moderate , and govern our passions ; and so to keep our selves upon a guard , that we do nothing heedlesly , or as it were by chance , without care , or consideration . for man was never made for levity and pleasure , but rather for the severity of grave , and weighty studies . not that we are to be debarr'd the freedom of froliques , and divertisements ; provided that we use them only as sleep , and such other ways of repose ; after the discharge of our serious and more important duties . and our very liberties in discourse , must not be profuse neither , nor immodest ; but only candid , and facetious : for as we do not allow our children all sorts of games ; but only such sports as hold some proportion with honest actions ; so in raillery it self , there must be a mixture of candour , as well as vnderstanding . there are two sorts of raillery , or mirth ; the one is course , petulant , criminal , and foul ; the other , cleanly , gracious , ingenious , and facetious : in which kind , not only plautus , and the greek comedians , but the followers of socrates , have written much ; and stuffed their books with a great many of their sayings , and conceipts : as cato's collection of apothegm's , &c. now 't is an easie matter , to distinguish betwixt a course , and a cleanly way of iesting . the one , is a word in season , only for recreation , and worthy of a man of honour . the other , not fit for an honest man ; especially where filthy things are deliver'd in as vnclean words . nay in our very recreations , we should keep within compass ; and have a care that we do not lash out into excesses , and pass the limits of modesty , in the transports of our pleasures . the chace of wild beasts , and the military and manly exercises that are practis'd in our field , or campus martis : these i reckon to be honorable pleasures ; and we need never want these ways of diversion . but whatever we do , it should be always in our thought , the excellency of humane nature , above that of brutes ; which are only push'd on by violent appetites to sensual pleasures : whereas the enterteinment of a mans mind , is learning and meditation ; which is never idle , but still employ'd either upon enquiry , or action ; and charmed with a delight that arises from what we hear , or see . nay the very man hims●lf , that is most addicted to his pleasures : ( if he has but the soul of a man in him , and not only the name , without the effect ( for such there are ) though he may be overcome by his lusts , he yet stands so right , as to be asham'd of , to conceal , and to disguise his love of those pleasures , even for modesty sake ; which shews that the pleasures of the body , are not worthy of the dignity of the soul ; but rather contemptible , and to be rejected . but if any man shall be found to have a great regard for pleasures , let him be sure to use them with moderation . in our very cloaths , and dyet , we should still keep an eye rather to matter of health , and strength , then to the humouring of the phansie , or palate ; and if we shall but duly weigh , and examine the d●gnity , and excellency of nature ; we shall quickly find how shameful a thing it is to dissolve in a luxurious softness , and delicacy : and how becoming , on the other side , to live frugally , temperately , gravely , and soberly . every man must be understood to be invested with two capacities ; the one common to mankind , as endu'd with reason ; and in a preference to beasts , from whence we do not only d●rive the knowledge of decency , and virtue ; but the very means of finding out our several duties . the other is a propriety that has a respect particularly to individuals . there is a great difference in bodies : one man is better for a course , another for a skuffle ; and so in beauties ; one beauty is imperious , and majestical ; another , charming . now there are at least as great diversities , and varieties in our minds . l. crassus , and l. philippus , were both of them of a natural , wonderfully gentle , and gracious ; and both these qualities were yet more eminent ; and more labour'd too , in c. caesar , the son of lucius . there was a strange austerity of of humour , in m. scaurus , and m. drasus ; and in the same time , and as yet in their youth too . c. laelius was gay , and pleasant ; his friend scipio more ambitious , and reserved . it is reported , that socrates , among the greeks , was a gentle and a pleasant companion ; a wit that lay much upon innocent raillery , and had an excellent faculty of speaking his mind , under an agreeable disguise . pythagoras , on the other side , and pericles , advanc'd themselves , without any gayety of humour at all . among the carthaginians , hannibal , and among our own commanders , q. maximus have the name of men extremely close , ●nd secret , silent , dissembling ; notably good at stratagems ; or setting spies upon an enemy , and disappointing their counsels . those that the greeks have the greatest esteem of , are themistocles , the athenian , and iason the pheraean . but above all , they magnifie that profound , and politique fetch of solon ; who , for the advantage of the commonwealth , and for his own security , counterfeited himself mad. there are others now , so far from this artifice , that they are simple and open : to the degree of not enduring any thing but what 's done above board ; they will not suffer any thing that looks like treachery . these men are the servants of truth , and the enemies of fraud . there are others again , that will bear any thing , and crouch to any man , for their own ends ; as sylla , and m. crassus ; the lacedemonian lysander is said to have been a great master of his art in this kind ; and yet callicratides , that succeeded him in his command of the navy , is reported to have been quite of another humour . and we find diversity as well in the stile , and fashion of speaking , as in the difference of manners . as you shall see men of great authority , and parts , that yet wont themselves to the phrase and language of the common people : as the two catulus's , father and son , and the like q. mutius maxcinus , which i my self am a witness of . nay i have heard old men say , that p. scipio of nasica , had that way with him ; but his father the clean contrary : and no grace of speech in the world. i speak of him that reveng'd the commonwealth , upon the seditious attempts of tiberius gracchus . and no more had xenocrates , the severest of philosophers ; and yet famous , and eminent for that very sowerness . there are a world of other dissimilitudes , both of nature , and manners , which are not yet to be despised . so that every man should do well to stick to that inclination that nature has given him in particular ; provided that it be not vitious ; and by so doing , he shall easily more discover and attain the decorum which we look for in this place . but yet we are so to behave our selves , that without opposing common nature , we follow the dictates , every man of his own genius ; and tho' other things may perhaps be weightier , and better , we are yet to take our measures according to the bent of our own particular . for 't is in vain to struggle with nature ; or to persue any thing which we cannot attain . from hence it is , that we must gather the knowledge of what becomes us . for nothing can be graceful , that lays a force upon nature . in short ; there is nothing more becoming , in humane life , then an equability , and congruity of our actions ; which , if ever we depart from , and pass to the affectation of another mans nature , we lose our own. for as we are to use our own native language , without forcing forreign words into it ( as some people do ) and make themselves only ridiculous for their pains ) so should we , in our lives , and actions , make our selves all of a piece . nay , so sensible is this difference of natures , that one man shall be honour'd for destroying of himself , and another condemned for it ; all in the same case ; as it was with marcus cato that kill'd himself , and the rest that rendred themselves up to caesar in affrica . this might perhaps have turn'd to their reproach , if they had laid violent hands upon themselves ; ●or an action so heroical would have born no proportion with the softness and facility of their ways and manners , but rather have introduc'd an incongruity betwixt their lives , and deaths . but for cato , that was a man naturally grave , and severe , ( even to a miracle ) and harden'd to it by a long habit of constancy ; a man unalterably firm to his purpose , and resolution ; it made for the dignity of his humour , and character , rather to support death it self , then the frown and dominion of a tyrant . how many miseries did vlysses suffer , in that tedious ramble of his , ensl●ving himself to women , ( if a body may give circes , and calypso that name ) and a complaisance upon all occasions to all sorts of people ? nay at his own house , how patiently did he put up the contempts , and flouts of the meanest of his servants there ? whereas ajax , acc●●ding to the report we have of him , would have born a thousa●d deaths , rather then those contumelies . this contemplation should make every man look into himself , to see what he has of his own , and to make his best of that , without di●guising ●●mself , to act the part of another . that which every man has peculiar to himself , is the thing which best becomes him . wherefore every man should take a true estimate of what he is , and impartially examine his abilities , and defects ; what he can do , and what he cannot . that we may be , at least , as wise in our lives , as comedians are upon the stage ; who make choice , not so much of the best parts , or plays , as of the fittest for their disposition . he that has the strongest voice , chuses the tragedy of epigonus , or medaea : the best actor prefers melippe , or clytaemnestra . rutilius ( whom i remember ) always acted antiope ; and sometimes aesopus play'd ajax . shall a stage-player now take more care of himself in a comedy , then a wise man in his life ? let every man see in the first place , which way his talent lies ; and in the next , let him endeavor to emprove it . but if we should be forc'd at any time , by necessity , to play a part that we were never made for ; let it be our care , study , and thought , so to behave our selves , that at least we may not lose our credit , where we cannot get any . so that the best of this case will be to avoid shame , without pretending to get a reputation , by the forcing of our nature . now to those two parts already spoken of , that is to say , of common nature , and particular inclination , there is a third , that is cast upon us either by time , or chance , and yet a fourth , which we accommodate according to our own judgment . for kingdoms empires , dignities , honours , riches , with their contraries , are all of them in the hand of fortune , and governed by the revolution of times . now it is wholly at our own choyce , what part we will sustein . wherefore one man takes to philosophy , another , to the civil law , a third to rhetorique , and a fourth affects an excellency rather in one virtue then in another . but for those whose ancestors were any of them very famous ; they commonly study to get reputation by treading in their steps : as q. mueius follow'd his father publius in the civil law : and scipio affricanus emulated his father in feats of arms. some again are not content with the honour they derive from their predecessors , unless they add somewhat to it of their own. as affricanus did yet augment and illustrate the honour of his military knowledge by his particular eloquence . and so did timotheus , the son of conon , who being a captain not inferior to his father , made himself yet greater by the addition of letters and vnderstanding . but it happens sometimes that the son declines the imitation of the father , and betakes himself rather to some course , or design of his own ; which is a thing often found in men of large minds , that are descended from obscure parents . all these circumstances must be taken into consideration , in the question of this decorum . the first point in deliberation is this , what it is that we design either to be , or to do ; and what course of life to take to . in this deliberation , there is great hazard , and difficulty . for it is in our youth , that we are to resolve , and pitch upon the condition we propound ; at which time , we are least able to judge of it . so that we are commonly engag'd in some certain purpose of life , before we are able to distinguish betwixt a better and a worse . for although ( according to the report of prodicus , out of xenophon ) so soon as ever hercules came out of his minority ( the time for every man to choose what course of life he will steer ) he retir'd into a solitude , and upon the sight of two ways , the one , of virtue , and the other of pleasure , he sat a long time considering with himself , which of the two ways he should take : yet this might do well enough for hercules , that was the son of iupiter , but not for us , i fear , that commonly follow those men still that we like best ; and take up an affection for their ways , and studies . and yet for those that are trained up under the institution of their parents ; they do commonly and insensibly contract an affection for the methodes and customs of their education . others are carried away by the stream of popular practice ; esteeming that still to be the best ; that pleases the most . and yet some there are , that lead the course of life they ought to do ; induced thereunto , either by providence ; a certain felicity , or goodness of nature ; a virtuous inclination , or some particular advantage of their institution : but it is a very rare thing to find a concurrence of eminent wit , and learning ; or to find either of them , with so much time for deliberation , as is needful for the election of a profitable course of life . in this deliberation , a regard must be had to that which is most proper , and natural to every particular : for ( as is already said ) since in whatever we do , we must enquire into every mans particular genius , before we can say what becomes him ; so we must be more careful yet , in the establishment of our own lives , to see that we maintain an equality in the main ; and that we never differ from our selves , or falter in our duty . but since nature has the greatest power in this case ; and fortune , the next ; we must consult them both ; what course of life to fix upon ; but nature , in the first place : for she is much firmer , and more constant ; and it is not for fortune , that is frail and mortal , to contend with immortal nature : whosoever therefore shall conform , in the ordering of his life , to the inclinations of an uncorrupted nature , must keep constantly to that tenour , which is the decorum of life ; unless he find himself mistaken in his choice . and in that case ( for it is a case to be put ) there must be a change admitted of purposes and manners . and that change will be more easily and commodiously wrought , under the favour of times and occasions : but where the season is not favourable , it must be introduc'd by little and little ; as wise men say of inconvenient , and ill grounded friendships ; 't is better to unstitch then to tear them all to pieces on a sodain . but when we have once alter'd our course , we must be infinitely careful to make it appear , that we have done it upon good , and weighty reasons . now whereas i have , ( in what is aforesaid ) propounded the imitation of our predecessors ; let me not be thought to advise an imitation of them in their vices : beside that there are many things wherein nature is not to be imitated . as the son of affricanus the elder . ( he that adopted the son of paulus aemilius . ) it was not possible for him , by reason of the craziness of his body to be so like his father , as the other was like his. wherefore if a man be not in condition to plead at the bar ; to harangue the people in publique assemblies , or to lead armies ; there are some duties yet in his power , which he is obliged to perform : as the offices of iustice , faith , liberality , modesty , temperance , which benefits will fairly supply the want of the other . the best of patrimonies is the reputation of great , and virtuous actions , and ancestors ; and the son that does not uphold the renown of his father , is a shame , and a scandal to it . now in regard that there are several duties properly belonging to several ages ; and many things that becoming a young man , would be ridiculous , in an old ; we shall say something also under that distinction . it is the duty of a young man to reverence his elders , and to make his choice of the best , and most approved among them , for his directors and governors : for the ignorance , and folly of youth should be ordered , and instructed , by the prudence and experience of the aged . but above all things , he should be restreined from loose and wanton pleasures ; and trained up rather in laborious exercises ; and in the fatigues , and toyles , both of body , and mind . for it makes men vigorous , and industrious , as well in war , as in peace : and even in the intervals of liberty , and refreshment , young men should have a care of intemperance ; and not to pass the bounds of modesty : which will be the more easily atteined , if they be often in the eyes of their seniors and tutors . when we come to be in years , the labours of the body must be abated , and we should encrease those of the mind : but striving still , by all means to be serviceable to our friends , and to our juniors , by our advice , and wisdom ; but principally to the commonwealth . but above all things , have a care of a drowsie , a languishing , and a lasie old age ; and so likewise of a luxurious ; which , as it is reproachful and dishonorable , in this case it is most of all . but if the intemperance of lust , be added to it , the mischief is double . first , the infamy which it reflects upon age it self ; and then , the ill example , in authorizing young men to be more shamless and wicked . it would not be impertinent , here to speak something of the duties of magistrates , private citizens , and strangers . the magistrates part , is to consider himself as the representative of the city ; and to uphold the honour , and dignity of it ; to observe the laws , and customs , to do iustice ; and to remember , that all these things are committed to his charge . it is the part of a private man , to live with his fellow citizens , under one common bond of legal duty ; neither falling so low , as to make himself despicable , nor too much exalting himself ; and never to entertein any thought , but to the glory , and peace of the commonwealth . this is the man that we esteem , and pronounce to be a worthy citizen . as to the duty of a stranger ; let him mind his own business , and not intermeddle with other peoples , but keep himself within his compass . by these means it will be understood , when it shall come to be diligently examin'd , what is most becoming us , under the several circumstances of persons , times , and ages : but there is nothing so graceful , as to behave our selves equally , and steadily , in all our actions , and councels . but this gracefulness shews it self in all our words , and deeds , nay in the very motions , and postures , of the body ; and consists principally in beauty , order , and a kind of air , or agreement suitable to every thing we do . 't is a hard matter to express this ; but it shall suffice , that it may be easily understood . in the observance of these three points , we render our selves acceptable in our conversation with all people . and so much for this too . nature has undoubtedly taken great care in the forming of mans body , exposing only those parts to sight , that are beautiful , comly , and agreeable to the eye : and keeping those parts conceal'd , and cover'd , which would give offence if they were laid open to view ; and serve us only for unclean , and common necessities . there is no question , but the modesty of the mind conforms it self , in this particular , to the exquisite fabrique of the body ; for whatsoever nature has conceal'd , all men in their right wits , do naturally keep out of sight , and as private as possible , in compliance with their very necessities . now for those parts of the body which are of most necessary use to man ; we neither call the part , nor the use of it , by the proper name ; and that which may be honestly done , ( if secretly ) we cannot so much as honestly name . insomuch , that those things cannot be done openly without impudence : nor so much as mention'd , without obscenity . wherefore there 's no hearkning to the ciniques , or to the old stoiques , ( which are almost cyniques ) that blame and laugh at us , for reckoning those things to be foul , in words ; which are not so , in truth . and yet those things which we all agree to be foul , we can yet call by their own names . as theft , cousenage , adultery , are all dishonest in the deed ; and yet we use the words without scruple . to beget children , is an honest action ; but it wears a course name ; and we find a great deal more to this purpose , against modesty , in their disputations . but we are to follow nature , and to fly whatsoever may offend either the eye , or the ear of a modest man. nay , in our very postures , and gestures ; as walking , standing , sitting , lying ; in the very countenance , the eye , the motion of the hands , there must a regard be had still to that which is becoming . in all this , there are two things we should beware of . the one , not to do any thing that is loose , nice , and effeminate ; the other , to void things that look harsh , rough , and vncivil . for why should that which becomes an orator , or a comedian , misbeseem us ? the discipline of the theatre has a long time had such a regard to modesty ; that no man enters upon the stage , without drawers , least some part of the body should come to be discover'd by chance that ought to be conceall'd . the roman customs will not allow sons , when they are men grown , so much as to bath , with their fathers ; or sons in law , with their wives parent . in these points of virtuous modesty , nature is both our mistress , and our guide . of beauty , or agreeableness , there are two kinds ; the one is matter of gracefulness ; the other , of dignity ; and we may call them male , and female : it is not for a man to be trickt out with fooleries ; or to have any thing that is phantastical , or effeminate ; no , not so much as in his very motion , or gesture . how are we disgusted many times , at the conceipted actions of stage-players ? and the more odious , and affected motions of wrastlers ? and yet we commend that which is natural , and simple , both in the one , and in the other . the dignity of the countenance is maintein'd by a good colour : and that colour by the exercise of the body ; and to all this we should keep our selves neat and cleanly ; not to the degree of niceness , and affectation , but only so , as not to incur the censure of rudeness , sluttery , and neglect . and the same rule we should observe in our garments : in which particular , as well as in other things , a mediocrity does best . in our walking we must neither march so slow , as if we were officiating at a solemnity ; nor yet make such post-hast , as to run our selves out of breath , and put the mouth , or the countenance into disorder ; which is a sign of a light , and unsteady humour . but we must take more peins , yet , to keep the mind in a temper of conformity to nature ; which we may easily compass , if we can but preserve our selves from falling into transports , and perturbations , and diligently attend to a conservation of the decorum here prescribed . the motions of the mind are twofold . some are of thought , and others of appetite . these of thought are chiefly employed in the finding out of the truth . those of appetite push a man forward to the doing of something . we must be careful therefore , first , to apply our thoughts to that which is most worthy of them ; and , secondly , to keep the appetite in subjection to reason . as to the matter of speech , the power of it is great ; and it is also two-fold . the one is a speech of contention ; the other , of common discourse . the former is for the b●rre , for publique assemblies , and for the senate ; the other , is for ordinary conversation , casual disputes , private meetings of company or friends at the table . the masters of rhetorique have given precepts for the former , but we have none for the latter ; altho' perhaps , that might be done too . but there 's no body that addicts himself that way . for if men would but apply themselves to the study of it , they would never want masters to teach it . and yet we are all of us mad upon rhetorique ; altho' , for what concerns words , and periods , the same rules would serve both. it is by the help of the voice , that we discourse ; and the two great advantages of it , are to be clear , and sweet ; we must stand indebted to nature for them both. and yet exercise , and practice , will help us in the one ; and the imitation of smooth and gentle speakers , may be of use to us in the other . what was it but this , that gave the catuli so fair a reputation , both for judgment and language ? they were learned men , 't is true , and so were others ; but these yet were lookt upon as the great masters of the latine tongue ; they had a wonderful sweetness of voice ; and their pronounciation , neither too loud , and open , nor yet muffled betwixt the teeth . so that it was both audible , and agreeable ; and without any affectation : the tone , without any force , and neither too feint , nor too shrill . l. crassus , 't is true , was a word-flowing speaker , and no less ingenious ; but for well-speaking , the catuli were no less esteem'd . now for sharpness , and pleasure of wit , caesar , the brother of the elder catulus , went beyond them all . insomuch that in his ordinary discourses , he surpass'd the best pleaders of his time. all these things , severally , must be diligently heeded , to make us understand what it is that may best become us in every thing . in familiar speech , the followers of socrates are most worthy of imitation . it should be gentle , without being too pressing , or tedious ; and i would have it pleasant , and enterteining , in all cases . nor would i have any man take possession of a common right , in such sort as to talk all himself , to the exclusion of others ; but in discourse , as in other things , every man to take his turn . the first thing to be heeded , is the subject matter of the discourse . if serious , it must be seriously handled ; if matter of mirth , a freedom of raillery , and lightness , does well enough with it . but above all things , we must be be careful in the government of our speech , not to discover any vice , or defect in our manners ; wherein a man is most liable to betray himself , when he talks spitefully of the absent ; and either in jest , or in earnest , maliciously exposes them to contumely , and reproach . the ordinary matter of familiar discourse , is either about domestique affairs , the republique , or matter of studies , and learning . if at any time we pass these bounds , we must as soon as may be take up again . but he it as it will , it must be thought upon , how far our discourse may be grateful to the company : for we are not equally pleased with the same things , at all times . and then , as we begin a discourse upon reason , we must not continue it beyond measure . but as it is laid down upon very good grounds , and as a general rule , that we should keep our felves clear from perturbations , or violent motions of the mind , that rebel against reason , so should we in our speech keep a guard upon our selves against those intemperate motions ; and that we do not lay open our distempers of anger , appetite , laziness , heartlesness , or the like . we should be very careful also in our conversation , to possess the company with an opinion of the reverence , and good will that we have for them . there are many occasions wherein we cannot avoid chiding ; and we may be allow'd sometime , a more then ordinary contention of voice ; and a sharper severity of words ; but yet this is not to be done neither , as if we were angry ; but we are to proceed to this kind of reproof , as we do to laming , and scarifying , rarely , and unwillingly ; nor ever at all , but upon necessity , and for want of some other way of remedy ; but not in anger still upon any terms ; for it never does any thing either well or wisely ; and yet it may do well enough to use a temperate , and a mild way of rebuke ; but still accompany'd with gravity , that the reprehension may be apply'd without reproach : it must be also signifi'd that the only thing intended by the reproof , was the amendment of him that suffers it . nay , it will become us in our differences , even with our greatest enemies ; in despite of all indignities yet , to preserve a gravity ; to keep our selves free from passion ; for whatsoever we do in distemper , can neither be well done in it self , nor approved by those that are witnesses to the doing it . it is a leud thing likewise for a man to talk much of himself ; especially with thraso , to brag of things that are false , and to make sport for the company . being now to go thorough all the points of decency and duty ( as that is my design ) i shall say something what kind of house i should think fit for a person of honour , or a prince , so as to have it accommodate for use ; for that 's the intent of building it ; and there must yet be had a regard to the state , and dignity of the person that inhabits it . i have been told of cn. octavius ( the first consul of that family ) that he was highly reverenc'd for a magnificent pile that he built upon the palatine-hill ; and that the reputation he got by so many peoples coming to see it , open'd his way ( being but a new man ) to the consulship . scaurus afterward caused that to be demolish'd , for the enlargement of his own. the former brought the consulship first into his family ; and the latter , ( tho' the son of an eminent , and famous person , and the house enlarged ) brought into it , not only a repulse , but misery and shame . it does well to have the dignity of the master yet further adorned by house ; but not that dignity to be fetch'd altogether from it . the house should be grac'd by the master , and not the master by the house ; and it is in a house , as it is in other cases : a man must have a respect , not only to himself , but also to others . in the house of a person of eminent condition , where many guests , are to be received , and men of all sorts to be admitted ; there must great care be taken that it be large enough : but a large house , without people , disparages the master of it ; and especially if it has been more frequented under a former possessor ; for 't is an odious thing to have passengers reflect upon it , and say ( as in these times there 's too much occasion ) here 's the old house , but where 's the old master ? i would have him that sets upon building , take special care not to lash out into magnificence , and expence , as a thing of ill consequence , even in the example ; for there are too many imitators in this kind , of the doings of princes . how many have we that emulate the splendor of lucullus's villa's , ( his country-houses ; ) but where is the man that emulates his virtue ? there must be a meane observ'd in these things ; and that moderation must be transferr'd , in all cases , to the use , ornament , and convenience of life . but enough of this. in all undertakings there are three things to be observ'd . first , that we govern our appetites by reason , which is a sure way to keep us to our duties . secondly , that we take a right estimate of our enterprizes , and allow time , and peins , neither more nor less then the matter requires . thirdly , that we keep a measure , even in those things that are matter of dignity , and reputation . we cannot do better , then to observe the decorum already spoken of , without moving one step beyond it . but the first point is the most excellent of the three . we come now to the order of things , and the opportunity of seasons . under this science is comprehended that which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which we understand the harmony of order ; and not that modesty that regards temperament , and measure . now to take it as modesty ; the stoical definition of it is this , it is the skill of disposing all our words , and actions , in their proper place . so that the ordering of things , and the placing of them , are much one and the same : for they define order to be only the laying together of things in their due , and sitting places . but they tell us , that the place of action respects the opportunity of time : now that seasonable time of action , the greeks call ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latins , occasio . so that this modesty , taken in the sense aforesaid , is the knowledge of the opportunities of times fit for action . which is a definition that may as well agree with the prudence which we have treated of in the beginning . but in this place we are discoursing of moderation , temperance , and virtues of that quality . wherefore having lodg'd these matters which particularly belong to prudence , in their right places ; we come now to those virtues that refer to modesty , and the gaining of a good opinion , and esteem in the world ; of which we have spoken largely already . it should be in the order of life , as in that of an artificial , and well govern'd discourse . all the parts of it should be equal , and correspondent one to another . many things do well enough over a glass of wine , that would be most ridiculous and shameful , upon a debate . there should be no fooling in serious matters . it was well said of pericles , at a councel of war , to his colleague sophocles ; that was joined with him in the command of the army . as they were upon a consultation , there happen'd to pass by , a very fine youth . what a delicate child is there ? ( says sophocles ; in the middle of the debate . ) brother , ( says pericles ) a generals eyes , should be as temperate as his fingers . but if the same thing had been spoken at a publique spectacle , nothing could have been said against it ; so powerful is the consideration of time and place . if a man were upon a iourny , and going to plead a cause , no body would blame him for thinking of his bus'ness , and conning of his lesson , by the way ; but that pensive , musing humour , at a jolly entertainment , would be looked upon , to be either want of wit , or breeding , in the not distinguishing of times . now for things which are very gross , as for a man to fall a singing in a court of justice ; or to do any thing that is notoriously preposterous , or improper : these are absurdities so well understood by all people , that there needs no precept , or caution , in the case . but there are certain niceties of conversation , which are indeed so minute , that some make slight of them ; and others do not so much as perceive them . and yet these are the points that require our most diligent consideration . for as it is in musical instruments , let them be never so little out of tune , a skilful ear presently takes cheque at it : and that 's the case in the least disconsonancy of life . only the offence is so much the greater here , by how much the agreement of our actions , and manners is of greater value , and effect , then a consent of sounds . wherefore , as there is no jarre , or discord in musique , so small , as to scape the animadversion of a critical ear ; no less quick , and accurate ought we to be in censuring , and detecting the venial errors of life : being led to the knowledge of the greatest matters , even by the smallest . from the motion of the eye ; from a smooth , or a contracted brow ; from sadness , mirth , laughter , speech , silence , nay from the very tone of soft , or loud speaking ; and a thousand such common circumstances , we gather the understanding of humane duties ; and of what naturally becomes us , and what the contrary . now toward the erecting of a true judgment upon things in this kind , it were not amiss for us to begin our observations abroad : and then to avoid , or correct that in our selves , which we find misbecoming in others . for so it is , ( i cannot tell how it comes about ) that we are much better at spying out our neighbours faults , then our own : and therefore it is a good and a profitable method , the teaching of children to do better , by shewing them in imitation how ill it becomes them to do amiss . in cases doubtful , and hard to be resolv'd upon , it will behove us to consult men of learning , and experience , for direction . now it is very natural for men to follow the byass of their proper inclinations . so that we are not only to attend to what any body says ; but likewise to what he thinks ; and even to the very motive that leads him to that thought . for as it is with painters , statuaries ; nay , and with right poets too ; they love to have their works expos'd , and , as the world finds fault , to mend them . they take advice upon what 's amiss ▪ both with themselves , and their friends , and are induc'd to the doing , or not doing ; to the changing , or correcting of many things by the opinion of others . but for what concerns customs , and civil institutions , there can be no place there for the prescribing , where the matter it self is a precept . neither let a man so much deceive himself , as to imagine that the example of socrates , for the purpose , or aristippus , in the saying , or doing of any ill thing against rules of government , must presently authorize him to the same licence : for this liberty , in those great and divine men , we are to look upon as a privilege purchas'd by their virtues . now for the cyniques ( those enemies of shame , and consequently of honesty , and virtue ) there 's no enduring of them . to magistrates , and persons in authority , we are to pay all honour , and reverence , and so likewise to all those worthy patriots that have spent their lives in great , and honest actions ; and in the service of their country . we owe a respect also to grey hairs , and even to those that are but designed to any administration in the government . we must distinguish betwixt a citizen and a stranger , and even in a stranger , betwixt a private person , and a publique . but to summ up all in word ; it is our duty to cherish , maintein , and preserve unity , peace , and good agreement , in humane society . we come now to the matter of trade , and profit , which we find to be divided into liberal , ( or in vulgar english , creditable ) and sordid . there are some painful employments that carry along with them a general odium ; as that of a tax gatherer , or an vsurer . these , in the first place , i do not like ; and i do also look upon all mercenary dealings , where we pay for the work , and not for the art , to be meane , and ignoble . the very price of the commodity is a kind of covenanting for slavery . it is also a course business , that of a retayler , that only buys in a lump , to sell again in parcels : for they get their very bread commonly by lying ; which is a most unmanly submission . and so for all mechaniques , they are men of low , and vulgar business , and we are not to expect any thing that is clear , and generous , from the shop . i am likewise with terence , no friend to those trades that minister to luxury ; as fishermen , butchers , cooks , pudding-makers , fishmongers ; nor to the voluptuous arts , as perfumers , dancing-masters , and the whole mistery of gaiming . but for those professions that require a greater measure of prudence , and minister advantage in proportion ; as physique , architecture , the furnishing of good instructions ; these are commendable employments , where they suit with the condition of him that uses them . and then for merchandizing , the driving of a petty trade , that way , is little better than peddling . but when it comes to be large , and general , and to be menag'd back and forward , with candor , and credit : it is no contemptible application . nay , on the contrary , this way of commerce is highly to be esteem'd ; when he that has made his fortune by it , sits down ( not satiated , but ) contented ; and retires as well from his port , to the country , as he has done many a time from the sea to the port , and there quietly enjoys himself , and his possessions . of all beneneficial industry , certainly there is not any thing more agreeable , or more worthy of a man of honour , and reason , then the culture and emprovement of the earth ; which being a subject handled at large in our cato major , we shall refer you thither for your satisfaction . here is enough said already upon the several parts of virtue , and our duties arising from thence . it remains now to consider in a case of two duties before us , which to chuse : ( a thing that often happens ) and of two honest propositions , which is the honester , is the question : ( a point omitted by panaetius . ) for since there is no virtue , but what issues from one of these four fountains , and has a respect either to knowledge , society , courage , or moderation ; it must necessarily be , that upon a complication of these virtues , there must likewise ensue a competition of duties . now it is my opinion , that mankind is naturally more concerned in offices that relate to the community , then in matters that only affect the vnderstanding ; which may be thus made out . take a wise man , that has the world at will , both for fortune , and leisure ; let him consider with himself , and comtemplate all things whatsoever , that are worth the knowing . he would be yet sick of his life , for all this , if he were to spend his time wholly in solitude , and without a companion . the principal virtue is ( as i have said ) that , which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and wee , wisdom . but their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or prudence ) is quite another thing ; being the skill of iudging what we are to do , and what not : or of distinguishing betwixt good and evil. whereas wisdom ( which we call the principal ) is the knowledge of things divine and humane : wherein is comprehended a certain correspondence betwixt the gods , and men , and a society among themselves . now if this be the most eminent virtue , as certainly it is : so must that likewise be the most eminent duty , which refers to community . for the speculation and perception of things , is but lame and imperfect , if it be not follow'd with action ; which action is best seen , in providing for the common benefits of mankind : and must therefore be reduced to the subject of humane society ; in preference to the naked understanding of things . and this does every good man find to be true , upon his own practice , and observation . for where 's the man , that is so transported with a thirst of knowledge ; or a desire of piercing into the nature of things , that if he should be call'd upon the sodain , to the relief of his country , his father , or his friend , that were in danger : where is the man ( i say ) that in the heat and rapture of his most divine contemplations , would not quit all , to attend this duty , even supposing him to be in his thoughts already numbring the stars , and taking measure of the universe ? this gives us to understand , that the osfices of iustice , conducing to the common utility of mankind ( then which nothing ought to be dearer to us ) are of so much greater importance , then these of study , and science ; and never was any man so taken up in his life , and application , with the search of knowledge , as not yet to have an eye to his duty to the publique ; and to consult the well-being of sociable nature : as we see in the instance of lycias the pythagorean , to the theban epaminondas ; and in that of pluto , to dion of syracuse : and divers others that train'd up their disciples to the love , knowledge , and exercise of civil duties . and for the service , ( if any at all ) which i my self have render'd to the republique , i must ascribe it to my masters , and to my books , that instructed , and fitted me for my function . for great men do not only teach the lovers of learning during their lives ; but in their very graves too : transmitting their precepts down to after times , for the use of posterity . now to shew how much their leisures contributed to our business ; these eminent men have not slipt so much as any one point apperteining to the laws , manners , and discipline of the commonwealth ; but have still , with all their faculties , applyed the fruits of their labours and studies , to the well-being of the publique . so that a copious eloquence , joined with prudence , is much more profitable , then the most refin'd subtilty of thought , without speaking . for meditation does only circulate within it self ; whereas eloquence works upon others , and insinuates it self into the affections of all that hear it . we must not imagine that bees gather into swarms , upon a design to make their cells , but it is in their nature to congregate , and then they work their combs . and so it is with men , who are much more sociable by nature ; when they are gotten together , they consult their common business . now for that virtue ( of iustice ) which provides for the defence , and conservation of men in society ; if it be not accompanied with the vnderstanding of things , it is but solitary , and fruitless . and what is courage , without the softness of humane courtesie , and candour , but a savage , and outrageous brutality ? from hence we may infer the excellency of a practical iustice , in the ordering of mankind ; above the force , and effect of a speculative notion . there are fome people that phansie all leagues and associations amongst men , to arise from the need that one man has for another , toward the supplying of our natural , and common necessities : because ( say they ) if providence had deliver'd us from this care of looking after food , and cloathing , by appointing some extraordinary way for the furnishing of it ; no man , of either brains , or virtue , would ever trouble his head about business ; but wholly deliver himself up to the attaining of wisdom . but this is a mistake : for even in that condition , a man would fly solitude , and wish for a companion in his very studies : he would be willing to teach , and to learn ; to hear , and to speak . so that beyond question , the duties that defend , and support men in society , are more to be esteem'd then those , that barely relate to learning , and knowledge . it may be another question whether this community which is so consonant to nature , be in all cases to be preferr'd to modesty , and moderation . now i think not. for there are some things , partly so foul , and in part so flagitious , that a wise man ( even if it were to save his country ) would not be guilty of them . posidonius has made a large collection of such cases : but so filthy , so obscene , that a man cannot honestly repeat them . now why should any man do that for the saving of his country , which his country it self would rather perish , that any member of it should do ? but however , this is the best on 't ; that it can never be for the interest of the publique , to have a wise man do any such thing . let it be therefore concluded , that of all duties we are to prefer those that tend toward the mainteining of society . for a considerate action presumes an antecedent cognition , and wisdom . so that it is more to do considerately , then to think wisely . but let this suffice ; for the matter is made so plain , that there will be no difficulty to resolve upon two duties in question , which to chuse . but then in the community it self , there are several degrees of duties , in subordination one to another . the first is what we owe to the immortal gods ; the second , to our country ; the third , to our parents , and so in order , successively , to others . upon a brief disquisition of this matter , it will appear that the point in debate , is not only which is honest , and which the contrary : but of two honest propositions ; which is the honester ; and then , which is the honestest of all. this ( as i have said ) was slipt by panetius ; but let us now proceed . the end of the first book . tvlly's offices . the second book . in what manner duties arise from virtue , and from every distinct branch of it , is sufficiently explained , ( as i conceive ) in the former book . it remains now ( my ●on marcus ) that we proceed upon some certain sorts of duty , that have a regard to the splendor and ornament of life : as to riches , power ; and a competent provision of things commodious for the use of man. the matter in question was , ( as i told you ) first , what is profitable , and what not . secondly , what is more profitable , comparatively with that which is less : and lastly , what 's most profitable of all things , without comparison . you have here the subject of this treatise : but before i enter upon the discourse it self , i must give you a word or two of my purpose , and intention . there are a great many i know that have been excited , by my books , to the love of letters : and to the love , not only of reading , but of writing also : and yet philosophy has gotten so ill a name in the world , ( verily with some good men too ) that i am afraid sometimes , of hazzarding my credit with them ; for bestowing so much time , and labour , upon this study . but truely , for my own part , so long as the management of publique affairs past thorough those hands , to which the commonwealth had deliver'd up it self : all my thoughts , and cares were directed that way . but when one man came to grasp all , and that there was no longer any place for authority , or counsel , ( those publique-spirited men being gone too , that had been my partners in the charge of the government ) it was not for me , either on the one hand , to abandon my self to an anxious , and irksome melancholy ; or , on the other , to plunge my self into pleasures , below the dignity of my profession . oh! that the republique might have continu'd still in the former state , without falling into those hands ; that sought , not so much the change of affairs , as the total ruine of them . for if the commonwealth were now standing , i should be doing at this instant just as i did before . first , my bus'ness would lie more at the bar , then in my study ; and secondly , i should now be setting down my pleadings , as formerly , instead of these morals : but since the dissolution of the government , that took up all my cares , my thoughts , my studies ; there 's no more law , or senate-imployment . matters being brought to this pass , ( and 't is not for any man that has a soul , to sit still , and do nothing ) what could i better do , then to betake my self to my philosophy ; my first ●tudy , and the most innocent , the honestest diversion of my troubles ? it was the institution of my youth ; and i spent a great deal of time upon 't : till i came afterward to push my fortune in the world , for offices , and preferments ; and then i dedicated my self wholly to the government : but still reserving those hours for philosophy , which i had to spare from the publique , and my friends ; and those very hours were spent in reading too : for i had no leisure to write . the calamity of those times was extreme : and yet we have drawn this benefit from it , that we are now at liberty to commit those things to letters , which our countrymen were very little acquainted with , tho' in themselves infinitely worth the knowing . for ( in the name of all the gods ! ) what is more desirable then wisdom ? more excellent ; more useful to a man ? or what more worthy of him ? we call the lovers of it , philosophers , from the very etymon of the word : for philosophy , by interpretation , is only the love of wisdom . the antients defin'd it to be the science of things divine and humane ; and of their causes . what will any man speak well of , i wonder , that reproaches this study ? if he seeks either the delight of his mind , or the allaying of his cares , this is the study that does it incomparably above all others : for it furnishes him , every day , with something or other , toward atteining , and enjoying a virtuous , and a happy life . if virtue , or an unshaken constancy , be his bus'ness , it is either to be compassed this way , or not at all . there is not a●y thing so small , but there goes art , and applicati●n toward the acquiring of it : and shall any man be so mad then , as to think that there needs none toward the most important acquisition of our lives ? but if there be any discipline of virtue , where shall we look for it ; if we depart from this way of finding it out ? this question , as it falls properly under another topique , so we have handled it in another place ; and more accurately too ; that is to say , in our exhortations to philosophy . my present purpose is only to set forth , that having nothing any longer to do , in the government , i made choice of this subject for my private entertainment . but i must expect to be here encounter'd , and that by some of the learned too , with a charge of contradicting my self . for how does it consist , say they , the entring upon disputes , and delivering precepts of duty , as things certain ; and yet at the same time , to maintein that we have no certain knowledge of any thing ? i should be glad to be a little better understood ; for i am none of those roving , wandring heads , that live , and live on ; without proposing to themselves any scope , or design . how miserable were that mans mind , or rather his life , that should be debarr'd the use of his reason , not only in the matter of argument , but in the main end of his being ? now for those points which others divide , into certain , and vncertain ; it pleases me better , that they should be distinguished by calling them probable , or improbable . and what should hinder me now from embracing the one , and disallowing the other ? provided that i keep my self from being either arrogantly positive ; or rash , and inconsiderate ; two qualities that hold no fellowship with wisdom . but our people , on the other side , will dispute every thing : for ( say they ) without comparing both parts , how shall any man know which is the right ? but this matter ( i suppose ) is sufficiently clear'd , in our academical questions . now for you , ( my son ) tho' you have been train'd up in the most ancient , and noble sort of philosophy , and under the institution of cratippus ; ( an author not inferiour to the most venerable founders of it ) i would not have you a stranger yet to your fathers writings , which you will not find much differing from your own. but now to the point . we have , for methods sake , made a distribution of humane duties into five parts ; two , upon the points of decency , and virtue ; two more , with a respect to the commodiousness of life ; as power , wealth , &c. and a fifth , with a regard to our election , rather of one , then another , when several things , either good , or profitable , meet in competition . we have already gone thorough the first branch of this division , which i must recommend to your particular attention , and study . the point now in hand is that which we call profitable : a word , which by the corruption of time , and custom , is perverted insensibly to the signification of somewhat that may be separated from honesty : as if any thing could be profitable , that were not honest , or any thing honest , without being profitable ; an error of the most pernicious consequence imaginable to the life of man. these three points , how confused soever they may appear to be , are yet by philosophers of great authority , very judiciously , and ingenuously distinguished in the imagination : concluding in this , that whatsoever is profitable , is honest , and whatsoever is honest , is profitable : and consequently that whatsoever is either of them , is the other . from the not understanding of this matter aright , it comes often to pass , that we have a cunning , artificial sort of people , in great admiration : mistaking craft , for wisdom . this opinion is by all means to be rooted out from among men ; and this following perswasion erected in the stead of that there is is no compassing the end we aim at , by fraudulent , and indirect courses , but only by just dealings , and honest counsels . now the things apperteining to conveniences for the life of man , are either inanimate , as gold , silver , minerals , , and the productions of the earth ; or animated , and indu'd with impulse , and appetite ; and those again are divided , into vnreasonable , and reasonable . of the former kind , we may reckon horses , oxen , and other sorts of cattle ; bees , &c. whose labour contributes in some measure , to the use and necessities of life ; and then for reasonable , we may account the gods , and men. by piety and holiness , we make our selves acceptable to the gods ; but in the next place to the gods themselves , it is in the power of men to render themselves most beneficial to one another . and those things which may be hurtful , or injurious to us , do fall likewise under the same division . but in this case , the gods are excepted ; as presuming that they will do us no harm . so that the greatest mischief that we are liable to , is from one another . for the very inanimate things we spake of , are most of them , the effects of humane industry and labour . there goes a great deal of work , and art , to the very preparing of them ; and then there must be humane application to the vsing of them : for neither physique , navigation , tillage , the reaping and gathering of our corn , and fruits , or the conservation , of them , could be effected without the labour of man. there would be no exporting what we have to spare , or importing what we want , without the mutual help one of anther . how should we fetch up stones oat of the quarries for our necessary use : or iron , brass , gold , silver , out of the bowels of the earth , without labour , and the hands of men ? whence came our houses , at first , to defend us from the injuries of heat and cold ? or how should we afterward have repaired , or rebuilt them , when they come to be laid in ruines , either by tempest , earthquakes , or even by age it self : if the obligations and necessities of humane societies , had not mov'd us to call for help , one of another ? our aquaducts our canals for the turning of rivers , and flowing of our grounds , our sea banks , our forced ports , and harbours , are they not all of them the effect of manual operation and industry ? from these instances , and a thousand more , it appears undenyably that the very advantages which we receive even from inanimate things would be totally lost to us ; but for that labour and endeavor that gives us profit of them : and to which we are likewise indebted for the benefits that we receive even from beasts themselves . it was undoubtedly the invention of man too ; the application of them to the use of mankind ; nor can we at this day either feed , reclaim , or preserve what we have occasion for , or make our best of their service ▪ without the assistance of one another . is it not by the help of men , that we destroy those creatures that are hurtful to us ; and take others , that we may be the better for ? what should i speak of those innumerable arts , without which we are little better then dead , living ? what care for the sick ? what delight for the sound ? what food , or clothing , without the help of arts , and trades , to supply us ? this is it that furnishes , and sweetens humane life ; and in our manner of feeding , and covering , raises us above the condition of beasts . how should cities have been either built , or peopled without correspondence , and commerce ? and hence come laws , and customs , the equal and vniversal bounds of common right , for the comfort , and regulation of our lives . and this communication produces gentleness of manners , and modesly , and this is it that supports us in a state of security , and furnishes us in all our wants , by the intercourse of giving , and receiving and by the exchange of good offices , and conveniences . a great deal of this might have been spar'd ; for it is clear to every man , that which panaetius has so much enlarg'd upon ; which is , that never any prince or general , either in war , or in peace , atchiev'd any great , and profitable exploit , without the concurrence of humane aid . he makes his instances in themistocles , pericles , cyrus , agesilaus , alexander ; who could never have done those mighty things ( he says ) without the help of others . but there was no necessity of witnesses in so evident a matter . now as the advantages are very great , which we receive by communication , and agreement ; so there is no mischief so detestable , which one man does not bring upon another . dicaearchus , a famous , and an eloquent peripatetique , has written an express tract of the destruction of men. he summs up all the fatalities of mankind ; as inundations , plagues , desolations ; the sodain incursions of wild beasts , and serpents , which , according to his relation , have sometimes devour'd whole nations : and all this , ( he says ) is as nothing , to the calamities , that by war , and seditions , we have brought one upon another . now since it is without dispute , that we are the authors both of great good , and of great evil , among our selves , it must be the bus'ness , as it is the property of virtue , so to mould and fashion mens minds , as to create in them , inclinations of contributing toward the common good of mankind . now for those benefits , that we receive from things without life , or in what kind soever , in the use and ordering of beasts ; they are properly mechanical : and the works of the body , rather then of the mind . but those studies , that fit , and dispose us for the emprovement of our fortunes , are excited by the prudence and virtue of excellent men : for almost all virtue moves upon these three points . first , the accurate perception of every thing in its naked truth and simplicity ; in the correspondence of circumstances , and the consequences of things , with the rise , and causes of them . secondly , the moderating of our passions , and appetites , ( which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and subjecting them to the government of reason . the third , is , the skill of menaging our conversation with so much courtesie , and discretion , as to gain the kindness and assistance of our acquaintance , toward the furnishing of us with all things that our nature requires , in competency , and plenty ; defending , and protecting us from violence , revenging our selves upon those that affront us , by inflicting such punishments only as may stand with humanity , and justice . as to the means , and faculty both of making friends , and keeping them , ( which we shall speak of in due time , and place ) only a word , in passage . we are all of us sensible of the power of fortune , in the matter of prosperity , and adversity : when she gives us a fair gale , our course is smooth , and gentle ; till we arrive at our desired port. but when the wind blows strong against us , we are fain to beat it out , under a thousand hazards . now there are some casualties , less frequent , then others ; which are commonly ranged under the dominion of fortune . first , from things inanimate , as storms , tempests , shipwracks , ruines ; conflagrations ; from beasts , as stroaks , bitings , trampling under foot , &c. these are accidents , as i said , that fall not out often . but the routing of armies ; ( as of no less than three lately : ) the loss of brave commanders , ( one incomparable person but the other day ) the envy of the multitude , and a world of gallant , and deserving men , by prescriptions , imprisonments , and forced escapes , sacrific'd to popular malice : and on the other side , honours , empire , victory ; tho' these things are all look'd upon as fortuitous ; yet neither the one , nor the other come to pass , without the interposition of labour , and industry . now since thus it is ; let us consider by what fair means we may make such interests , and friendships in the world , as may turn to our advantage . if you shall think the discourse over-long ; compare it with the dignity of the subject , and perhaps you 'll come to wish there had been more on 't . what good office soever one man does for another , whether in the matter of fortune , or credit , he does it either upon the accompt of good will , and personal affection ; or of respect , as wishing well to the advancement of his fortune , out of a veneration for his virtue : or else , upon the score of trust , and confidence in him ; as one that is able to give us good advice : or otherwise , out of fear , perchance , of his power . or in hope of a reward : ( as it is common for princes , and popular pretenders , to scatter their donatives . ) or lastly ; many men are mov'd by the bare obligation of money , and reward . the foulest , and the basest of all considerations , both to him that entertains the address , and to the other , that makes it . for matters are at an ill pass , when that which should be obtein'd by virtue , is attempted by money . but since there is , many times , a necessity of that provision , we will give some directions for the vsing of it . only something must be said in the first place , of those things that have a nearer affinity with virtue . there are several reasons for which one man puts himself under the power , and government of another ; either affection , obligations , excellency of endowments , hope of profit ; fear of being forc'd to it : or men are inveigled by liberal promises ; or in fine , by corruption , and reward ; which we find to be a common case in our republique . there is nothing that secures power , and greatness , like love ; nothing that endangers it , like fear . wherefore ennius says very well , he that is fear'd , is hated ; and they that hate a man , wish him dead . but when it comes once to a general hatred , there is no force that is able to encounter it : as we have found by late , and dear experience , even if the thing had been unknown to us before . and it is not only in the violent death of that tyrant , caesar , ( whom this oppressed city was forc'd to bear , for want of power to make resistance : ) but we may read it also in the common fate of other oppressours ; scarce any of them coming to a natural end. fear is a false , and short-liv'd security ; but love , on the contrary , and benevolence , are firm , even to the death . in the case of a conquer'd people , i must confess , if nothing else will keep them in order ; i should advise the same rigour , and authority to be exercis'd over them , that a master uses over his servants . but for any man to persue the same course in a free city , of making himself fear'd , were a direct madness . for let the laws be never so much opprest , by might , and faction , and the very foundations of the common liberty shaken , there will be secret contrivances yet , private consultations , and inrolling of parties ; that will some time or other put life again into the government . for men are more sensible of the want of liberty , than of the enjoyment of it . let us therefore imbrace that which most conduces , not only to our security , but also to wealth , and power . the ready way to the attaining of our desires , either in publique affairs ; or in private , is , to cast out fear , and to preserve , and maintain charity . for whosoever would be fear'd , must necessarily be afraid himself of all that are afraid of him . what shall we think of the condition of the first dionysius , under the horrour and the torture of his terrours ? that sindged his very beard , because he would not venture his throat under the hand of a barber ? or of alexander the pheraean ; that durst not trust himself with his beloved thebe , without a barbarian , a branded slave , with his drawn sword , for his conducter ; and his guards sent before him to search all the womens boxes , even to their very clothes and linnen , for conceal'd ponyards , or other dangerous weapons ; before he durst venture himself only from his table , into his bedchamber ? o miserable wretch , that could put more confidence in a stigmatiz'd barbarian , than in his own wife ! but his fears fell upon him , for she kill'd him with her own hand , upon the jealousie of a private amour . nor is there any power under heaven that can long maintain it self against a pressing , and an universal fear . and this we may see in the example of phalaris ; a tyrant celebrated for his cruelty : who was cut off , not like the pheraean alexander , by secret treachery ; nor yet like our caesar , by a particular band of conspiratours : but he was put to death , by the unanimous outrage of the citizens of agrigentum ; in the very market-place . did not the macedonians abandon demetrius , and go over as one man , to pyrrbus ? were not the lacedemonians , for their iniquity , and mis-government , almost totally deserted by their allies , at that fatal battle of leuctra ? where they stood looking on , as idle spectators , till the lacedemonians were wholly routed , and cut to pieces . i had rather make use of foreign instances , than domestique , upon this subject : ●ut this however let me say , so long as the government of rome was influenc'd by principles of gentleness , more than of violence : so long as they fought only for their friends , or for empire ; the issue of the war was either a generous mercy , or at worst , no manner of unnecessary rigour . the senate of rome was in those days the haven , the sanctuary of oppressed kings , people , and nations : and the magistrates , and captains of those times , had no other ambition , no other pique of glory in prospect , than to defend their provinces , and to support their associates with truth and equity : so that rome did rather affect the patronage of the whole world , than the empire of it . this custom , and discipline began sometimes since by little and little to decline ; but after the victory of sylla , it was totally extinct : and in truth , it would not have lookt well after such barbarities exercis'd upon the citizens themselves , to have kept touch in any point of faith and justice , with their allies . here was a glorious cause attended with a most impious , and shameful victory . the goods of so many honest , worthy , and eminent citizens expos'd to sale in the market-place : and to heighten the affront ; under the very title of sylla's booty . there was another that came after him ; whose cause it self was bad ; and yet made fouler by the victory . for not only the goods of particular citizens , but whole nations and countries , by one common act of calamity , were here upon auction ; and after infinite vexations , and ruines wrought abroad , we liv'd to see the image of marseilles born in triumph : marseilles , i say , without which , we our selves could never have carry'd a triumph beyond the alps ; and this was the condition too of the lost empire . i might reckon up histories without end , of our perfidious dealings with our allies : but this one shall suffice ; being the basest perhaps , that ever the sun look'd upon . now this judgment upon us , is just : for the sufferance of many criminals made way to the boundless license of this one ; who has left a great many heirs of his ambition , tho' but few of his fortune . and there shall never want either disposition , or matter , for a civil war , so long as sylla's successes shall stand upon record , for an encouragement to desperate wretches to inrich themselves by his example . those bloody , and prosperous usurpations of sylla ; which , as they were formerly acted in the dictatourship of his near kinsman , so they were now renew'd fix and thirty years after , with more outrage , and horrour . he that had been but a clerk under the former dictatourship , was now preferr'd , in the latter , to be city-treasurer . why should we expect now , ever to be quiet , when sedition meets with such rewards ? 't is true , the walls of the city are yet standing , and in being , tho' in continual dread of the utmost of extremities : but the government it self is absolutely sunk already . and to return to my subject , all these calamities are fallen upon us , for making it our bus'ness rather to be fear'd , than belov'd . now if the power of rome could not support it self under tyranny , and oppression ; how should any particular person expect to escape ? it is sufficiently made already appear , that the bonds of love are much stronger than those of fear . we shall now debate upon the fairest means of obteining that affection , which we so earnestly desire , with honour , and justice . but we do not all of us stand in need of it alike : so that we must accommodate the matter to every mans condition , and course of life ; to see whether it be necessary to procure a general esteem , or that the kindness of some few may do the bus'ness . we may however conclude upon this , as the first , and principal point : that we contract faithful friendships ; and make acquaintances with those that truly love , and value us . and this is a common medium , almost indifferently , betwixt great , and small . and a rule that holds with both alike ; not as if all men stood equally in need of glory , and reputation , but they are good helps yet ( whoever has them ) toward the gaining of other advantages , and the making of friendships : which in my loelius i have expresly handled . and i have written two books also upon the subject of glory ; which yet i must touch over again , as a thing of great moment in the conduct even of our most important affairs . we are then arrived at the highest pitch of glory ▪ when we have gained these three points : the love , the trust , and the reverence of the people : when we can hear them say ; that man is worthy of honour . now to speak ●hort , and plain ; the method is well nigh the same , of ingratiating our selves with a single person , or with the multitude . but yet there is another manner of address also , toward the influencing of the minds , and good will of the people , in our favour . to speak in order now , to the three points before mentioned ; nothing works so much upon the affections of the people , as liberality or bounty . and next to that , is a benevolent , and generous inclination : even without the means of expressing it in effects . for the very fame and opinion of a mans frankness ▪ bounty , justice , faith : and briefly , of all those virtues that contribute to the sweetening , and smoothing of our manners , has a wonderful power over the hearts of the people . there is such a charm in that gracefulness and decorum , which we have already treated of , that the very nature , and bare appearance of it does move us strangely . beside that as it receives its lustre from the aforesaid virtues ; wherever we find those virtues , we cannot but naturally have a good inclination for the person that possesses them . these are the most powerful attractives of love. not but that there may be other motives also , tho' of less moment . as to the matter of trust and credit ; if we can but get the reputation of being prudent and iust , our bus'ness is done : for we have naturally a confidence in those that we think wiser then our selves ; in men of providence , and foresight , upon whom we may depend for our seasonable direction , and advice ; as those that in case of any difficulty , are able to help us out . this is the true , and profitable wisdom : as to the trust now which we repose in iust , good , and faithful men ; we must not entertain so much as the least suspicion in it , of fraud , or injury ; these being the men into whose hands we do reasonably commit our lives , our children , and our fortunes . but it is iustice yet , that creates the greater confidence of the two : for iustice may beget confidence , without wisdom ; but wisdom can do nothing without iustice. for take away the opinion of a mans integrity , and the more crafty , and subtle he is , by so much is he the more hateful , and suspected . iustice , and prudence in conjunction , will give a man what credit he pleases ; but taking them apart , iustice , even without wisdom , may do very much ; but wisdom , without iustice , is nothing worth. let not any man wonder now at my dividing one virtue from another , as if it were possible for a man to be iust , and yet not prudent ; when the philosophers are all agreed upon 't ( and my self too for one ) that he that has one virtue , has all. for it is one thing , the nicety of hitting a truth in a philosophical decision ; and another thing to make a discourse in words accommodated to vulgar acceptation : and that 's my intent in this place , when i say that one is valiant , another good , a third wise. for these are popular opinions , and must be clothed in common and popular terms ; which was also panaetius's way of expressing himself . but to resume my purpose . the third point recommended toward the acquiring of glory , is this : so to behave our selves that people may hold us in admiration , and accompt us worthy of all honour . the common people are generally admirers of all things that are great , and beyond their understanding : and so they are in particular cases too : where they find more good in a man then they expected . but where they phansie any virtues peculiar , and extraordinary , they extol men to the skies , and behold them with a kind of veneration , despising , and villifying such , on the other side , as they find wanting either in virtue , strength , or courage . but they cannot yet be said to despise all that they have an ill opinion of . for there is a lewd , backbiting , couzening , quarrelsom generation of men , which tho' they do exceedingly dislike , they do not yet contemn : for those only are properly to be taken for contemptible , that lead a lazy , droning , heedless life ; without any benefit , either to themselves , or others . the admirable spirits are such as have the repute of a preeminence in virtue ; and keep themselves not only from doing mean and dishonourable things , but clear even of those vices , which others cannot easily resist . for by th● charms of pleasures our minds are dissolv'd , and withdrawn from virtue ; and we are as much discomposed and shaken , on the the other hand , with the burnings , and tortures of pein . it is a prodigious power that the consideration of life and death , riches and poverty , has over the weakness of flesh and bloud . but how glorious then , and how admirable must that virtue be , that takes so absolute a possession of the soul of man , in the contemplation of great and honorable things ? as in that elevated state of mind , to make him look down upon all the circumstances of fortune , with indifference ▪ and scorn . this bravery of mind never fails of moving great admiration : especially accompany'd with iustice ; which singl● virtue constitutes the very character of a good man ; and makes him wonderful in the eyes of the people ; and not without reason neither : for no man can be iust , that either fears death , pein , banishment , or poverty ; or that values before equity , the comforts that stand opposed to these calamities . veneration of all is paid to him that holds out against mony : and wheresoever they find such a man , they think they can never do enough for him . so that by iustice we gain all those points that lead to reputation ; as benevolence by obliging as many as we can ; repute and admiration , by the contempt and neglect of those things which the greater part of the world p●rsues with greediness , and passion . now in my opinion , there is not any design or condition of life wherein one man does not stand in need of another ; and especially , as to the matter of familiar discourse , and conversation : which a body shall hardly find to his satisfaction , but under the appearance of an honest man. nay , the very opinion of iustice will stand a man in great stead , even in the strictest solitude , and retirement imaginable ; and more perhaps in that state , then in any other , as living , in some sort , out of protection ; and more exposed to affronts ; which , under the notion of an impious person , people will be forward enough to put upon him : and then for men of bus'ness and commerce , as buying , selling , hiring , letting ▪ there can be no dealing without iustice . nay so great is the force of it , that common highway-men , and those that support themselves only upon rapine , and violence , cannot yet subsist without it . insomuch that if one thief does but steal from another of the same troop , he 's expell'd the society , as a man of no faith , and if the captain of the band shews but any partiality in the distribution of the booty , he is at least deserted by his party , if it does not also cost him his life ; for there is a discipline even among pirates themselves : and their laws are duly executed , and obey'd . theopompus writes of an illyrian robber , ( one bargulus ) that was celebrated for his justice to his partners , and made himself a great fortune by 't ; but not so great a one yet as viriatus the portuguese ; of whose power , and courage some of our armies , and generals felt the sad effects ; till the praetor l●lius ( surnamed the wise ) defeated and scattered his forces ; and finally put such a cheque to his undertakings , that he left but little work for those to do that came after him . how great now must the force of iustice be in a regular , and well order'd government which of it self alone is able to advance , and establish even a piratic power , without any other support . herodotvs tells us that the medians chose their kings originally , for the probity of their manners ; and in hope of enjoying the benefits of common iustice : which i am persuaded was the end , and practice likewise of our predecessors . for when in old time , the weaker were oppressed by the stronger , the people presently betook themselves to one more excellent then the rest , for their protector : and it was his part to relieve the distressed , and to make such provisions , that common right might be done indifferently betwixt all parties . and in the making of their laws , they had the same prospect , as in the choice of their kings . the thing propounded , was an equal , and a common right ; and in truth , it could be no right , without being so qualifi'd . if under the administration of some one man that was iust , and good , they atteined that end , they were well contented there to rest : but in case of failing , there were laws invented , which to all , under them , and at all times , should still pronounce one and the same sentence . this now is clear , that in all elections , the people have still had a care to pitch upon him for their governour , that was most reverene'd for his iustice : always provided , that he were a man of prudence too . and what is it that a nation would not believe it self able to compass , under so auspicious a conduct ? we are therefore obliged to cherish , and to preserve iustice , by all manner of means . first , for its own sake , ( for otherwise , it were not iustice ; ) and secondly , for the augmentation of our honour , and glory . but it is in glory , as it is in money ; there must care be taken , both in the getting of it , and in the laying of it out ; for we shall have perpetual occasions for it ; and we must provide for uses of dignity , as well as those of necessity . it was a great thing said , that of socrates ; the nearest way to honour ( says he ) is for a man so to live , that he may be found to be that in truth , which he would be thought to be . 't is a gross mistake ▪ for any man to think of getting a lasting reputation in the world , by false appearances of things . vain ostentation , or study'd forms of looks , and words . true glory is rooted in the very soul , and brings forth fruit in our actions . all disguises pass away , and shed , like flowers ; and nothing can be durable , that is counterseit . this might be confirm'd by instances in abundance ; but for brevity sake , i shall content my self with an observation only upon one family . the name of tiberius gracchus the son of publius , shall be famous to posterity , so long as there shall be any memorial left of rome it self : but for his sons , they were neither beloved , living , nor lamented , dead ; all good men agreeing in a detestation of their lives ; and approving the justice of their executions : he that would make himself truly eminent for the love of iustice , must discharge the duties of it ; of which duties , we have treated in the former book . but how easily soever we may make our selves known to others for what we are , ( tho' in truth the main point rests in being such men , as we would be thought to be ) it will not be amiss yet to lay down some certain precepts concerning this matter . he that comes into the world under any remarkable circumstance to make him taken notice of , either in respect of fortune , or family ; as the son for the purpose of such or such a father , ( which i take ( my cicero ) to be your own case : ) all mens eyes are presently upon him , and every body enquiring into his life , and manners : he lives , as it were , in open view , and all his words and doings are made publique . now for those , who by reason of their obscure extraction , are in their tender age not so much known in the world , i would have them prompted early toward great undertakings ; and bend their endeavours directly that way ; which they will do the more vigorously , in regard that young men are so far from being envy'd , that they are rather cherished , and encourag'd in virtuous , and generous inclinations . the first lesson that i would give to a young man for the advance of his credit with the people ; should be to addict himself to the study , and practice , of arms ; at least where there were any glory to be gotten by military virtues . our predecessors , that were almost continually in war ; made themselves famous by this profession : but it has been your lot ( my son ) to come into the world amid the broyls of a divided state , where the one side was extreamly wicked , and the other as unfortunate . and yet in the command you had under pompey ; even in this very war , you acquitted your self , as a man at arms to all purposes ; an excellent horseman ; a person of indefatigable industry ; and all this , to the common satisfaction both of the glorious general , and the whole army . but the commonwealth it self sunk here , and so did your glory . it is not upon your particular , but a general accompt , that i have taken up this discourse : vvherefore i shall now proceed to that which remains . as the operations of the mind , are in all cases much more noble than those of the body ; so are the things that we compass by the faculties of our reason , and vnderstanding , of much greater value then those things that we bring to pass by corporal force . the first point that recommends us to a good esteem in the world , is modesty ; after that , comes piety , and reverence to our parents ; and then follows a tenderness of affection to our relations , and friends . it is a promising sign , when a young man applies himself to persons of eminence for wisdom , authority , and good affection to their country : for it creates an opinion , and expectation of great matters from him that proposes to himself the imitation of great examples . it was every bodies judgment , upon publius rutilius , that if he liv'd , he would make a famous civilian , and an honest man. and what was this grounded upon , but the frequent conversation that he had in his youth with publius mucius ? but lucius crassus , i must confess , without the help of any borrow'd reputation , advanced his own fame , and dignifi'd himself in that generous and memorable accusation of his . he was at that time , of an age to be rather held by flatteries and fair words to his very exercises , than left to himself . and yet at that age , with demosthenes , the things which he had so happily conceiv'd at home , he did with no less honour execute in publique . we may divide speech into familiar discourse , and matter of argument , or pleading . the latter undoubtedly is of the greater efficacy toward the purchasing of glory : and this is it which we call eloquence . and yet there is a certain affability , and gentleness of fashion too , that does wonderfully work upon the affections of all people . there are yet extant some epistles of philip to alexander ; of antipater to cassander ; and of antigonus to philip ; ( three persons highly esteemed for their wisdom : ) and they do all of them prescribe the use of courtesie , and fair language to him that would ingratiate himself with the multitude ; and only the caress of some frank and familiar name , or compellation ; ( as fellow-souldier , or camarade ) to the commander that would endear himself to the souldiery . but then it has another kind of force , the faculty of haranging the multitude ; when with one speech sometimes a man gets an eternal fame . it is wonderful , the transports that are wrought by the power of eloquence , and wisdom : and the veneration that is paid by the auditory , to a person whom they take to be so much wiser , and intelligent , than other mortals . and yet there is a mixt way of speaking , that does wonders too ; especially with a concurrence in it of both weight and modesty ; which , in a young man , makes it still the more admirable . there are many occasions that require eloquence ; and many of our country-men , ( and young men too ) that are highly esteemed for it , both at the bar , and in the senate . but that which i look upon to be the most effectual , and praise-worthy , is the eloquence of the bar ; and the subject of it , is either accusation , or defence : the latter is the more laudable of the two , and yet in many cases , the other is likewise to be approved . as in what i said just now of crassus ; and anthony also , when he was a young man , did the same thing . publius sulpicius raised the glory of his eloquence by his charge against c. norbanus , a seditious and an unprofitable citizen . but this is not a thing to be done often ; nor , in truth , is it to be done at all , unless on the behalf of the government , as the two luculluses : or in favour of the oppressed , as i my self did for the sicilians : iulius c●sar did as much for the sardinians ; and fusius shew'd his skill too against marcus aquilius : so that it may be once done , but no more ; unless a man be call'd to it by his duty to the commonwealth and in the very case of publique enemies , there may be an excuse for frequent accusations : but even there too , we must keep within the bounds of moderation : for it is the part of an ill-natur'd man , ( or i might rather say , scarce of a man ) to make a trade of hunting people to death . and beside the danger that it brings upon the persecuter , it is an infamous , and a rascally character , that of an informer . it was the nick-name that was given to marcus brutus , ( the son i mean of the eminent civilian ) and it cast a blemish upon the very lustre of his family . and moreover , be sure to observe this duty , as inviolable , and sacred ; never to have any thing to do in the exposing of innocent blood. for it is a crime , that no colour in the world can justifie ; for what can be so inhumane , as to turn the faculties of reason , and eloquence , that were given us for the benefit , and conservation of mankind , to the ruine , and destruction of honest men ? but it does not follow yet , because we must not upon any terms persecute the innocent , that therefore we may not in some case defend the wicked , and the guilty : for it is a thing many times agreeable to the will of the people ; to custom , and to humanity , so to do . it is the part of the iudge , constantly to follow the truth ; but the advocate is not so strictly ty'd up to the precise truth , as not to make his best sometimes of that which carries some near resemblance of it . i should not take this freedom upon this subject , if i had not the authority of panatius , ( one of the soundest of the stoiques ) to support me in it . the greatest favour and renown is gotten by a defensive eloquence ; and it is so much the greater , as the power , and opposition of the adversary is the stronger ; and according to the streights , and exigencies of the party reliev'd . we have brought off many , and particularly , in our younger days , we defended sextus roscius amerinus against the force and authority of l. sylla himself : the oration you know is still extant . having already set forth the methods by which a young man may advance his reputation in the world ; we shall now discourse the matter of liberality , and bounty , which is twofold ; for we oblige those that stand in need of our help , either by our labour , or by our mony. the latter is the easier way ; especially where the benefactor is master of an estate ; but the other is the more honorable , and splendid , and better becoming a clear and generous mind . for tho' the will may be frank enough in both , yet the one obligation is rather a debt to his fortune , but the other to his virtue . and then by these pecuniary bounties , the very fountein is drawn dry , and one bounty is destroy'd by another ; and in the very act , we lose the means of obliging . but he that is liberal of his peins , that is to say , of his industr● , and virtue , the more good he has done already , the more friends will he find to assist him toward the doing of more : and then by the custom and practice of doing good offices a man does not only learn the way of obliging , but gets the very habit of it . it is a notable reprehension , that of philip , in a letter to his son alexander , for endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the macedonians by the force of mony , what is it , ( with a mischief ) says he , that should make you expect faith from those people whom you your self have corrupted ? is it that instead of their prince , you would be lookt upon only as their servant , or purse-bearer ? an office so much below the dignity of a monarch ! such a bounty could not have been better exprest , then by calling it a corruption : for the very receiver is the worse for 't , and the more he gets , the more he looks for . this epistle was written only to his son ; but it may serve as a precept to mankind . now as there is no question , but that the bounty which consists in labour , and industry is the fairer of the two , and the more extensive , because more men are the better for 't ; we meet with several occasions yet , and many proper objects for the exercise also of the other sort of bounty , which in some cases must be put in practice , but with choyce , and within compass : for there are many people that squander away their whole estates upon inconsiderate gratuities . nor can any thing be more senseless , then for a man to take peins to put himself out of condition to do the thing that he loves to do . and these unadvised liberalities are commonly follow'd with extortion too ; for when men are brought to want , by over-giving , they fall to the repairing of their profusions upon some , by violence upon others : and the friends they get by giving , on the one side , will not ballance the enemies they raise , by taking away on the other . wherefore , as i would not lay my fortune in common , so neither would i refuse a part of it to my friend , but still in proportion to the whole . we have a common saying which is grown by use into a proverb , bounty has no bottom , and it is worth remembring . for what mean can be there expected , where by the custom of giving , and of receiving , both the giver and the receiver come to desire the same thing . of large givers there are two sorts ; the liberal , and the prodigal : the prodigal , they lash out upon treats , popular doales , prizes , publique sports , and spectacles , and other entertainments , which are no sooner past , then forgotten . the liberal , they employ their expences upon redeeming of slaves , setting a friend out of debt , or helping him out in the bestowing of a daughter , in the getting of a fortune , or in the encreasing of it . i cannot but wonder what put it into theophrastus's head . in his book of riches , that among so many excellent things , he should be guilty of one so very gross an absurdity . his discourse runs much upon the honour , and magnificence of popular shews , and presents ; and he makes this to be the great advantage of an ample fortune , that it furnishes a man with means to be at that exepnce . now in my opinion , the fruit of liberality is much more certain , and considerable , in the few instances i have before mentioned . it is a grave , and a pertinent reproof , that of aristotle's , upon this subject : we make nothing ( says he ) of our profusions upon the humouring of the common people , but to hear of ten crowns given in a siege for a bottle of water , what a wonderment is made of it , as a thing incredible : till upon second thoughts , we find the price excus'd by the necessity ? but in the other extravagant spoil , and excessive prodigality , where there is neither honour , nor necessity consulted in it , and the very pleasure passes with the spectacle ; we can find nothing there to wonder at . and who are they but the weakest of the people that stand affected with this vanity ? and no sooner are they satiated , then the delight it self is forgotten . and who are they that are so much taken with these fooleries , but women , children , and slaves ; that is to say , people either of servile condition , or of servile minds , scarce any man of sense , judgement , or consideration , approving of them ? i know very well that it is an ancient custom in this city , for the aedile to exhibit shews to the people , upon entering his office ; and that very good men expect it from him . p. crassus the rich ( as well in his fortune , as in his name ) made a very magnificent entry ; and so did l. crassus , after him ; tho' join'd with q. marius too , a man of singular moderation . and then c. claudius , the son of appius , with a great many more ; as lucullus , hortensius , silanus ; which were all outdone by p. lentulus , in my consulship , and scaurus emulated him . but the most pompous , and expensive solemnity of all , was that of our friend pompey , in his second consulship ; this is enough to shew you my opinion in all these cases . but yet however , we must have a care on the other hand , not to incur a suspition of avarice . mamercus , ( a very rich man ) was repulsed when he stood for consul , because he had refused the charge of aedile . wherefore , if the people call for it , on the one side , and wise men be not against it , ( tho' they do not desire it ) on the other ; the thing ought to be done : but according to our abilities , as it has been my own case : or otherwise , where we may reap some advantage by it , that will more then countervail the charge . as it turn'd much to the reputation of orestes , not long since , the publique dinners that he exposd in the streets , to the multitude , under colour of dedicating his tenths to hercules . neither did any man blame m. seius , for supplying the people in a great scarcity with corn , at about a groat a bushel : when by so doing , he delivered himself from the great and inveterate hatred of the multitude ; and ( being aedile too ) by a liberality , that was neither dishonorable nor burthensome . but it was a most glorious , and memorable action my friend milo's engaging of the sword-players for the publique safety , which in my own particular i was not a little concern'd in : and by means whereof , all the attempts and outrages of claudius were crusht , and disappointed . so that bounties should be grounded either upon necessity or profit ; and even in these cases too the best rule is mediocrity . l. philip the son of quintus , ( a person of great worth , and understanding ) was want to make it his vaunt , that it never cost him one penny of mony to the people , the obteining of all the favours that were ever conferr'd upon him . cotta said the same thing , and without vanity , so might we our selves too , in some degree ; for the expence of my aedileship was so small , that it could not signifie any thing toward the gaining of those offices which were afterward conferr'd upon me as by a common consent ; and that in my own year too : which is more then any of those before-named , can boast of . i take that mony to be best laid out which is employed upon common walls , and ramparts , docks , havens , aquaducts , and other works , for the good of the publique . those bounties give more of present satisfaction , i must confess , that are laid down upon the nail , as i may say ; but the other will find better acceptation with posterity : as for theatres , walks , galleries , temples , i shall speak the more favourably of them , for pompey's sake : but learned men , i perceive , do not approve of them ; and panaetius , for one , whom in this discourse i have rather followed , then interpreted : and then there is phalereus demetrius , who was very sharp upon the famous pericles , for his extravagant profusion upon the porch of the temple of pallas . but i have handled this subject at large in my discourse of a common-wealth . now for a conclusion ; this kind of liberality , upon the whole matter , is stark naught ; and yet by the circumstances of times , and the like , it may be render'd necessary ; but in all cases there must be observ'd a mediocrity , and a proportion . as to the other sort of bounty that arises from liberality , we must accommodate our selves to the occasion , and in differing cases use differing methods . one man lies under the pinch of a pressing calamity : another man's condition is not much amiss perhaps already , but yet he would be glad to make it better . my charity binds me in the first place , to assist the miserable person ; at least if he did not make himself so by his own fault . and yet i would not be so hard neither as not to help him also , that is well already , in order to his further advantage ; but this is a point that requires singular care and judgment in the choice . it was well said of ennius , a benefit misplaced turns to a crime . but in that which is bestow'd upon a good , and a grateful man , there 's , first , the conscientious comfort of the virtue it self ; and then the satisfaction that it brings us in other respects ; for the most acceptable thing in the world is a discreet liberality ; and the reputation of it must needs be great , when the goodness of every man in power is the common sanctuary of mankind . we must have a regard also to the benefit , as well as to the person ; and that it may be of such a quality as to descend in the memory of it to the children and posterity of the person obliged , that there may be no place left for ingratitude . for all mortals have a detestation for it , and every man looks upon himself as injur'd in the discouragment of bounty : and the guilty in this case , are reputed the common enemies of the needy . beside the benefit that this piety of disposition brings to the publique , in the enriching of the poor , and the redeeming of captives , which , as crassus delivers at large in one of his orations , was many times the work of the senate it self . and is not this now a nobler way of obliging then the casting of our mony away upon pageantryes , and popular spectacles ? this is an expence for a man of sense , and honour ; whereas the other is only a fawning application by chargeable fopperies to tickle the phansies of the common people . as we are to oblige with frankness ; so we are not to exact any thing again with rigour , but in all our dealings , as buying , selling , letting , hiring , &c. to behave our selves toward our neighbor and acquaintance , with candor , and respect ; tho' to the prejudice sometime of our own right : avoiding law-suits as much as may be , and a little more perhaps then needs ; for it is not only generous , but profitable too , for a man in some cases to remit somewhat of the straitness of his just due : but in so doing he must have an eye yet to his family , or estate , which it were impious not to defend ; but in such a manner too , that there appear nothing of harshness , or greediness in the dispute . for a man cannot employ his mony better , then to do others good with it ; with a regard still to the mainteining of his own. it is with great reason that theophrastu● recommends hospitality ; for in my opinion it is a very honourable fashion for the houses of noblemen to be ever open to illustious guests ; and it gives no small reputation to our commonwealth , that strangers can never want that sort of beneficence in this city . but then for those that would make an honest interest abroad in the world , it is a very great advantage , the favour , and recommendation which they get among foreign nations through the friendship of those they meet with upon this occasion . theophrastus writing of the hospitality of cimon of athens , tells us that he gave strict order to his servants in the country that his house should be still open , to whatever lacian ( or townsman of his ) past that way . now for those obligations that are only the effect of care , and industry , without money , they are both publique , and private : extending from the commonwealth it self , to every particular member of it : for what readier way can there be in this world to eminent wealth , and preferment , than the skill of directing , and advising in difficulties of law ; together with the power of obliging so many upon that score ? wherefore , among the excellent qualities of our fore-fathers , the knowledge , and interpretation , as well as the constitution of the civil law , was ever had in great esteem : and reserved ( until this confusion of affairs ) as a matter sacred , in the possession of men of highest authority and wisdom . but the glory of this science , as well as that of our ancient nobility and virtue , is now quite extinct : and to aggravate the indignity , this fell out in the time of a person not inferiour in honour to all that went before him , but in letters much their superiour . so that this is a study generally acceptable , beside that it puts us in the way of doing a thousand good turns . and there is some affinity or resemblance too betwixt the art of a civilian , and that of an oratour : only the latter has more in it of vigour , agreeableness , and elevation of spirit . there is not any thing that moves the soul , like eloquence . it fills the hearers with admiration ; it gives hope to the miserable ; it creates as many friendships as there are persons that it defends and our predecessors accounted of it as the most honourable of all professions . it is a general , and publique blessing , when men of eloquence , and industry , ( after the example of our forefathers ) undertake the patronage of so many as stand in need of it , without either grudging , or reward . i should take occasion here , over and over to lament the discontinuance , if not the utter loss and destruction of this divine faculty , if it were not for appearing over much concern'd in my own interest and case . and yet we cannot but take notice how many brave orators we have lost ; how few we have any hope of , among those that are growing up ; and the smaller number yet , of those that are left ; tho' 't is true that we have men of boldness without knowledge in abundance . now since we cannot be all of us either orators , or lawyers , ( having indeed but few great men in either faculty ) we may do a world of good services yet , by recommending , or solliciting on the behalf of petitioners , or clients ; and by employing our interests either with the bench , or with the counsel , for their behoof . whosoever takes this course , shall be sure to oblige a great many men , and consequently by a great many to be well spoken of . but then we must have a care ( which every man will look to in his own discretion ) that while we would oblige one man , we do not offend another . for it happens many times that either through heedlesness , we disoblige some body that does not deserve it , or out of rashness-provoke some other body that may make us rue it . in which case , we ought to excuse our selves , as well as we can ; for the least offence given to any man , even where we never intended it ; by shewing him the inevitable necessity that forc'd us upon it , and the desire we have , upon any favourable occasion , to make him some favourable amends . in the conferring of good offices we have usually a regard either to peoples manners , or to their fortunes ; and therefore we have the common saying ready at our tongues end , that 't is the man only that we consider , and not the estate . this is a handsom flourish , but where is the man yet that does not more willingly bestow his time and his peins , upon the service of a powerful , and a wealthy person , then in the support and protection of the best poor man that ever was born ? for we are naturally inclined to lay out our services where we may reasonably hope for the speediest , and the most certain return . and this proceeds from a mistaken estimate of the nature of things . for what if that honest poor man cannot requite us in kind , he may do it yet in thankfulness of heart , and in iust acknowledgments ? it was well enough said , ( whoever said it ) he that has my mony , has not restor'd it ; and he that his restor'd it , has it no longer . but in the case of good will , he that has paid it has it still ; and he that has it still , has paid it . now for those men that value themselves upon their titles , or possessions , and have the world at will ; they are so far from accounting themselves under any obligation for a benefit received , that they look upon the very acceptance of it , ( let it be never so great ) as an obligation laid upon the other side . nay they will not stick to be suspicious , and jealous of it , as a prologue to some petition , or further design . but to tell them , that ever they stood in need of , or were beholden to any man , is to strike then to the very heart . whereas the poor man , that takes all friendly offices to himself , without any respect to his condition ; this poor man ( i say ) makes it his bus'ness , not only to express his gratitude to those that have already obliged him , but to ingratiate himself likewise to those which he hopes hereafter may be kind to him ; as having occasion for many friends . and if it be his good hap to render his patron a profitable service ; his humility makes the value of it to be less then it is , rather than greater . and it is further to be observed , that upon the defence of a great man , the acknowledgment terminates either in himself alone , or , at the utmost , in the effect it may have upon his children , and family . but in the protection of a poor creature , that is is yet virtuous , and modest , a man makes to himself an interest in all the poor honest men in nature ; which is no inconsiderable party out of the body of the common people . so that it turns to a better account to oblige the good , then the fortunate . we should do our best however to leave no sort of men unsatisfy'd ; and if this point should come in question , let themistocles decide the controversie . it was put to him whether a man should rather bestow his daughter upon a poor man that were honest , or upon a man that had more wealth , but less integrity . and his answer was this ; i had rather bestow her upon a man that wants mony then upon mony that wants a man. but our minds and manners are now-adays corrupted and depraved with the love of mony : and yet , as to the matter of superfluity , what is any man the better for 't ? it may be of some use perhaps to him that has it ; but that is only at some times , and in some cases too . or taking the advantage of it for granted , it serves only to make a man the more powerful , but not one jot the more honest. not that i would serve a good man ever the less , for being rich over and above . but i would still serve him for his virtue , and not because of his wealth : and govern my self by the judgment i make upon the qualities of his mind , without calculating upon his fortune . now with one precept more i shall conclude : we must never employ our faculties and endeavors , either to uphold iniquity , or to overthrow iustice. for iustice is the foundation of an everlasting fame , and there can be nothing commendable without it . having already treated of benefits with a regard to particular persons ; we shall now discourse of that sort of bounty , which respects the vniversality or the commonwealth . of t●is bounty there are two kinds . the one concerns the whole body of a city , or the community ; the other , the particular members of it : and the latter is the more acceptable of the two. it is our duty , as much as in us lies , to consult the common satisfaction of both : or however , to take care of particulars : but in such manner that the whole may be the better for it ; or at least not the worse . caius gracchus's excessive largesse of corn to the people , was mischievous ; for it exhausted the treasury ; but the moderate donative of m. octavius was both tolerable to the government , and necessary to the people ; and consequently both the republique it self , and the citizens were the better for 't . it should be the principal care of him that has the administration of publique affairs , to see that every individual be protected in his propriety ; and that private men may not be dispossess'd of their rights and estates , under the pretext of a publick good. it was a pestilent proposition , that of philip's , in his tribuneship , about an equal partition of lands ; but then it was a great instance of his modesty , the letting of it fall so easily again . he did many ill things , to curry favour with the people ; and he dropt one lewd speech too , that there were not two thousand men of estates in the whole city . what a desperate hint was that toward the bringing of all things to a level , and all conditions of men to a parity : one of the greatest plagues that can befal a state ? for it was the main end of the founding and establishing of cities and publick bodies , that particulars might be secur'd in their possessions , and every man safe in the enjoyment of his own. for though men associate by an impulse of nature , it was desire and hope yet of keeping what they had gotten , that made them build cities , for their protection . it has been a great inconvenience that our fore-fathers have been often put upon , the charging of the people with extraordinary taxes : which happened either through the lowness of the treasury , or the expence and burthen of a continual war. this is a course by all means possible to be avoided , by laying in of provisions beforehand ; but if ever any commonwealth should fall under this necessity ( for i had rather foretel it of any other , then ours ; as i speak this only by way of general discourse ) it will be highly necessary that the people be punctually enformed of the exigent ; and that there is no way for them to subsist , but by complying with such a necessity . it behoves all governors to furnish the publique stores with necessaries , before the danger presses them ; in what proportion and of what kind , is a matter so well known , that it is sufficient the bare mention of the thing thus by the by. but above all things , let all men in publique administratión keep themselves clear from the least suspition of avarice . i woùld to the heavens ( says c. pontius the samnite ) that fortune had reserved me for another age , and kept me from coming into the world , till the romans had begun to take bribes . if this had been , i should quickly have put an end to their empire . truly he must have staid a good while then ; sor 't is but of late that rome has been teinted with this evil. now if pontius was a man of such a resolution as he appears to have been , it is well for us that he came into the world when he did . the first law that ever we had against the corruption of magistrates , is not as yet of a hundred and ten years standing ? and that was piso's . but we have had a great many others since that time ; and every one still more severe then the other . how many criminals have we had ? how many condemn'd ? what a confusion upon the social war in italy ? and that war excited too merely by the guilty , to save themselves from punishment ? there was no longer any course of law , or justice ; but our friends and allies , lay exposed to seisure and pillage , without relief : and if we are not totally ruin'd , it proceeds more from the weakness of others , then from our own virtue . panaetivs extols affricanus for his abstinence in the matter of money : and why not ? but still he might have found greater virtues in him then that : for that abstinence of his was not the virtue of the man only , but of the times . paulus aemilius , upon his victory over perseus , made himself master of all the macedonian wealth , to an infinite value ; and brought so much money into the publique treasury , that one captain 's booty deliver'd the people from any further need of taxes . and this he did without any other advantage to his family , than the honourable , and immortal memory of his name and action . affricanus the younger ( in imitation of his father ) got as little by the destruction of carthage ; and his fellow-censor , l. mummius , as little as either of them , by the ruines of the magnificent city of corinth . but his bus'ness was rather the ornament , and lustre of his country , than that of his house : although in giving reputation to the one , he could not fail of doing the like to the other . but to go on where i left . there is not certainly a more detestable vice ( especially in princes , and publique magistrates ) than covetousness : and it is not only a mean thing , but an impious , to make a prey of the commonwealth . that which the pythian oracle deliver'd in the case of sparta , looks like a prediction , not only applicable to the lacedemonians , but to all opulent nations also whatsoever : to wit , that it was not in the power of any thing in the world , but avarice , to destroy that commonwealth . there is no surer way in nature for men in power to gain upon the affections of the multitude , than by frugality and moderation . but yet when out of an affectation of popularity they come to propound such a levelling division of lands as is above-mentioned ; and either to force the right owners out of their possessions , or to the remitting of just debts ; these people shake the very foundations of government ; in the first place dissolving the bonds of concord and agreement , which can never consist with this way of taking moneys from some , and discharging others . and what 's become of common equity then , when no man is left the master of his own ? for it is a privilege essential to a community , that it be free , and every man secur'd in the enjoyment of what belongs to him . neither does this way of confounding all things create that interest and reputation among the people , which the projectors may imagine : for it makes the loser still your enemy ; and the very receiver will hardly thank you for 't neither : or at best , so coldly , as if it were a thing he had no great mind to : especially dissembling the inward satisfaction of being forgiven a debt ; for fear of being thought unable to pay it . whereas the injur'd party will never forget it , but carry the purpose of a revenge in his heart . or what if there should be more to whom we unjustly give , than there are from whom we do as unjustly take away ? this does not mend the matter one jot : for we are not to judge in this case by number , but weight . what colour of equity is there for a man that never had an estate , to dispossess another of an estate that has been many years ( nay ages perhaps ) in the possession of it , himself and family ; and that he that has an estate , should have it taken from him ? it was for this way of proceeding that the lacedemonians banish'd lysander , and put their king agis to death , beyond all president of former times . and there follow'd such broils upon it , that their best men were banish'd , a tyranny introduced in the place of an aristocracy , even to the utter dissolution of one of the best-constituted republiques upon the face of the earth and sparta did not fall alone neither ; but the contagion of those tumults spread it self so far , that the rest of greece was wholly ruin'd by that example . what shall we say of our gracchi ? ( the sons of the famous tiberius gracchus , a●d grand-children of the elder affricanus ) it was this very point of controversie about lands , that destroy'd them too . but on the contrary , how much honour has aratus worthily acquired to himself , by his exploit upon sicyon ? it had been fifty years under the dominion , and in the possession of vsurpers , when he recover'd it by a surprize from argos , suppress'd nicocles the tyrant , restor'd six hundred of the wealthiest citizens that had been banish'd , and set the city it self at liberty . but finding great difficulty at last how to accommodate the bus'ness of lands and possessions ; and considering that it would be hard on the one side for those that he restor'd to their town to live still in want , while others enjoy'd their estates ; and little better , on the other side , to break in upon , and take away possessions of fifty years standing ; wherein so many several interests were concern'd , by purchases , portions , settlements , and the like , and without any injury by them done to the right owners : he concluded it unreasonable either to take from the one what they were possess'd of , or not to satisfie the other , in some degree , for their just pretensions . wherefore he bethought himself , and resolv'd upon a journey to alexandria ; giving orders that all things should continue in the same state he left them , until his return : so that he presently posted away to his old friend , and acquaintance , ptolomy the second , king of alexandria . he had no sooner inform'd that generous prince of his bus'ness , with the design he had , and in what manner , to deliver his country ; but without any difficulty , this illustrious person prevail'd upon him for a large sum of money . this treasure he carry'd with him back to sicyon , and then pick'd out fifteen of the principal persons of that place , to advise with upon this affair , and to take a strict account , as well of those that were possess'd of other mens estates , as of those that had lost their own. the matter was so handled , that , upon a reasonable estimate of the lands , some were perswaded to content themselves with the value in money , and to yield the land ; and others chose rather to take money for their land , than to contest for the recovery of it . so that in the conclusion , the controversie was compounded , and both parts abundantly satisfi'd with the accord . what pity was it that this great man was not born a citizen of rome ! this is the right way of proceeding in such cases ; without exposing the persons and goods of citizens ( as it has been twice in our days ) to proscriptions , and outcries . this grecian , like a brave , and a wise man , consulted the common welfare : and it is the highest point of a good , and a prudent magistrate , to maintein the properties of the people , and not to invade them ; but keeping all within the bounds of common equity . why should any man dwell gratis in my house ? as if i were to purchase , build , repair , and defend it , for another ( in despite of my heart ) to reap the frui●s of my labour , and expence ? for this is the case in taking away from me that which is my own , and giving to another that which does not belong to him . and what 's the end of these letters of protection , ( if i may so call them ) but that you shall buy land with my money ; you keep the land , and i lose my money ? it is a matter therefore of great moment , that no debts be permitted , which may endanger the publique . and this may be several ways prevented , if such a course be taken , that prodigals and debtors may not raise their fortunes upon defrauding their creditors ; the one losing their own , and the other getting what belongs to another man , there is nothing that upholds a common-wealth like faith , and credit : which can never be expected where people do not lie under a necessity of paying their due debts ; a thing which was never so violently prest , as when i was consul : all sorts and degrees of men were even in arms about it : and yet i resisted all motions tending that way , to the very rooting of this evil out of the commonwealth . there was never more money stirring , nor ever was there surer , or better payment : for where the hope of deceiving is cut off , men must necessarily keep touch. it is true , that caesar , ( who was in those days subdu'd , tho' now a conqueror ) that caesar , i say , did put his former purposes in execution , even when he had no need so to do : his very appetite being so vicious , that he took pleasure in the evil it self , without any other inducement . it is the duty then of all good patriots to keep themselves clear of this same perverse sort of liberality , that takes from one , and gives to another : and in the first place , to provide that all men may be equally supported in the enjoyment of their own , by law , and common justice . and that the poor , and simple , may not be circumvented , or oppress'd by power , nor the wealthy obstructed in the holding or receiving of their dues , by the envy and malignity of the people . and moreover , they should by all means endeavour , both in war , and peace , to advance the republique , in empire , possessions , and revenue : these are the proper offices and atchievements of great men , and this was the study , and the exercise of our forefathers . those that addict themselves to these duties , gain great glory and good-will to their own particulars , beside the profit that they bring to the publique . antipater the tyrian ( and a stoique ) that lately deceased at athens , charges panaetius with leaving out two branches touching health , and money in these precepts concerning benefits . but i suppose that they were rather pass'd over by that famous philosopher , as things well enough understood , and needless to be further inculcated , how advantagious soever . it is a good means of preserving health , for every man to understand his own constitution ; and to observe what agrees with him , and what not . to live temperately in all respects , as well in our diet , and the care of our bodies , as in our pleasures : using the common helps of physique also , in case of need. in the gathering of an estate , we must do nothing but what is warrantable , and honest : and when it is fairly gotten , it may be preserv'd , and improv'd by parcimony , and caution . this point is excellently well handled by xenophon ( the socratist ) in his oeconomiques ; which i my self , at about your age , turned out of greek into latin. the concurrence of two profitable things in comparison , ( which was the fourth consideration , omitted by panaetius ) is a case which very often happens : for sometimes bodily goods fall in competition with the goods of fortune : sometime outward goods with those of the body : and sometime again , one of either of them is compar'd with another of the same kind . as in the first instance , i had rather have health , than money : in the second , i had rather have a great estate , than a robust strength of body . and so forward . i had rather enjoy health , than pleasure ; i had rather be strong , then nimble . and then in the collusion of external things , i had rather have honour , than wealth ; and a fortune in the city , rather than in the country . the comparison that we find in the elder cato , was of this quality . the question was put to him , what he look'd upon as the greatest convenience in a country life ? his answer was , in the first place , good pasturage . what next then ? pasturage that was indifferently good. and what then ? pasturage still , tho' a degree worse than the other . and what again ? tillage . what do you think of vsury ? ( says the enquirer . ) and what do you think of murther ? ( says cato . ) by this , and abundantly more , we cannot but understand that things profitable came often in competition : and that this fourth enquiry was not at all impertinent . but as to the matter of getting , disposing , or using of moneys , it is a subject fitter for a scrivener than a philosopher ; and better understood by the good men upon the bourse , than by the learned men in the schools . it is a thing needful however to be known , as apperteining to the business of profit : of which having discoursed sufficiently in this book , we shall now proceed to what remains . the end of the second book . tvlly's offices . the third book . it was the saying ( my son marcus ) of scipio affricanus the elder , ( as we have it from cato , his cotemporary ) that he was never less idle , or alone , then when he most appeared so to be . it was a noble thing said , and worthy of a great , and of a wise man ; to shew that in all his leisures , his thoughts were still taken up with business ; his solitudes , in discourses to himself , without any loss of time : and without need some whiles of any other company . insomuch , that the two things which commonly make other people listless , and heavy , did even set an edge upon him : that is to say , solitude , and leisure . now tho' i cannot come up to the imitation of that illustrious person , i am not much behind him yet in my good will ( i would i could say as much of my self , as he does in effect . ) for since i have been driven by the force of impious arms from my station in the government , and the bus'ness of the bar ; i have apply'd my self to a life of leisure too : upon that very consideration , quitting the town , and betaking my self to the privacy and solitude of a country life . not that i compare either this leisure , or solitude with that of affricanus . for his was only a voluntary retirement from the importunities of company , when he had a mind to give himself some respite from the honourable charges he susteined in the commonwealth , by withdrawing into a recess , as a man sometimes puts into a port : but my leisures proceeded not from a desire of respite , but from want of employment . for since the dissolution of the senate , what is there to be done , either in the palace , or in the hall , that is worthy of us ? the world swarms everywhere with criminals ; and after a life spent in so eminent a post , and in the open view of the people , i am e'enforc'd to hide my head , and live ( in a manner ) quite alone to avoid the very sight of th●m ▪ i have heard wise men say that we are not only to chuse the least of necessary evils , but out of all evils themselves to extract somewhat of good. i shall therefore make the best of my repose , tho' not such perhaps as he has deserv'd from his country , who hath formerly contributed so much to their quiet . and tho' this be a solitude wholly of necessity , not choice ; i would not yet have it absolutely fruitless . affricanus ( i must confess ) gained to himself a fairer reputation , but we have no monuments of his thoughts , committed to writing : no remains of his leisures , and solitude that we find extant . but we may conclude however , that he was neither idle nor alone , from his glorious actions , which were only the product of deliberation and thought . but alas ! i have not that strength of mind to think away my solitudes , and supply the want of company with bare meditation . so that my whole diversion is to pass away my time , and my cares upon writing : and i have done more that away now , in a little while , since the overturning of the government , then i did in many years before , while it was in a flourishing estate . now ( my son ) tho' philosoyhy be profitable and fruitful from one end of it to the other , without any waste , or desert : there is not any place yet in the whole extent of it that yields greater advantage , and benefit , then that part of it which treats of civil duties , and the rules of a steady , and a virtuous life . wherefore , tho' i doubt not either , of the great and excellent cratippus's care in the inculcating of this lesson daily to you ; or of your own diligence , and attention in the receiving of it ; it is not amiss yet to be often minded of so necessary a point ; and ( which way soever you turn your self ) to have this voice still sounding in your ear , even , if it were possible , without hearing any thing else . this is a thing for every man to do , that propounds to himself an honest course of life ; and it is your interest perhaps as much as any bodies ; because the world expects it from you , that you should succeed to the industry , the honours , and ( if i may so say ) in some measure to the reputation of your father . and you have a great deal to answer for upon the score of athens , and cratippus . for what could be more dishonorable then after so ample a commission granted you to the famous staple of the whole world , for good manners and letters , to come back empty ; to the disparagement both of the master , and the city ? wherefore you must labour with all the faculties of your soul , and body , to make good this expectation : ( if i may call that a labour , which is so great a pleasure ) and let it never be said that after all other supplies from your father , you were only wanting to your self : but let this suffice : having written so much , and so often to you already , upon this subject . we shall now return to the remaining part of the division propounded . panaetivs is the man , without dispute , that has the most accurately handled this question : and him have i chiesly follow'd , with some amendment and additions of my own. he lays down three propositions that men are want to deliberate and advise upon , in the case of duty . first , whether the matter in question be honest , or dishonest . secondly , whether it be profitable , or vnprofitable . thirdly , where two things meet in competition , the one of them appearing honest , and the other profitable ; how to distinguish . he has written three books upon the two former heads ; and promised a discourse upon the third ; but he has not been so good as his word : which i do the more wonder at , because i find in his scholar posidonius , that he lived thirty years after the publishing of these books . and i am in some admiration too , that posidonius , in his commentaries , should pass the matter over so slightly ; especially making this remarque upon it , that of the whole body of philosophy , this is the most necessary part. there are some that will not have this to be an oversight in panaetius ; but a point left out upon consideration ; as a thing wholly impertinent . but i am of another opinion . the reason they give , is this. honest , and profitable ( they say ) are convertible terms ; and not to be so much as imagined in opposition . from hence there may arise another question , whether the third branch of panaetius's division should not have been absolutely rejected , without any mention of it all . but it is certain however , that he did at first undertake it , and then let it fall . he that makes a tripartite division , and goes thorough with two parts of it , is undoubtedly answerable for the third : and he passes his word over and above toward the latter end of his third book , that he will go on with it . and we have the authority of posidonius himself to witness as much ; writing in a certain epistle what publius rutilius rufus ( an auditor of panaetius ) was wont to say . as there was never any peinter ( says he ) that durst venture upon finishing the picture of venus , which apelles had begun ( such was the delicacy of the face , that there was no hope of matching it with a suitable body ) so in the case of panaetius , the excellency of those things which he did perfect , was so transcendent , that no man after him durst ever attempt the supplying of what he either omitted , or left imperfect . so that of panaetius's intention there can be no longer any doubt . but yet whether he did well or ill in adding the third member of his division , may perhaps bear a dispute : for taking it either according to the stoiques , that no thing can be good but that which is honest ; or with the peripatetiques , that honesty is the sovereign good , to such a degree , that all other goods are as nothing in the ballance against it ; they do both of them however agree in this , that profit can never be admitted into a competition with honesty . how does socrates curse the first dividers of honest , and profitable , in imagination , which are so inseparable by nature ? and the stoiques go so far along with him too , as to hold that nothing can be the one , without being also the other . but if panaetius were one of those that will have virtue to be therefore esteem'd , for the profit that she brings us ; measuring things desirable , either by pleasure , or freedom from pein ; he might then be allow'd to erect the notion of a possible repugnancy of profit , to honesty . but being of another opinion ; and that the only good is that which is honest : and that whatsoever stands in opposition to it , under the shew of vtility , a mans life is neither the better nor the worse for it , either with it , or without it : he should not so much as have put the case , methinks , where profit and virtue should appear in the comparison . for to live according to nature , which the stoiques account for the sovereign good : is nothing else . ( as i understand it ) then to lead a life congruous to virtue : and in all cases whatsoever , to follow the direction of nature in a conformity thereunto . the matter standing thus ; some men are of opinion that this comparison was not properly introduced ; and that there was not any need of prescribing in this kind , at all . no man can be truly honest , but he that is truly wise ; and there is no separating the one from the other . there may be an imperfect honesty , 't is true , with an imperfect wisdom ; which is rather the resemblance of honesty , then the thing it self . and therefore all those duties that we treat of in this discourse , the stoiques call middle duties : which are common indifferently to mankind ; and of a large extent : and some people attein the knowledge of them by a felicity of nature ; others , by a progression , and advance upon study . but those which they call right duties , are complete and consummate in all the parts ( or numbers as they express it ) and this perfection is only to be found in a wise man. but he yet that acquits himself in the discharge of these middle offices , goes for current with the multitude for a good and a wise man in the abstract : they not being able to distinguish betwixt what is perfect , and defective . wherefore , so far as they understand the business , there is nothing wanting . we see many times in poems , pictures , and a world of other instances , how strangely the unskilful are delighted with them , and yet for the most part commending the least masterly stroke in the piece : which arises from this ground , ( i suppose ) they find something in the whole that pleases them ; but they are not able to judge of the imperfections of the several parts : but when they come to be better instructed , they are easily brought to change their first opinion . the duties here treated of , are with the stoiques a kind of second-rate honesty ; and not peculiar to wise men , but common to human nature : and therefore they affect all people that have in them the least spark of good nature , or virtue . now when we speak of the magnanimity of the two decij , or the scipio's , or of the iustice of fabricius , or aristides ; we do not propose their example as the standard of that courage , and equity that is required in a wise man. for i do not look upon either of them to have been wise to the degree of wisdom here intended ; no , nor those very persons upon whom the world has bestowed both the reputation , and the name of wise men . i speak of cato , caius laelius , or the seven sages themselves . but by the frequent exercise of middle offices they had somewhat of the appearance , and resemblance of wisemen . so that we must neither compare profit in opposition to that which is truly honest ; nor oppose any matter of gain to that which we commonly call virtue ; whereupon these people value themselves , that would be accounted good men . and we must as well uphold and preserve that practical honesty that falls under our capacities ; as that which in strictness and truth , is only the honesty of wise men : for otherwise , how shall we know what progress we make toward virtue ? and so much for those that by doing good offices get themselves the reputation of being good men . but for those that measure all things by the common interest of gain and benefit , and will not allow honesty to take place ; it is ordinary for them to put mony in the scale against virtue ; which no good man will ever do . i suppose therefore , that panaetius , when he says that men are wont to make some doubts upon the comparison , means only ( as he says ) that they are wont to do so ; and not that they do well in so doing . for not only the preference of profit to honesty , but the very comparing of them , and the making a doubt in the case , is a shameful bus'ness . but what is it that we doubt upon ? or what 's the ground of our consideration ? it is ( i presume ) upon the quality of the point in question : for that which is dishonorable at one time , may be warrantable at another . as for example , upon a supposition more at large ; what fouler villany can be imagin'd then the killing not only of a man , but a familiar friend ? and yet the people of rome do not only absolve any man that destroys a tyrant , tho' his famil●ar friend ; but they reckon upon it as the most glorious action of an honorable life . is it in this case that profit prevails over honesty ; or rather that the honesty follow'd the profit ? the certain way to keep us right in our judgments upon the concurrence of profitable , and honest , will be the establishment of such a rule as upon the comparing of things will direct us in our duty : which rule i would have to be squar'd to the reason and discipline of the stoiques : and this is the rule which i shall observe in this treatise ; because tho' the ancient academiques , and the peripatetiques also , ( which were formerly all one ) give a preference to that which is honest , before that which seems to be profitable ; the matter is yet more generously handled by the stoiques , that make profit and honesty reciprocal , then by those that imagine a thing may be either honest , and not profitable , or profitable , and not honest. now our academy allows great liberty , and gives us a right to defend that which appears most probabl● . but to return to my rule , to take away any thing wrongfully from any man , or to make my own fortune by the empoverishing of another , is more contrary to nature , then death , beggery , pein ; or whatever else can befal a mans body , or estate . for at first dash it destroys all neighborhood and society : for if we come once to entertain an opinion that one man for his own advantage may assault , or make a prey of another ; there follows necessarily an absolute dissolution of human society , and a violation of the most certain and powerful dictate of nature . put the case that one member should draw to it self the health , and good blood of the member next unto it ; the whole body must , of necessity , consume and perish : in like manner if every man should take from another what he can get , and apply his neighbors goods to his own use , this would undoubtedly put an end to all friendliness , and fellowship among men . it is natural enough for a man to provide necessaries for himself , in the first place ; but it is yet against nature for him to furnish himself with mony or provisions , by spoil and rapine : and it is not only by the dictate of nature , or the rights of nations , but by the particular laws and constitutions of all states , that it is declared unlawful for one man to do any mischief to another for his proper benefit . it is the express care , will , and intent of all . laws to maintein the duties of society , safe , and inviolate : and they punish the transgressors of these rules with death , banishments , prisons , and fines : and much more does nature her self exact this from us : nature ( i say ) which is the law divine and humane , both in one . whoever obeys her dictate ( as all men will , that propose to live in a conformity to the principles of a reasonable being ) will never agree to the coveting of what is another mans , or to the taking away from his neighbor , and giving to himself . for greatness of mind , gentleness , justice , and liberality are much more consonant to nature then pleasure , life , or riches : which , in comparison with the common good , are by all men of brave and exalted minds , neglected and despised . whereas , on the other side , to spoyl my neighbor for my own advantage is more contrary to nature , then death , torments , and the like . as it is more according to nature for a man to undergo all sorts of labours and troubles for the service and conservation , ( if it were possible ) even of the whole world : after the example of hercules , whom the gratitude of men has placed for his virtues among the gods : all this ( i say ) is more agreeable to nature , then to live in solitude ; and not only free from cares , but even wallowing in pleasures , and plenty ; with all the advantages of strength and beauty , over and above . this is it that makes all great and glorious spirits , so much to prefer difficulty and action , before a life of idleness and sloth . from hence it comes to pass , that according to nature , one man can never hurt another . and besides , he that wrongs another for his own advantage , he does either imagine that this is not against nature ; or else he supposes that death , poverty , pein , loss of children , kindred , and friends , are more to be avoided , then the doing of injuries . but if he conceives that one man may do an injury to another without an offence to nature , there 's no disputing with one that has lost his reason ; and in effect , ejected all that is man even out of himself . but what if he thinks the one to be bad , and yet the other , worse ? he is in a grievous mistake , to phansie any calamity of body or fortune comparable to the disorders of his mind . we should all of us therefore agree upon this common proposition , that the interest of the whole , is the interest of every part ; and that whoever draws more to himself then belongs to him , is an enemy to the publique . now if it be the very prescript of nature , that for humanity sake , one man shall take care of another ; it does necessarily follow , that the welfare of the publique , is the interest of every particular , according to the same principle . let but this be admitted , and we are all of us equally under the government of the same law : and then taking that for granted ; to do an injury to any man is against the law of nature . the former is certainly true ; and so is the other , by consequence . it is a ridiculous shift , to say , that i would not take away any thing from my father , or from my brother , to put in my own pocket ; but to take from other people , is quite another case : as if every individual were not concerned in the protection of the whole : an opinion utterly inconsistent with the rules of government . there are some again will have the citizens provided for , but not strangers : and these men tear up the very foundations of human society . for take away that once , and there will be no longer any good nature , liberality , honesty , or justice , to be found upon the face of the earth . and whosoever brings matters to that pass , is to be accounted an enemy to the gods themselves , for breaking that union among men , which was no other than a constitution of divine appointment . it is the strongest band of society , a general agreement in this position , that it is a greater offence to nature for me to take any thing from another , for my own advantage , then to suffer all the miseries that can possibly befal any man in his body or estate : nay , that can befal the very mind it self ; saving the single point of justice , which one virtue is the mistress , and the princess of all the rest . but what ? ( will some say ) shall a wise man rather perish for want of bread , than take a loaf from another man that 's good for nothing , to keep himself from sterving ? this must not be done yet ; no not upon any terms : life is not so dear to me as my duty ; and my resolution not to wrong any man for my own benefit . suppose an honest man almost frozen to death might save his life by taking away the cloak of phalaris ; ( a barbarous and a bloody tyrant ) should he not do it ? this is a case easily determin'd : for the taking of any thing away from another , for a man 's own sake , is inhuman , and against the law of nature , let the man be never so worthless . but in the case of a person whose life may be of eminent use and service to the commonwealth , to take any thing from such a worthless person to preserve so necessary an instrument to the publique ; and to take it purely upon that consideration , it is not blame-worthy : but otherwise , i must rather bear my own misfortunes , than relieve my self by what i force from another man : so that it is not more against nature to be sick , or necessitous , than to seize upon , or covet the goods of another : but the abandoning of the common good is an offence to nature ; for it is unjust ; and therefore the law of nature , that regulates and provides for the common welfare of mankind , does in a manner direct the translation of necessaries from a slothful and unprofitable wretch , to the behoof of a wise , a good , and a valiant man , and whose loss might be of great damage to the government : provided that it be done meerly out of such a respect , without any vanity , or self love , or making use of a publique pretext for a colour to a particular injustice . justice . in so doing , i keep my self still upon my duty , consulting the benefit of mankind , and ( that which i often inculcate ) of human society . as to the case of phalaris , the decision is obvious : for a tyrant is rather an enemy , then a member of human society ; and there can be no crime in the dispoiling of an usurper , whom it is lawful to kill ; and it were well if the whole race of this impious and pestilent sort of men were exterminated from having to do with mankind . for as we cut off mortifi'd limbs , when the blood and spirits have in a manner forsaken them , and that they grow dangerous to the rest : so should that fierce and outrageous brutality be separated , if i may so say , from the common humanity of the publique body . of this quality are all those questions of duty , whereof the resolution depends upon the circumstances of times : which i presume , panaetius would have persu'd , if somewhat of accident or bus'ness had not taken him off from his purpose . we have said enough in our former books upon this matter ; to shew what we are always to shun , as evil and shameful in it self , and what we are not obliged always to avoid , because it is not always , either mis-becoming , or dishonest . but being now about to crown the work we have begun , i must deal with you , ( my cicero ) as the mathematicians do with their disciples . they lay down certain postulata , to be taken before-hand for granted , without the trouble of discoursing the points ; to the end that they may make themselves more easily understood . so must i require of you ( my cicero ) to yield me this point , ( if you can afford it ) that nothing is desirable for it self , but what is honest. now if cratippus will not allow of the proposition whole as it lies ; this yet , i presume , will not be deny'd , that virtue is chiefly , if not only to be desired , and for its own sake . it is all one to me , which of the two you take , for they are both of them more probable than any thing else : and first , let me vindicate panaetius , in this , that he never supposed a competition of vtility , and virtue ; ( nor could he have justifi'd it if he had ) but he is to be understood of things that seem profitable ; for over and over in all his discourses he still makes vtility , and virtue to be convertibles , and represents it to be the most pestilent errour that ever enter'd into human life , the opinion that divided them . and therefore he introduced a repugnancy , betwixt appearances , and truths ; not as separating the profitable from the honest ; but for our caution , and instruction , that we might judge betwixt them . we shall therefore dispatch this remaining part without any help from others ; and upon our own account , ( as we say : ) for since panaetius left this subject , i have seen nothing yet that has given me any sort of satisfaction . we are all of us apt to be moved upon any thing that presents it self unto us , under the appearance of profit . but if upon looking narrowly into it , we find any thing that is dishonest , or shameful , annexed thereunto ; we are not to leave it then , as a thing profitable , but as considering that vtility , and dishonesty cannot stand together . for if there be nothing so contrary to nature as the one or so agreeable to it , as the other ; ( for nature affects what is right , convenient , and constant , and despises the contrary ) it is impossible that they should both meet in the same subject . again ; if we are born for virtue ; either ( according to zeno ) virtue is to be desired for it self alone , or ( according to aristotle ) it weighs down all other things : then does it follow , of necessity that virtue must be either the only , or the supreme good. so that whether way soever it be taken , that which is good , is certainly profitable ; and that which is prositable , is certainly good. those men therefore are very short-sighted , that presently lay hold of that which appears profitable , and consider it apart from that which is honest. from hence come murthers , poysonings , forgeries , thefts , publique cheats , oppressions , squeezing of the people , or our confederates : from hence come the intolerable insolencies of men of over-grown fortunes ; and finally , ambition , and the thirst of dominion ; then which nothing can be more ruinous , or pernicious in a free city . they take false measures of the value of things , without so much as dreaming of the punishment ; not the punishment of the laws , ( for that they can with ease break thorough ) but that of the conscience , which is the bitterest of all . wherefore this sort of men should be excluded human conversation , ( as most execrable , and impious ) even for barely deliberating whether they should either follow that which they see to be honest , or knowingly pollute themselves with villany . the very doubt and deliberation is criminal , though without advancing to the act it self . wherefore we should never deliberate at all , where the very deliberation it self is shameful . and then in all our deliberations , we should not entertain any hope , or design , of conc●aling , or disguising matters ; for we should take up this for a maxim ; ( at least , if we be ever the better for our philosophy ) that if we could carry things so private , as that neither god nor man should discover us , we should yet have such a reverence for our selves , as not to let any thing of injustice , vncleanness , or immodesly , escape us . plato's fable of gyges , is not impertinent to our purpose . the story has it , that a torrent having eaten a hollowness in the ground , gyges went down into it , and there observ'd a brazen horse , with doors in his sides . upon the opening of these doors , he discover'd the dead body of a man , of a prodigious size , with a golden ring upon his finger . gyges boldly pluckt it off by force , and put it upon his own , and being the king's shepherd , he went his way , and joyn'd himself with other shepherds . finding , that upon turning the stone of the ring , inwards , he became invisible to others , and yet saw every thing himself ; and that upon turning it back again he became visible , as before ; by the advantage of this ring he made his way to the enjoyment of the queen , and by her assistance , murther'd the king , his master ; and in a short time remov'd all out of the way that he thought stood betwixt him , and the crown . all this lewdness he committed by the help of this ring , and so made himself king of lydia . now if a wise man were the master of such a ring , he would reckon himself no more priviledg'd to do an ill thing with it , then without it ; for an honest man considers the goodness of the action , not the privacy of it . it is objected by some ( that shew themselves to be better men , then philosophers ) that this story out of plato is only a tale ; as if any man would report it for a thing either true , or possible : but see however the force , and scope of this ring , and of this example . how many things are done out of avarice , ambition , pride , lust , that no body knows of , or so much as suspects ? suppose that this impiety could be kept so secret , that neither god nor man should come to know it : would you commit it ? 't is a thing impossible , ( they say , whether it be so or not . ) but what , would they do ( say i ) if they could do the thing , which they say they cannot ? they return you the same senseless answer over again : they say 't is impossible ; and there they stick : not at all comprehending the drift , and import of the question . for in asking what a man would do if he could conceal it ▪ i do not ask whether he can conceal it , or no : but i put the question , as if it were in case of the torture . if they make answer that if they were sure to scape punishment , they would do what they found most expedient , they confess themselves to be criminals ; and if they deny it , 't is a concession that all evil things are to be avoided , even for themselves . but to return now to my purpose . there fall out divers cases , that under an appearance of profit , many times disorder our thoughts , and trouble us in our resolutions : not as upon a deliberation whether a man should strain a point of honesty in regard of the greatness of the benefit in prospect ; ( for that were mean , and dishonest ) but whether that which seems so very profitable may be done without dishonour . it might look like an unjust thing in brutus , the deposing of collatine , his fellow-consul , who in the expulsion of the kings , was both his partner in the advice , and his asfistant in the execution : but when the whole body of the principals of the city had agreed together to extirpate the whole family , and the relations of that proud prince , as well as the name of the tarquins ; ( which was a resolution of publique advantage . ) this was so honest , and just an action , that collatine himself was obliged to approve of the proceeding : so that this utility was valu'd for the honesty sake , without which , in truth , it had not been profitable . but this did not hold in the case of that prince that founded our city : for he was so wrought upon by the shew of profit , that he kill'd his brother upon the appearing advantage of rather governing alone then with company . he cast off all piety and humanity , for the obteining of that which seemed unto him to be profitable , tho' it proved the clear contrary . the pretended honesty in the action , was to punish the affront of his brothers leaping in scorn over the wall ; but it was neither competent , nor likely . wherefore , under favour of either quirinus or romulus ; ( no matter whether ) it was undoubtedly a crime . and yet we are not to neglect our own advantages neither ; or part with any thing to others , when we want it our selves . but every man should attend his own profit , as far as may be without injury to another . chrysippus had many witty sayings , whereof this was one . in the running of a course , ( says he ) a man may be allow'd to strive , and contend his vtmost : but to trip up his antagonists heels , or to lay hands upon him , this is a thing not to be done upon any terms . so for any man to get that which may serve for the use of life , is very fair , and allowable ; but to take it away from another , is not lawfull . in friendship , 't is true , there are many niceties as well in the not doing of any good office which may honestly be done , as in the doing of any thing for a friend contrary to justice . but one short rule will serve upon this whole matter , and it is no hard one neither . those things that seem profitable ; as honours , riches , pleasures , and other circumstances of the like kind ; these things are never to be preferr'd before friendship : but no good man will do any thing for a friend , that is either against the commonwealth , his oath , or his word : no not if he were himself to be a judge in his friends case ; for he lays down the person of a friend , where he takes up that of a iudge . i would have him wish that his friend may have iustice on his side ; and i would have him allow him all the favour in point of time , that the law will permit ; but when he comes to pass his sentence , let him remember , and consider , that he calls god to witness ; or ( as i suppose ) his own conscience , the divinest thing heaven it self ever bestow'd upon a mortal . it was therefore a worthy practice of our ancestors ; they never ask'd any thing of a judge ( and i wish we did so at this day ) but upon condition that it might consist with justice . this request has relation to those things which ( as i said e'en now ) a judge may fairly allow to a friend ; for if a man must of necessity do all things that a friend would have him do , this is no longer a friendship , but a confederacy . let me be understood only of common friendships : for among men that are wise , and perfect , there can be no such thing . the story goes of damon , and pythias , ( pythagoreans ) so great was the kindness they had for one another , that when dionysius had sentenced one of them to death , the party condemned only desired a few days respite to put his affairs in order ; and the other became surety ( body for body ) for his appearance . the prisoner return'd at his day , and the tyrant fell into such admiration at their generosity , and iustice , that he requested them to receive him as a third man , into that friendship . wherefore in all friendships , where the profitable and the honest meet in comparison we should never consider the profit , but square our actions according to the honesty . but wheresoever any thing shall be required in friendship , which does not stand with honesty , in that case religion , and faith , must take place of friendship . this is the rule by which we are to make choice of the duty here in question . we are liable also to many publique mistakes under the appearance of profit ; as our countrymen were to blame in the irrecoverable destruction of corinth . and the athenians did yet worse , in cutting off the thumbs of the people of aegina , only because they were good seamen , and they reckon'd that this might turn to their advantage , and security , because of the neighborhood of aegina to one of their principal ports . but nothing can be profilable that 's cruel ; for we are to follow the dictate of nature , and nothing is more contrary to nature , then cruelty . they do very ill also , that either prohibit , or banish strangers from among them ; as petronius did of old ; and papius , not long since . it is well enough not to suffer him that is no citizen , to pass for a citizen , ( according to the law of our consuls crassus and scaevola , who were wise men . ) but it is undoubtedly most inhuman , absolutely to deny the common benefit of protection , and intercourse in a city , to strangers . those are great and remarkable cases wherein the shew or colour of publique vtility is despised , in comparison with honesty . we have in the story of our commonwealth , a world of eminent examples . how many times have we ( and especially in the second punique war , after that miserable disaster at the battle of cannae ) shew'd greater courage in our distress , then ever we did in our prosperity ? there was not the least sign of fear among us , nor any mention of peace ; such is the power of honesty , that nothing of profit can appear against it ! the athenians , when they were no longer able to resist the force of the persians , came to a resolve of putting all their wives , and children into traezen ; to abandon the city , and maintain the liberty of greece with a navy . there was one cyrcilus that advis'd them rather to stay in the city , and receive xerxes into it ; but they ston'd him to death for his counsel . he gave them the advice which he took to be most profitable ; but it ceases to be profit , when it stands in opposition to honesty . themistocles , after his victorious war against the persians , declar'd in council that he had thought of something that might be of great advantage to the commonwealth ; but it was not convenient to be made publique , and therefore desir'd them to appoint some body to whom he might impart the matter in private . they named aristides ; and he told him that the lacedemonian fleet , which was laid up at gytheon might easily be fir'd by surprize , which would very much weaken the lacedemonians . aristides , when he had heard it , came into the senate where they were all big with expectation , and made his report that themistocle's counsel was very profitable , but not honorable : wherefore the athenians would not allow it to be profitable neither , if it were not likewise honest ; and so rejected the proposition , only upon the report of aristides , even without hearing it . how much did these people go beyond us ; that suffer our pirates to go free , while our confederates are tributaries ? let it be taken therefore for granted , that nothing can ever be profitable that is dishonorable ; no , not in the very possession of that which we account so to be . nay it is a great infelicity of judgment , to imagine that any thing can be profitable , that is dishonest . but there fall out many occasions ( as i have said before ) wherein the profitable , and the honest may fal in competition : in which case we should consider how far they stand in direct opposition , and wherein they may be fairly reconcil'd : as for instance , upon these questions . an honest man sets sail from alexandria to rhodes with a lading of corn ; the rhodians in great distress for want of it ; and the commodity bearing an excessive price . this person knows that there are other alexandrian ships under way , and bound for the same port , and with the same cargo : whether or no shall he tell the rhodians now , that there are other merchants coming with relief , or say nothing of it , and make the best market of his corn that he can ? we put this case , supposing him to be a good and a wise man , and the matter to be under deliberation . if he thinks it an ill thing to conceal this from the rhodians he will not do it ; but he makes some doubt whether it be ill , or no. in difficulties of this nature , diogenes , the babilonian , ( a grave and famous stoique ) is of one opinion ; and his disciple antipater ( a very acute man ) is of another . antipater will have all the circumstances laid open ; so that the purchaser may not be kept ignorant of any thing , which the other knows . diogenes says that the vender is bo●nd to discover all the faults , so far as he is obliged to it by the civil law ; and to manage his bargain without fraud . so that being to sell the commodity , he may without deceipt make the best on 't . here ( says he ) i have brought my corn ; i have run the risque on 't ; and i let no higher a rate upon the commodity then others do ; nay perhaps i offer it cheaper : if you can have it any where else , wher 's the injury ? now antipater , on the other side , reasons it thus. how is that ? ( says he ) it is our duty to consult the good of mankind , and to serve human society ; and we came into the world under that obligation . we have principles of nature , which we are bound to follow and obey ; and we are to account nothing profitable to our selves , that is not so to the publique : and likewise , to account of the publique profit , as our own. shall we conceal that then from a society of men , which so much concerns their commodity , and supply ? diogenes will reply ( perhaps ) that it is one thing to conceal a matter , and another thing not to tell it : do i tell you ( at this instant ) what is the nature of the gods , or the end of good men ; which are things much more profitable to be known , then the price of wheat ? and yet you will not say that i conceal this from you . but it is not absolutely necessary for me neither to tell you every thing which may be profitable for you to hear . but the other will tell you yes , it is necessary ; if you remember that men are naturally link'd together in society . well ( says the other ) i do not forget it : but will you have it to be such a society then , as that no man shall have any thing particular in it of his own ? if it comes to that once , there 's no longer any buying and selling , but only giving . you see in this whole dipute , that it is not said , tho' this or that be dishonest , i will yet do it , because it is expedient : but it must be so expedient , that there be nothing dishonorable in it . now ( on the other hand ) out of that very consideration that it is dishonorable , it is therefore not to be done . suppose an honest man has a mind to put off his house for some fault or inconvenience in it , only known to himself : as a contagious air ; ( for the purpose ) tho' it may ( perhaps ) pass for healthful ; all the rooms annoy'd with vermin , ill-built , or ruinous , which is only known ( as i say ) to the master of the house . the question is , if he conceals these faults to get a better rate for his house then he could otherwise have done , whether he does well , or ill , in that concealment ? antipater will have it to be very ill done , and near the case of not setting a man right that 's out of his way . a crime which was punish'd at athens by a formal solemnity of publique execrations . is not this the suffering of the purchaser to ruine himself , and to fall into the worst of snares , by a mistake ? nay it is worse yet , then the not shewing of the way , for one man to lead another knowingly , and wilfully , into an errour . diogenes asks , on the other side , who forc'd you to buy it ? nay he did not ( says he ) so much as advise you to 't . that which did not please the one , he exposed to sale , and the other bought that which he had a mind to . if he shall not be taken for a cheat , that sets up a bill of a very good farm to be let or sold , and well built , and in repair , tho' it be neither the one , nor the other , much less shall he be accounted one , that does not so much as commend his house ; for where the purchaser uses his own judgment , what fraud can there be in the seller ? but if we are not obliged , in all cases , to make good every word we say , how should we be oblig'd to make good that which we do not say ? nor can any thing be more ridiculous then for a merchant to publish the faults of the commodity he exposes to sale. what would be more senseless then to make proclamation by a common cryer , here 's an infected house to be sold ? now so it falls out , that in some doubtful cases , the honesty of the action may be defended , on the one hand , and the benefit of it so qualifi'd on the other ; that it may not only be honourable , to do that which appears profitable , but even dishonorable , to omit it . this is a point that comes often into question betwixt things profitable and honest. these difficulties must be set right : for it is not our business to start a question , but to give a resolution . it is my opinion , that neither in the case of the rhodian corn-merchant , nor in that of the house offer'd to sale , the concealment there supposed was iustifiable . for it is not properly the concealing of a thing , to say nothing of it ; but the keeping of another man , for our own advantage , in ignorance of that which he is very much concern'd to know . what kind of a concealment this is , and the quality of the man that uses it , who does not discern ? this is not the practice undoubtedly of an open , a frank , a sincere , a just , or a good man : but rather of a shifting , a close , a deceitful , a malicious , a sly shuffler , and of a very jugler . how can any man expect to get by the bargain , that wears these foul names , and lies under all these reproaches . but if the saying nothing in this case be so blameable ; what shall we think of them then that speak false ? caius cannius ( a knight of rome , and one that wanted neither wit nor learning ) going sometimes to syracuse , not upon bus'ness ( as he was want to say ) but for his diversion ; he gave out that he had a great mind to buy some gardens there , where he might enjoy his friends when he had a mind to 't , without interruption . when this came to be talk'd of , there was one pythius , in syracuse , that drove the trade of a banker . i have gardens here ( says he ) tho' not to be sold , but however if cannius pleases , he may use them as his own : and so he invites cannius to those gardens , the next day ▪ to supper . upon cannius's promise to come , pythius ( whose bus'ness gave him a great interest there , among all sorts of people ) sent for the fishermen ; and directed them to meet next day , and fish just before his gardens ; and so gave them their lesson what to do and how to behave themselves . cannius came at his time , where he found a magnificent entertainment that pythius had provided for him . there were a great many boats before the gardens , and every man brought the fish he had taken , and laid them at pythius's feet . what 's the meaning of all this ( says cannius ) so many fishes , and boats ? pythius told him , there was no great wonder in 't ; for there is not any fish ( says he ) in syracuse which is not to be had in this place . they take in their water here , and the town cannot be without this convenience . this set cannius agog upon the purchase , and nothing would serve but pythius must sell him the place ; he seem'd , at first , very unwilling to part with it ; but without more words they came at last to an agreement : cannius was a rich man , and presently struck up a bargain ( for the gardens , and every thing that belong'd to them ) with pythius , at his own price : security was given for the mony , and the bus'ness finish'd . cannius invited some of his familiar friends thither the next day : and he himself coming betimes , and finding no boats there , enquir'd of the neighborhood whether the fishermen kept holy-day that day , because he saw none of them there . their answer was , that they knew nothing of any holy-day , nor of any fishermen that us'd to be there : insomuch that they wonder'd what brought them thither the day before . this put cannius into a rage : but what remedy ? for my friend and collegue aquilius had not as yet made any provision against dolus malus , or couzenage . upon my demand to aquilius what was intended by that same dolus malus , he told me , that it was the pretending of one thing , and doing another . which truly was a full and clear definition of it , and worthy of a wise man. wherefore pythius , and all like him , that pretend one thing , and do another ; are to be accounted perfidious , wicked , and deceitful ; so that nothing can be profitable to us , that is polluted by so many crimes . but if aquilius's definition be true , there must be no feigning or dissembling allow'd of in human society : and a good man will neither do the one nor the other , either to buy or sell , to more advantage . and that deceipt was punishable also by the laws : as in the case of guardianship by the twelve tables . and so was the circumvention of min ours punishable by the latorian laws . and sometimes by arbitration , even without a law ; where the question was matter of faith , and trust. but of all other judgments the words that are used in the formulary of an arbitrement upon a marriage-agreement are most remarkable : as * melivs , aeqvivs , the better , the iuster : and in matters of contract , or confidence , inter bonos bene agier ; fair dealing among good men. can there be any mixture of fraud now in better , and ivster ? or what place is there for collusion , or iniquity , in fair dealing among honest men ? now the dolus malus , or deceipt appears either in simulation , which is a pretence of something that is not ; or dissimulation , that is to say a disguise , or concealment of somewhat that is. wherefore there must be no lye admitted in any business , or contract ; nor should there be any underhand substituting of a buyer , or a seller , to enhance , or to bring down the price ; but both parties should say at a word what they will give , or take . q. scaevola , the son of publius , being upon a purchase , bade the proprietor tell him in one word what he would have for the estate : he did so : and scaevola told him he had undervalu'd it , and so gave him two thousand crowns more than his bargain . there is not any man but will confess that this was the part of a good man , tho' in the opinion perhaps of some people , not of a wise man : as if the other had set it lower than he could afford it . this is a mischief therefore , that some men are accounted good , and other men wise , as if they could be separated . ennius says that a man's wisdom serves him to little purpose , if it be not profitable to himself . this may be true enough , if it were but agreed with ennius what it is to be profitable . i find hecalon the rhodian ( panaetius's scholar ) telling q. tubero in his books of offices , that it is the part of a wise man to do nothing against publique customs , laws , and institutions ; and withal , to take good heed to his fortune , and family : for we should not propound to be rich , only to our selves , but to our children , relations , friends , and chiefly , for the service of the republique : for the estates and provisions of particulars , are the wealth of the city . the proceeding of scaevola above-mentioned would never suit with hecaton : for he only says that he would not do any thing for his own profit that were unlawful : and truly he deserves little thanks , or commendation for his peins . but allowing both lying , and dissembling to be this same dolus malus , or deceipt , there are very few things clear of that fraud . or if he be only the good man , that obliges as many as he can , and hurts no body ; such a good man will not be easily found . it can never be profitable to do an ill thing ; because it is always unallowable , and shameful . and it must ever be beneficial to be a good man , because it is always honest. it is an ordinance of the civil law in the matter of estates , that the vender should still tell the purchaser the defects , or inconveniences of the estate ; for it being sufficiently provided by the twelve tables , that every man should make good what he promises or declares by word of mouth , upon the penalty of double damages for denying it . the civilians have also set a punishment upon concealments too ; by enacting , that if the seller of an estate knew any fault or errour in it , without expressly acquainting the purchaser with it , he should be obliged to make it good . as in the case of the augurs tower ; where they were to take their observations from the flight of birds . titus claudius centimalus , having some houses upon the hill caelius , the augurs commanded him to pull them down , because they hinder'd their prospect . claudius expos'd those houses to sale , and so put them off ; and publius calpurnius lanarius was the purchaser . the augurs found the same fault still with the houses , when they were in his possession : so that he pull'd them down . and coming afterwards to understand that claudius had made sale of those houses , after that the augurs had appointed the demolishing of them ; forc'd him upon an arbitration , what in point of conscience was to be done in that case . marcus cato past the sentence , ( the father of this cato of ours ) for as we denominate others from their fathers , we shall make mention of the person that gave this light to the world , as accounting from the son. ) the sentence was this , that since upon the sale of that estate , he had not told the other of the inconvenience which he knew it was expos'd to ; he should indempnifie the buyer of it ; concluding , that the proprietor was bound in conscience to tell the purchaser what damage might ensue upon it . now if this was a just judgement , it was not warrantable either in the corn-merchant , or in him that sold the infected houses , to conceal as is above supposed . but it is not possible for any law to reach all the various cases of these concealments : and yet however , so far as they go , they are diligently observ'd . marcus marius gratidianus sold to cai●s sergius orata those very houses which he himself had bought of him but a few years before . these houses paid a duty to sergius ( which was out of his mind . ) but marius made no mention of it in the conveying of his right . the cause was brought into the court ; crassus was for orata , and anthony for gratidianus . crassus insisted upon the law , because the seller knew that he ought to have acquainted the purchaser with this incumbrance , but did not do it . anthony insisted upon matter of equity , because that incumbrance was not unknown to sergius , who sold the houses , and so there was no need to say any thing of it ; neither could he be said to be deceived , that knew what title he had bought . now to what end is all this , but to shew , that our forefathers were not pleas'd with wiles , and shifts ? but laws and philosophers provide against frauds several wayes : the laws regarding only matter of ouvert act , whereas philosophers judge according to equity , and reason : which reason does it self require of us , that we do nothing perfidiously , or with false pretence , or deceit . but shall we call it a treachery to contrive a pitfall , or set a toyl , without either driving , or hunting any thing into it ? well , but the beasts many times fall into it , without a persuer . he that offers a house to sale , what is his bill , but a snare laid for the purchaser ? his house is faulty , and he would fain put it off , and some body is caught at unawares . now tho' i understand that according to depraved custom , and manners , this is not accounted dishonorable ; and that there is neither law , nor civil right against it : it is nevertheless yet forbidden by the law of nature . for , as i have often said already , and must say oftener , society , in the largest extent , is that which is common to all men ; next under that is the society of those of the same nation , and after that , of the same city . wherefore our fore-fathers distinguish betwixt the law of nations , and the law civil . for the civil law is not consequently the law of nations , but the law of nations does necessarily comprehend the civil . now to say the truth , we have not among us any substantial or express image of the true law , or sincere iustice : so that we are fain to make use of shadows , and figures ; and it were well if we could keep up , even to them too : for they are translated out of the best originals , of truth , and nature . how glorious is that provisional condition for the making of good contracts ! provided that by your means , and depending upon your honesty , i may not be deceived and brought into a snare . and then that golden sentence , we must live honestly among good men , and without fraud . but then who are the good men , and what it is to do well , is a great question . q. scaevola the high priest was wont to ascribe a very great force to all those arbitrations that were grounded upon good faith ; accounting the very name it self to be of a large extent : as having a respect to guardian-ships , societies , trusts , mandates , things bought , or sold , hired , or let , relating to the community , and entercourse of life . he must be a great judge , that in these cases can determine ( especially meeting in most of them with contrary opinions ) how one man is to behave himself towards another , under these circumstances . wherefore all tricks and artifices should be avoided : and that craft also which imposes upon the world for wisdom ; how far from it soever . for prudence is placed in the choice of good , or evil ; but craft prefers evil before good ; at least if things that are dishonourable be evil. and 't is not only in lands , and houses , that the civil law , in conformity to that of nature , forbids fraud , and circumvention ; but even in the very dealing for slaves , the seller should act as frankly as in other cases . for he that is presum'd to know whether the slave be healthful , honest , a fugitive , or the like ; the aediles law makes that master answerable for the servant . but this does not hold in the case of an heir that found such a slave , or servant in the family . from hence it may appear , since nature is the fountein of iustice , that it is also according to nature , that no man should make advantage to himself of another mans ignorance . nor is there any greater pest , in human society , then a perverse craft , under the masque of simplicity : and from thence proceed those innumerable cases , where the profitable comes in concurrence with the honest. for , where 's the man that would stick at any injustice , if he might but hope for impu●ity ; or come off , under a pretence of ignorance ? let us examine the matter if you please ; and in those instances where the common people , perhaps , are scarce sensible that they do amiss : for we do not speak in this place , of murthers , poysonings , forgeries , robberies , or embesilments of the publique treasure , which should rather be supprest by prisons , and fetters , then by words , and philosophical precepts : but let us here rather consider what we find commonly to be done , even among those that have the reputation of honest men . there were some people that brought out of greece to rome a forg'd will of q. minutius basilius , ( who was a very wealthy man ) and to make the bus'ness pass the better , they put into the testament , m. crassus , and q. hortensius , two of the most considerable men of the city ; as ioint-heirs , together with themselves . they did , both of them , suspect it to be a counterfeit ; and yet having no hand in it themselves , they were well enough content , to make advantage of other peoples wickedness . and what then ? is it sufficient that they themselves had no hand in it ? i am of another opinion ; altho' , for the one of them , i lov'd him while he was alive , and and i do not hate the other now he is dead . but when basilius had made his sisters son ( marcus satirius ) his heir , and would have had him take his vnkles name upon him ; ( i speak of that satirius that to the shame of the age had the patronage of the picenians , and sabines ) it was a most unreasonable thing that the chief men of the city should carry away the testators estate , and leave nothing to the right heir but his name . now if he stands guilty of an injustice , that neither keeps off an injury from his friend by way of prevention ; nor repulses it when he may , ( as we have said in our first book ) what shall we think of him that does not only not repel an injury , but even helps it on and promotes it ? nay , for my own part , let the inheritance be never so lawful ; yet if it be gain'd by craft , flattery , servile offices , or false pretences ; even that lawful succession i cannot approve . but in such cases men are many times extremely misled , in taking one thing to be honest , and another profitable ; for the same rules holds in both ; and he that is not sensible of this , lies open to all sorts almost of fraud , and iniquity . for whosoever says thus to himself , this is honest , 't is true , but the other is expedient ; he takes upon him to divide those things by a mistake that are coupled by nature ; which opinion is the fountein of all deceipts , crimes , and evil deeds . wherefore if a good man , for the very holding up of a finger , could get himself made heir to a considerable estate , which he has no title to ; he should not do it , tho' upon a certainty that no man could ever so much as suspect him for it . but if m. crassus could get an estate upon the same terms , upon my credit he would leap out of his skin at it . but a iust , and such a one as we can allow for a good man , will never agree to the taking of any thing away from another , and transferring it to himself ; and whoever wonders at this , does as good as confess himself ignorant of what a good man is . but he that will thoroughly examine the secrets of his own soul , will be able to tell himself that only he is a good man , who does as much good to others as he can , and harms no body without some injurious provocation . how 's that ? he that supplants the right heir , to get himself into his place , has not that man as much to answer for as if he had remov'd him by poyson ? but what ( will some say ) may not a man do that which is profitable and expedient for him ? yes , yes , if he will take this along with him , that it is not possible for any thing to be so , that is vnjust . he that has not learn'd this lesson , can never be a good man. i remember , when i was a boy , i heard my father speak of fimbria the consul : who was appointed judge in the case of marcus luctatius pythias , ( a knight of rome , and a very honest man ) who undertook , upon the forfeiture of a sum of mony , to prove himself a good man : but fimbria did absolutely refuse to pass judgment in that matter ; least he should either derogate from the reputation of a person so much esteemed , if he gave it against him , or appear , on the other side , to pronounce any man to be good , considering the infinite circumstances of qualities , and offices to make him so , so that neither fimbria's good man , nor socrates's , will allow any thing to be profitable that is not honest : and such a man will not only fear to do , but not dare so much as to think any thing which he would not frankly own in publique . is it not a shame now , for philosophers to doubt , where the common people themselves are resolv'd ? for the old thred-bare proverb is their's ; when they would express a man of an exact sincerity and justice , you may play at * love with him in the dark , they say ; and what is the meaning of this , but to teach us , that nothing can be expedient that is not honest , tho' he might gain it , and the world never the wiser for 't ? in the moral of this proverb , we are taught , that neither gyge's way is to be endur'd , nor so much as a finger to be mov'd , ( as in the case formerly supposed ) tho' a man might make himself master of the whole world by so doing . for whatsoever is shameful , and dishonorable , let it be never so secret , nothing can make it honest ; and that which is not honest , it is as impossible to render it profitable , in a repugnancy and opposition to nature . but where criminals find great rewards , there is also a great temptation to offend . when c. marius appear'd out of all hope of the consulship , and ( having lyen still , for seven years after his pratorship ) no man imagin'd that he would ever have offer'd at it : q. metellus ( a great man , and an eminent citizen ) sent marius ( being his lieutenant ) to rome . where marius publiquely charg'd his principal before the people , with prolonging the war , and told them that if they had made him consul , he would in a very short time have deliver'd up iugartha , either alive or dead , into the power of the people : whereupon they made him consul . but this was a proceeding contrary to faith , and iustice ; by a false suggestion to draw an envy upon so brave a man , and so famous a citizen : especially marius being metellus's lieutenant , and by his order sent to rome . neither did our kinsman marius gratidianus in his praetorship discharge the office of a good man. the tribunes of the common people consulted the college of praetors about some common standard for the valuation of their moneys , which were then sometimes up , sometimes down , at such a rate , that no man knew what he was worth . they join'd unanimously in a decree , with a penalty upon any man that should not submit to 't ; and so they adjourn'd for that morning , resolving to meet again after noon for the publishing of it . when they were gone , some , one way , some another ; gratidianus stept presently from the bench to the tribunal ; and there made proclamation by himself alone of that which was the common act of the court : which you will find ( if you observe the story ) to have given him great reputation ; the people setting up his statues every where up and down , with incense , and tapers : in one word , no man ever render'd himself more popular . these are points that may puzzle a man sometimes in his deliberations ; especially when the matter is but small , wherein any violence is offer'd to justice ; but yet the consequence seems to be of great importance . it did not appear to be so very foul , for the one marius to preposses himself of the favour of the people , by preventing his collegues and the tribunes : and then it was , in appearance , a matter of great advantage to the other marius to advance himself to the consulship by the means he had propounded . but there is one general rule that i would have you take special notice of ; see first that what you account profitable , be not dishonourable ; and then if it be dishonourable , let nothing perswade you that it is profitable . but what then ? shall we pronounce either the one marius or the other to be an honest man ? set your wits at work , and try , and consider with your self what is the image , the character , and the notion of a good man ? will a good man tell a lye , calumniate , supplant , or deceive ? certainly nothing less . is there any thing then on the other side , so profitable or so desirable , as that a man would forfeit the reputation and the glory of a good and a wise man to gain it ? can that thing which we call profit , bring us any advantage to countervail what it takes from us , in depriving us of the very name of good men , and divesting us of faith , and iustice ? what difference is there betwixt the turning of a man into a beast , by a real metamorphosis , and the bearing the figure , and fierceness of a brute in his mind , under the shape of a man ? they that neglect and make light of all things that are honest , for the acquiring of power , do they not do the same thing with pompey that marry'd caesar's daughter to make himself great , under the boldness and protection of his father in law ? but he lookt upon 't as a thing advantageous to himself to augment his own power by the envy that was born to the other : but how vnjust this was to his country , and how dishonourable to himself , he did not consider . his father in law had often in his mouth those greek verses of the phoenicians out of euripides , which i 'll tell you as well as i can , not so gracefully perhaps , but so as to be understood . to get a crown , a man would break a trust. if break 't at all : everywhere else , be just. it was a lewd and horrible thing done of etheocles ( or rather of euripides ) to make that the exception of a crime , which of all crimes is it self the most abominable . but what do we talk of petty things , as inheritances , traffiques , fraudulent bargains ? what do you think of him rather , that having the ambition to make himself the master of the people of rome , and the emperor of the world it self , accomplish'd his ends ? no man in his wits will pretend to justifie this ambition : for in so doing he passes an approbation upon the subversion of our laws and liberties ; and reckons , as a point of honour , that ignoble , and detestable oppression . but he that confesses the unlawfulness of any mans usurping a dominion over a city that both has been free , and ought so to be ; and yet supposes it a thing profitable to him that can compass it ; i would spare no reprehension ; nor , in truth , any reproche , to reclaim such a man from his error : for ( i appeal to the immortal gods ) what profit can any man find in the foul and execrable destruction of his country ; albeit he that is guilty of it should come afterwards to be stil'd the father of it , by the oppressed people ? vtility should therefore be guided by honesty ; and in such manner , that tho' the words differ , the thing should be still the same . i do not find any thing more profitable , in the opinion of the common people , then power , and empire : neither , when i look narrowly into the matter , do i find any thing more vnprofitable to him that vnjustly atteins it . for what advantage can it be to any man , to live in anxiety , carefulness , fears , day and night ; and to lead a life that is beset with snares , and dangers ? there are more treacherous , and unfaithful men in a kingdom ( says accius ) then there are good . but of what kingdom does he speak ? even of that which is reported unto us of tantalus and pelops ; a kingdom that procceded by a lawful descent . how much greater then is the number of the unfaithful to that prince , who having opprest rome it self by a roman army , and a city , not only free in its own constitution , but giving laws to others ; brought that city , at last , into subjection to himself ? how ulcerated a conscience do you think this man must needs have ? what wounds in his soul ? or how is it possible that this mans life should be profitable to himself , when such was the condition of it , that posterity will ever have a veneration , and esteem for those that took it away ? now if those things that carry the fairest appearance of profit , fail yet of being what they seem to be , because they are full of shame and dishonour ; this , methinks , should convince any man , that nothing can be profitable , that is not likewise honest. now as this has , in many cases , been determin'd ; so most remarkably , by the senate of rome , and by caius fabricius , in his second consulate : for when king pyrrhus made war upon rome , and the quarrel was empire too , and that with a powerful , and a generous prince ; there came a fugitive from pyrrhus into the tents of fabricius ; and promised him , upon condition of a considerable reward , that he would convey himself back , as privately as he came ; and poyson the king. fabricius order'd this man to be carried back to pyrrhus ; and the senate applauded the resolution . now if a man should regard the appearance , and opinion of profit , this one fugitive might have put a period to that hazardous war , in the removal of the most considerable enemy of the empire . but where the point in controversie was honour , it would have been a scandalous and an impious practice to have encountred a noble enemy with baseness , and treachery , instead of resolution , and virtue . now which was the more profitable , either to fabricius ( who was as eminent in rome , as aristides was in athens ) or to our senate ( that never separated profit from honour ) to subdue an enemy by arms , or by poyson ? if empire be desirable for glories sake , let there be no treachery or injustice in the attempt : for therein can be no glory . and we must have a care too how we compass wealth it self ; for it can never be advantageous to us with infamy . and therefore it was no profitable advice , that of l. philippus ( the son of quintus ) to tax those cities over again which l. sylla had discharg'd , for a sum of mony , by a decree of the senate : and this too , without their mony again , which they had already paid for their liberty . the senate however took his counsel , to the scandal of the empire . at this rate , there 's more faith to 〈◊〉 found among pyrates then among roman senato●s . well! but the revenue was increas'd , and it was therefore profitable . but how long shall we dare to call any thing profitable that is not honest ? how is it possible that hatred , or infamy , should ever be profitable to any government , that must support it self by its own reputation , and the good will of its confederates ? nay , i have had many a dispute , upon this point , with my friend cato himself , for insisting too rigorously upon the interest of the publique treasury , and revenue : he was too hard methought to the officers ; for we ought to be bountiful to the one , and treat the other as we were wont to treat our colonies : and so much the rather , because the connexion of the parts did much contribute to the preservation of the whole . and curio did very ill too ; who , tho' convinced that the transpadans were in the right , still concluded vincat vtilitas , let utility carry it . now he should rather have said that it was not iust , because it was not profitable to the commonwealth , then allowing it to be profitable , to conclude that it was not iust. in hecaton's sixth book of offices , we find a great many questions to our purpose . as for instance , he puts the case , whether in a great scarcity of corn , a good man be not oblig'd to maintein his servants ? he reasons it pro and con ; but at last , concludes the duty with a regard rather to profit , then to humanity . he puts another question , whether , in the extremity of a storm at sea , a man should rather throw over a serviceable horse , or a servant of little value . and here his private interest draws him one way , and humanity , another . and again , suppose that , upon a shipwrack . a fool should get hold of a plank ; whether or no may a wise man take it from him , if he can ? he 's upon the negative , because the thing is vnjust . but what if it were the master of the ship ? shall not he take his own ? no , by no means : he may as well throw a man over-board , that is at sea in his ship , because the ship is his own : for till they come to the end of the voyage , the ship is rather the passengers then the masters . but what if there should be but one plank , and two men equally wise , and deserving , in danger to be drown'd ? whether shall neither of them take it , or shall either of them yield it to the other ? i would have it yielded to him that may do most good , either to the republique , or in his own particular , by living . but what if they be both alike ? i would have no contention ; but let the one render to the other as if the point had been decided by lot. what if my father should rifle a church , or dig a passage under ground to rob the treasury ? whether or no should the son give an information of it to the magistrate ? this were an unhappy case ; but i would however defend my father , if he were accused . but is not my duty to my country above all other duties ? yes , it is . but then my country it self is concern'd , that the people in it should bear a reverence to their parents . but what if a father should design the betraying of his country ; or the getting of the government into his own hand ? shall the son conceal it ? i would have him earnestly desire his father to desist ; and if that will not do , he 's bound to accuse him . but i would have him threaten him first ; and , in the conclusion , if he finds his country in danger , he is to value the safety of it before that of his father . he puts another question , if a wise , and good man , shall by oversight take false mony , whether or no may be put it off again in payment , after he knows it to be counterfeit ? diogenes says he may : antipater is against it . with whom i do rather agree of the two. suppose a man sells a piece of wine , knowing that it will not keep ; is he bound to tell this or no ? diogenes says he needs not ; but antipater says that a good man will tell it . these are the propositions in controversie , among the stoiques . in the selling of a slave , whether or no am i bound to discover all his faults ? only those which the civil law obliges me to discover , or to take him again . but for discovering him to be a lyer , a gamester , a thief , a drunkard ; some are for the telling of it , and others , not . what if a man should sell gold , believing it to be copper ? is a good man that knoweth it to be gold , bound to tell him it or no ? or whether can any man iustifie the buying of that for one penny which is worth a thousand ? i have now clear'd my own opinion ; and what are the points in controversie among the philosophers before-named . we come now to consider how far those offices and contracts are to be observ'd , that are neither extorted by force , nor ( as the law has it ) dolo malo , or by circumvention . i have a remedy given me for the dropsie , upon this condition , that if it cures me , i am never to use that medicine again : within a few years , and after i have been once cur'd of it , i relapse into the same disease , and the person with whom i contracted will not give me leave to make any further vse of it : what am i to do in this case ? it is an inhumanity in him to refuse me ; beside that my vsing of it does him no hurt : in this case , we must consult the means of life , and health . well! suppose a wise man should be made heir to a great estate , upon this obligation from the testator , that before he touches one penny of the profits of it , he should dance publiquely before a court of iustice , or in the market place ? he promises accordingly so to do ; and without passing that promise , he could never have been entitled to that estate : should he do it or no ? i could wish he had not promis'd it ; and my opinion is , that it would better have become his gravity not to have done it ; but in regard that he has past his word , if he accounts it a shameful , and dishonourable thing to discharge that condition , he may break his word with a better grace by making no benefit of the estate , then otherwise ; unless peradventure the benefits of it might be converted to so great , and publique an advantage , that it would be no longer dishonorable so to do , as being profitable to his country . neither is a man ( always ) bound to keep those promises that are of no advantage to those to whom the promise is made . phaebus ( to come back to fables ) having promis'd his son phaeton a grant of whatever he should ask ; phaeton demanded the government of his fathers chariot ; he had his desire , and in his full carriere iupiter cast him down with a thunderbolt . had not this promise of his fathers now been better broken then kept ? and then the promise that theseus extorted from neptune , what became of it ▪ neptune accorded to him three wishes : one was the destruction of his son hippolitus , upon a suspicion of his familiarity with his own mother-in-law ; and the granting of that wish was the greatest affliction that ever came near to theseus's heart . and what was agamemnons vow to diana , in promising her the most beautiful creature that should be born within his dominions that year ? which proved to be own his daughter iphigenia ; whom he accordingly sacrific'd , as the fairest creature which that year produc'd . how much better had it been if this promise had never been made , then so horrible a crime admitted ? wherefore sometime we should not pass a promise : nay a depositum it self is not in all cases to be restor'd . a man leaves a sword in trust with me when he 's sober , and calls for 't again when he 's mad ; now to restore it , in such a case , were a crime , and the refusal of it , a duty . what if i should lay up mony for him , and then find that he 's about to make war upon his country ? shall i render it ? i think not ; because it is against the republique , which we ought to prefer . so many things that seem honest enough in their own nature , are yet made vnwarrantable by time , and occasion : to make good a promise , stand to a bargain , deliver up a trust ; when it comes to be rather hurtful then profitable becomes dishonest . this is enough said of those vtilities against iustice that are cover'd with a pretext of reason . but as we have drawn all duties from the four fountains of duty in our first book , we'ell keep still to our subject ; and shew , how those things that seem to be profitable , and are not , stand in the greatest opposition to virtue . here is enough said of prudence , and of the counterfeit of it , which is craft ; and likewise of iustice , which can never fail of being profitable . the two remaining parts of honesty follow , the one is seen in the greatness of an excellent mind , the other in a conformity and moderation of continence , and temper . it seemed profitable to vlysses , the counterfeiting himself mad , to avoid the war , as the tragadians would perswade us . ( for there appears no such suspition of him in homer , who was an eminent author . ) this was no honest counsel , but it may be said perhaps , that it was a profitable one , to stay at home , and govern , in an easie , lazie life at ithaca , with his wife , his son , and his relations ; but do you imagine , that in daily labours , and hazzards , there can be any dignity that is to be compar'd with this tranquility of life ? and yet i cannot but have a contempt for such a retreat , because those things that are not honourable , i cannot allow to be advantageous . but what do you think the world would have said of vlysses if he had gone on in that disguise ; who notwithstanding all his brave exploits in the war , did yet suffer these reproaches from ajax , in the tragedy ? he that contriv'd the oath , and made us take it . was th' only man , himself , you know , that brake it : playing th' mad , driv'ling fool , under that blind to sleep in a whole skin , and stay behind : and the bold cheat had past , without all doubt , but for fly ●alamede that found it out . now it was much better for him , to encounter , as he did , not only enemies , but likewise seas and tempests ; then to abandon greece , which was then by one consent carrying a war among the barbarians . but to pass over things fabulous and foreign . let us now come to our own country , and affairs . marcus attilius regulus , in his second consulship , when he was surpriz'd , and taken prisoner in affricae , by xantippus the lacedemonian , a commander under hamilcar the father of hannibal : ( who was then general ) he was sent to the senate , under an oath of rendring himself again at carthage , unless certain carthaginian noblemen should be releas'd in exchange . being come to rome , he had before him a fair colour of profit , but as the story makes it out , he found it vain , and idle ▪ the condition of it was that he might stay in his country , live at home with his wife and children , suffering the calamity he was fallen into as the common fortune of the war , and still reteining the honour of his consulary dignity . will any man deny these things to be profitable ? or what shall we say , when courage , and magnanimity oppose it ? what greater authority or security would a man desire ? for it is the property of these virtues not to fear any thing ; to despise all accidents ; and to reckon nothing intolerable , that can befal a man. but what did he do ? he came into the senate ; told them his bus'ness ; but refus'd to to give his opinion ; for so long as he was under an oath , he was in the condition of a prisoner to an enemy , and not of a senator : but ( like a fool as he was ( as some will say ) and one that stood in his own light ) that which he did speak was against himself : he would not allow it to be the roman interest to exchange their prisoners ; for the carthaginians were young men ( he said ) and good soldiers , but himself wasted with old age . his authority prevailing , the prisoners were deteined , and himself return'd to carthage , without any regard to the affection he had either for his country , or for his friends ; he was not ignorant neither , to how cruel an enemy , and to what exquisite torments he expos'd himself , by his return ; only he was resolved not to violate his oath . when they had tortur'd , and watch'd him even to death ; his condition was yet more honourable , then if he had ended his days in his own house ; a decrepite captive , and a forsworn senator . but what a fool was he , not only not to agree to the remitting of their prisoners , but also to disswade it ? but what ? shall we call that , foolish , that conduces to the good of the commonwealth ? or can any thing be profitable to any member of the publique , that is not so to the whole ? it is a subversion of the fundamentals of nature , to divide profit and honesty , for we do all of us desire that which is profitable : it is an attractive that draws us to it , whether we will or no. is there any man that avoids it ; or rather that does not vigorously persue it ? put since profit is not any where to be found , but in that which is praiseworthy , honourable , and honest , therefore do we account these considerations as most noble , and excellent ; intending under the name of profit , what is rather necessary then splendid . but what is there , you 'll say , in an oath ? are we afraid that iupiter should take offence at us ? now this is a point common to all philosophers , that god is neither angry with us , nor hurts us : and not only to those that take god himself to be idle , and wholly careless of us , but to those also that will have god to be always in action , and doing of something : but what greater harm could even an angry iupiter do to regulus , then regulus did to himself ? so that there was nothing of religion in the perverting so great a profit . was it least he should do a mean thing ? first , of two evils ( we know ) we are to chuse the least . but was that dishonourable proposition then an evil equal to the torment ? and then , that of accius : hast thou broken thy faith ? to any man that does not believe me , i neither have given , nor do give it . now tho' this was spoken by a wicked king , it was yet well enough said : and moreover ; as we say that some things appear prositable , which are not so ; so do they say on the other side , that some things appear honest too , which are not so : as in this case of regulus's returning to the torment , to save his oath : for it is rendred dishonourable , because it was done under a force , and by an enemy , and so ought not to be made good . and they go farther , that whatsoever is very profitable , becomes honest upon that consideration , tho' it was not so before . this is it which is commonly urg'd aginst regulus . but let us examin what it amounts to . iupiter was not to be fear'd , least he should hurt us in his anger ; because he does not use to be either angry or mischievous . this reason lies as strong against all other oaths , as against this of regulus . but the question is not in an oath , the fear of being punish'd for breaking it ▪ but the conscience and the obligation of keeping it . now an oath is a religious affirmation and whatsoever we promise p●sitively , as in the presence of god , we must keep it : for this does not concern the anger of the gods , which is none at all ; but it belongs to faith , and iustice. it is a glorious exclamation of ennius . o holy faith ! the tye o' th' gods ; and fit to have thy mansion in their blest abodes . he therefore that violates his oath , profanes the divinity of faith it self , to which our forefathers ascribed divine honours ; placing her in the capitol , as ( cato tells us ) next unto iupiter himself . but even an angry jupiter ( you say ) could not have hurt regulus more then he did himself . that were true , if there were no evil but pein : but we have the authority of the greatest philosophers for it , that torment is so far from being the greatest evil , that it is none at all . and let me recommend regulus to you upon this point , as no ordinary testimony ; nay , perhaps none more convincing . for what nobler instance can be desir'd , then to see so illustrious a roman subject himself voluntarily to the torture , rather then forego his duty ? for in saying the least of evils , it is meant by suffering rather dishonorably , then miserably . is there any greater evil then a shameful dishonesty ? how offensive is it to the eye , any deformity of the body ? but how much greater then should we account the pravity , and corruption of a polluted mind ? wherefore they that argue these things with the greatest generosity and vigour , as the stoiques , pronounce that only to be evil which is shameful : nay the peripatetiques themselves ( who are not so masculine as the other ) make no difficulty of unanimously pronouncing it to be the greatest evil. as for that saying , i have neither given , nor do i give , my faith to a faithless man : it was well enough said of the poet , in the case of atreus ; because it was accommodate to the person : but 〈◊〉 they take up this once for granted , that a man is not oblig'd to keep faith with him that has no faith : let them have a care not to make use of that shift as a cover for perjury . as to the rights and customs of war , and keeping faith with an enemy , they are points we must be very tender of : for whatsoever we swear , upon a full perswasion in our minds that it ought to be done , that must be observ'd : but otherwise , a man may dispence with that obligation without perjury . as if a man that lies at the mercy of common thieves , should promise them a certain sum of mony for the saving of his life : 't is no deceipt , the receding from it , tho' i had given my oath for the performance : for we are not to look upon pyrates as open and lawful enemies ; but as the common adversaries of mankind . for they are a sort of men with whom we have neither trust , nor oath in common . for perjury is not the swearing false , but the not performing of that which we swear , with an intention to do it ; as may be gather'd from the very form of our oath . it was wittily said of euripides , i swore with my tongue , but not with my heart . but it was not for regulus , however to embroyle the conditions , and rules of war , with perjury ; having to do with a iust , and a lawful enemy ; in which case , all the rights and laws of arms were admitted betwixt them in common . for if it were otherwise , the senate would never have sent and deliver'd up so many famous men in chains to their enemies . which was the cas● of titus veturius , and 〈◊〉 posthumius , in their second consulships : who when they were beaten at caudium , an our legions disarm'd ; for concluding a peace with the samnites , were deliver'd up to them as their prisoners , because they had done it without the the order , and consent of the people , and senate . and at the same time t : numitius ▪ and q. melius , who were then tribunes of the common people , were deliver'd up likewise , to evacuate the peace concluded , because it was done by their authority ; and posthumius himself , that was deliver'd up was the man that advised and propounded it . and the sam● thing was done many years after , by c : mancinus , who having made a league with the carthaginians , without the authority of the senate , perswaded the representing of it to the people , himself , that he might be deliver'd up to the enemy ; which proposition , being so recommended , by l. furius , and sextus attilius , was accepted and he accordingly deliver'd up . this was more honourable yet , then that of q. pompeius , who , in the same case , upon his supplication that such a decree might not be past against him , prevail'd , and was discharg'd . here , that which seem'd profitable , was more consider'd then the honest ; but in the other examples ; the false appearance of profit , was overcome by a dignity of honor , and virtue . but in the case of regulus , the promise was made under a force , and he was not oblig'd to perform it . as if any force could work upon the mind of a valiant man : why did he go to the senate then , expresly to move against himself , and disswade the release of the prisoners ? this is to reprehend the most generous point in the whole case , he would not rest upon his own opinion ; but undertook the cause , that the senate might pass judgment upon it ; wherein if he had not interposed , the prisoners had been certainly restor'd to the carthaginians and then , regulus might have continu'd safe in his own country . but as he did not account that course profitable to his country , so he took the honester part , in chusing rather to suffer , and undergo what he did . now as to their saying that when a thing is very profitable , the advantage justifies it , tho' it were not honest otherwise : let me tell you , that it must be so , and not be made so : for there is nothing profitable , which is not honest , and it is not honest , because it is profitable , but it is profitable , because it is honest. so that out of many wonderful examples , a man shall hardly find a greater , or a more laudable instance then this. for in the whole character of regulus , the most worthy and generous part of it was his opinion for the deteining of the prisoners . for as to his return , tho' we wonder at it now adays , he could not yet at that time do otherwise : so that it was the glory of the age , rather then of the man : for our forefathers lookt upon the tye of an oath as the most sacred obligation in nature . and this we find in the twelve tables ; the laws which we call sacrate , shew as much : and so do our leagues , by which we are ty'd to keep faith , even with an enemy ; and so do the orders , and penalties of our censors ; who were not so strict in any thing , as in the bus'ness of an oath . lucius manlius ( the son of aulus ) in his dictatorship was summon'd by m. pomponius , the tribune of the common people , for exercising the power of a dictator , some days beyond his time ; and was further accus'd for banishing his son titus ( who was afterward called torquatus ) out of the town , and commanding him to live in the country . the young man , hearing that his father was in trouble about it , is said to have gone presently to rome ; and the next morning by day-light , to pomponius's house . to whom it was suggested that torquatus being very ill us'd , had probably brought him some complaint against his father . pomponius presently left his bed , turn'd all people out of the room , and so order'd the young man to be brought unto him . he was no sooner in the chamb●r , but titus drew his sword , and swore that he would immediately kill him , if he did not presently give him his oath , that his father should be discharg'd : pomponius , upon the apprehension of his present danger , past his oath , and afterward reported the matter to the people ; telling them he was forced to desist , and the reason of it : whereupon manlius was let go . such a veneration had they in those times for the tye of an oath ! this titus manlius is the man , who having kill'd a frenchman in a duel upon a challenge , at the river anien , and taking from him a chain , which the latins call torquis , took the sirname of torquatus . in his third consulship the latins were routed and dispersed at veseris , near the mountain vesuvius . he was a man of the highest rank of brave men , and not more eminently indulgent to his father , then he was afterward severe to his son. but as regulus was to be commended for keeping of his oath . so were those ten men after the battle of cannae as much to be despised . hannibal sent them to the senate , upon an oath to render themselves again in the camp of the carthaginians , if they could not obtain such an exchange of prisoners as was propounded . but this story is variously reported : polybius ( an author of singular credit ) says that nine of the ten noblemen that were sent , delivered themselves up , without prevailing for the exchanges , but that one of the ten never went back again ; having returned to the camp , so soon as he was out of it , upon pretence that he had left something behind him ; by which return , he would understand himself to be discharg'd of his oath : but without reason ; for the fraud encreases the iniquity , without dissolving the perjury . wherefore it was a foolish piece of cunning , and a most perverse imitation of prudence . hereupon the senate decreed that this shifting jugler should be sent bound to hannibal . but the most glorious thing of all was this , hannibal had prisoners ; not taken in the battle , or that had run any hazzard of their lives , but they were only such as were left in the camp , by the two consuls paulus and varro . they might have been redeem'd for a small sum of money ; but the senate would not agree to 't : for a lesson to the roman soldiers that they must either conquer , or die. this resolution being made known to hannibal , went more to the heart of him then any thing else ( as the same author has it ) to see that the senate and people of rome in their greatest adversity , should still uphold so generous a resolution . so that things seemingly profitable are still overcome by things that are really honest . now acilius that wrote the story in greek ▪ reports it , that there were more of them went back to hannibal's camp , under the same colour , to deliver themselves from their oath ; and that they were branded for it with all sorts of ignominy by the censors . we shall now put an end to this matter ; for it is clear , that whatsoever is done with a timorous , abject , mean , and broken mind , cannot be profitable , because it is flagitious , dis●onorable , and shameful : as this action of regulus would have been , if he had rather consulted his own interest , then that of the publique , in the business of the prisoners ; or rather chosen to have staid at home . the fourth part yet remains , consisting in decency , moderation , modesty , continence , and temperance . now can any thing be profitable , in opposition to this catalogue of such virtues ? but aristippus's cyrenaiques , and the annicerian philosophers place all good in pleasure , and account virtue to be therefore laudable , for the pleasure it produces . as these grew out of date , epicurus came on ; the supporter , emprover , and in a manner , the author of the same opinion . with these we must contend ( as they say ) for life ; if we are resolv'd to defend , and to maintein the cause of honesty : for if not only vtility , but all happiness of life rests in a sound constitution of body , or in the search and hope of such a constitution ( as metrodorus will have it ) this vtility certainly ( and in the highest degree too ( for so they understand it ) will be found to clash with honesty . for first , what province shall we assign to prudence ? if the search and enquiry after delights ; how wretched a thing is virtue , when it comes to serve pleasure ? but what is the office of prudence ? to judge learnedly of pleasure ? suppose that nothing could be more delightful then that : there is nothing yet to be imagin'd , that is more dishonorable . now for him that pronounces pein to be the greatest of evils ; what place is there in such a mind , for magnanimity , that exercises it self in the contempt of labours , and peins ? for tho' epicurus , in many places speaks generously enough ( as he does in this ) of pein and affliction ; we are not yet so much to consider what he says , as what may be reasonable for him to say , upon the foundation of terminating all good and ill , in pleasure and pein : as to hear him now speak of continence and temperance ; he says many very good things in several places ; but yet he 's gravell'd ; ( as we say ) for how can any man commend temperance ; and yet place our chiefest good , in pleasure ? for temperance is the enemy of sensual pleasures , and our appetites are the servants , and followers of them . and yet in these three kinds , they shuffle as well as they can , and their evasions are not without some colour . they make prudence to be the skill of supplying or procuring pleasures , and keeping away peins : and then they make a shift too , to acquit themselves in the point of fortitude : which they say enables us to contemn death , and to endure pein . and in speaking of temperance ; tho' they are not clear , yet they extricate themselves after a fashion ; for they say that the greatness of pleasure arises only from an absence or detraction of pein . and as for iustice , it is with them , either tottering , or rather groveling upon the ground ; and so are all those virtues that are exercis'd in common , and in the society of mankind . for there can neither be any goodness , liberality , or gentleness ( any more then friendship ) if these things be not desirable for themselves ; or else desirable only in relation to pleasure , and profit . but let us bring the matter into a narrow compass : for , as we have laid it down that nothing can be profitable , in opposition to honesty , so we do here affirm that all pleasure is directly contrary to it . concerning which point , i reckon calliphon , and dinomachus to be the more to blame , in thinking to put an end to this controversie , by coupling pleasure , with honesty , as if it were a man , with a beast . whereas virtue does not admit of that conjunction , but despises and rejects it . and then for the end of good and evil men , which must be simple ; it cannot be temper'd , and compounded of disagreeing things . but of this elsewhere more at large : and it is a weighty bus'ness . but to my purpose now in hand . concerning any matter to be determin'd in the case of a concurrent opposition betwixt profit , and honesty , we have said enough already . but if pleasure shall be said to carry some shew of profit also , there can be no conjunction of it with honesty . for allowing the most we can to pleasure , it does but serve us for sawce , without any profit in it at all . in this book ( my son marcus ) your father makes you a present ; in my opinion a great one ; but it is to you according as you take it . and yet however , you may allow these three books of mine , an entertainment in your study , among the commentaries of cratippus . if i my self had come to athens ( as i had done , if my country had not commanded me back , even when i was half way thorough ) you should sometimes have been your fathers disciple too . so that i am now fain to speak to you in these writings . bestow as much of your time upon them as you can ; and what you have a mind to do , you may do . when i shall understand that this study pleases you , i hope it will not be long before i be with you my self . and however , at this distance , though in absence , i shall still be speaking to you . wherefore my cicero farewel : and assure your self that you are exceeding dear to me ; and yet much dearer you will be , if i shall find that you take delight in these memorials , and precepts . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 't is a great advantage , good institution , and good example . greek and latin , rhetorique and philosophy , do well together . ce●ro half a peripatetique . a better orator , than philosopher . none of the greeks excellent in both kinds . his reasons for the choice of this subject . he taxes the epicureans . nothing desirable for it self but virtue . all disputes should begin with a definition . a division of offices . deliberation , according to panaetius , under three heads . cicero makes five . self-love is natural . the difference betwixt instinct , and reason . the seeds of justice . liberality . prudence . magnanimity . modesty and temperance . the four cardinal virtues , and the subject-matter of each . distinct duties in a complication of virtue . prudence searches the truth of things . justice shews it self in society . fortitude in the contempt of difficulties . temperance in order and measure . a decorum in the congruity of all . prudence is a natural virtue . have a care of two mistakes . credulity , and curiosity . justice and liberality . the duties of justice . the bounds of it by the civil law. a forced etymology of fides . two sorts of injustice . the injurious aggressor . and the deserter . an injury out of fear . avarice . magnificence . ambition . luxury . difference of injuries . injuries of omission ; and the causes of them . expence . fear . sloth . bus'ness . do nothing with doubting . faith is not always to be kept . the duty changes with the occasion . of two evils the less . injuries of fraud and cavil . the rules of war. the end of war. the roman generosity to their enemies . and to those that yielded . upon what terms to undertake a war. a conscientious instance . a brave resolution of pyrrhus . faith must be kept with an enemy . a noble example of regulus . a glorious piece of justice . the romans a generous enemy . of justice to inferiors . of liberality . how to give , how much , and to whom . whom to oblige . give in proportion . consider the intent of the giver . the choice of the person . there is no stoical perfection . whom to value most . how to return benefits . benefits to be repaid with interest . rash bounties . whom to requite first . reason and speech are the bond of humane society . benefits in common . degrees of communities . common privileges . marriage , children , families . kindred . friendship . similitude of manners . exchange of benefits . our duty to our country . our kindred and friends . duties vary with circumstances . magnanimity . courage defined . pertinacy and ambition . true magnanimity . contempt of mony. affectation of glory . a retired life . a comparison of military virtues with civil . clemency to the conquer'd . spare the multitude . courage with discretion . danger publique and private . a mistake in point of honour . plato's advice to magistrates . the danger of factions . of ambition . against anger . of reproof and correction . moderation in both fortunes . greatness of mind in a private life . honesty and decorum . a decorum in prudence . and in all virtues . a decorum general and special . the decorum of the poets . the decorum of order , steadiness and moderation . a decorum in a conformity to nature . from the appetite ari●e perturbations . passion disorders both mind , and body . the bounds of mirth . two sorts of raillery , scurrilous and facetious . honest and manly pleasures . the excellency of man. brutal pleasures . man has two capacities . a great diversity both in minds and bodies . several humours . nature is the best mistress . the same thing good in one , and ill in another . let every man act his own part. let every man chuse his own study . some course of life must be pitched upon . nature and fortune to be consulted what course of life . let every man do all the good he can . the du●y of a young man. youth should be temperate and industrious . the business of age is wisdom . beware of sloth and luxury . the duty of a magistrate . a privat● man. and a stranger . the decorum of the body . the seeds of modesty are in nature . the obscene humour of the cyniques . a decency in gestures and postures . the modesty of the romans . of dignity and gracefulness . affectation is odious . a meane does best . the motions of the mind are thought and appetite . of rhetorique , and ordinary discourse . the voice should be clear and sweet . instances of excellent speakers . of familiar discourse . cautious . the subject of it . seasonable and not tedious . nor passionate . respectful . let reproof be without anger . ostentation is odiou● . of building● and palaces . fit the house to to the master . keep the expence within compass . three rules for all undertakings . the decorum of place and time. order defin'd . indecencies in respect of time and place . the niceties of conversation . by observing others , we may reform our selves . great virtues are a privilege to some mistakes . a general duty . of trade . which is either sordid . and voluptuary . or of candour and credit . of two duties , which to chuse . wisdom is the principal virtue . justice more valuable than science . our country in the first place . leagues are more for society then defence . justice and temperance compar'd . d●grees of duties . notes for div a -e the subject of this book . the introduction . the praise of philosophy . an objection answered . the distribution of ●he whole work. the word profitable is corrupted . profitable and honest are convertible terms . craft mistaken for wisdom . things inanimate . animate . unreasonable . reasonable . one man is the greatest benefit or mischief to another . the necessity of mutual h●lp and society . the great mischiefs are from one man to another . of pru●ence and virtue . the power of fortune . unhappy casualties . the grounds of honour and esteem in the world. mercenary natures . love is the best security of power . hatred is the certain effect of fear . the condition and fate of tyrants . the end of phala●is . rome was formerly the sanctuary of the oppressed . the miseries that befel rome , for cruelty and injustice . prosperous cruelties are dangerous presidents . how to gain a fair reputation in the world. what is perfect glory . bounty and gent●eness ▪ w●●k muc● up●n the pe●ple . the power of justice & prudence . wisdom without justice , is craft . a●miration produces esteem . great virtue produces great admiration . as magnanimity . justice . contempt of mony . the very opinion of iustice gives a man reputation . justice is sacred , even among thieves and pirates . kings chosen for their virtues . a notable saying of socrates . some are born remarkable . others make themselves so . let a young man study the use of his arms. the virtues of the mind are more noble than those of the body . of modesty and piety . it is a good sign when a man loves good company . of speech . affability . eloquence , the power of it . the subject of it . it is a busie office that of an informer . have a care of innocent blood. liberality is twofold , labour and money . a generous reproof . the bounty of labour is the fairest of the two. give within compass . prodigality . true liberality . fine shews are only for women and children . in what cases profusion may be allowed . but still within bounds . of privater liberality . how to bestow them . a regard to the benfit as well as to the person . our obligations should be frank. of hospitality . obligations of care and industry . the reputation of the civil law. some affinity betwixt a civilian and an orator . the force of eloquence . the d●cay of orators . disoblige no man. in benefits consider the man , not the fortune . the pride and vanity of great men. the poor mans gratitude . a wise s●ying of themisto●les . justice is the foundation of a lasting fame . of publick bounties . the propriety of particulars most be protected . the danger of levelling principles . no extraordinary taxes . corrupt magistrates are the bane of any government . the abstinence of affricanus . avarice a detestable vice. the power of frugality in publique administrations . the danger of invading proprieties . a generous account of aratus . no debts to be permitted , that may endanger the publique . a caution in matter of health and estate . two profitable things meeting in comparison . notes for div a -e a famous saying of scipio affricanus . cicero's retreat . cicero compares himself with affricanus . of civil duties and a virtuous life . panaetius of civil duties . cicero excuses an omission of panaetius . nothing can ●e profi●a●le , but wh●t is honest . true honesty and true wisdom are inseparable . middle duties . no man good or wise in the abstract . the epicureans measure h●n●sty by pr●fit . circumstances alter the case . a rule keeps us rig●t , in our judgments of profitable and hon●st . fraud and rapine are against the laws of nature and nations . the interest of the whole , is the interest of every part. better suffer any calamity than do an injury . certain principles to be given for granted . nothing can be beneficial , that is dishonest . the great punishment is that of conscience . a divine precept . the fable and moral of gyge●'● ring the appearance of profit oftentimes distracts us . how far we may look to our selves . many niceties in friendships . the generous fri●ndship of damon and pythias . publique mistakes under the appearance of profit . humanity to strangers . a scrupulou● point of honour . some nice cases of conscience . resolutions upon the former cases . a pleasant cheat. * words of form. simulation and dissimulation . a generous scruple of scaevola's . concealments punishable in ba●gain● for estates . laws and philosophers provide several ways against fraud . the law civll , and the law of nations . of good faith. no pest like craft under the masque of simplicity . a case of conscience about a forgery . no dividing of what nature has coupled . who is a good man. * a little play with the fingers . a mean action of c. marius . small matters may be of great importance a good man will not do an ill thing . the ambition of iulius caesar. utility should be guided by honesty . pabricius's generosity to pyrrhus . wealth it self may be unprofitable . instances of good and profitable in competition . their servants were slaves . cases of conscience . conscience in contracts . some promises better broken than kept . of fortitude . the case of regulus . his honour and justice . the sacredness of an oath . pein is no evil. a pagan dispensation . the rigour of the roman discipline . the tye of an oath . the severity of the romans in case of perfidy . of temperance . epicurus places good and ill in pleasure and pein . moral gallantry a discourse, wherein the author endeavours to prove, that point of honour (abstracting from all other tyes) obliges men to be vertuous and that there is nothing so mean (or unworthy of a gentleman) as vice / by sir george mackenzie. mackenzie, george, sir, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) moral gallantry a discourse, wherein the author endeavours to prove, that point of honour (abstracting from all other tyes) obliges men to be vertuous and that there is nothing so mean (or unworthy of a gentleman) as vice / by sir george mackenzie. mackenzie, george, sir, - . [ ], , , p. printed for robert broun ..., edinburgh : . first edition. marginal notes. imperfect: "a moral paradox" [ p.] and "a consolation against calumnies [ p.] lacking in filmed copy. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng virtue -- early works to . ethics -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion moral gallantry . a discourse , wherein the author endeavours to prove , that point of honour ( abstracting from all other tyes ) obliges men to be vertuous . and that there is nothing so mean ( or unworthy of a gentleman ) as vice. by sir george mackenzie . seneca . though god could not know , nor men would not punish vice , yet would i not commit it , so mean a thing is vice. edinburgh , printed for robert broun , and are to be sold at his shop , at the sign of the sun , on the north side of the street , a little above the cross , anno dom. . to his grace john earl of rothes , his majesties high commissioner , lord high chancellour , lord president of his majesties exchequer and council , and general of his majesties forces in scotland , &c. may it please your grace , my obligations to you are such , as may excuse real passion in a stoick , and seeming flatteries in a philosopher ; and my gratitude deserv'd not to aspire to that name , if it should not like them want measures . but , seing your modesty makes you think even what is justice to your merit to be flattery , as the greatness of your merit keeps the highest elogies i can give you from being so ; i shall retain my respects for you in a breast , which may dispute sincerity as to your interests , with the first of those who pretend to it : with which i shall the sooner rest satisfi'd , because no paper nor any thing else except the heart , which sends you this , is capable to retain or expresse that kindnesse it feels for you . in the above-written enumeration of your titles , i have neither design'd to flatter you , or to contribute to your fame ; but rather to remember you how much you are debtor to providence for it's kindness , and we to you for your repeated cares , that thereby ye may be thankfull to it , and we to you . in order to which , i have presented you and my country with these discourses , which by inciting both to be vertuous , will not allow either to be ungrate : and therein if i evidence not abilities , i will at least kindness and respect ; which cannot but far out-value the other , seing the last relate to you , and the first respects only my self . since then holy altars have not disdain'd to offer up pigeons , and such like value-lesse things , which nothing but the sincerity of the offerer could render considerable , refuse not to accept and revise these , though unfiinsht discourses : and if a mans last words may be believ'd , i ( who am to make these my last words in print , and confine my thoughts for the future to my ordinary employment ) do assure you , that they are presented with all imaginable respect and zeal , by your graces most humble servant , george m ckenzie . to the nobility and gentry . my lords and gentlemen , having lighted this , though the smallest and dimmest of vertues torches , at honours purest flame ; i thought it unsuitable to place it under the bushel of a private protection , but rather to fix it upon such a conspicuous elevation , as your exalted names , that vertue might lance out from thence its glorious beams more radiently , and the better direct these who intend to be led by it . narrower souls then yours , have not room enough to lodge such vast thoughts , as vertue and honour should inspire : and that which raised you to that hight , which deserves this complement from vertue , does deserve that ye should not , when ye have attained to that hight , neglect its address , though sent you by the meanest of it and your servants . ye may ( my lords and gentlemen ) make your selves illustrious by your vertue ; and which is yet nobler ( because more extensive ) ye may illustrat vertue by your greatness , and as the impressa of a great prince , makes gold more current , though not more pure ; so your patrocinie and example may render vertue more fashionable and useful then now it is . undervalued vertue makes then its application to you , as to those whom , or whose predecessors it hath obliged ; and persecuted vertue deserves your patronage , as rewarded vertue is worthy of your imitation . and seing it did raise your families , and offers still to raise monuments for your memory , ye do in that assistance but pay your debt , and buy fame from succeeding ages . and as what is ingraved upon growing trees , does inlarge it self as the tree rises , so vertue will be serious to advance you , knowing that it will receive extension accordingly as ye are promoted . vertue is nothing else , but the exercise of these principles which respect the universal good of others ; and therefore , nature out of kindness to its own productions , and mankind in favour to their own interests , have ennobled and adored such as were strict observers of those . the only secure and noble way then to be admired and honoured , is to be vertuous ; this will make you as it did augustus , the ornament of your age , and as it did vespasian the delight of mankind . this is ( though to my regrate ) the way to be nobly singular , and truly great . for men follow you , when ye are vitious , in complement to their own depraved humours , but when they shall assimulat themselves to you in your vertues , they will shew truly their dependence , and that they follow you and not their own inclinations . in vice ye but follow the mode of others , but in re-entring vertue into the bon-grace of the world , ye will be leaders ; by this your lives will become patterns , and your sentences lawes to posterity , who shall enquire into your actions , not only that they may admire , but ( which is more ) that they may imitat you in them . i intend not by this discourse ( my lords and gentlemen ) that all vertues should shrink in to the narrowness of a cell or philosophers gown . no , no , publick vertues are in their extension as much preferable to private , as the one place is more august then the other , of which to give you but one instance ( for the principle is too well founded to need moe ) there is more vertue in relieving the oppressed , then in abstaining from oppression , for that comprehends this , and adds to it the nobleness of courage , and the humanity of compassion . the one is the employment of philosophers , but the other of that omnipotent god , whom these philosophers with trembling adore : in the one we vanquish , but in the other we only fly temptations . vertue then has employment for you , great souls ! as well as for retired contemplators , and though justice , temperance , and these vertues wherein none share with you , be more intrinsecally noble , then the atchieving the greatest victories , wherein fate souldiers and accidents challenge an interest ; yet vertue loves to bestow lawrels as well as bayes , and hath its heroes , as well as philosophers . rouse up then your native courage , and let it overcome all things except your clemency , and fear nothing but to stain your innocence ; undervalue your ancestors no otherwise , then by thinking their actions too small a patern for your designs ; and assist your prince , till ye make the world ( which is washt by the sea on all quarters ) that isle which should acknowledge his scepter ; your time makes the richest part of the publicks treasure , and every hour ye mispend of that , is a sacrilegious theft committed against your countrey . throw not then so much time away , ( though some be allowable ) in hunting and hauking which are not the noblest exercises , seing they favour alwayes the strongest , and do incline men ( though surdly ) to oppression and cruelty ( for which reason ( i beleeve ) nimrod the first tyrant , is in scripture observed to have been a mighty hunter ) and with lucullus that glorious roman think it the noblest hunting , to pursue malefactors by justice in peace , and irreclaimable enemies by armies in war. raise siege from before these coye ladies ( i speak no● of the nobler sort , for to court such will obliege you to learn witt , liberality , patience and courage ) who do highten their obstinacy of design to make you lengthen your pursuites , and lay it down before these strong cities , which are by no forc'd metaphor called the mistresses of the world , level their proud walls when they refuse your just commands , with the ground whereon they stand , and leave it as a doubt to your posterity , when they see ruines , to judge whither your fury or the thunder has lighted there . but if ye will justifie your complements to deserving beauties , employ your courage , as well as affection in their service ( for till then ye serve them but by halfs ) and as cesar at his parting told cleopatra , think your selves unworthy of them , till ye have raised your own value by such exploits , as courage has made great , and vertue has made generous . court them as he did her , with no other serenades , then the pleasant noise of your victories ; and after ye have returned , covered not with perfumes , or tissue , but with deserved and blossoming lawrels , then that same vertous courage , which hath forced a passage through walls and ramparts ( piercing where shot of cannon languisht , or gave back ) will find an entry into the hardest heart , which if it yield not to those gallant importunities of fate and fame , it is certainly more unworthy of your pains then ye of its choice . but forget not amidst all your trophees , rather to chastise pride , then to be proud of any your plumpest successes ( which become cheats , not victories , when men are vain of them ) for by so doing you shall become vassals to it : whilst ye toil to enslave others to you , endeavour rather to deserve , then to court fame : for in the one case ye will make it your trumpet , whereas in the other it will become your imperions mistriss ; and ye will thus oblige it to follow you , whereas otherwayes you may weary your selves in following it . the noblest kind of vanity , is to do good , not to please others , or to expect a reward from them , ( and fame is nothing else ) but do so of design , to gratifie your own gallant inclinations , judging that the having done what is good and great , is the noblest reward of both , and scattering , like the sun , equal light , when men look , or look not upon it . the noblest kind of detraction , is to lessen those who rival your vertue , not by obscuring their light , as the dull earth eclipses the moon ; but by out-shining it as the sun renders all these other stars inconspicuous , which shine , but appear not at the same time with it . raise your spirits by these heroick efforts , to so generous a pitch , that ye need not think heaven it self too high for you : and as if all things here below were too unworthy a reward for that courage , to which all those things do at last stoop . attempt heaven ( if ye will be truly couragious ) which the scripture tells us , is taken by violence , and the violent take it by force . and when vertue hath made you too great for this lower world , the acclamations and plauditees of such as consider the heroickness and justice of your actions , shall be driven upwards with such z●●l and ardor , that they shall ( as it were ) rent the heavens , to clear an entry for you there . where when ye are mounted , though cesar , or augustus , alexander , or antoninus , were adorning the skyes , transformed into stars , as their adorers vainly imagined ; yet ye may with pity look down upon them as spangles , which at best do but embroider the out-side of that canopie whereupon ye are to trample . ye shall there have pleasure to see our blest saviour interceed for such as were vertuous , and welcome such as come there under that winning character ; and shall from these lofty seats , see such terrestrial souls , as by their love to the earth , were united , and transformed into it , burn in those flames which took fire first from the heat of their lusts here : which though it be an insupportable punishment , yet ceds in horror to these checks they shall receive from their conscience , for having undervalued , or oppressed that vertue which i here recommend . the authors design and apologie . though i can by no other calculation then that of my sins , be found to be old ; yet in that small parcel of time which i have already transacted , i have , by my own practice , been so criminal , and by my example adopted so many of other mens sins into the number of my own , that though i should spend the residue of my allowance without one error ( which is equally impossible and desireable ) yet that negative goodness being a duty in it self , it could attone my foregoing sins no more , then the not contracting new debts , can be accounted a payment of the old . the consideration of which prevailed with me , to endeavour to reclaim others from their vices , by discourses of this tenor , that in their prosolited practice i might be vertuous , as i have been vitious in the practice of such as have followed my example ; and that i might in the time they should imploy well , redeem what i my self had so mispent . in order to which , i did resolve to address my self to the nobility and gentry , as to those whose reason was best illuminated ; and by prevailing with whom , the world ( who imitats them as they depend upon them ) may be most compendiously gained to the profession of philosophy , and to such as have most leasure to reflect upon what is offered , and fewest temptations to abstract them from obeying their own perswasions : and as physitians do judge their medicaments will be most successfull , when they rather second , then force nature . so i resolved to use the assistance of their own inclinations in my discourses to them , laying aside an enemy , and gaining thus a friend by one and the same task . wherefore finding , that most of them were either taken by an itch for honour , or a love to ease , i have fitted their humors with two discourses ; in the one whereof , i endeavour to prove , that nothing is so mean as vice ; and in the next i shall prove , that there is nothing so easie as to be vertuous . i had , i confess , some thoughts of this discourse , when i first undertook the defence of solitude , but i thought it fit to acquaint my self with writing , by writing to privat persons , before i attempted to write to such as were of a more elevated condition : and that it was fit to invite all men first to solitude , which i prefer as the securest harbour of vertue . but if some would pursue a publick life , as the more noble , i thought it fit to demonstrate to them , that there is nothing truly noble , but what is sincerely vertuous . i doubt not but some will out of mistake ( i hope few will out of malice ) think that the writing upon such forreign subjects , binds this double guilt upon me , that i desert my own imployment , and invades what belongs to those of another profession : but if we number the hours that are spent in gaming , drinking , or bodily exercises ( at none of which i am dexterous ) if we consider what time is spent in journeys , and in attending the tides and returns of affairs , we will find many moe vacant interluds , then are sufficient for writing ten sheets of paper in two years space , especially upon a subject which requires no reading , aud wherein no man can write happily , but he who writes his own thoughts . with which , pardon me to think him a sober wit , who cannot fill one sheet in three hours ; by which calculation there needs go only thirty select hours to ten sheets : and his life is most usuriously imployed , who cannot spare so many out of two years to his divertisements ; especially where the materials are such daily observations , as are thrust upon me and all others by our living in the world , and are so orthodox and undeniable , that an ordinary dress cannot but make them acceptable . and so few ( i may say none ) have written upon the subject , that i am not put to forge somewhat that may be new : but what ever others judge of this or me , i find that it is a part of my imployment as a man and christian , to plead for vertue , against vice. and really , as a barrister , few subjects will imploy more my invention , or better more my unlabour'd eloquence , then this can do . and i find , that both by writing and speaking moral philosophy , i may contract a kindness for vertue , seing such as repeat a lye with almost any frequency , do at last really believe it . neither is there any thing more natural , then to have much kindness , for either these persons , or sciences wherewith we are daily conversant : and by this profession and debate , i am obliged ( though i fear that i satisfie not that obligation ) by a new and strong tye to be vertuous ; lest i else be inconsequential to my own principles , and so be repute a fool , either in not following what i commend , or in commending so much what by my practice i declare is not worth the being followed : and therefore if i cannot pleasure others ( which is my great aime , and will yeeld me great satisfaction ) i will at least profit my self : which , because it is more independent , is therefore more noble , and so will suit best with my subject , though the other would suit better with my desires . a discourse , endeavouring to prove , that point of honour obliges men to be vertuous ; and that there is nothing so mean as vice , or so unworthy of a gentleman . by how much the more the world grows older , by so much ( like such as wax old ) its light grows dimmer ; and in this twilight of it's declining age , it too frequently mistakes the colours of good and evil , and not infrequently believes that to be the body , which is but its shaddow . but amongst all its errors , those which concern honour , are the most ( because conspicuous , therefore ) dangerous ; every fault being here an original sin , and becoming , because of the authority of the offender , an law , rather then an example . some conceive themselves obliged in honour to endeavour to be second to none , and therefore to overturn all who are their superiors : others to think every thing just whereby they may repay ( though to the ruine of publick justice ) the favours done to their private persons , or fortunes . some imagine that they are in honour bound to live at the rate , and maintain the grandour of their predecessors , though at the expence of their starving creditors ( obedient to nature in nothing oft-times , but in this fantastick keeping of their ranks ) and there want not many , who judge it derogatory to theirs , to acknowledge these errors of which they stand convinced . young gallants likewise look upon vertue , as that which confines too narrowly their inclinations , judging every thing mean which falls short of all the length , to which power or fancy can stretch it self : and as a gentile wit hath handsomly exprest it , they believe that honour is nothing but an itch of blood , a great desire to be extravagantly good . and thus whilst every man mistakes his fancy for his honour , they make honour to be like the wind ( from which at that rate it doth little differ ) then which nothing sounds higher , and yet nothing is less understood . to vindicate honour from these aspersions , and reclaim persons otherwayes noble from these errors , i have undertaken this discourse : the nobleness of whose subject deserves , that it had been illuminate by the victorious hand of mighty cesar , and to have been writ by a quill pluckt from the wing of a fame . but i hope the readers will consider , that seing i am able to say so much upon it , that more sublime wits would be able to say much more . and as in refining of mettals , the first work-men require usually least skill ; so i hope that after i have digged up with rather pains , then art , the first ore , it will hereafter be refined by some happier hand . i have in great esteem these honours which are derived from ancestors ( though that be to be great by our mothers labours , rather then our own ) and to those which princes bestow ( though that be but to be gallant in livery ) and i believe that we may justly interpret nebuchadnezzars image ( whereof the head is said to have been gold , the breast silver , the belly brass , the legs iron , and the feet clay , to be a hierogliphick of this lower world , wherein nature hath imprest the several ranks of mankind , with gradual advantages suitable to their respective imployments ; the meaner sort falling like dregs to the bottom , whilst the more refined spirits do like the cream rise above ; these like sparkles flying upward , whilst the others do like the contemned ashes lye neglected upon the level . and seing the wise former of the world , did design by its fabrick , the manifestation of his glory ; it is most reasonable to conclude , that he would adorn such as are most conspicuous in it , with such charms and accomplishments as might most vigorously ravish the beholders into the admiration of that glorious essence they represent . the almighty being hereby so kind to such whom he hath deprived of the pleasure of commanding others , as to give them the pleasure of being commanded by such as they need not be ashamed to obey , and so just to those whom he hath burdened with that command , as to fit them for it by resembling indowments : and as by the heroickness of these who represent him , he magnifies his own wisdom in that choice ; so by their publick spiritedness , he manifests his love to these who are to be governed . thus as amongst the spheres , the higher still roll with the greatest purity : and as in natural bodies , the head , is as well the highest as the noblest part of that pretty fabrick ( from being vain whereof , nothing could let us , but that , as the apostle sayes , it is given us , and is not our own workmanship ) so amongst men ( each whereof is a little world , or rather a nobler draught of the greater ) the highest are ordinarily the more sublime ; for such as attain by election to that hight , must be presumed best to deserve it , such as force a passage to it , could not do so without abilities far raised above the ordinary allowance , and such as by their birth are accounted noble , have ordinarily ( like water ) their blood so much the more purified , by how much the further it hath run from its first fountain : antiquity is an abridg'd eternity , and that being one of gods attributes , these do oft resemble him most in his other attributes , who can pretend with greatest justice to this . and as in natural bodies , duration doth argue a fineness , and strength of constitution , so we cannot but acknowledge that those families have been most worthy , who have worn out the longest tract of time without committing any such enorme crime , or being guilty of either such rashness , or infrugality , as moth away these their linages , which like jonahs gourd , rather appear to salute the world , then to fix any abode in it . yet there is a nobility of extraction much raised , above what can owe its rise to flesh or blood : and that is vertue , which being the same in souls , that the other is in bodies and families , must by that analogy surpasse it as far , as the soul is to be preferred to the body , and this moral honour and nobility prizes its value so far above all other qualities , that the stoical satyrist following the dogma's of that school , is bold to say , that nothing but vertue deserves the name of nobility , nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus . and in opposition to this nobility , but most consequentially to that doctrine , seneca a partisan of the same tribe , doth with a noble haughtiness of spirit tell us , that licet deus nesciret , nec homo puniret peccatum , non tamen peccarem ob peccati vilitatem , though god could not know , nor man would not punish vice , yet i would not sin , so mean a thing is sin . for proving of which , i shall advance and confirm these two great truths , that men are in point of honour obliged to be vertuous , and that there is no vice which is not so mean that it is unworthy of a gentleman ; and shall lead you unto that seraglio of privat vices , of which , though the weakest , seem in our experience to have strength enough to conquer such who pass for great geniouses in in the world : a philosopher will yet find , that these defeats given by them to noble spirits , do not proceed from the irresistableness of their charmes , but from the inadvertance of such as are captivat , and is rather a surprize then a conquest . for these great souls being bussied in the pursuit of some other project , want nothing but time to overcome these follies , or else these vices and passions ( which is a great argumemnt of their weakness ) do then assault such heroes , when they are become now mad with their prosperity . but if we will strip vice or passion of these gaudy ornaments , which error and opinion lends them , or advert to our own actions , we will find , that these overcome us not , but that we by our own misapprehension of them overcome our selves , as will appear , first , by some general reflections , to which in the second place i shall subjoyn some particular instances , and shall by a special induction of the most eminent vertues and vices clear , that there is nothing so noble as vertue , nor nothing so mean as vice. as to the general reflections , i shall begin with this , that if advancment be a noble prize , doubtlesse vertue most by this be more noble then vice , seing it bestowes oftest that so much desired reward . for further proving of which from reason , consider , that no man will cabal with vitious persons ( without which no project for advancement can be promoved ) for , who will hazard his life and fortune with one whom he cannot beleeve ? and who can beleeve one who is not vertuous ; trust fidelity and sincerity , being themselves vertues ? or who should expect to gain by favours , the friendship of such as by their vices are ingrate to god and nature ? who have been to such liberal , infinitly far above humane reach ( and thus likewise vitious persons are contemptibly mean seing they are so infinitly ingrate ) and in this appears the meannesse of vice , that it can effectuat nothing without counterfitting vertue , or without its real assistance : when robbers associat , they entertain something analogical to friendship and trust , else their vices would be but barren ; and without humility shewed to inferiors , the proudest men and tyrants would owe but little to the greatnesse of their spirit : when undertakers league together , either they trust one another , because of their oaths or because of their interests only ; if the first , they owe their success to vertue ; if the second , then they never fully cement , but assist each others by halfs , reserving the other half of their force to attend that change , which interest may bring to their associats , and do such as fight for hire ( interest being nothing else ) acquit themselves with such valor ? as those , whose courage receives edge from duty , charity , religion , or any such vertous principles ? vitious persons have many rivals , and so meet in their rising with much opposition : the covetous fear the promotion of him who is such , and the ambitious , of him who is of the same temper . but because , all expect civility from the debonair , and money from the liberal ; they therefore wish their preferment , as what will contribute to their own interest , and princes are induc'd to gratifie such , as knowing that in so doing , they transmit to their people what they bestow upon such favourits , and that they preclud the challenges of these who repine at their favours as misplac't when not bestowed upon themselves . if there be any thing that is noble or desirable in fame , vertue is the only ( at least as the straightest so the nearest ) road to it , posterity taking our actions under their review , without the byasse of prejudice , passion , interest or flattery , and of such as story cannonizes for its grandees . alexander is not so truly glorious , for defeating the indians , as for refusing to force darius fair daughters ; for in the one , a great part is due to the courage of his souldiers , and the brutishness of his opposers , whereas in the other he overcame the charms of such , as might have overcome all others , and was put to combat his own youth , which had gained for him all his victories : the meanest of his souldiers could have forc'd a prisoner , but fame reserved it as a reward worthy of alexander in this chastity to vanquish a monarch and to gratifie a generous lady ; to displease whom , was as great a crime as it was to ravish others . nor was william the conqueror more honoured , for subjecting a war-like nation , then for pardoning gospatrick and eustache of bulleign , after so many revoltings : for in the one he conquered but these who were lesse then himself , but in the other he conquered himself , who was their conqueror . aristides was esteemed more noble , in under-going a patient banishment , then these usurpers who condemned him to it , whose names remain as obscure as their crimes are odious , whilst his is the continual ornament of pulpits and theaters : and all the roman glories do not celebrat neroes memory to the same pitch with that of seneca's , who did ( like the sun ) then appear greatest , when he was nearest to the setting . alexander is only praised , when we remember not his killing parmenio , and the famous hugh capet of france ends his glory , where we begin to talk of his usurpation : and ( to dispatch ) this is one great difference betwixt vertue and vice , in relation to fame , that vice like a charletan is applauded by the unacquainted ; or like rotten wood may shine in the dark , but it 's lustre lessens at the approach of either time or light ; whereas , though vertue may for a time ly under the oppression of malice ( which martyrdom it suffers only when it is mistaken for vice ) yet time enobles it , and light does not lend it splendor , but servs only to illuminat it's beholders : and so to enable them to discover what native excellencies it posesses . if amphialaus or orondates had been charged in these romance , ye so dote upon with drunkenness oppression or envy , certainly it had lessened their esteem , even with such as most admire , though they will not imitat these vertues . and to shew how much kindness vertue breeds for such as possesses it , consider , how though ye know these to but imaginary ideas of vertue , yet ye cannot but love them ( as ye can love them for nothing else ) seing they never , obliged you or your relations ; and since abstract vertue conciliats so much favour , certainly vertue in you will conciliat much more : for besides that idea which will be common to you with them , some will be obliged thereby to love you , as their benefactors , and others , because they know not when ye will become so . and at least they will honour your vertue , as that which will secure them against your wrongs , and which will assure them of your good wishes , if you cannot lend them your assistance . would not the most prostitute ladies hate statira , or parthenissa , if they had been represented under any one of these their own vices , whose number can find their account no where but in the moments they live , nor excuses no where but in the madness of such as commit them ? and would not our gallants think it ridiculous to see these hero's brought in by or the authors of cassandra , or parthenissa glorying in having made their comrades brutish by drinking , or poor maids miserable by uncleanness , and though whoring be cryed up as one of these gentile exercises , that are the price of so much time and pains ; yet we hear of none of these , who are so much as said to have had a whore , beside to glory in it . but to turn the medal , consult your own experience , and it will remember you of many hopeful gentlemen , whose advancement hath been so far disappointed by these vices , that they fell so low as to become objects of pitty to such as feared them once , as their accomplisht rivals . and to let us see the folly of sin , i have known such as hated nigardliness so much , as that to shun it , they spent their abortive estates before they were full masters of them ; brought by that excess to flee creditors , starve at home , walk in raggs , and which is worse , beg in misery , and so to fall into the extremity of that vice , whose first , and most innocent degrees they laught at in others : and when they beg'd from these who were both authors and companions in their debordings , ( expecting to be supplied , as well by their justice as their compassion ) did get no return but that laughter which was a lesson taught by themselves ; or at best , a thousand curses , for having bred them in a way of living , that did naturally occasion so much mischief . if then poverty be mean and ignoble , certainly vice must be so too , seing beside sickness , infirmity and infamy , it hales on poverty upon such as intertain it . when the world was yet so young , as to be led by sincerity , in place of that experience , which makes our age rather witty then honest . its hero's , who equally surpassed and ennobled mankind by their vertue , were for it deified , even by these their contemporaries , who in possessing much more both riches and power then they , wanted nothing but this vertue to be much greater then they were . and thus nimrods kingdom could not build him altars , though sincere rhadamanthus had fire kindled on his , by the heat of their zeal , who knowing him to be mortal , could not , even in spight of his dying , but worship that immortal vertue which shined in him . and as cicero informs , these gods of the pagans were at first but illustrious hero's , whose vertue , rather then their nature rendered them immortal , and worthy to be worshipped , even in the estimation of such undisciplin'd bruts , as thought the laws of nature a bondage , and the laws of god a fable . we find though licurgus in lacedemon , aristides in athens , and epamenondas in thebes , were not born to command , yet their vertue bestowed on them what their birth denyed , and both without , and against factions , they were elected by their citizens to that rule , which they did not court , and were preferred to such as both by birth and pains had fairer pretences to it . and whilst greece flourished , reges philosophabant , & philosophi regebant : these common-wealths being more numerous then their neighbours , in nothing but their vertues , and stronger then they in nothing but in the sincere exercise of reason : and when tyranny and pride had by wasting these common-wealths , made place for the roman glory , nothing conquered so much the confiners of that glorious state ( whose center was vertue , and circumference fame ) as their vertue . thus the phalerians are by plutarch said to have sent ambassadors to rome , resigning themselves over to the roman government , because they found them so just and noble , as to send back their children who had been betrayed by a schoolmaster : when pirhus was advertised by the romans to beware of poyson from one of his own subjects , who had offered to dispatch him , he did then begin to fear that he should be conquered by their armes , who had already subdued him by their civilities . and such esteem had their justice gained them , that they were chosen umpires of all neighbouring nations , and so gained one of the opposites , first to a confederacy , and then to a dependency upon them . and attalus king of pergamus , did in legacy leave them his kingdom , as to these whose vertues deserved it as a reward ; which occasioned st. augustine to fall out in this eloquent expression , because god ( saith he ) would not bestow heaven upon the romans , they being pagans , he bestowed the empire of the world upon them , because they were vertuous . and many have been raised to empires , by no other assistance then that of their vertue . as numa pompilius , marcus antonius , pertinax and vespasian , whilst the want of this , hath in spight of all the power with which vicious governours have been surrounded , degraded others from the same imperial honours , as tarquinius superbus , domitian , comodus . and generally there is but one emperor to be seen in that long roman list , who was unfortunate , being vertuous : and not one whose vice was not the immediate cause of ruine to its author . antiquity hath also transmitted to us the memory of socrates , zeno , and other philosophers , under as obliging elogies , as these of the most famous emperors , whom vertue ( to let us see that riches and honours are but the instruments of fame , and not the dispensers of it ) hath , without any assistance , raised to this pitch , above these princes , that they have conquered our esteem , without the aid of armies , treasures , senats , or flattering historians ; and cease not like them to command when they ceas'd to live ; but by their precepts and discourses , force worthy souls yet to a more intire obedience , then the others did whilst they were alive , by their sanctions and penal statutes . for princes govern but a short time one nation : and by these laws , they aw but such vitious persons , whom it is more trouble then honour to command . but these illustrious philosophers , and such as imitate their vertue , have thereby attained to a soveraignty over both the wills and judgements of the best of all such as are scattered amongst all the other kingdoms of the world. and marcus aurelius , who was one of the greatest emperors , doth recommend to kings as well as subjects , to think , that one of these philosophers is beholding all their actions , as a most efficacious mean to keep men in aw , not to commit that vice to which they are tempted . i have seen very great men shun to owne even their beloved vices in the presence of such as they needed not fear for any thing but their vertue : and it is most remarkable , that nero , who exceeded all who then lived in power , and all who shall live ( i hope ) in cruelty , did still judge himself under some restraint , whilst seneca was at court to be a witness to his actions . and every vitious person must flee publick , and the light ( which showes the meanness and cowardliness of vice ) when he is to resign himself over to any of these criminal exercises , by which likewise when committed , men become yet more cowards ; for who having spent his life at that unworthy rate , will not ( if he be master of any reason ) tremble and be afraid to venture upon such exploits ? as by taking his life from him , may , and will present him before the tribunal of that god whom he hath offended ; and from whom ( which will not a little contribute to his cowardliness ) he cannot expect that success , vvhereof the expectation lessens , or hightens to its own measures , the courage of such as are engaged . we may easily conclude the meanness of vice from this also , that servants , without pains or art , equal us in them ; for these can whore , drink , lie , and oppress : but to be temperat , just and compassionat , are qualities whereby we deserve , and are by such as know us not , judged to be masters and well descended . and have not servants reason to think themselves as deserving persons as their masters , when they find themselves able to equal , or surpass them , in what they glory in as their great accomplishments ? seing what is imitated , is still nobler then what imitats , certainly vice must be the less noble , because it but copies vertue , and owes to its mask , and our errors , what it possesses of pleasure or advantage . cruelty pretends to be zeal , liberality is counterfeited by the prodigal , and lust endeavours to pass for love. is there any thing more ignoble then fear , which does as slaves , subject us to every attempter ? and have not all vices somewhat of that unmanly passion ? in covetousness we fear the want of money , in ambition the want of honour , in revenge the want of justice , in jealousie rivals ; and when we lie we fear to speak openly . is there any thing more mean then dependence ? and maks not ambition us to depend upon such as have honours ? covetousness upon such as have riches ? and lust upon the refuse of women ? whereas vertue seeks no other reward , then is paid in doing what is vertuous , and owes it's fee only to it's self , leaving vice in the servile condition of serving for a fee even those whom it most hates . and generally in all vices we betray a meannesse , because in all these we confess want and infirmities : in avarice , we appear either fools , in desiring what is not necessar and in dissoblieging friends , hazarding our health , and other necessars for what is not so it 's self or else we confess that our necessities are both greater , and more numerous , then these of others , by heaping together riches and money , which serve for nothing , when they serve us not in supplying our wants . in ambition we confess the want of native honour and excellency , in lust want of continency , in anger we want command of our selvs , and in jealousie we declare we think not our selves worthy of that love alone , wherein we cannot fear rivals upon any other accompt ; and in jealousie men likewise wrong their own honour , in suspecting that of their ladies or friends ; whereas vertue perswads us , that our necessities may be confin'd to a very small number , and that these may be repaired , without any loss of friends , and but little of time : it teaches us that riches were created to serve us ; and that therefore we disparage our selves , when we subject our humour to our servants . and from it we learn , to rate so justly the excellencies of that rational soul , which is the image of god almighty , as to expect from it , and no where else under the sun , any true and solid happinesse : and to accompt nothing more noble then it , except the almighty god , whose offspring it is , and whom it represents . there is nothing more mean then to be cheated , and all vices cheat us , treason promises honour , but leads to a scaffold ; lust pleasure , but leads to sickness , and flattery cheats all such as hear it , and such as are proud are doubly miserable , because they are both the cheaters , and the persons cheated . thus vice cannot please without a crime , and these are even then gaining the hatred and contempt of others , when they are enquiring , or hearing from flatterers , that the people seek no where without them objects of love and admiration . whereas , sacred vertue allows us to admire our selves , and which is more , to beleeve that all these things for which vitious men neglect the care of their souls , are unworthy of our re-search ; and certainly the soul is a more noble creature then that earth , or mettal , which we stain our souls to get : for , our souls do censure all these things ; it finds defects in the noblest buildings , and shews by desiring more , an unsatisfiablenesse in all extrinsick objects ; it determins the price of all other creatures , and like the magistrat in this common-wealth , assigns to every thing it's rate ; to day it cryes up the diamond , and to morrow it allows preference to the rubie : these treats , and colours , which ravish this year , passe the next for no beauty . red hair pleases the italian , and our climat hates it , and it is probable , that this change of inclination , is not a culpable inconstancy in man , but a mark of his soveraignity over all his fellow-creatures . vertue teaches him not to owe his happinesse to the stars , nor to be like some foolish emperours , so fondly vain , as to think that he shall have no other reward for his vertue , then the being transformed into one of these lesser lights , which he knowes to have been created only for a lantern to him , or at best but to adorn , with their numberless associats , that firmament which was created to be one of these least arguments , whereby he was to be courted into a beleife of , and love for that god , who thinks him so excellent a creature , that he is said to be glad at the conversion of a sinner , and to grieve at his obstinacy ; and if we will consider the miraculous fabrick of our bodies , which though we be but dull , yet we may see to be all workmanship ; and wherein the number of wonders , equals that of nervs , sinews , veins , bones or ligaments , the curious fabrick of that brain , which lodges ( without croud or confusion ) so many thousands of different and noble thoughts , the artifice of those various organs , that expresse so harmonious airs and ravishing expressions , the charmingnesse of these lynes and featurs in ladies , which like the sun scorch as well as illuminat the beholders . we may conclude that our soul must be a most excellent piece , seing all this contexture , is appointed to be but a momentany tabernacle for it , when it is in its lowest and unworthiest estate ; and which when the soul deserts , is thrown out with all it's wonders , least it should by its stink trouble the meanest of these senses , which servs the souls of these who are alive . consider how this soul grasps in one thought all that glob for which ambitious men fight , and for some of whose furrowes , the avaritious man doth so much toil . consider , how it despises all that avarice has amas'd , how it is pleased with no external object , longer then it fully considers it , and what a great vacuity is left in our desirs after these are thrown into them ; and by all this we will learn , that vice disparages too much the soul , when it imagins , that any finit thing can bound it's thoughts , and we are but cheated when we listen to these proffers , which vice makes use of honour , pleasure or advantage : for who can be so mean , to think that all these faculties were bestowed upon our souls ? these featurs upon our bodies , and so much care taken of both by providence , for no other end , then that we should admire that wine which peasants make , those colours which prostitute whoors weare , that we should gain fortunes , which serve too oft to corrupt these for whom they are prepared , or respect from such , as bow not to us , but to our stations ? having thus overrun these general considerations , whereby men who are gallant may be courted to a love for vertue ; my method leads me now to fall down to those instances of particular vices and vertues , wherein i may make nearer approaches to the actions of mankind : and seing there is too much of ease , and too little of cogency , in writing full and tedious essays upon these common theams , i shall consider them only as they relate to gallantry , promising no other tract of art in all this discourse , but that i shall pursue my design so closely , as not to imploy any argument against vice , nor assist vertue with one thought , but such as may decry the one as mean , and cry up the other as gentile and handsome . we owe that deference to great men , that even their vices should have the precedency of all others , and therefore i shall begin this invective with dissimulation , which is peculiarly their sin , for when the meaner sort are guilty of the same thing , it is in them called falshood , from which dissimulation differs nothing , but that it is the cadet of a nobler family . and this evinces what an ugly and ungentile vice dissimulation is , seing he is no gentleman who would not choise rather to die , or starve , then to be thought false : all dissemblers shew an inability to compass without these pitifull shifts , what in dissembling they design , for this is the last refuge , and by this courage becomes unnecessary , and we oft see that cowards dissemble best , gallant men laying that weight upon their courage , vvhich the others do upon dissimulation . and at this unworthy game , it is not requisite to be gallant , providing men be vvicked . dissimulation is but a courtly cowardliness , and a stately cheat : and certainly , he is too much afraid of his own , either courage , or fate , and values too much his prize above his honour , or innocence , who can stoop to play this under-boord game : whereas a gallant and generous soul , will not fear any event so much , as to leave his road for it ; and will owne vvhat is just , vvith so much nobleness of resolution , that though fate should tumble down upon him mountains of misfortunes , they may perhaps overwhelm , but they shall never be able to divert him . where are then these gallant resolutions of our fore-fathers ? who scorned even victories gained by teachery , falshood , poysons , and such other unhandsome means ? where is the roman fortitude ? which advertised pirhus of his physicians offer to poyson him , though their greatest enemy , and which caused marcus regulus choise to return to be a martyr for vertue , rather then stain the roman faith ? where are these resentments of the lie in frivolous cases , when great men magnifie in their dissimulation what is in effect lying and treachery ? to deceive one who is not obliged to believe us , is ill ; but to cheat one whom our own fair pretences have induced to believe us , is much worse , for this is to murther one whom we have perswaded to lay aside his arms. and as dissimulation thrives never but once , so to use it cuts off from the dissembler that trust and confidence vvhich is necessary in great undertakings ; for , who will depend on these whom they cannot trust ? and after dissemblers are catcht ( as seldom they escape ) the abused people hate and persecute them as violators of that without which the world cannot subsist . i appeal to the reader , if he hath not heard enemies lov'd for their ingenuity ; and if he hath not seen these cut-throat lights blown out , and end in a stinking snuff : and as if every man had escaped a cut-purse , if every man did not bless himself , and rejoyce to see these dissemblers fall . and i may justly say , that dissimulation is but the theory of cut-pursing , and assasination . consider how unpleasant any thing appears that is crooked , and ye will find an natural argument against dissimulation , and though it hath great patrons , and can pretend to an old possession , and much breeding at some courts ( though all who are gallant there hate it ) yet it is never able to gain esteem , and can defend it self no other wayes , then by a cowardly lurking , and shunning to be discovered . neither can there be so much wit in this art as can justifie its error ; for women , and the meanest wits are oft-times most expert in it : all can do it in some measure , and none ever used it long without being discovered ; and such only are rendred its prey , as make it no great conquest , they being either our friends , who expected not our invasion ; or fools , who are not worthy to be gloried in , as our trophees . there are none of these vices which rage amongst men , more destructive to either their honour , or to the honour of that common-wealth which they compose , then envy , and ( which both follows it , and aggravats its guilt ) detraction . envy is mean , because it confesses that the envyer is not so noble or excellent as the person envied : for none are envied , but such as possess somewhat that over-reaches , or excells what is possest by such as do envy . this vice acknowledges , that he who useth it , wants much of what is desireable , and which is meaner , much of what another possesses , and as if we despair'd of rising to anothers hight , it makes us endeavour to pull him down to the stature of our own accomplishments . most men essay to imitate the actions of these whom they envy ; so that in detracting from these , they leave others to undervalue what they themselves design ardently to perform . and thus , if these detracters be so much favoured by fate , as to atchieve any such great action , as that is which they undervalue in others , they get but a barren victory , and which is more insupportable , they see themselves punished by their own vice. and to convince us how mean vices , envy and detraction are , we may observe , that such as are victorious , judge it their honour to magnifie these who were vanquisht ; and men wound extreamly their own honour , when they detract from persons who are more deserving in the eyes of the world then themselves , for they force their hearers to conclude , that the detracters themselves must be undeserving , seing these who deserve better , are by their confession , cry'd down as being of no merit , which remembers me of this excellent passage in plinius the second , tibi ipsi ministras in alio laudando , aut enim is quem laudas , tibi superior-est , aut inferior ; si inferior & laudandus , tu multo magis ; si superior , neque jure laudandus , tu multo minus . thou serves thy own interest when thou praises others , for either he whom thou praisest , is thy inferior , and then if he deserves to be praised , much more thou , if he be thy superior , and deserves not to be praised , much less thou . all men are either our friends , or our enemies , or such who have not concerned themselves in our affairs . we are base , because ingrate , when we detract from our friends , and we assert our own folly , when by detraction , we endeavour to lessen the worth of those whom we have chosen for such : we lessen likewise our honour , when we detract from our competitors , and enemies , because to contest with undeserving persons , is ignoble , and to be vanquisht by them , has little of honour in it ; whereas , as all events are uncretain , if we be overcome by such as our detractions have made to pass for undeserving , our overthrow will by so much become the more despicable , and to detract from such as expected no wrong from us , and who are strangers to us and our affairs , is not only imprudent and unjust , but is as dishonourable and little gallant , as that is to wound one who expects not our aggression , and whose innocency , as to us , leaves him disarm'd ; and the word backbiting clears to us , that detraction is a degree of cowardlienesse , for it assaults only such as are unprepared , or absent , which is held dishonourable amongst the least of such as have gallantry in any esteem . he who praises , bestows a favour , but he who detracts , commits a robbery , in taking from another what is justly his ; and certainly to give , is more noble then to take . envy is also most prejudicial to great undertakings , seing such as are engaged , must resolve either not to act , what is necessar for compleating so great projects , or if they do , to fall under the envy of these for whom they act them , and the undertakers do obstruct by envy their own greatnesse , because they are by that vice , perswaded to crop such as but begin to perform in their service , attempts worthy of the being considered : how destructive likewise this vice is to the glory of kingdoms , and common wealths , does but too clearly appear from this ; that all who are in them , are either despicable , by not being worthy of the being envyed , or else will be destroyed by that vice , which levells it's murthering engines at such only , who are the noblest spirits , and who deserve most promotion from their countrey . carthage was destroyed by the envy which hanno and bomilcar , bore to hannibal ; who by denying him forces , to prosecut his italian conquests , did involve themselves with him in the common ruins of their countrey ; which shews the dishonourable folly of envy in conspiring against it self , with these who being enemies to both the opposits , sides first with the one , in gratifieing his envy , and then destroyes the other , whose passion it first serv'd . pitifull examples whereof , our own age affoords us , wherein many great men were by envy driven to oppose principles , whereon they knew the publick safety , and their own private interest to depend . flaminius the roman general endangered rome , and terentus varro did almost losse it out of envy to fabius maximus ; and such was the force of envy , that it did defeat the great scipio , and banished him from that rome which he had made both secure and great ; and did by his example cool the zeal of such who retained their blood in it's veins , as in an arsenal , for no other end then the service of their countrey , as a consequence of which envy , it was observ'd , that in the next age most of rome's citizens declin'd rather to entertain that fame , which the former courted , then to be exposed to the cruelty of that envy , which did usually attend it . detraction brings likewise these great disadvantages to our reputation , that it engages both these from whom we detract , and their friends partly out of revenge , and partly for self defence , to enquire into our errors and frailties , and to publish such as upon enquiry they have found , or to hatch calumnies , if truth cannot supply them : and in that case , rate of game obliges us to favour the counterer , for we defend what may be our own case , in favouring what is at present but the defence of others . it legittimats likewise these calumnies which are vented of us , by such as our detraction hath not yet reacht , who will think it their prudence ( like these who fear invasion ) to carry the war into the territories of such , from whom they do upon well founded suspitions expect acts of hostility . if then our own honour be dear to us , we should not invade the honour of others : for , revenge , the activest of passions ( when added to that love of honour which is equal in us and them ) will obliege them to do more against our honour , then we can do in it's defence . whoring renders men contemptible , whilst it tempts them to embrace such as are not only below themselves in every sense , but such as are scarce worthy to serve these handsomer ladies , whom they either do , or may lawfully enjoy . doth not this vice perswade men to ly in cottages ? with sluts , or ( which is worse ) strumpets , to lurk in corners , to fear the encounter of such as know them , and to bribe and fear those servants , who by serving them at such occasions , have by knowing their secrets , attained to such a servile mastery over them , that i have been ashamed to hear gentlemen upbraided by these slaves , in terms , which were the adequat punishment , as well as the effect of their vice. men in whoring must design either to satisfie their own necessities , or their fancy ; if their necessities , then as marriage is more convenient , so it is as much more noble then whoring ; as it is more gentile for a person of honour , rather to lodge constantly in a well appointed pallace , then to ramble up and down in blind ale-houses ; in the one a man enjoys his own , whereas in the other he only lives as theeves do , by purchase : if to satisfie fancy , certainly it should please more , at least it is more honourable to be secure against rivals , then to be sure to be equal'd by them who will fancy a divided affection ? and who can be sure ? that she who destroys her honour for us , will not risign the same to a second , or third ? for besides the experiment we have of her change , oaths , honour and obligations can be no convincing evidents of , or sureties for what she promises , seing she is then breaking these , when she gives strangers these new assurances . and this makes me laugh to hear women so foolish , as to rely upon such promises as are given by men who destroy their nuptial oaths , when they make them . and if women be such excellent persons , as to deserve that respect , and these adorations , which are passionat enough to be payed before altars ; certainly every man should endeavour to secure the esteem of one of these rare creatures , which is more noble , then to rest satisfied with a tenth , or sixteenth part , like men sharing in a caper . and therefore , seing fancy nor honour allow no rivals , i am confident that no man can satisfie his fancy , or secure his honour , in preferring a whore to a wise , or in using whores when he wants one . have not whores ruined the repute of some great men who entertained them ? by causing them neglect to pursue their victories , as thais did to alexander , and cleopatra to mark anthony ? have they not betrayed these secrets wherein their same was most interessed , as dalila did to sampson ? and there is nothing more ordinary , then to hear such ( like herod ) swear that they dare not refuse their mistrisses , what ever is within their reach ; and thus , they must either prove base , in perjuring themselves , if they think not what they say ; are contemptible slaves , both to their passions , and to these who occasion them , if they resolve to perform what they promise : which makes likewise these to be dangerous masters , who depend upon the humour of a woman , and so concluds them unfit to be great . it were then a generous expiation of this vice in such as are opprest by it , to use it ( not it's objects ) as mahomet the great , did his gallant mistriss irene , whose life and head he sacrificed to the repinings of his court , and jannisars , who challeng'd him justly , for loving rather to be conquered by one silly woman , then to conquer the world , wherein she had many , but he no equals . it is noble to deliver ladies out of danger , but not to draw dangers on them , and to punish such as scoff at them , rather then to make them ridiculous ; and what thousands of dangers , are drawn upon ladies , by being debauched , when married , and if they be not married , are they not thereby made the proverb of all such as know them : and to these i recommend tamars words , who when ammon offered to ly with her , told him , thou shalt be as one of the fools in israel , and i whither shall i cause my shame to go ? and after this let them remember , that when he had satisfied his lust , then he instantly ( as is too ordinar ) despised her person . and since ladies will not stain their honour with this vice , till they be married , i conceive they should much lesse after , for there the obligation is doubled . from all which it followes , that lust is equally base and ignoble , whither it discharge it self upon equals or inferiors , betwixt which two , there is only this difference , that it is brutal in the one case , and cruel in the other . there is no vice whereby gallantry is more stain'd , then by breach of promise , which becoms yet more sacrilegious , when ladies are wrong'd by it . and of this , whooring makes men likewise guilty , when it robbs from ladies their husbands , robbing likewise such upon which it bestowes them , both of their honour and quiet . and thus , though it makes such as use it barren ( god in this resistig the propagation of sin ) yet it self brings forth it's faults in full clusters . and nathans parable to david , proves it likewise to be so high an oppression , that no man of honour would commit it , if he would but seriously reflect upon his own actions ; from which parable , this new observation may be likewise made , that though david was guilty of murther and whooring , yet the prophet made choice only of this last to astonish this warlike monarch , and raise his indignation against this vice , when shaddowed out under a forreign and borrowed representation . though murther be so barbarous a crime in it self , that the barbarians did instantly conclude paul guilty of it , when they saw the viper fasten upon his hand . the unjustest caprice of lust is that whereby men contemn such as become their wives , though they admir'd them when they were their mistresses , for in this they confess , it is a meanness to be theirs ; for since that time , the neglecters thought them amiable , they , sweet creaturs have oft contracted no guilt , nor lessen'd the occasion of that esteem no otherwise , then by marrying their inconstant gallants , who seemed to have so warm a passion for them . and it is strange , that men should admire their own eloquence , courage , estates , and all things else they possesse , for no other cause , then because they are their own ; and yet should undervalue their wives ( the noblest thing they possesse ) upon this and no other account . i cannot think nature such a cheat , as that if women had not been the excellentest of creatures , it would have beautified them with charms , and armed their eyes with such piercing glances , that to resist them is the next impossibility to the finding a creature that is more accomplisht then they ; and i confess , the love we bear them , is not only allowable in it self , as an inclination that is of its own nature noble and vertuous , but likewise , because it obliges such as are engaged in it , to despise all mean vices , such as avarice , or fear , and is incompatible with all dissingenuous arts , such as dissimulation , or flattery . and though such as are guilty of whoring , do justifie their debordings by a love to that glorious sex , yet by this pretext they are yet more unjust and vitious then their former guilt made them ; for by roaving amongst so many , they intimat that they are not satisfied with their first choice ; and that not only there are some of that sex , but that there is none in it who deserves their intire affection . or else , by dividing them amongst so many , they think their kindness sufficient to make numbers of ladies happy ; by both which errors , they wrong not only themselves by swearing otherwayes to the ladies to whom they make love , but they wrong likewise the innocence and amiableness of that sweet sex , in whom no rational man can find a blemish , besides their esteem for such persons , as these , who indeed admire them no where but in their complements , and who are oft so base , that not only their society is scandalous , but they are ready to tempt , such as they frequent ; or if they fail in this , are oft so wicked , that they , to satisfie either their revenge , or vanity , do brag of intimacies , and allowances which they never possest . if then gallants would be loved by their mistrisses , they must be vertuous , seing such love only these who are secret , many things passing amongst even platonicks , which should not be revealed . these who are couragious , seing this is appointed to be a protection to the weakness of their sex , and these who are constant , seing to be relinquisht , inferrs either a want of wit , in having chosen such as would quite them without a defect , or else that they were abandoned because of defects , by such as the world may justly from their first ardency , conclude , would never have abandoned them without these : what lady without a cheat , will be induced to love one wasted with pox and inconstancy ? one whom drunkenness makes an unfit bedfellow , as well as a friend ? and though some worship the reliques of saints , yet none but these who are mad , as well as vitious , will worship the reliques of sinners . neither is the meanness of this vice taken off , by the greatness of these with whom it is shar'd : which may be clear from this , that either affection , interest , or ambition , are in the design of these offenders . if affection , it should excuse no more her who is whore to a monarch , then her who is such to a gentleman ; for affection respects the person , but not the condition of such as are lov'd : and it is certainly then most pure , when it cannot be ascribed to , nor needs the help of either riches to bribe , or power to recommend it . but if riches be design'd , then the committer is guilty both of avarice and whoring , and she is not worthy to be a mistriss , who can stoop to a fee like a servant . and she who designs honour and repute by these princely amours , is far disappointed : for though she may command respect , yet esteem is not subject to scepters : and i am confident , that lucretia , who choos'd rather to open her veins to a fatal lance , then her heart to the embraces of a soveraign , is more admired then thais , poppaa , jean shore , and madame gabriel , whose obedience to their own kings , was a crime in them , though it was loyalty in others . blushes are then the noblest kind of paint for ladies , and chastity is their most charming ornament : and if these would send out their emissaries , to learn by them how to reform their errors , as they oft do to inform their revenge , they would easily perceive , that loose men laugh at their kindness , vertuous men undervalue them , and it . and when ever any judgement is poured out upon the kingdom , or misfortune overtakes these minions , then all is ascribed by divines , to their looseness ; and it is one of the allowablest cheats in devotion , to invent miraculous resentments from heaven upon their failours . young ladies , to recommend their own chastity , are obliged , in good breeding , at least to say they hate them ▪ such as are married , are bound by their interest to decry such as may debauch their husbands ; and these who are old , rail against them , as those who place all happiness in what , because of age , they cannot pretend to : whereas such as are chast , are recommended with magnifying praises , for patterns to such as are vitious , and are coppied as admirable originals , by such as are vertuous . and i cannot omit this one reflection , that chast women are more frequently tainted with pride , then with any other vice ; nature , as it were , allowing to them to raise their own value far above others , whom they have ( almost ) reason to contemn , as persons who prostitute themselves ( which , and the word humbling , are the lessening epithets of whoring ) and as such who are nasty , spotted and unclean . lust and obscenity in discourse , run in a vitious circle , and by an odious incest beget one another ; for as lust prompts men to obscenity , so obscenity pimps men in to lust ; but in this , obscenity is more culpable then lust , that in the one , men alledge a natural advantage , and some a necessity ; but in the other , they have no temptation , and so fall under that curse , wo unto them that sin without a cause . in the one , men sin covertly , making by their blushes , as by a tacit confession , some attonement for their guilt ; but in the other , men divulge their sin , and by graceing it , with what , if the subject were honest , might pass for wit , do invite such as wish to be repute wits , first to admire , and then to imitat them in their sinning ; and the best of such as use that eloquence , become thereby most ignoble , being in effect but cooks , who prepare sawces for provoking a lustful appetite in their hearers . and i admire , that seing comedians are hist off the stage , when they attempt it , that such as are so far greater then these , as masters are above buffons , should imagine they can magnifie themselves by it . this vice may well enough be ranged under one of the species of sodomy , seing such as use it , employ in their lust these members , which were so far from being destinat for so low uses , that the psalmist in saying , he will praise god with his glory ( which interpreters render to be the tongue ) doth shew us , that our tongues are amongst the noblest parts of our body . and when i consider how melodious it is in its harmonies ; how eloquent in its expressions ; how whole multitudes are reclaimed from their greatest furies by it ; and how cicero is in spight of all his other faults , so admired for it , that thousands sweat and toil daily , to make one in that number , wherein he is acknowledged to be by them all , far the first . when i consider how miraculously it expresses , with the same motion , so varying sounds , that though mankind be innumerable , yet each in it hath his distinct tone and voice , and how , with little different positions , it signets the same air with words so extreamly differing , that one may think that each man hath a spirit speaking out of him . i must fall out in regrates and wonders , that , and how , so excellent a faculty is so much abused ! neither must we conclude , that because such go away unanswered , that they owe this to the sharpnesse of their wit , but rather to the depravednesse of its subject , wherewith the greatest part of accurat spirits are so little acquainted , that some know not the terms , and others know them only to hate them . we must not think that we admire for wits , such still , at whom we laugh : and i believe many laugh at such as are prophane , as they do at such as they see slip and catch a fall , though never so dangerous . i regrate in this vice , both to see sharp men so vicious , and so much wit so missimployed ; for though we may say here , that materiam superabat opus , yet such is the abjectnesse and worthlessenesse of the matter , that it is not capable of ornament , no more then excrements are to be admired , though they were gilded , and carv'd out by the most curious hand ; and their wit is at least to be charged with this error , that it choises not subjects worthy of their pains : for whereas the quaintnesse of fancy doth , when imployed about indifferent subjects , beget its masters respect ; and when upon excellent admiration , all that it can do here is but to excuse the faults it makes , and so at least is so beggerly an imployment , that it is scarce able to defray its own charges . i account him no wit , who cannot deserve that name , though he be barr'd any one subject , especially such a subject as obscenity is , wherein former trafficquers have been so numerous , and so vacant from other imployments , that as nothing which is excellent , so little that is new can be said upon it ; and what is said , is transmitted from ear to ear , with so much of secrecy , that as no historian will write it , so fewer will know it , then will know any of these witty productions of learning , or moral philosophy , which all men indifferently desire to read and repeat , whereas this will be altogether supprest from succeeding ages , and of the present ladies , states-men , lawers , divines and phisicians are not allowed to give it audience . i have heard women , though loose , say , that they loved none of these who published their shame , though they satisfied their lust ; and that such did oft evaporat their lust in these raileries , or design to supply their defects in such discourses . and i know that lackeys , or bawds , will be more accurate in that kind of eloquence , then the noblest of such as use it ( if any who are noble use it at all . ) men must either think women great cheats , in loving what they weep or blush at , or else they are very cruel , in tormenting their ears with so grating sounds . and if women be such excellent creatures , as mens oaths and complements make them , certainly obscenity must be a mean vice , seing of all others , such decry it most . for complyance with whom , it is strange that these who offer to die , will not much rather abandon a piece of imaginary wit ; and which passeth not even for such , but amongst these who are scarce competent judges . it is most ungentle many for such as frequent ladies , to spend so much time in studying a kind of wit , that not only cannot be serviceable , but which cannot in any case be acceptable , or recreative to these lovely persons , for whose divertisement and satisfaction , even these obscene ranters do pretend that they imploy all their time and pains , and whom they will doubtlesse at some occasions offend , by slipping into one of these criminal expressions , which custome will so familiarize , that it will be as impossible for them to abstain , as it will be for these others to hear what is so spoke , without trouble and dissatisfaction . such as have their noble souls busied about great matters , find little time to invent expressions , or mould thoughts concerning such pittiful subjects ; and i appeal to the worst of these , if they do not abominat such as are in history noted for obscenity , and if they would not hate any , who would adorn their funeral harangue , with no other praises , but that they were so wittily prophane , that they would force ladies to blush , debauchees to laugh , states-men to undervalue them , and chase divines from their table . avarice is so base a vice , that the term sordid is improperly used in morality , when it is otherwise applyed , and by terming one a noble person , we intend to signifie , that he is liberal : this is that vice , which by starving great designs , hinders them to grow up to their full dimensions . none will carry about dismembered bodies , and wear scarres in their service , or to gain victories for these , whose avarice will so little reward their pains , that they oft-times refuse to supply these necessities which were contracted in their own imployments . no great man can have both the hearts and the purses of his inferiors : and few have been famous , or prosperous , but such as have been as ready to bestow riches upon their friends , as they have been ready to take spoil from their enemies . themistocles finding himself tempted to look upon a great treasure , blush'd at his error ; and turning to his servant , said , take thou that money , for thou art not themistocles . rome then begun to be jealous of cesars greatness , when he begun to put the army in his debt ; it was said of that noble duke of guise , that he was the greatest usurer in france , for he laid out his estate in obligations ; and tacitus observes , that vespasian had equal'd the greatest of the roman hero's , if his avarice had not lessen'd his other vertues : which is the observation made by philip de comines , upon lewis the th of france . perseus , out of love to his treasures , lost both his kingdom and these , being as a punishment to his avarice , led in triumph in the company of his coffers , by a roman general , who gloried , and is yet famous for having died almost a beggar . the world love , esteem , and follow such as are liberal ; historians celebrat their names ; souldiers fight their battels , and their beeds-men importune heaven for success to their arms ; but no man can have a kindness for such as will prefer to them a little stamped earth , or value no obligations , but these which bind to a paying of money . and it is well concluded by the world , that no vast soul can restrict all its thoughts to that imployment , which is the task of porters and coblers . in this vice we make our souls to serve our riches , whereas in its opposite vertue , riches and every thing else ( whose price these may be ) are by such as are truly liberal , subjected to the meanest imployment , to which the soul can think them conducive : and the soul is too noble and well appointed an appartment , to be filled with coffers , baggs , and such like trash ; which even these , who value them most , hoord up in their darkest and worst furnisht rooms : and such as are liberal , are the masters ( for it belongs to these only to spend ) whereas the avaricious are in effect but their cash-keepers , who have the power to keep , but not the allowance to spend what is under their custody . i am confident , that zeno is more famous ( and to be rich serves for nothing else ) for throwing away his money , when it begun to trouble his nobler thoughts , then cresus , whose mountainous treasures served only to bribe a more valiant prince , to destroy them and it . and marcus crassus , the richest roman , was so far undervalued by julius cesar , that he said he would make himself richer in one hour , then these riches could their master , which came accordingly to pass , when by his liberality he gained the roman souldiery , and they gained for him the empire of that world , whereof cresus estate was but a small one , though his avarice made it a great spot in him . this vice implyes a present sense of want , and a fear of future misery , to be hoording up what serves for nothing else , except to prevent , or supply us in these conditions . but noble spirits , who design fame and conquests , vertue and religion , raise their thoughts above this low vice , and design not to gain riches , but men , who are masters of these ; and with whom when gain'd , thy can soon bring all things to their devotion : and therefore in point of honour we are obliged to hate avarice , and cherish liberality . though treason cheats with fair hopes of glory and advancement , and at least this vice pretends to have whole woods of lawrels at its disposal , yet the most ordinary preference it gains men , is the being first amongst fools and vicious persons ; for they are then wronging both that honour they possess , and that to which they aspire , when they by their usurpation learn others how sweet it is to rebel against their superiors . and such as imploy the commons against their soveraign , must expect to allow them greater liberty then suits with the honour of governours , and must stile themselves the servants of the people ; how meanly must these flatter that unreasonable crew ? swear friendship with such as have wronged their honour , lye , dissemble , cheat , beg , meet in dark corners with their associats , and suffer as much toil and misery , as wants nothing but the nobleness of the quarrel to make them martyrs . it is not safe for any man in point of honour , to undertake designs wherein it is probable he will fail , and wherein if he fail , it is most certain that his honour will suffer : and there is no crime wherein men are more like to fail , then in this , the rable whom they imploy , being as uncertain , as they are a furious instrument : and like the elephant , ready still to turn head against such as imploy them in battel ; and who will trust the promise of these leaders , ( for without large promises , rebellion can never be effectuat ) who in these promises are betraying their own alledgeance ? and such as these imploy , will ( at least may ) consider , that how soon they have effectuat these treacherous designs , they will either disdain the instruments , as useless , or destroy them as dangerous , and as such , who by this late experience , are abler to ruine them , then they were their predecessors . and when such traitors are disappointed of their designs , they are laught at as fools ( for nothing but success can clear them from that imputation ) and exposed to all the ludibrie , and thereafter to the tortures of enemies , who cannot but be violent executioners , seing their ruine was sought by the rebellion . is there any thing more ignoble then ingratitude ? and these traitors are ingrate , seing none can pretend to these arts but such as have been by the bounty of these , against whom they rebell , advanced to that hight , which hath made them giddy ; and to that favour with the people , upon which they bottom their hopes . and do not men and story talk more advantagiously of footmen and slaves , who have relieved their masters , then of the greatest of such as have rebelled against their princes ? all mankind being concerned to magnifie that wherein their own safety is concerned , and to decry these arts , whereby their ruine is sought . that same people who cut sejanus in as many pieces as he had once favorites , did raise a statue to pompey's slave , for staying by the carcass of his dead master . and as alexander hang'd bessus , who had betrayed to him his master spitamenes and antigonus caused massacre these hygeraspides , who had betrayed the gallant eumenes : so charles the ninth of france , did refuse to punish such as had opposed him , when he was in rebellion ; for , said he , such as have been faithfull to the king , against me , when i was but duke of orleans , will be faithfull to me , when i am raised from being duke of orleans , to be king of france . inconstancy is likewise an ignoble vice , seing it shews , that either men were foolish in their first choise , or , that they were foolish in relinquishing it ; it shews that men are too much subject to the impressions of others , and small or light things are these which are soonest blown off from their first stations : whereas vertuous and constant persons do shew their greatness in the impossibility of their being removed . this vice likewise is unfit for such as design great matters , seing no party will care much to gain such for friends , whom they cannot retain ; and when they tell you that such are not worth their pains , they tell you how mean an esteem they put upon inconstancy . all affairs in the world are subject to change ; and it is most certain , that some occasion , or other , will somewhat raise all parties : to be constant then to any one , will gain him who is fixt , the honour of being sure to his friends , which will magnifie him amongst such as are indifferent , and procure him respect even from his enemies , who will admire him for that quality , which by ensuring their own friends to them , will advantage their interest more then they can be prejudg'd by him , as their enemy , how considerable soever he be ▪ augustine's greatness cannot perswade the world to pardon him this fault , nor can cato's severity ; nor self-murther , disswade them from admiring that constancy , which had as much extraordinary gallantry in it , as may be a remission for his crime : besides , that it made cesar ( even when his victories had raised him to his greatest hight and vanity ) regrate the losing an opportunity to gain so great a person . there is amongst many others , one effect of inconstancy , which i hate , as mean , and unworthy of a gentleman , and that is , to alter friendships upon every elevation of fortune ; as if ( forsooth ) men were rais'd so high , that they cannot from these pinacles know such whom they have left upon the first levell : but really this implyes a weakness of sight in them , and no imperfection in their friends , upon whom they cast down their looks , and who continue still of their first stature , though the others eyes continue not to possess the same clearness . a generous person should not entertain so low thoughts of himself , as to think that what is the gift of another , can add so much to his intrinsick value , as to make him confess in the undervaluing of his former friends , the meanness of his own parts , and former condition : and he obstructs extreamly his own greatness , who obliges his friends to stop , and retard it , as what may be disadvantagious to their interest , by robbing them of so rare an advantage as is a friend . whereas the noblest trial of power is , to be able to raise these whom men honoured formerly with that title : for by this , others will be invited to depend upon them , and they may thereby justifie their former choice , and let the world see , that they never entred upon any friendship that was mean , or low . friendship , the greatest of commanders , hath commanded us to stay by our friend , and he who quites the post assigned to him , is either cowardly , or a fool ; and a gentleman should think it below his courage , as well as his friendship , to be boasted from a station which he thought so advantagious , out of fear of either fate , or interest : which recommends much to me that gallant rant in lucan , when after he had preferred cato to other men , he , in these words , extolls him above the gods , victrix causa diis placuit sed victa catoni . the gods did the victorious approve , but the great cato did the vanquisht love . but lest my tediousness should make the constancy i plead for , seem a vice , i shall say no more of a subject , whereof i can never say enough . drunkennels is so mean a vice , that i scorn to take notice of it , knowing that none will allow it , but such as are mad ; and such as are mad are not to be reclaimed by moral discourses . yet i cannot but press its meanness from this , that though noah was a person of the greatest authority , his once being drunk , is remarked in scripture , to have made him despicable in the eyes even of his own children ( whom he had also lately obliged to a more then natural respect , by saving them from that deludge , which drowned in their sight the remanent of mankind . ) and yet he might have excused himself , more then those of this age , as not knowing the strength of that new-found wine : and having been drunk but once , might have defended himself by curiosity , which too few now can alledge . it is a mean and mad complement , to requite the kindness of such as come to visit us , with forcing them ( after the fatigue of travel ) to drink to such excess , that they commit and speak such follies , as make them return home from that strange place , without being remarked for any thing else , then the ridiculous expressions they vomited up with their stinking excrements . why are servants turn'd out of doors , and each man ( which is very mean ) obliged to serve himself , when men enter upon that beastly imployment ? is it not , that servants may not hear , or see , what extravagancies are there to be committed ? and is it not an ignoble part in persons of honour , to do resolutely what they dare not owne before the meanest who attend them ? men by this vice bring themselves to need their servants legs to walk upon , and their eyes to see by ; but which is worse , they must be govern'd at that time , by the servile discretion of such ( who will be emboldned by this , to undervalue both them and their commands ) and these masters are accounted wisest , who do most submissively follow their directions . judge if that exercise can be noble , which in disabling us to serve our friends , makes us uncapable to discern the favours they do us , and measure its disadvantages by this , that when men have their senses benighted with the vapours of wine , they are thereby unfitted to lead armies , to assist at councils , to sit in judicatories , to attend ladies , and differ nothing from the being dead , but that they would be much more innocent if they were so . men are then very ready to attaque unjustly the honour of others , and most unable to defend their own : and such as they wrong then , do with a scornful mercy pardon their failings with the famness of disdain , which makes them forgive fools , or furious persons : and that in my judgement should be the most touching of all affronts . and if we esteem roots according to the prettiness of these flowers they display ( as if they would give a grateful accompt to the sun , of what its warmness has produc'd ) certainly we will find drunkenness ( as the apostle speaks of avarice ) the root of all bitternesse . for this is that vice , which keeps men at present from attending such of their own , and of their friends interests , as concern most their fame : and as to the future , begets such diseases , and indispositions , as makes their bodies unfit instruments for great atchievments . and seing to talk idly , is the most pardonable of its errors ( which is so unworthy a character , that no gentleman would suffer another to give it of him , without hazarding his life in the revenge ) it 's other madnesse must be beyond all remission . by this , men are brought to disgorge the deepest buried secrets , to reveal the intimacies , or asperse the names of ladies , to enter upon foolish quarrels , and the next morning , either to abjure what they said , or fight injustly their commerads ; and victory is not in that case rewarded with fame , but is tainted with the aspersion of a drunken quarrel , and is ascrib'd not to courage , but to necessity . i confesse , whooring is in this a more extensive vice , then others ; that it corrupts still two at once , for no man can sin so alone , but drinking ( as if it scornd not to be the greatest vice ) does surpasse it in another quality , which is , that one vitious person can force , or tempt whole tables , and companies to be drunk with him : and if great men should be known to love this vice , all such as have need to accoast them , would be in danger , either by complacency , or interest , to plunge themselves into this miserable excess . in other vices , men debauch only their own rational souls ; but here men add to that , the ingratitude of imploying against god , and nature , these rents and estates , which were kept by providence , from more pious persons , that great men might by that testimony of his kindness , be engaged to a religious retribution . so that such as employ their estates , in maintaining their drunkennesse , commit almost the same sacriledge with beltshazzar , who was terrified by a miraculous hand upon the wall , delivering him his fatal sentence , for carousing with his nobles in the sacred vessels , that were robb'd from the temple of jerusalem . my employment , as well as philosophy , oblidges me to implead injustice as the worst of vices ; because it wrongs the best of men , and the best of things ; the best of men , seing they have still the best of plea's . and so , injustice can only reach them , and these will not by flattery , bribing , or cheats , conciliat the esteem of such , as have a latitude to return them this unjust advantage ; which good men neither need , nor will accept . injustice likewise , debauches the law , which is the best of things ; and in affronting whereof , of all others , great men are ( when guilty ) most ungrate : because , it is their guardian , & fence by which they exact respect and treasures from others ; and without which , such magistrats are unjust , could not escape these hourly massacres , which a robb'd and opprest people would poure upon them . and though such , as are generously injust , intend thereby to complement their friends , or repay old favours ; yet in effect , this requital , is as base , as if one should rob a church , to pay his particular debts . he is not worthy of your friendship , who will expect such returns : and vertue is not like vice , so penurious or poor , as that it cannot build upon any other foundation , then the ruins of another . such as intend by their injustice to gain esteem , from the party advantag'd thereby , are much mistaken ; for though , they should gain the esteem of one thereby , yet they would lose that of many thousands ; and he who is wrong'd , will disclose the injustice done him , more then the other dare brag of the favour . and i have my self heard , even the gainer hate and undervalue his injust patron , loving not the traitor but the treason : considering , that by that precedent , himself was laid open to more hazard , then he thereby reapt of advantage ; for that same injustice , which ensured him of his late conquest , made him unsure both of it , and all that he had or should gain thereafter . and to be injust for a bribe , is as mean , as to serve in the worst of employments for a fee , it is to be as base as a thief , and lesse noble then a robber ; and it deserves all these base reproaches , that are due to avarice , lying , flattery , ingratitude , treachery and perjury : all which , are sharers in this caper when it prospers , and when it prospers not , it leads to these ignoble ports , infamy , poverty , the scaffold , pillory or gibbets . though my having usurp'd so far upon the readers patience , makes all i can say for the future , criminal , yet such respect i owe , and such i bear , to the memory of these noble patriots , who have by their publick spiritednesse , settled for us that peace , whose native product , all our joyes are : that i cannot but recommend , that protecting vertue to such as live now , for the noblest ornament of a great soul , and if our actions be specified and measured by their objects , certainly these souls must be accounted greatest , which center all their cases upon the publick good , scorning to wind up their designs upon so small a bottom , as is privat interest . by this , the heathens became gods , and christians do by it ( which is more ) resemble theirs . this is the task of kings and princes ; whereas privat interest is the design of churles and coblers : who can so justly expect universal praise , as these who design universal advantage ? and none will grudge , that riches should be carried into his treasurs , who keeps them but as joseph did his corn in granaries , till others need to have their necessities supplied . these are deservedly stiled patres patriae , and it is accounted moral paricide , to wound the reputation of such as the common-wealth terms its parents . and when these treasures which privat interest have robbed from the publick , shall , after they have stain'd the acquirer with the names of avarice and crueltie , invite posterity to recall them from his offspring , as not due to them ; then such as have like providence toiled only for the good of their countrey , and mankind , shall find their fame like medals , grow still the more illustrious , by all accessions of time ; and that the new born generations shall augment the numbers of their admirers , more then following years can moulder away these heaps of coyn , which avaritious men raised as a monument for their memory . epaminondas is more famous and admired , then cresus ; and fame may be better believed concerning him , seing he left neither gold , nor money , to bribe from it a suffrage . and albeit he was so busied in raising the glory of his countrey , that he had no time to gain as much money , as to raise the meanest for his own ; yet we find him at no loss thereby , seing ▪ each theban assisted at his funeral , as a mourner : and nature lays it as a duty upon all whom it brings to the world , to magnifie him who endeavoured to resemble it , in the universalities of his favours . that glorious roman , who threw himself into the devouring gulf , to avert the wrath of the gods from his countrey , did , in exchange of a few years ( which he but might have liv'd ) add an eternity of fame to his age ; and by the gloriousness of that action , has buried nothing in that gulf , but his personal faults . and brutus , by dying for his countrey , is not more justly called the last of romans , then he may be called the first of men . and for my part , i think that he sacrificed cesar , rather as a victime to his injur'd countrey , then to his private malice . for as mr. couley well remarks , the pretext of friendship ▪ can be no reason , why a man should suffer without resentment , his mother to be violated before his eyes . paul likewise , whom grace had raised as much above these , as reason had raised these above others , was so zealous in this vertue , that after he had known the joyes of heaven more intimately , then others , who had not like him traveled through all these starry regions ; yet such was his affection to his ▪ countrey , that he was content , to have his name deleted out of the book of life , that room might be made for theirs . but if men will love nothing but what will advance their privat interest , they will at least , upon this score , love their countrey , because , when it becomes famous , they will share in the advantage : as the being a roman , was sufficient to make one terrible , when rome flourished . and i imagine , that it was sufficient to incite one of that glorious re-publick , to undertake , or suffer the hardest of things , to remember him that he was a roman : and at all times the unacquainted still esteem us , according to the presumptions they can gather from our countrey , race , and education . for besides that a hawk of a good nest is still preferred : we see , that example and emulation , are the strongest motives that can either induce , or enable men to be noble and valorous ; and though some term this but a fancy , yet , granting it were no more , it is such a fancy , as tends much to our honour , because it hightens in others a fear of us , and lessens in us the fear of them . i may then conclude with this , that as the rays of the sun are accounted a more noble light , then any that is projected from a private candle . and as amongst perfumes , these are accounted noblest , whose emanations dart to the greatest distance ; so amongst souls , these are the most excellent , which respect most the advantage of others . i confess there are some vices , which by shrouding themselves under the appearance of good , do advance themselves too far in ill govern'd esteems , as we see in ambition , and revenge ; yet to our severer inquiries it will appear , that ambition is ignoble , seing such as desire to be promoted , confess the meanness of that state they press to leave . this vice oblidges men to serve such as advance its designs , exchanging its present liberty , for , but the uncertain expectation of commanding others ; and paying greater respects to superiors for this expectation , then it will be able to exact from those whom it designs to subject . what is advancement , but the peoples livery ? and such as expect their happiness from them , must acknowledge , that the rable is greater and nobler then themselves ; and by exchanging their natural happiness , for that which is of its bestowing , they confess their own to be of the least value ; for no man will exchange for what is worse . a courtier admiring the philosopher , gathering his herbs , told him , that if he flattered the emperor , he needed not gather herbs ; was answered , that if he could satisfie himself with herbs , he needed not flatter the emperor ; and without doubt , flattery inferrs more dependence , then gathering of herbs . and in the dispute for liberty , diogenes had the advantage of the stagarit , when he told him , diogenes did dine when it pleased diogenes , but aristotle not till it pleased alexander . vanity is too airie a vice to be noble , for it is but a thin crust of pride , and but a pretending cadet of that gallant sin ; it is i confess , lesse hurtful then pride , because it magnifies it self , without disparraging others , ( for if we admire others when compar'd with our selves ; we are not vain , but proud ) and it is oft the spur to great actions , being to our undertakings , what some poysons are to medicins ; which , though they be hurtful in a dose apart , yet make the compounds they enter , more opperative and pointed . and i have heard some defend , that vanity was no sin , because , in admiring our selves , at a greater rate then we deserv'd , we without detracting from our neighbour , hightned our debt to our maker , which might be an error , but was no fault . but vanity , being an error in our judgement , it cannot but be mean , as all errors are ignoble : and he is avery fool ( which is the ignoblest of names ) who understands not himself . he who understands not his own measurs , cannot govern himself , and so is unfit to govern others ; and it is the employment of a great soul , rather to do things worthy to be admired , then to admire what himself hath done ; but leaving to pursue the croud of it's ill effects , i shall single out some of these i judge most enemies to true gallantry , amongst which , i scruple not to prefer inmeanesse , the being vain of prosperity , and derived power : which shews , that we prefer , and admire more what others can bestow , then what we possesse our selves . whereas , vertuous persons , may justly think , that nothing can make them greater , and to be vain of prosperity , shewes we cannot bear it ; and so concludes us under a weakness : to take advantages of others , when we are more powerful then they , is as base , as it is for an arm'd man to force his enemie to fight , when he has no weapon : this is cowardlienesse , not courage , and who defers not his revenge , till his rival be equal with him , implys a fear of grapling upon equal termes . that one expression , of one of the kings of france , that he scorn'd when he was king of france , to remember the wrongs done to the duke of orleans , makes his name grateful in history , and if great men would reflect seriously , how a word from him they serve ( though but a man who must himself yeeld oft times to a mean disaster ) or how the least error in their own conduct , can overturn the fixtest of their endeavours , and make them in being unfortunat , ridiculous withal , certainly they would call this presumption , rather madnesse , then vanity ; and would conclude it more gallant , to bear adversity , with a generous courage , then to be a fool or flattered by prosperity , which vanquishes as oft , these for whom , as these against whom it fights . neither can i leave this period , till i inveigh against that meannest of vanities ; whereby , men are vain of estates and territories : for , seing man is born lord of all the world , why should he retrinch his own right , by glorying in so little a part of it , that his share will escape an exact geographer . i wish such would remember , that pompey bestowed kingdoms upon his slaves , and yet epictetus , who was a slave , is more admired , then he ; and yet admired for nothing , but his vertue : and why should men be proud , of enjoying that , upon which the meanest begger pours out his excrements if these be vain , because they may call it their own , what hath the master but that ( as solomon says ) he beholdeth it with his eyes , and at this rate , i may glory , in that the glorious heavens are spread over me , for i may behold the one , with as impropriating eyes , as he can do the other . and he who wants a tomb , which these have , have the heaven for a vault and burial place — coelo tegitur , qui non habet urnam . but if the answer be , that these rents will allow them the keeping of a table for their grandour ( which i wish , were the only excuse ) that answers makes them servants , and burdens them with a necessity , to provide for such as they entertain ; and so they are vain of being servants , and servants to such , as will rise from their table , to read and admire above them , plato , socrates , or which is lesse , the author of a well contriv'd play ; but to leave this folly , these may have some pretext , for preferring their own estates , above these of others , but why should they admire themselves for their estates ? which is no part of themselves , and so they should not in reason think better of themselves then others for it . under the same condemnation fall such , as are vain of theis horses , lackeys , or such like things , which is most injust , except their horses and they were all one . such as crust themselves over with embroideries , and after they have divided their time , betwixt their comb and their mirrours , are vain of these silly toyes , which are the creaturs and workmanship of servants , must be certainly very low , and mean spirited , when they imagin to add to their natural value , by things that have no value in them , but what our fancy ( which is the most despicable quality of that soul they neglect ) gives them . and do not they amongst the rest of mankind , disparage very much even these mistrisses upon whom they bestow these adorations ? which they deny their mighty maker , when they imagine by such contemptible means , to scrue themselves into their esteem . how ignobly undervalue they their own thoughts , the noble conversation of excellent men , and accurate books ( to write some whereof , cesar , and the greatest of the emperors have laid aside their swords ) when they impend upon ribbans , and laces , that age of time , which would be missimployed , though it were let out but in moments , upon such womanly exercises . but if ladies , or their suitors , will magnifie these handsome shapes and colours , which are too often bestowed upon them , to repair the want of these noble qualities , of which those who are masters may be more justly vain : why are not they afraid ? by whoring , fairding , drinking , gluttony , or macerating envy , to blast these florid advantages upon which themselves do , and would have others to dote . i must here endeavour to subdue one error , which is by so much the more dangerous , that it wears the fairest mask of all other vices : and this is that whereby men are induced to believe , that true honour is but an appanage of preferment , and that preferment is seldome without honour , but honour comes never without preferment ; and not only are the lees of the people taken with this opinion , but the gallantest of men , who are spheared far above those , do in this , slide easily into the sense of the neighbourhood . yet it remains still an error , for true honour is an innat elevation of the soul , whereby it scorns every thing which is more mortal then it self , and nothing is more frail then preferment ; whose paint is washt off by the least storm , and whose being depends upon the fancy , or humour of others : whereas true honour is independent , and as it cannot flow from any other , so cannot stoop to them . he is truly gallant , whose innocence fears not the jurisdiction of men ; and who looks upon scepters , and such gilded trifles , as impertinent toyes , when they are not sway'd by the hand of vertue ; and who would not value power for any other end , but to be a second to these inclinations which are so reasonable , that they should not need power to make them be obeyed ? tyrants can bestow the tallest preferments , but they cannot make men truly honourable ; which shews that these two differ . and heliogabulus cooke was still but a base fellow , though his masters doting made him as great , as were his own vices ; a statue becomes not taller by the hight of its basis , nor a head more wise , or noble , for being adorned with a shaggie plummage . julius cesar , though no emperor , has a more lasting glory then tiberius who was so . and cato gloried more in that the people asked why he was not preferred , then he would have done in enjoying the greatest honours these had to bestow . preferment is but the creation of men , but true honour is of gods own creation ; and as we should esteem this last as a piece done by the nobler master , so we should love it best , because it is more our own , then what rises from anothers favour . greatness , when most advantagiously bestowed , can but produce love , or fear ; to beget fear , is not noble , because the devil doth this most , and these who come next to him in baseness , come nearest him in this brutes , savages and mad-men , have sufficiency enough for that undertaking ; but to beget love , is peculiar to true honour : and so generous a passion is love , that it is soonest elicit , when least commanded . a vertuous person is likewise a greater governour , then he who suffers himself to be commanded by a vicious woman ; a thirsty appetit , then that king who suffers himself to be led by the ears with flatterers , and to be forced by his own pride to disobey his reason , by which alone he is truly great , and which when any man disowns absolutely , he is to be thrown into a dungeon , or bedlame : preferment leaves and obliges us to bow to others , for satisfying our interest , so that interest is confest by great men , to be greater then they . but vertue and true honour teacheth us to subject our interest to our selves , and puts it in our own power to make our selves happy . and what a pilot is in the ship , a general in an army , the soul in the body , that is a philosopher amongst these with whom he converses . necenim nunquam in tantum convalescet nequitia , nunquam sic contra virtutes conjurabitur , ut non virtutis nomen venerabile & sacrum maneat . sen. epist. . to which purpose i must cite statin . silv. vive mide gazis , & lido ditior auro , troica & euphrate supra diademate foelix quem non ambigui fasces , non mobile vulgus , spemq●● metumque domas , vitio sublimior omni . exemptus fatis . in revenge , we must use instruments , who exact more , and will upbraid us more then the law will do , when it satisfies us our wrongs . and does not the philosopher , who denys that he can be wrong'd more nobly ? then he who confesses , that he is both subject to wrongs , and hath received so great a one , that he cannot but pursue it's revenge ? he who con●eals his wrongs , is only wrong'd in privat ; whil'st he who revenges his wrong , is wrong'd in publick : and certainly , the publick wrong is more ignoble . and seing we conceive our selves concern'd in honour , to punish such as would divulge an affront , that was smothered , as soon as given : we can not but be said to wrong our own honour , when we in seeking revenge , proclaim such wrongs , as had else either evanisht , or been lessened by the concealment ; which remembers me of a story , that goes of an old man , at whose bald head , a rotten orange being thrown in the street , clapt his hat upon it ; and said , i shall spill that villans sport , who expected to see me come shewing my head all besmeared over , and complaining of the injury . it is one of the most picquant revenges , to undervalue our enemies so far , as not to think them worthy of our noticeing , and we shew our selves to be greater then they , when we let the world see , that they cannot trouble us , when children and fools do us the same things , that we fret at in others of more advanced years , we passe them without a frown ; which shews , that it is not the acts done us by our enemies , but our own resentment , which in effect injures us ; so that it is still in our power to vex such as design to affront us , by laughing at , or undervaluing these , and such like little endeavours as what cannot reach our happiness . he who pardons , proclaims that by so doing , he fears not his enemies for the future ; but revenge implyes a fear of what we desire upon that account to lessen . thus cowards , and none but they , are cruel , seing they then only account themselves secure , when their enemies have lost all capacity to resist . in revenge , we act the executioner , but we personat a prince when we pardon ; in the one , we bestow a favour , and so are noble , but in the other , we disclose our infirmity , which is ignoble . i admire passive courage , as a vertue which deserves its palms best of all others , because it toils most for them , honours and rewards are but gifts to them , but they are conquests to it : and it merits as much praise , as it meets with injuries . avida est periculi virtus , & quò tendat non quid passura sit cogitat , quoniam & quod passura est , gloriae pars est : this vertue hath rather a greediness for , then a desire to find dangers ; and seing its sufferings make the greatest part of its glory , it runs out to meet them , thinking that to attend them , is a degree of cowardliness . and if we remark narrowly , we will find that all other vertues owe their gallantry to this : and have no other title to that glorious quality , but in so far as they borrow excellencies from it . friendship is then only gallant , when to gratifie our friends , we expose to injuries for them , either our persons , or interest . gratitude is then noble , when we consider not what we are to suffer ; but what we owe , or ( which is more gallant ) what is requisite for the service of such as have obliged us . justice is alwayes excellent , but is then only most to be admired , when we resist temptations , and when we resolve to suffer for having been just ; the envy and rage of these , who consider only how much they have been prejudged , but not how much the publick good hath been thereby advanced . by this it is that a vertuous person shews how great he truly is , and that power and command were the instruments only , but not parts of his former worth . he who yeelds to affliction , shews that those who inflicts it , are greater then himself ; but he who braves it , shews that it is not in the power of any thing but of guilt , to make him tremble . it is easie for one who is assisted by power and fate , to urge these advantages , but to dare these , shews a pitch beyond them : and this induces me to think , that passive courage is more noble then what is active : for one who fights gallantly in an open field , and in the view , or front of an army , is assisted by the example of others , by hope of revenge , or victory , and needs not much fear that death which he may shun , as probably as meet : but he who in a noble quarrel , adorns that scaffold , whereupon he is to suffer , evinces that he can master fate , and make danger less then his courage , and to serve him in acquiring fame and honour . but this vertue deserves a larger room , then my present weariness will allow it in this paper : and therefore i will leave it for praises to its own native excellencies . i shall ( my lords and gentlemen ) leave these reflections to your own improvement , for i am confident that the heat of your own zeal for vertue , will kindle in your breasts such noble flames , as that by their blaze , ye may see further into this subject , then i can discover : and in this essay i desire to be esteem'd no otherwayes presumptuous , then a servant is , who lights his master up these stairs which himself intends to mount . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e native honour commended . dan. . vertue contributes more to advancment then vice can do . vertue is more conducive to fame then vice. au argument from romances . vertue railed the grecian and roman empires . vertue hath made philososophers to be admi red above princes . vice must lurk , and is cowardly . servants equal masters in vice. vice but coppies vertue . all vices imply fear . all vices make us depend upon others . vertue allows us a just value of our selvs . dissimulation . envy & detraction . vvhooring . obscenity . avarice and liberality . rebellion and perfidie . inconstancy . an invective against unconstant friendships . ` drunkenness . injustice . publick spiritednesse . ambition is a mean , vice . vanity . the meanness of being vain of riches and eestates . the meaness of vainity in apparel . preserment is not still honourable . the ignoblenesse of revenge the gallantry of patience ▪ the iudgment of humane actions a most learned, & excellent treatise of morrall philosophie, which fights agaynst vanytie, & conduceth to the fyndinge out of true and perfect felicytie. written in french by monsieur leonard marrande and englished by iohn reynolds jugement des actions humaines. english marandé, léonard de. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the iudgment of humane actions a most learned, & excellent treatise of morrall philosophie, which fights agaynst vanytie, & conduceth to the fyndinge out of true and perfect felicytie. written in french by monsieur leonard marrande and englished by iohn reynolds jugement des actions humaines. english marandé, léonard de. cecil, thomas, fl. , engraver. reynolds, john, fl. - . [ ], , - , [ ] p. imprinted by a. mathewes for nicholas bourne, at ye royall exchange, london : . a translation of: jugement des actions humaines. the title page is engraved and signed: t cecill sculp. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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(leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic vera felicitas the ivdgment of humane actions a most learned & excellent treatise of morrall philosophie , which fights agaynst vanytie & conduceth to the fyndinge out of true and perfect felicytie written in french by monsieur leonard marrande and englished by iohn reynolds london imprinted by a. mathewes for nicholas bourne , at the royall exchange i cecill sculp . to the right honovrable , and truly noble , edward earle of dorset , lord lieutenant of his majesties counties of sussex , and middlesex : lord chamberlaine to the queene : one of the lords of his majesties most honourable priuie councell , and knight of the most illustrious order of the garter . his singular good lord and master . right honovrable , either by earthly accident , or heauenly prouidence , meeting with this late imprinted french treatise , of the iudgement of humane actions , written by monsieur marande ( a name that i more honour then know ) and diuing into the perusall thereof , i found it for matter so solide , and for phrase so curious a master-peece of morall philosophie , that i sawe my selfe engaged ; yea and in a manner bound to deuest it from its french garbe , and to sute it in our english attire and habite ; as desirous that england , as well as france , should participate of that benefit and felicitie . but as i was entering into this taske , and casting my selfe vpon the resolution of this attempt ; i was instantly met and assayled by an obstacle of no small importance ; for considering that france hath now made , and declared her selfe englands enemie , and cons●quently giuen vs no iust cause or reasons to loue french men , but many to hate them , i therefore ( in honour to my prince and country , to whose prosperity and seruice , my best blood and life shall euer bee prostrated ) at first began to reiect this booke , because written by a french man , and so to looke on the translation thereof , rather with an eye of contempt then of affection : but at last recollecting my thoughts , and considering that peace is the gift and blessing of god , and char●ty the true marke of a christian , i therefore from my heart and soule wishing and desiring , a safe , honorable , and perdurable peace betweene these two mighty neighbour sister kingdom●s in particular , and to all christians , and the whole christian world in general . and also well knowing that learning is vniuersally to be cherished , and vertue honoured in all persons , times , and places of the whole world , without exception or distinction ; then ( these premi●es considered ) this my last consideration preuailed and vanquished my first , and so i re-assumed my former designe and resolution to finish it ; although ( in regard of the deepe matter , and the knottie , and elegant stile thereof ) i ingeniously confesse , that many gentlemen , both of england and scotland , had beene farre more capable for the discharge and performance thereof then my selfe . hauing thus made my selfe an english eccho to this french author , and now in these times of warre taken this booke , as a rich french prise , and landed him on our english shores ; where should this impe of my labour looke , but on your ho : on whom my hopes & heart haue euer looked , or to whom else should it flye for harbour and shelter , but onely to your lordship , who ( in all the stormes and tempests of these my weather beaten fortunes ) haue so graciously and generously serued me both for shelter , and harbour , when the immerited malice of some , and the vndeserued ingratitude of others haue denied it me ; the which yet i speake and remember , more out of sensibility to my selfe , ●hen any way out of passion , much lesse of enuie to them , as resting contented with this resolution , to keepe the griefe thereof to my selfe , to leaue the shame to them , and to giue the thankes and glory to your honour . as this booke of marande is curious , so he made his dedication thereof , wherefore led by the fame , and lustre of his example , i could doe no lesse then immitate him herein ; for as he directed it to the cardinall of richelieu ; so your lordships merits , and my dutie , enforce me to inscribe it to your honour , who are as much the cardinalls equall in vertues , as by many degrees his superiour in bloud and extraction . and although i well know , that shall rather wrong mine author , then right my selfe , to erect or proffer any pa●●gerike ( to his merits and iudgement ) on this his booke ; because of it selfe i● sufficiently pe●formes and acts that part : yet when your lordship● leasure and pleasure shall borow so much time from your great and weighty ●ff●ires of the state , to giue it to the perus●ll and contemplation of this his booke ; i doubt not but you will then see and acknowledge , that marande herein , as another cornelius agrippa , learnedly fights against the vanitie of humane sciences , ; and as a second montaigne iudiciously contests against the poyson of our hearts , i meane against our intemperate ( and therefore our pernicious ) passions . for in this worke of his ( as in a rich treasurie and sacrary of nature ) he ( with a zeale and iudgement euery way worthy of himselfe ) laughes at the vanitie of all humane artes , and actions , as also generally at all the presumptuous , and profane professors thereof ; and by reasons as cleare as the sunne ; passeth his iudgement on them , prouing god to bee the sole author and giuer of wisdome ; and that god , and none but god ought to bee the onely obiect of our desires and affections . here hee hath deuested and stript our passions naked , and curiously delineated and depointed them to vs in their true colours , and naturall deformity . heere he hath taught vs to beleeue , and our thoughts and resolutions to know , that exorbitant ambition prooues most commonly the bane of our hearts , the poyson of our mindes , and the arch-enemie , and traytor to our owne fortunes and f●licitie . here hee hath curiously arraigned , and anatomized the power , and functions of the senses , and shewed vs how violently and maliciously they euery moment conspire to corrupt our bodies , and to betray our soules to sinne , and voluptuousnesse . here he hath brought home to our vnderstanding , and iudgement , what power our soules haue ouer our bodies , and god ouer our soules , and that our bodies can expect no true tranquillity , or felicity here on earth , except our soules doe first fetch it from heauen , and deriue it from god. and here hee hath crowned reason to be the queene of our soules , and adopted vertue to bee no lesse then a princesse and daughter of heauen , and taught vs how tenderly and religiously we ought to loue either , and honour both of them , sith thereby , they will then infallibly prooue the two spirituall guides to conduct vs to true happinesse in this life , and consequently to bring vs to true felicity and glory in that to come . which considered ; as also that such is the vniuersall iniquity of our times , & the generall deprauation and corruption of our liues and manners , that through the darke cloudes of our humane vanitie , and ambition , we many times cannot see reason for passion , nor permanent felicitie , for transitory delights , and pleasures . and therefore that the world ( or rather the courts of kings and princes , which is the pride and glory thereof , very often vseth vs not as a lady of honour , but as a deboshed strumpet or courtisan ; who many times strangleth vs , when shee makes greatest shew to embrace and kisse vs , and the which in that regard and consideration i may pertinently and properly parallell to the panther , whose skinne is faire , but his breath infectious . therefore out of the zeale of my best prayers , and the candour and integrity of my best seruice and wishes , eternally desiring and wishing , that your lordships prosperities and honours may bee as infinite as your vertues and merits , and as immortall , as you are mortall ; i hope , and implore , that your honour will please to pardon this my presumption , for proffering vp this poore epistle to your rich consideration ; and for being so ambitious to make this vnworthy translation of mine soare so high as to your honourable protection and patronage , in affixing , and placing your noble name thereto , as a stately porch , or front , to this rich and stately temple of vertue . not , but that i perfectly know that your honour is plentifully and aboundantly furnished with great variety of sweet preseruatiues , and sound , and salubrious antidotes , both against your owne humane passions , as also against the frownes , and flatteries of the world : but yet i could giue no satisfaction to my selfe , before i had giuen this booke the desired ( though not deserued ) honour to kisse your lordships hands ; for the transplantation thereof being mine , my duty , and seruice prompted mee that i must needes direct and consecrate it to your honour , as well by the right of a iust propriety , as by the equity of a commanding obligation , and therefore of a necessary consequence . againe , your honour louing vertue , and cherishing philosophie , so tenderly and deerely in your selfe , i thought that others would be the sooner induced and drawne thereto by the powerfull influence of your example , and therefore , that the dignity and lustre of your name , would serue as a sure pasport to make this booke passe current , with the different affections , pallates , and censures of his readers whom now it goes foorth to meete with . in which regard i hold it more presumption in me toward your honour , then neglect towards them , to make this your epistle serue likewise for them , as being equally resolued , neither to court their fauours , nor to feare their reprehensions and heere before i shut vp this my epistle ; i beseech your honour to bee pleased farther to vnderstand , that in this translation i haue sometimes borrowed from the letter , to giue to the sense , by adding voluptuousnesse to pleasure , shewe to apparance , and affliction to euill , or the like ; a liberty which i hold tolerable in a modest interpreter ; as also i haue sometimes added griefe , to paine , although according to the rules and grounds of logicke , i know that the last hath reference to the body , and the first to the soule : but i did it purposely to make it speake the more significant and fuller english ; because your honour knowes so well , as no man better ; that as other languages , so english hath her peculiar idioms , and proper phrases and accents , which may but ( yet in my poore opinion and iudgement ) ought not to be omitted or neglected . i will no farther vsurpe on your lordships patience , but will leaue this booke , to his fortune , and my selfe to your wonted honourable fauour ; so wishing all encrease of earthly happinesse , and heauenly fefelicity to your honour , to your honourable , and most vertuous countesse , and to those sweet and noble young plants your children . i will liue and dye in the resolution , euer to be found your honours humblest seruant , iohn reynolds . a table of the discourses , and sections which are contained in this booke . the first discourse . of vanitie , section i. man diuerteth his ey●s from his condition , not to know the deformity thereof , and abandoneth them to follow his owne vaine imaginations . pag. section ii. the wisedome of man cannot free it selfe from vanitie , so naturall she is to it . pag. the second discourse . of the senses . section i. the soule and the body are vnited together 〈…〉 strong ●●inke , that as the 〈…〉 by the meanes of the soule : so the soule cannot moue towards externall things , nor know them , but by the meanes of the senses . pag. section ii. the different operation of the senses concludes not that there are fiue , no more then the different effects of the rayes of the sunne , that there are many sunnes . section iii. nature being icalous of secrets , permits not the senses to discouer the essences of things , nor that they can conuey any thing to our vnderstanding , that is not changed and corrupted by them in the passage . section iv. science ( or knowledge ) is the marke and seale of the diuinity , but that which resides among vs here in earth , is nothing else but abuse , trumpery , and vanitie . pag. section v. man hauing some knowledge of himselfe ( although it be imperfect , ) as also of those whom he frequents , hee contemnes their learning , and esteemes none but that which is growne in forraigne countries , or which hee receiues from an vnknowne hand . the third discourse . of opinion . section i. to cut off the liberty of iudgement , is to bereaue the sunne of her light , and to depriue man of his fairest ornament . pa. section ii. all things wonderfully encrease and fortifie themselues through opinion . section iii. opinion very ill requi●es the greatnesse , to hold her still in shew and esteeme , and to giue all the world right to controle her actions . section iv. the common people haue no more certaine , nor cleare seeing guide , then opinion . section v. opinion ( as an ingenious painter ) giues those things which enuiron vs such face & figure as it pleaseth . section vi. opinion leaues nothing entire , but its corruption , and pardoneth not vertue her selfe . the fourth discourse . of passions . section i. stormes arise not so many surges on the sea , as passions engender tempests in the hearts of men . section ii. we may say of loue , that which the romanes said of an emperour ▪ that they knew not whether they receiued more good , or euill of him . section iii. ambition hath no mediocrity ▪ and feares not his burning , if the fire of heauen , or the thunder-bolt of iupiter furnish him the first sparkles . pa. . section iv. couetousnesse is only iust , in that it rigorously punisheth those whom it mastereth and commandeth . section v. fortune hath not a more charming lure , or bayte , then our owne hope . section vi. feare casts her selfe into the future time , as into a darke and obscure place , thereby with a small cause , or subiect , to giue vs the greater wonder and astonishment . section vii . of all passions there is no greater enemie of reason , nor lesse capable of councell then choler . section viii . passions haue so deformed a countenance , that albeit they are the daughters of nature , yet wee cannot loue them , and behold them at one time . the fift discourse . of felicitie . section i. every thing naturally tends to its repose , onely , man strayes from his felicity , or if he approach it , hee stayes at the branches , insteed of embracing the trunke or body of the tree . section ii. it is not without reason that wee complaine of fortune , because hourely shee teacheth vs , her mutable and variable humour . pa. section iii. wealth and riches are too poore , to giue vs the felicitie which we seeke , and desire . section iv. glory and reputation hath no thing which is solide but vanity , we must therefore else-where seeke our soueraigne contentment . section v. honours , and dignities expose to the world all their splendour and glory : but contrariwise , felicity lockes vp all her best things in her selfe , and hath no greater enemie then shewe and ostentation . section vi. among all the faire flowers which an extreame fauour produceth , wee haue not yet seene this felicity , to bud forth , and flourish . section vii . kings , and soueraigne princes owe vs their continuall care and motion , as the starres doe ; and therefore they haue no greater enemie then repose and tranquility . section viii . as the light is inseparable from the sun , so felicity is an inseparable accident of vertue . the sixth discourse . of morall vertue . section i. sicke ( or distempered mindes ) are not capable of all sorts of remedies , but they shall finde none more soueraigne then the diuerting thereof . pag. section ii. the life of a wise man is a circle whereof temperance is the centre , whereunto all the lynes , i meane , all his actions should conduce and ayme . section iii. to thinke that vertue can indifferently cure all sorts of euils or afflictions , is a testimony of vanity , or else of our being apprentices and nouices in philosophy . section iv. as it belongs to none but to the minde to iudge of true or false , so our sense ought to be the onely iudge either of pleasure or paine . section v. although wee graunt that mans felicity consists in vertue , yet i affirme ( against the stoicks ) that felicity is incompatible with griefe and paine . section vi. mans life is a harmony composed of so many different tones , that it is very difficult for vertue to hold , and keepe them still in tune . pag. the ivdgement of hvmane actions . the first discourse . of vanitie . section . i. man diuerteth his eyes from his condition , not to know the deformitie thereof , and abandoneth them , to follow his owne vaine imaginations . my enterprise to depaint , and chalke out the vanitie of man , hath ( it may be ) no lesse vanitie in his designe , then in his subiect , but it greatly skils not to what i intend to speake , for whatsoeuer i say , or doe , i still aduance ; i say , it imports not where i strike for all my blowes ▪ are directed and bent to fall on vanitie ; and if the pensill be not bold , and the colours liuely enough , we will imitate the industry of that painter , who being to represent ( in a table ) the sorrowes of those who assisted at the sacrifice of iphigenia , most ingeniously ouervayled the face of this virgins father with a courtaine ; as well knowing that all his art and industry was incapable , and confused herein ; if hee should vndertake to represent at life all the parts and passions which sorrow had so liuely imprinted on his face . it were a happinesse if onely to overvaile the face of man , were to couer all his vanities , but when wee haue extended this vaile or courtaine ore all his body , i much feare there will yet remaine more to be concealed and hidden , then that which wee haue already couered : for this imagination cannot suffer this constraint , and his desire which followes him with out-spred wings , findes no limmits but in her infinity . man is composed of body , spirits , and soule ; this animated body participates most of earth , as neerest to the place of his extraction , and to say truely , is a straying and a vagabond plant ; the spirits participate most of the ayre , and serue as the meanes or medium to fasten , ioyne , and stay the soule , which falles from heauen into the body of men , as a ray or sparkle of the diuinitie that comes to reside in an vnknowne place . those spirits which dwell in the bloud are as little chaines to vnite and fasten the soule to the body , which comming to dissolue , from thence followes the entire dissolution of this compound . they participate as partakers of these two contrary natures by the extremities ; that which is most pure and subtill in them , is vnited to the superiour parts , as that which is grosser is vnited and fastned to the affluence of bloud ; and these are they that so dexterously make affections to flye from one to the other subiect , which they embrace so strictly and deerely , and in this marriage is sworne communitie of goods and wealth , or rather of misery , they haue no longer but one and the same interest , and in this mixture , actions as passions distill from these different springs , by one onely and the selfe same pipe . they wedde themselues to contentions and quarrels , which are not easily appeased ; but notwithstanding this discord , they maintaine themselues in their perpetuall warre ; fearing nothing but peace , which is separation . doth it not seeme to thee , o man , that thou much deseruest to bee lamented and pittied , sith in the composition of such different pieces , thou findest thy selfe engaged to calme the stormes and tempests which arise in thy breast , by the contrary motion of so many different passions . if thou wilt cast thine eyes vpon thy birth , thou shalt see , that after hauing languished nine monthes in prison , fedd and nourished with the waters of rottennesse and corruption it selfe , thou commest into the world with cryes and teares for thy welcome , as if despight of thee , that destiny had placed thee on earth to sweat vnder the heauy yoke and burthen of a miserable slauery ; but grieue not at thy teares , for they cannot be imployed to weepe at a more miserable condition then thine owne ; because among other creatures thou art the most disgraced by nature ; abandoned naked on earth without couering , or armes ; swathed and bound , and without knowledge of any thing which is fit or proper for thy necessities . and reason it selfe which befalls thee afterwards ( as the onely aduantage whereof thou mayst vaunt and glory ) doth most commonly turne to thy shame and confusion , through vices and interiour diseases which it ingendreth in thee . vnfortunate that thou art , those weapons which thou imployest to thy ruine , were giuen thee for thy conseruation . me thinkes those barbarous indians of mexico doe singular well , who at the birth of their children exhort them to suffer and endure ; as if nature gaue no other prerogatiue to man then miserie , whereunto hee is lincked and chained by the misfortune and dutie of his condition . let vs consider a little , that his first babling and pratling yeares are watred with nothing but with his teares ; his infancy full of astonishment and feare , vnder the rod of his superiour ; his riper yeares discouer him by all the parts of his body and soule , & expose him to the inevitable snares of loue ; to the dangerous blowes of fortune , and to the stormes and fury of all sorts of passions . in his declining age , ( as broken with so many cares , calamities , and labours , ) hee flyes but with one wing , and goes coasting along the riuer to land more easily , possessed and tormented ( neuerthelesse ) with many vnprofitable and superfluous thoughts . he is afflicted at the time present , grieved at the past , and in extreame care and trouble for that to come , as if he now beganne to liue ; hee perceiues not his age but by his gray haires , and wrinkled forehead ; and most commonly hath nothing remaining to testifie that he hath liued so great a number of yeeres , but an old withred age , which enclines him to a generall distaste of all fruits that his weake stomach cannot digest , which often imprints more wrinkles and furrowes in his minde then in his face ; his body bending and bowing , which is no longer supported but by the ayde and assistance of others , like an old building ruinous and vncouered in a thousand places ; which by little and little seemes to end and destroy itselfe . whiles his fugitiue soule , ( which meets nothing else in this fraile vessell but that which is either sowre or vinowed , ) seekes by all meanes to breake her alliance ; and in the end retires , being infinitly weary to haue so long conducted and supported so decrepit and heauy a burthen , loden with all miseries , as the sincke and receptacle of all griefes and euils ; which the influence of heauen continually powreth downe vpon the face of earth . nothing so weake , and yet so proud ; let vs heare him speake , with what boldnesse doth he not praise his audacious front . his heart is puffe vp and swelld with glory , and many great bumbasted words , as if mounted on some throne ▪ hee formes himselfe an imaginary scepter , for a marke of his soueraigne greatnes ; hee hath ( saith he ) the dominion and empire ouer all things created ; he commands all beasts , the sunne , heauen , and earth are but the ministers of his power ; but wretched and proud as thou art , dost thou beleeue thou hast power to command where thou hast no right but in thy obedience ? thy inclinations , fortune , and mis-fortune , which droppe and destill on thy head through those celestiall pipes ; doe they not constraine thee with blowes , and stripes to stoope and acknowledge their superintendency ? bow downe , bow downe thine eyes , for it is farre more proper and conuenient for thee , if not that after the custome of the thracians , thou wilt shoot arrowes against heauen , which will after returne and fall on thine owne head ; and if for the aduantages and priuiledges of the body , thou wilt preferre thy selfe to all beasts , vouchsafe onely to enter in comparison with a few of them in particular : the courage of the lyon , the strength of the elephant , the swiftnesse of the stagge , and the particular qualities which are found in others , will prooue thee farre inferiour to them . hauing thus walked thine eyes vpon the garden knots of this world , now make a reflexion thereof in thy selfe , and if thy iudgment retaine any ayre of health , i know thou wilt say with me ( or rather with wise solomon ) that man is nothing else but vanity without and within , in what forme and posture of vice so euer thou contemplate him : then wee shall haue the assurance to say with the philosophers , that laughter is proper to man , and proper indeed it is , according to the rules of democritus , to laugh and mocke at his folly , as at his vanity . that other philosopher more pittifull then this , testified by his weeping , that hee had no other weapons then teares to defend the blowes , and wipe the wounds of so miserable a condition as ours ; that if we enquire by what right he imposed on his companions , the burthen of so seuere a law , and so ponderous and pressing a yoke , i finde that hee is no way excusable but in this , that hee submitted himselfe to the same slauery and seruitude . the equality of our euils herein doth some way extenuate and cut off the iust subiect of our complaints ; for he which sees himselfe fettered to the fortune of an iron chaine , although thou haue inroled him among the number of thy slaues ; yet hee may neuerthelesse vaunt to see thee fight vnder the displayed ensigne of the same misfortune ; not like himselfe tyed to an iron chaine , but to one a little more honourable ▪ as it may be to a chaine of gold ; or peraduenture to a bracelet of haire , which captiuates thy heart and liberty vnder the tempting lures of a young beauty ; or else by the linkes of thy ambition , which inseperably chaines thee to fortune ; sith all sorts and degrees of liuing is but slauery , & that the scepters of princes are farre heauier in their hands then the crookes of innocent shepheards ; that if no condition haue power to exempt and dispence thee from this slauery , what shall wee accuse ? either the vice of a malicious nature , which at thy birth powred into thy breast so many miseries ; or rather the defect of thy knowledge and iudgement , which enwrapped thee in so obscure and thicke a cloude , that this blindnesse makes thee euery moment stumble against the good which presents it selfe to thy eyes , as against euill ; and that in this ignorance thou art as a ship abandoned to the fury of the waues , which the horrour of the night hath surprised in the middest of a storme and tempest , wherein in the feare of shipwrack , the surest places where his good fortune throwes him , giues him no lesse astonishment , and feare then the most dangerous places . for the fauours of nature should still put thee out of the suspition of her malignitie . what hath shee not done to preuent and remedy the discontent which may arise in thy heart , through an obiect so full of discontent ; shee hath hid from thine eyes and sight , the most secret parts which giue the life and motion , as the weakest and most subiect to corruption ; and the most vile , because they resemble the inward part of the foulest beast of all : and indeede shee hath giuen thee eyes to see abroad onely , and to admire in the world , as in a temple , the liuely images of the diuinitie : but as for those things which are without vs , could she doe any thing better , or more aduantagious to man , for the cōsolation of so many afflictions and griefes which incessantly assaile him , then the habit or custome thereof , as a sweet potion which administreth sleepe , and easeth that part whereunto it is applied to operate his effect with more facilitie and lesse contradiction : this fauour ( in my opinion ) is not the least present which she could giue him , for a habitude of suffering afflictions dulleth the first edge and point thereof , and hardneth the body to the performance thereof : and surely if the griefe which wee very often feele and endure , had so much violence in the continuation , as in the first excesse thereof , the courage and strength of man would proue too weake so long to resist it : the irons which were clapp'd on the hands and feete of the philosopher , seem'd not so heauie to him the second day as the first , and when they tooke them from him , to make him swallow downe the poyson which was prepared for him , that very day and time hee saw his consolation to spring and arise from his griefe , and in the middest of his tortures and executioners the subiect of pleasure and ioy . consider then if there remaine any thing to thy pride wherewith it should swell , and growe so great , but vanity , and what weapons there are left thee to fight against thy misfortune , but onely patience , which ought to make thee acknowledge that thou art indebted for thy slauery , but onely to thy selfe , because nature hath assisted thee with her best power ; and that for the rest shee referres it hee to ordaine according to the rules of thy sufficiencie : or if thou wilt yet know the head spring and originall , from whence arise so many discontents in our life , it is because men feare as mortalls , and desire as immortalls : they binde the liuing to the dead , diuine with humane : they will ingraft the head of a god vpon the body of a hogge : so their desires which are deriued from this superiour part , giues no end to their impatiencie : their feare in this soule and inferiour part , giues lesse truce to their true torment , and the one and the other draw for our misfortune an affliction and paine of that which is not , because they labour for the future as for the present , vpon the empty as vpon the full , and vpon the inanitie as the substance : enterprises begun hold our mindes in suspence , those which are desperate , in sorrow ; as if some byas which we haue to manage and turne those things which present themselues to vs , could not meete but with causes of affliction and misery ; and as if ambitious of our owne misfortune , wee deuance and runne before to meete it , and that it were impossible for vs to gather a rose , except by the prickle . also griefe hath more art to make vs feele it , then pleasure hath ioy to make vs tast it : a little affliction presseth vs farre more then an extreame contentment , and in reuoking to minde those things which time hath stolne from our eyes , it seemes that our memory is better edged by the sharpnesse of those things which we haue felt , then by the polishing of those things , which haue but as it were rased our vnderstanding . our remembrance cannot keepe firme , his foote slides , and as soone failes him . our thoughts flye vpon things past , and stop not but at that which she findes sharpe , angry and difficult to digest : so the time past which afflicts vs , the present which troubleth vs , and the future which denounceth warre to our desires , or feares , doth hinder vs from relishing any thing which is pure . homer who put two tunnes at the entry of iupiters doore , of good and euill ; ought to haue said , that the good was reserued for the gods , and the other remained in partage to men ; or that iupiter being a louer of that which was good , as hee is the cause , was too couetous in his expenses , and with one hand was too prodigall in powring out euils vpon mankind . good and euill is in all things , and euery where intermixed so confusedly , and are so neere one to the other , that it is not in our weake power to marke the difference thereof , except by that place which doth neerest touch and concerne vs , which is that of griefe and sorrow ; which side so euer wee bend or encline , it is still towards that of misery . consider the inconstancy and irresolution of thy desires ; it is not in thine owne power to stay firme and permanent in one condition and qualitie : that if thy sensuall appetite could bee the iudge and arbitrator of her owne voluptuousnesse , and that shee were left to doe what shee pleased : i yet doubt that shee would still finde some thing to craue , or desire ; for this hungry and insatiable desire , which carrieth her to that which is not ; and the displeasing taste which is intermixt in the enioying thereof , makes vs presently weary thereof ; which is the reason , why the wiseman craued nothing of god , but the effects of his diuine will , requiring that which was truly proper and necessary for him : but as our desires are wauing and different , so our will is weake towards good or euill , and cannot absolutely beare it selfe towards the one and the other , without some bruse or hurt , deriued from the croude and confusion of our owne proper desires . we can difficultly agree with our selfe , and none with a firme and an assured heart can suggest any wicked act ; but that his conscience repines and murmures within him : shee cannot consent vnto crime , and thorowe so great a masse of flesh , she discouereth and accuseth her selfe for want of witnesses : or if despight her power she cannot disclose it , yet shee then secretly scratcheth , and incessantly excruciateth her selfe : constancie and vertue which the philosopher would lodge in the heart of the wise man , as in a sacred temple , is it so firme that it will neuer shake : no , it is a vanity to thinke so . but as the world is but a perpetuall dance or brawle ; so shee goes from one dance to another a little more languishing . and as in a sicke body the parts lesse offended with paine , and the contagion of the disease , are termed sound : so among this great troope of men the least vitious are termed vertuous ; and wee terme that firme and constant , which moues not with so much swiftnesse and leuity as the rest . qualities haue no title but in the comparison . those boates which seeme so great on the riuer of seine , are very little at sea , and that resplendant vertue of the antient philosophers , which diffuseth and darts forth so much brightnesse among vs , doth owe this aduantage to mens folly and ignorance : shee will be found vitious , if shee submit her selfe to be sounded , and to suffer the last touch and triall , because the diuine wisedome hath baptised ours with vanity , weakenesse , and folly : to giue it more firmity , shee hath neede of a foundation , more solide then the heart of man ; for as the fixed starres in their disposition and scituation , ought notwithstanding to obey the course & motion of heauen ; so constancie doth alwayes wheele and waue about , and despight her selfe , is obliged to the motion and inconstancie of that whereunto it is tyed and fastned . the wisest doth nothing else but goe astray in all his actions ; and if he strike vpon the point of constancie , it is most commonly by indirect meanes and wayes : hee neuer aymes where he strikes : hee resembleth those muskatieres , who knowing their defect or fault , take their ayme higher or lower : and indeede if hee cannot vanquish his vices , hee transformeth himselfe as achelous , to steale himselfe away out of the hands of his enemies , and so endeuoureth by conniuing to escape them . if he cannot choake the seede in his breast , he will enforce himselfe to change the fruites , by the graft of some different passion , which hee will ingraft vpon the foote and twigge of this . in this manner hee will finde the meanes to lose the thought of displeasing remembrance , in the throng and crowde of some other thoughts and diuertisements , where she loseth her trace and steps , and insensibly erreth and strayeth from vs ; to shew , that inconstancie resounds aloude the iurisdiction which she hath in our hearts ; yea in the most inward and secret motions of our soule , a small matter stayes vs , and a matter of smaller value doth divert vs : the externall shew and apparance of things deceiues vs ; and doth touch vs as much , or more then truth it selfe . the complaints of ariadne , which wee know to be a fabulous inuention and fiction , doth almost draw teares from our eyes : the feigned action of a tragedian , makes vs shake and tremble : and caesars roabe engendered more griefe , and sedition in the hearts of the romanes , then his fresh and bloudie death could possibly doe . section ii. the wisedome of man cannot free it selfe from vanity , so naturall shee is to it . whosoeuer will busie himselfe to controle the vanity of popular spirits , who more cherish the ornament of their face then of their life , and who feare lesse to see the common-wealth in disorder & confusion then their periwigge ; doe not testifie much lesse in their owne proper actions , as if hee should imploy his time , and study to number the waues , and sands of the sea : but our intent and designe is to seeke in the condition of man , if hee can finde some throne so high erected and eleuated , that vanity cannot attaine to it : it must not be in the thrones of princes and emperours , nor in great offices and dignities , for then she is lodged as in her fort and castle , and hath already surprised all the approaches and auenewes . wee shall finde it in some lower seate or station , as in the degree of vertue termed wisedome , which resisteth iron , fires , tyrants , and other instruments of fortune . those noble vestments wherewith the antients delighted to decke and adorne themselues , are not much lesse to be esteemed then themselues , she hath not much more reality in the forme then in the matter . the dreames of these philosophers haue had no lesse art to forge them , then to cause them to bee beleeued . it is a faire princesse which holdes vnder her feete fortune chain'd , and the world captiue : it is pittie that it is not a body , as it is but a shadowe , and the shadowe of an imaginarie fantasie : those who haue giuen vs such great aduantages in paintings , it may be haue neuer seen extreame griefe & sorow but in pourtrait . that philosopher who with a seuere countenance reproached to his sorrow , that it was not capable to make him complaine , or to stoope his courage by his hard vsage , in my opinion yeelded him homage and acknowledgement enough by this refuse . the onely difference of him with others , is because hee complain'd in other termes , as those who discourse of their loues by silence . if he had beene dumbe , he had yet had a greater aduantage , in not confessing that griefe and paine was an euill . but i thinke we neede not apply any other tortures to make his experience and feelings confesse what they deeme thereof . to shut our mouth to our complaints , wee cannot exempt or shutte our breast from griefe , which as a furious fire , if it haue not vent by this sighing place , will growe the more enflam'd by its constraint : hee will finde it as sharpe and irksome as a poore country labourer : to be braue and proud in his words , will not any way diminish his sence thereof , for his vertue consisteth onely in his patience , but this salubrious and wholesome remedy neuer wants , but to those who are in despaire . o that wee were happy if this vertue could be found amongst vs ; yea vpon the walls of a besieged citie all dustie , our hands full of galls , and all couered with wounds and bloud , as saith seneca ▪ but wee shall as soone finde cowardise as generosity , and choler as valour , which in the feare of sacking a towne , or of our totall ruine , o● of the infallible losse of our dignity , wealth , o● family , borowes the apparell of valour , and vnder that strange name and vesture , steales the name and glory of vertue : in any other place where we will lodge him , wee shall finde nothing but his colours . if our particular interes● presse vs of that side , which it makes v● stoope and bend , wee would haue it to be th● high way of vertue ; and to make it flexible to our actions , we giue it so many disguises , tha● to establish it in his first being , it will not be i● our power , nor it may be in his owne . if she● will permit her selfe to be disposed and managed by vs , it must be grosly , shee must suffe● our corruption , and wholy forget what shee is to cloathe her selfe with our weakenesse : th● firmest instruments wherewith wee may sta● and stop her , are our naturall weapons , as weak●nesse , inconstancie , and vanity ; for how true o● false is wisedome , which giues place to frenzie , a burning feauer , and decrepit sicknesse ? what temperance did the philosopher obserue in the embraces of his wife ? let vs confesse that in what degree or quality so euer hee be , that he is alwayes man , and that he cannot forbeare to act and play his owne part , what action so euer hee will counterfeit , for his maske and disguise , is pull'd off by truth . take away the opinion of euill from a foole , and that of good from a wise man , you will bring them both into their shirts , and then finde that they are two men , which differ nothing but in their apparell ; and extreame folly hath yet this affinity with much wisedome , that they are not ioyned , and yet not farre distant , and that they are constrained to borrowe one from the other , that which makes them appeare in their chiefest lustre and glory . consider if the soule ( in the degree of temperancie ) can produce any thing , but that which is vulgar and common ; or if she will discouer any greater then accustomed , shee must rush forth of her selfe , shee must violently draw vs , and taking the snaffle in her , teeth , shee must beare vs vpon her selfe , with as much temerity and rashnesse , as that young sonne of the sunne did his chariot : but the excellence of vertue consists not in eleuating our selues high , for it matters not where wee are , so wee be in rule and order . the power and greatnesse of the minde , consists not in an extraordinary motion of running , but in a firme , constant , an● sure pace , and still equall to himselfe : wha● then shall this rash sally bee , but irregularity , and this irregularity but a degree of folly : le● vs seeke the confirmation of my speech in th● schoole of the philosophers . plato beleeued no● that a solide and sound vnderstanding ought or should knocke at the gate of poesie , because the poet ( saith he ) sitting on the chaire of the muses , furiously powres forth all which comes into his minde , without tasting or digesting it ▪ it escaped from homers tongue ; that it is goo● sometimes to be a foole : cato affirmes , that th● best wits are those which haue most variety ▪ but aristotle makes it cleare , that a wit which mounts it selfe into the supreamest degree of excellencie and rarity , is indebted to his irregularity , which issueth forth from his seat of wisedome , and is therefore of the iurisdiction of folly , as if the soule had no surer signe of her perfect health then sicknesse : it is a misfortune to owe his wisedome to folly , his glory to contempt , and his reformation to vice. to sprinckle on vs oracles and prophesies , according to the diuine philosopher , the soule must abandon her vsuall custome and pace , and be surprised , and forced by some heauenly raptures and rauishment , thereby to steale ( as prometheus did fire from heauen ) the secrets of the diuinity . that if hee whom antiquity beleeued , to merrit the name of wise aboue all other men , hath refused it as vnworthy ( although humane nature enforced it selfe to produce him as a bright sunne among the shining wits of his age ) by what right and iurisdiction must we attribute it to him . shall wee be iudges of that whereof wee are incapable , and shall our ignorance haue this reputation aboue his knowledge , to be beleeued more true therein ? we are prodigall of that which we haue not , and thinke to iudge more truly then he , of those colours which we haue neuer seene , and whereof himselfe alone hath had some knowledge , though imperfect . is it not true that socrates had more knowledge of his wisedome , and of himselfe , then all those vulgar people , who with confused voyces , and ill assured words , would be wiser then him in this art and science of wisedom ? socrates had too much freenesse in his soule , to vse any counterfeiting disguise ; that if hee would attribute to his modesty , the contempt which hee made of himselfe , his wisedome , and condition , i will esteeme him guilty of no lesse vanity , because there is no lesse errour and vice , to conceale and couer the truth one way , then another . let vs therefore stay at his free confession , rather then to our owne rash iudgements ; and yet notwithstanding wee shall giue him no lesse praise and glory then antiquity hath done . but let vs receiue this contentment , that it be done in our sight , and to our knowledge , and that hee drawe vp art and science from the bottome of his ignorance , and his greatest and iustest glory , ( with so much reason and iustice ) to haue despised and contemned himselfe ; and from thence let vs deriue this consequence or corollary : that the power of man goes no farther then this point , to cause to issue and streame foorth some riuolets of cleare water , from the bottome of a deepe and dirty well : hee still sauours of slime and dirt , and if hee haue strength enough to dissemble it to our sences , hee hath not sufficient art to disguise it to the truth . hee deemes himselfe powerfull through the vse and frequecie of his owne opinions . he resounds aloude the wealth and treasure of his imagination , and hath reason to prise and value them at so high a rate , because all his riches is but a dreame , his felicities but in outward shewe and appearance , his prerogatiues but in discourse , and hee himselfe is nothing else but vanity and lyes . chiron who refused the immortality which was offered him by the gods , had learnt in the schoole of nature , the esteeme which he should make of so miserable and wretched a condition ; wherein there is nothing immortall but vexation and labour , nor mortall , but contentment . wee liue in sorrowes and afflictions , or rather they liue by and in vs , and for the defect of true causes , we adde phantasticall bodies thereunto to afflict vs. and if we are reduced to this point , to haue nothing without to paine vs ; wee yet make our selues enemies of our selues , as if our peace and rest were but in contradiction , and our tranquillity in perpetuall apprehension and feare . but let vs proceede to examine the other springs and lockes of his nature , thereby to discouer them ; to see whether wee shall finde more or lesse vanity in him , although notwithstanding we purposely conceale the greatest part thereof : for if all were discouered , it were to be feared , that it being but vanity , it would all proue but winde , which would carie away with it the subiect whereon wee are to entreate . the end of the first discourse . the second discourse . of the sences . section . i. the soule and the body are vnited together by so strong a linke , that as the body cannot moue but by the meanes of the soule : so the soule cannot moue towards externall things , nor know them but by meanes of the sences . riuers doe not sufficiently discouer the nature of their head springs , and mens actions yeeld not knowledge enough of their originall ; their perpetuall motion , bereaues from our eyes ( through its violence ) the meanes how to know them ; and from our thoughts , the meanes how to iudge of them : it is the flight of a bird , which leaues no trace in the ayre behinde him : we must therefore follow him as he goes , to know what hee is , what is the principall marke whereby hee differeth from other creatures , what are his priuiledges , faculties , and meanes , whereby he receiues knowledge , the ayde and assistance whereof , ( besides the perpetuall trouble wherein it entertaines him ) fills him full of vaine glory and presumption : in so doing , wee shall see reason in her castle , how she establisheth her selfe with power and authority : what is her beginning , her progresse , and her end : how she findes not in vs any free , common , and naturall entrance , but by the sences , which are as the sentinels of the soule , disposed without to aduertise her of all that passeth , and to furnish the principles and matter ; to establish this proud building , wherein she afterwards sits as in her throne of maiestie , which i terme science , or the knowledge of things : for if all things that are knowne , may bee knowne onely according to the faculty of the knower ; wee must acknowledge that wee are solely bound to them for this knowledge , because it doth necessarily begin , and likewise end in them . for by the meanes of the sences , imagination , memory , and opinion is framed and formed , and from these imaginations being once placed in quietnesse , and of memory and opinion , reduced in order by iudgement , is deriued the knowledge of things . to passe on , and proceede with more facility to this knowledge , we say that the sence is a faculty ioyned in a certaine proportion and harmony , with its proper obiect ; as the sight to colours , hearing to sounds , smelling to sents , tasting to sauours , and feeling to colde , heate , and other naturall qualities , whereof the subiects or causes consists and this by the meanes of the ayre , which receiues , retaines , and beares , as a mediator , these sorts of the one to the other subiect . these fiue messengers carie to the interiour powers ( endewed with knowledge ) all that we can comprehend or desire : and they all thrust forward to common sence , as to thei● centre , where they faithfully report the images of those things , according as they haue gathered and collected them , which after iudgeth and discerneth thereof . their particular power is confined and limited within the bounds of the obiect which is prescrib'd them , without whose extent they neuer aduance : for the eyes neither iudge nor know any thing but colours , nor the eares but onely those tones and sounds wherewith they are strucken : but common sence iudgeth of the one and the other seuerally , neuer confounds them , and is industriously carefull to present them to the imaginatiue ; who as an ingenious painter , receiues and gathereth the liuely formes , which being cleansd of sensible conditions , and particular qualities , become vniuersall ; and are capable to be presented to the vnderstanding , being thus disroabd of their grosse apparell , and guided by the light of the intellect ; an agent which stands at the entry , as a torch to hinder either the order or confusion of images or formes which may meet and assaile one the other in the crowde ; and then presently presents them to the still and quiet intellect ; who hauing opinioned vpon these formes that haue beene presented to him , iudgeth which are profitable , and which preiudiciall ; and then offers them afterwards to our will , together with his iudgement thereon : who as mistresse of the powers , ordaines that they shall all embrace her party , and so to follow that which pleaseth , or else to eschew and avoid that which displeaseth him ; but to the ende , that in the absence of objects the vnderstanding may haue wherewith to imploy and entertaine himselfe , hee commits to the guard and custody of memory , those formes which are shewed to him by his fancy , to present them to him as often as it is needefull ; and although the subtilty , and quicke actiuitie of these different motions are almost insensible , wee must neuerthelesse thus dispose and order them ; although one onely motion doth in one and the same instant touch all these different strings , which concurre to the sweet harmony of the thoughts , and motions of a well-ordered minde , thereby to enlighten with more familiarity , the beginning , progresse , and ende of matters ; and how , and in what manner materiall things are made spirituall , thereby to haue more communication and commerce with our soule . and yet notwithstanding , it is not a necessarie consequence that this order bee so religiously obserued : for i speake of free operations , which are made in a sound vnderstanding , and not of those who permit themselues to be guided and gouerned by their owne opinions , and who content themselues simply to follow the great high way , as the more frequented and beaten ; without enquiring where they goe , nor why they follow this sort of life , because their affection and fancy , which hath receiued the formes which sense presented to them , with some particular recommendation and fauour , presented them likewise as soone to the sensuall appetite vnder the forme of good , or euill : who without communicating it to his superiour iudges , commands as a lieutenant generall ouer the moovable powers who are subiect to him , which are dispersed in the muscles , arteryes , and other parts of the body , that they obey him , either to approach , or retyre ; to flye , or follow ; and to performe such other motions , as is requisit and proper to the impression that is giuen them by this sensuall appetite . section . ii. the different operation of the senses concludes not that there are fiue , no more then the different effects of the rayes of the sunne , that there are many sunnes . it seemes to me ( with some probability and apparance ) that the number and multitude of the senses might bee reduced to that of feeling ; for as the most delicate parts of the body feele cold or heate , good or euill , more sensibly and liuely then the grosser : so man touched with the same obiect , seemes to be diversly touched , because his body ( in her tenderest parts ) receiues a feeling so delicate and subtile , that it loseth the name of feeling , and then we giue it another according to our fancy and opinion ; although in effect , that proceeds from the disposition or delicatenesse of the sensible part ; the which the more it is small , tender , and subtile , the more the feeling becomes delicate and subtile . and indeede the same obiect which toucheth vs , if it be generally ouer all the body , that wee terme feeling , or if hee meet with any part more liuely or animated , as in the superiour part of man , where nature hath lodged ( as in a heauen ) the intelligences and the liuely formes and images of the diuinity , the same obiect ( i say ) which in all the body could meete with none but with grosse parts , could not make , that the feeling should produce the effects of all the other senses , according to the part where he met , the which the more delicate it is , the more this feeling doth subtilise , & in the end purifies it self so , that it seemes to be absolutely some other thing , and to haue no resemblance with that which the vulgar and popular voyce termes feeling : for if the obiect touch our tast , the sence and feeling is farre more subtill then when it toucheth our foote , hand , or any grosser part of the body : and therefore we will terme it no more feeling , but sauour or relish : if it be present it selfe to the nose , it subtilizeth it selfe the more : if to the hearing againe , more : if to the sight , it is with such a subtilty and purity , that it seemes to be an opinion meerely erroneous to call that sense feeling ; because the obiect which strikes it , toucheth it not hard enough , or that it doth not hurt or offend so much & so liuely in this part as in others . if neuerthelesse they will behold the sunne with open eyes , this pricking burning paine which they feele in their eye , will bee enough sharpe and sensible to draw this confession from their tongue : for were it so that the obiect touched not our eye : but that this faculty of seeing depended wholly of him , he would imagine all things of one and the same colour . if the feeling he receiues by the degrees of the obiect , which are conuayed to him by the meanes and assistance of the ayre , made him not to obserue the difference , as if he alwayes looke through a greene or red glasse , all that is presented to him , appeares of the same colour . that if this faculty were absolutely in vs , that the thing touched vs not , that the obiect had no right , but of patience and reception , and not of action or emission . we should see all equally , without being more interested of one obiect then of another , because on toucheth vs not more then another . but our weake sight cannot support or suffer the darts and blowes of the sunne , as of some torch or simple light : wee must then acknowledge and confesse , that it is the obiect which toucheth it more or lesse , sith nature hath operated most wisely in vs , in giuing vs senses , which by their proper power and suggestion , would beare themselues to our ruine and confusion : which would fall out if the effect that wee feele in our sight by the splendour of the sunne , proceeded onely from the visible facultie , and not from the blowe or the touch of the sunne . but all obiects which come to strike our sight in a reasonable distance , shee will be ioyfull in this meeting and feeling ; shee sees and knowes this obiect as much as shee can , according to the resemblance and conformity betweene her , and that which toucheth her . hearing is nothing else but a feeling of the tune or sound in this part , the which accordingly more or lesse , as it strikes our eare , makes the sound graue or harsh , sweet or displeasing : and if it strike vs too rudely and violently , it then not onely toucheth the eare , but all the whole body , as when a great noyse or thunder makes all things tremble and shake vnder vs , and seemes to strike and astonish the foundations of houses by this suddaine and violent feeling . in a word , feeling is performed by the meanes of the ayre , which according to the power of the obiect , and as it is bent against vs , or such part of our body , makes either the visible , the sound , the smell , the tast , or the feeling , which is vniuersally ouer all the body , and which the common people beleeue , doth onely merrit the name of feeling . neuerthelesse , because in all doubtfull matters my humour is not to affirme any thing ; i therefore leaue to the opinion and iudgement of euery one , the free choyse and liberty , to beleeue what he pleaseth . and i care not if they are one , or many , sith the diuersity of their functions seemes to merit , if not an essentiall difference , yet a different name . it sufficeth that wee haue the centre of their operations in the common sence , which together verifies their stile , their rule , their forme . if he abuse it , i appeale , hee is iudge and party : neuerthelesse , because the multiplicity of motions of that thing which passeth in our thoughts , and which to this end is refined by the labour of the operation of vnderstanding , seemes at first aboard , to disburthen it selfe of that which is grossest in her , and not to retaine but the simplest and most perfect essence ; to make it the sweeter , and more familiar to the tast and palate of the minde ; yet i doubt that shee estrangeth her selfe the more , and that the more she is spiritualiz'd to our fantasie and minde , the lesse shee discouereth her selfe , and the more she growes great and corporall to our vnderstanding , i meane she estrangeth her selfe from the truth . section . iii. nature being iealous of secrets , permits not the senses to discouer the essences of things , nor that they can conuey any thing to our vnderstanding , that is not chang'd and corrupted by them in the passage . the so different opinion of things , makes vs plainely see , that wee are not yet arriued thereunto . wee cannot take hold of them in a good place : wee deuest them at the entrance of their proper qualities , and receiue new knowledge of the minde , and such impression as shee pleaseth . of the obiect which presents it selfe to vs , euery one of our senses seize that which is pleasing , and proper to him , except the essence , that is to say , the true being thereof , so that all our art is to know the obiect by this sort , but not that he is of this sort . vice and the defect of our knowledge , doth not change , or alter it in any thing . the childe which lookes thorowe a red glasse , hath hee not cause to laugh to see thy face of that colour , but hast thou not more cause to laugh to see how he is abused and deceiued , and the soule , which in our body will intermeddle to iudge all according as it is athwart so many grosse and thicke glasses , as are our senses , and susceptible of so many different colours . doth she afford lesse cause ? againe , if all that we see , we sawe to be all of one sort ; wee might then establish a certaine knowledge of our ignorance , and not of the thing , for the true being and essence thereof is in it selfe , and cannot discouer it selfe to our knowledge . truth cannot glide , and passe into our vnderstanding , because our senses change and corrupt that which it brings vs from without ; and that of things which by them comes into our fancies , is obscured in its passage : and as much difference and distance , as there is betweene the thing , and the image and resemblance thereof : so much difference there is betweene the true reality of the thing , and that which wee imagine wee know : yea , there is more ; for betweene man and his picture , there is some resemblance : but our senses being too weake to apprehend and comprehend that of truth , cannot so much as represent vs the image or figure thereof ; because there is no comparison or resemblance betweene true and false : but our senses deceiue themselues , and contradict and contrary one the other : as in painting , the picture which in our eyes seemes a corporall statue , is found smooth and flat when we feele it . in these contrary apparances , the one must needes be true , and the other false , if rather they are not both false . the senses therefore do not carie the image of truth to common sense , sith the image ought still to be the resemblance of the thing . if wee presse the corner of our eye , wee shall see two candles for one . our hearing being somewhat stopped , receiues sounds otherwise then they are . the sicke patient findes wine sowre and bitter , which in health he holdes to be sweet and pleasant . the senses likewise finde themselues abused by the power of the vnderstanding . the passions of the soule change their function . loue placeth a thousand rarities of beauty in her obiect ; and hatred , and disdaine as many imperfections . the vermilion and the ceruse , which to our knowledge adornes and beautifies the face of a woman , enflames our amorous desires , and despight of all these shewes , and apparances ; we say they will neuer fade or faile , and wee shall be beleeued to haue farre more reason to quarell the truth thereof it selfe , then to contradict it . it is true , that if thereon wee are prest , or called in question , wee cannot retire farther backe : we must fight , and it hazardeth the entire losse of arts and sciences . in such a cause i know it is farre fitter to cast away our weapons , then to vse them , and not to support so vniust a quarell , with so weake defences : i know not who shall be iudge hereof , and for my part i name and institute complesancie , to be arbitrator of this difference . and i doe not wonder if the epicuriens submit vs to the mercie of the senses , with so much seuerity and tyrannie , that they permit it to be more lawfull for vs to inuent all sorts of lyes and fictions , then to accuse them of falshood . those philosophers cannot chuse but establish excellent arts and sciences , sith they are so religious in their principles , and they well demonstrate by their atomes , the faith and sound beliefe which they want in their weake beginnings . it is true that in the spagerycall art , the more things are discharged from the grosse accidents and qualities which enuiron them , the more they are made perfect , and essentiall ; but it fares not with our vnderstanding as with a lymbecke ; because the labour of our minde doth in nothing touch the true being of the thing ; and the strongest stroake which hee can giue to apprehend it , is this first communication of the senses to the things which are neerest by their faculties , relation , harmony , measure , and true proportion which is betwixt them and their obiect by the interuention of nature , so as then when one of the senses hath carried to common sense the figure of his obiect , hee is so farre from being cleansed and purified by this idea ; or that hee communcates more easily by the vertue of his being , that he is much the further off it . and as the sides of an angle the more they are continued the more they are distant one from the other : so the more those figures or images are borne to the common sense , and are purified to make them capable and worthy of our vnderstanding , the more they estrange themselues from the obiect which they represent , and consequently from his true being . our thoughts runne af-after obiects to embrace them , but in vaine , for they can ouertake nothing but shaddowes , through the ayd and assistance of their weake imaginations . it is a handfull of water , which shee will retaine and hold , and the more shee graspes fast her hand , the swifter it runnes out . but sith thoughts enioy nothing else of the thing then the id●ea , can we say , that it is a subiect capable to containe him , to possesse it ; yea in a being more certaine , sure , and purer then she is . if wee say there is so small reason to measure a right line by a crooked one , to know the true measure thereof , and that a square cannot bee measured by an orbe or circle , although these lines and figures are of the same nature , and differ not but accidentally , is it possible that wee would so proudly measure and know the truth of things , by so false an instrument ; and which hath so small resemblance to its true being : it is to esteeme the shadowe aboue the light , to giue more beliefe to dreames , then watchings , and more to prise and value apparance and shewe , yea of not being , then of the true being of the thing it selfe . this faculty of sense which distills through all our body , is descended from aboue , and from our soule , as the light of the sunne , which exposeth to our eyes the beauty , but not the essence of things that enuiron vs : sith nature it selfe ( according to plato ) is nothing else but abstruse and enigmaticall poesie , as an ouer-vailed painting resplending , with infinite variety of false lights , thereby to giue vnto the apparence of our reasons , and the weakenesse of our coniectures more cause to admire the sacred and powerfull hand of our diuine painter , god ; who in all the corners of the world , and chiefely in man , hath engrauen the caracters and images of his diuinity . section . iv. science ( or knowledge ) is the marke and seale of the diuinity , but that which resides among vs here in earth , is nothing else but abuse , trumperie , and vanitie . ovr knowledge is but a vanity , his assurance hath no other foundation but doubt . there is nothing more weake or fraile then his principles : his beginnings are tender and childish , we must leade them by the hand : they had neede haue ayde and support from euery one , of a firme and vndoubted beliefe for want of valable reasons . if our faith did not maintaine them , they could not subsist of themselues . also none will permit that they be examined or proued , for the triall and quest will be of too dangerous a consequence : but there can be no principles , if the diuinity haue not reuealed them , and therefore there is no science or knowledge . all contrary presupposition hath no lesse authority one then the other , if reason make not the difference . that which we will establish for reason , it must needes be reason it selfe , and not our owne opinion . if it be lawfull for vs to enforme our selues of the principles of sciences ; yea , of that which is held and maintained for the most certaine , and true by the common consent of all philosophers ; wee shall finde that by their false presuppositions , they establish a knowledge of truth : for they will measure materiall things by immateriall ; although neuerthelesse they will haue the thing which measureth , of the same nature , with the thing measured : as their numbers which are not measured but by numbers , and their lines , by lines : but the point is the principle of their measure ; the point is nothing , they haue therefore no point of a principle in their measure . there is nothing so opposite and distant , as being from not being : how will they then by the not being of the point , passe to the infallible and sure demonstration of the true being of the body ? can they giue any other assured foundation to the point , the line and the superficies , then their imagination ? let them not therefore attempt to measure imaginary things , sith they are of the same nature , and that there is nothing more different then reall being to imaginarie , frō the line to the pearch , and from the angle to the compasse . let the surueyer of lands make vse of his pearch , to measure the earth : but let not the astrologer forme in his head or minde any imaginary pearches to measure heauen ; the distance of the planets , or the extent of the zodiacke : let our grosse sense , be the test of true and false , sith we haue none more sure : it will ill become vs to play the wise men aboue our senses and vnderstanding : our wit can neither forme nor frame any thing beyond it , which hath any foundation . this is to vndertake too much : they make vs confesse despight of our selues , that they are the expert masters therein , and that we haue no right but in obedience , not in counsaile . if the mathematicians will not that the point measure the line , the line the superficies , nor the superficies the body : why will they that this body framed in their imaginations , by the weauing and connexion of the point , the line and the superficies which is but imaginarie ; be capable to measure a body physicall and reall , which admits nor knowes any point , line , or superficies : it is to establish principles with too much tyrannie , not to giue leaue to examine them ; sith the knowledge which results thereof , is a bird of the same nest : and that he ought to enforme himselfe of all , before he giue vs demonstrations for articles of faith , which haue no other foundation , but doubt and incertainty : for we most say with epicure , that all things are compounded of points , sith it is the beginning , middle , and end of a line . but the line is to the superficies , that which the point is to the line , and the superficies to the body , that which the line is to the superficies , wherefore this point being in all , and through all to the line , must likewise be in all , and throw all to to the body ; for withdrawing by the power of the imagination ( because this is solely the work of imagination ) all the points which may meet , or can be imagined in the line ; there will then remaine no more line , or that which remaines will haue no more points : but she cannot be diuided but by the points , therefore either the line shall bee nothing more ; when the points shall be taken away , or she shall be indiuisible in her length , because she is not deuisible , but by the points which shall be no more . may i not then conclude of the absurdity of their demonstrations and principles : for the same that we haue done to the line , by withdrawing of the points , we may doe to the superficies by the substraction of lines , and to the body by the substraction of the superficies , and there will nothing remaine to vs but the point , which they themselues can neither expresse nor define , but by negation : but can there be found any thing in the body of nature , which is nothing ; and neuerthelesse is euery where , and composeth all , and that from thence we may inferre , that the mathematician is nothing , nor yet his art and science : why then will we borrowe of imagination the principle of so reall and true a being , as the body which falls vnder our senses , sith there is no conformity nor resemblance of the measure , to the thing measured . the astrologers haue more reason to forme epicicles to the sunne and moone : and because they cannot attaine thereto , they are constrained to lend a body , and a forme to their inuentions . if they cannot approach the sunne , they will approach the sunne neere to them , to forme him materiall springs and lockes , to the end that they may manage him according to their owne pleasures and fashion , and that he may not escape from them , and as well they shall not be beleeued : but what , doth it seeme to them , or doe they thinke that the diuine prouidence , who ruleth and limiteth the motions of all things , could doe nothing without them , and that heauen , if it were not hung fast by her poles , and the sunne and moone linked and nayled fast to their heauen , that they would fall on our heads : that the planets could not moue , because euery moment without rule & order they met and contended , and troubled themselues in their course and reuolution : as if i say , this diuine prouidence had not established so much , but a fairer order aboue , among these celestiall bodies , ( where in outward shew & apparence he is more pleased , because hee delights in cleannesse and purity ) then hee hath done belowe here among the elements , which take not the hand and place one of the other : but euery one keepes himselfe in his proper place and station ordained to him . earth mounts not vp to the region of fire , nor the ayre throwes her selfe not downe into that of water , but according to their vsuall custome & commerce , and the harmony which nature hath contracted betweene them , as is seene in the mixture of compounds : which of their discordant accords and agreements , yeeld so sweet a harmony and diapazon : but sith this wise mother of the world is so carefull to conserue peace among beasts , who deuoure not one the other : yea , likewise among corruptible bodies , although age hauing destroyed them , she can easily make & propriate others of the same clay , & of the same matter which shee moulds , and workes continually in her hands , by a farre stronger consideration shee hath reason to entertaine and maintaine : a perfect peace , rule , order , and measure , among those caelestiall bodies , and that it were not in her power to establish ( if they were entermixed and confused ) in the order which was prescribed to them from their beginning , by him who neuer had , nor shall haue end or beginning . they can , and are well conseru'd without them , and without their epicicles , and hee among them who can erect his eyes in the contemplation of this great body in comparison of the earth , of that which wee possesse and enioy , will assuredly iudge that nature vseth vs as children , because it giues vs nothing but trifles of small or no value , yea , which are not worth the losing : in regard of those which we want and enioy no● . i beleeue that the epicicle which they giue to the moone , differs not much from that of their wit , and i thinke i wrong them not in the comparison . a heauenly body doth at least deserue as noble a scituation , as a feeble , and earthly imagination . they conduct , and gouerne themselues , very well without vs , and i would to god we could doe it so well without them : and although their influence , ( whereof man cannot know the cause , and motion , if he ascend not to the head spring , and fountaine , ) distribute vs happinesse , or misfortune , good , or euill ; yet neuerthelesse , we will giue them but a younger childes portion , and will make them trot , retire , and aduance , according to our pleasures ; but our vanitie cannot be concealed , or kept from them , they retaine recorde thereof , so , as whosoeuer can breake open , and discouer those seales ; he shall presently , and palpably behold , things past , present , and to come , and as the flood of all mortall matters runnes incessantly with one , and the same impetuositie . our designes are faire , and generous , but their execution ridiculous ; our mountaines of pride , and vanity produce , and propagate vs nothing but mice , and are more to bee lamented , and pittied in the weakenesse of our wits , then those small pigmees , for the weakenesse of their bodies , & in their enterprise vpon hercules . if those giants , which would heretofore assault , and scale heauen , yea , the throne of the gods , and pull the thunder out of iupiters hands , had finished ●h●ir intended enterprise , they would haue 〈◊〉 vs of what matter the sunne was 〈◊〉 , how he is captiue , bound , and tied to 〈◊〉 , what is his epicycle , apogee , and other 〈◊〉 misteries , & functions ; if their presumption ▪ and rashnesse were not at the very instant , 〈◊〉 vnder the very weight , and burthen of 〈◊〉 ●●mour , and weapons ; to shew that the 〈◊〉 , presumption , and vanitie of our reasons brings vs nothing else but shame , and confusion . the principles of these sciences are weake , shaking , and trembling ; it is a labour to support , and affirme them , but when they are avered , and that their principles , and demands are granted , then they afterwards triumph in their demonstrations . they approoue a thousand faire things , without that there proceede thereof any good effect : can the industry of m●n make a circle so round , that the right line comming to make the angle of contiguitie shall not touch it , but in one point , and not imaginary , and that there can bee no smaller sharpe angle giuen but that : as if the sharpe right-line angle , being a quantitie , cannot bee diuided into so many partes , that it meete with a smaller then that , which the angle of contiguitie giues . we must send them to the schoole of sense , and they shall finde themselues farre wide , and distant from their reckoning : but how can they tearme demonstrations , those apparances of reason , which prooue euery thing contrary . for our mathematicians , and astrologers say , that the earth is a fixed , and immoueable point , about which , mooues , and turnes this great masse of heauen : cleanthes , nicetas , and copernicus , haue prooued that the heauens were immoueable , and that the earth wheeled about the oblique circle of the zodiacke , turning round about his axell-tree : are they not appointed , and placed directly contrary ; haue they tane any other footing then on their principles , haue they aduanced any thing , but by demonstration ; and yet neuerthelesse , we see them contradict , and contend in the effect , and proofe of their opinions : who then shall bee the true iudge betweene these two different sects ; for if wee permit our selues to bee carried away by the force , and strength of humane reason , they haue both of them spoken trueth : is there any thing truer then demonstration , there is nothing then more true , then the contrary thereof , & consequently , because one of these two opinions , is necessarily false ; if they are not both false . then there is nothing truer then falsehood and nothing more certaine , then incertainty , for both of them haue operated by demonstration . but humane iudgment cannot giue more weight and beliefe to one demonstration , then to another : sith by the chaine , and dependance of precedent propositions , you are directly led to principles , the which if you haue not the liberty to contradict ; complaine not afterwards , to see so many , and so great absurdities , and such resemblance of contraries , & likewise of so true apparances , if we call that trueth , which restraines , & hinders vs from passing beyond the necessary consequence of a proposition ; but for my part , i am not of this opinion , i call that trueth , which is immoueable , and which hath no other rest , or refuge , but in the bosom of god , it is the proper place wher it reposeth , she is not of our placing ▪ or disposing : she doth euery where present , & profer her selfe vnto vs ; but a mortall hand is not capable to retaine , or hold her . we seek her , we possesse her , & yet we cannot meet her ; our wit is blinde borne , which at high-noone , in the fairest summer day , seekes the light of the sunne . wee haue no nobler designe ; but our effects , and weake reasons cannot follow , or second her ; and when she falles into our hands , haue we where withall to seize , and maintaine her in our possession ? our meanes , and powers are too weake to apprehend her : we perpetually runne , and wheele about her , but the contrary sh●wes , which wee finde in all sorts of things , and subiects , make vs apparantly see , that they are but the barkes , and rindes of trueth ; and if we tearme the out-side of our discourse , reason , ( which euery one frames in his minde , ) according to his capacitie , to apply it to the knowledge of the thing , shall we not then say , that there is nothing more weake , and inconstant : if this reason haue trueth still on her side , see how many contrary faces , and semblances we giue to trueth ; there was neuer a proposition so firmely held , or mainetained , which hath not , or may not receiue at least a hundred contrary reasons , if wee will cast off opinion , and so saile without her , to what winde shall wee expose , and abandon our sailes , if not that being met , and beaten with so many windes , equally contrary , wee remaine fixed , and immooueable in our station . this point will infallibly be both the center of all motion , and the rest , and tranquillitie of a well gouerned minde : but humane knowledge doeth not conduct vs , shee neuer followes , or shapes this course , if we will follow any , we must the very selfe-same houre , embrace his partie , and quarells . if the sophister , and he which controules all , knew as well how to laugh at himselfe , as at others , i should thinke his side , and party very strong : but to beleeue outward shewes , or apparances , it is indeed too great a simplicitie . the libertie of the minde ought not to ingage it selfe , except in those things wherein wee are not permitted to rest doubtfull ; as in our religion , and faith , where we ought to hold , and retaine our written lesson , from that wise , holy , and sacred word of god ; and not that so weake an instrument as our humane reason , should intermeddle to enquire , or iudge ; for whosoeuer contesteth , doeth not freely consent . but it is not so with sciences , for if reason it selfe be not their foundation , we are not bound to passe farther in beleeuing them ▪ that which is receiued by the opinion , and common consent of many , must not here passe , as the forme of a reuokeable law , and if all men beleeue it , yet i would the more doubt it ; their ignorance may haue some reputation with themselues , but not with others . from the cradle , we say , that one and one are two : but wee must acknowledge , that the greatest reason of this principle , is , because it is so held & receiued among vs : for this tenent holdes more of custome then of reason , and of opinion then truth ; as we will more amply declare hereafter . it is vpon this foundation that plato by the meanes of numbers , eleuates and caries his thoughts euen into the very bosome of god , seeming to serue himselfe hereof , as of a ladder to mount and vnite himselfe to this diuine knowledge . hath he not reason to make great esteeme thereof . sith our cabalists haue so firmely beleeued them , as it seemes that by them all thinges ( though neuer so farre distant ) doe approach , and become familiar to their minds : but they haue neede of a very soft and tractable wit , to subiect it to the beliefe of their principles , as if the composition and collection of the number of two and three which make fiue , the resultance thereof were the mariage of the whole body of nature , which is found conformable to the opinion of pythagoras , that two is the matter , and three the forme : that two is the female , because it may be cu● in two , and equally diuided , and hereby to make it selfe capable to receiue in it selfe , the motiue power of the forme , which is the number of three , as male● because it cannot be equally diuided , and therefore vnworthy to receiue , as the number of two , which opens it selfe to receiue , and growes great by this commixture , which if it ingender a male , which is the number of three , you shall finde that this three , propagates the number of fiue , from whom it is issued , and being againe conioyned together , doe compose the number of eight , which they tearme the full number , and the accomplishment of all things ; where the creature vnites it selfe , to his creator , in a perfect harmonie : and this first principle , which is generally extended euery where , being reunited in it selfe , soundes foorth the most melodious diapason , which the musician tearmes octaue , and the cabalist , the perfect , or full number . so the musician , and the cabalist doe neede , that the principles of arithmetique bee layed , and confirmed before they proceede farther to the establishing of their science ; but who can iustly say , that one , and one are two , so as there is no apparant , or pregnant reason to doubt thereof ; which is , that i beleeue not , for there cannot be found in nature two things , which are so entirely one , and the same . it must then needes be , that this one , which you ioyne to the first , to make two , are somethi●g different ; for either it is the same , or i● is 〈◊〉 from the first : if it be the same , 〈◊〉 is nothing but brings foorth her like , and ●hey will make but one , and not two ; as if to a sound , you adde , and ioyne the same sound , so much the more you adde the same , and it will still be one , and the same sound ; vntill you adde , and conioyne another which is different , which then will make the second , the third , the fourth , the fift , or any other consort , or diapason . so if the one , which you adde to one , be the same , you will neuer engender but one . or if it be different , as it is necessary to make two , according to the aboue-said example ; it is not then one , and one , which make two , but onely then , when one is conioyned , and added to any thing , which is different to it . againe , is not euery number a quantity , and is not number composed of his other parts : but number is not composed but of vnities , which ioyned together make all ▪ therefore vnitie is a quantitie , because the parts thereof ▪ are of the nature of all , and consequently of the whole diuisible . for vnitie is a number , if rather out of it selfe it giue no number : and if it be not so , we must aske them , what then shall be the number , which they will giue vs from vnitie , and to cut it off , sith it is not ; or if they giue vs two , or thr●e for a number , in substracting two vnities from the one , and three from the other , there will nothing more remaine to them , therefore the number must be nothing , or the vnitie must be number , and if it be a number , it must be a quantitie , and if a quantitie , then diuisible into as many parts as we please ; so as insteed of ioyning threescore and tenne vnities , to make vp the number of seuentie , we should not deuide but one of these vnities into so many parts , vntill we had met with the number of seuenty , so then there wil remaine sixtie nine superfluous vnities : and is it not thriftie husbandry , sith the diuision , which i can make of one onely vnitie , into threescore and tenne parts , hath filled vp the number of seuentie ? but this way , and progresse would be infinite , so that when you adde one , to one , thinking to make two , i say , you make fortie , or the number which i please , for euery one of these vnities , may be diuided into twentie partes ; which conioyned all together , will make fortie , or any such number , which i please : how then can it be prooued , that one , and one , being separated ; and not being then two , if they are placed one neere the other , that this congression , should cause them to be two , and that if the one of these vnities , which composeth these two , come to be diuided in it selfe , that this diuision should be the cause to make them two ? for we meet with the cause , why those two , are made diametrically contrary to the former , in regard , addition , and diuision produce the same effect here in , which is necessarily false ; that one , and one are two , it must bee atributed to the vse , and custome of the world , thereby to facilitate commerce , and trafique betwixt merchants , and countriemen . but to permit , or tolerate it in philosophie , or astrologie ; which by a long chaine of numbers , and calculations , will raise their insolency as high , as in the rancke of the gods ; in taking away , and disioynting this piece , from his building , you see all the rest reuersed , and ouerthrowne , and my philosopher to runne after to gather vp the pieces thereof , without being able to recouer , or sowe together any ragges , or fragments thereof , so that to escape this ruine whereunder he sees himselfe surprised , and beaten downe , he is in the end constrained to throwe himselfe into the armes of ignorance , as his nursing mother , who is pleased with our defects , and faults , and with much delight entertaines , and supports all our infirmities ; so that all these great chieftaines of the schoole sects , who in the most perfect knowledge of things , which fall into the wit of men , haue professed to know nothing , and haue inclined , and bent themselues that way , as the sweetest pillow to repose a well tempered braine , and head on . if wee demand of physitians what is their principle , they will neuer agree among themselues to tell vs ; how then will they doe it in the rest of their art and science , if the more they aduance , the more they estrange and retire themselues . one tells vs that water is the principle of all things , another that the ayre is , another that fire , and others that the atomes are their principle ; and thus we finde to be thales , anaximander , pythagoras , parmenides , anaxagoras , empedocles , democritus , anaximenes , plato , xenophon , aristotle , diagoras , and epicurus : whose different opinions will be troublesome , and not much profitable in 〈◊〉 our discourse . they incessantly contradi●● themselues , and in this sedition they vndoe , and ou●●throw themselues with their owne proper weapons : and in this great disorder doe they not openly expose themselues to their enemies , and so giue them infinite aduantage to confute and confound them , in that they onely labour to their owne ruine and destruction ? as those armed children on earth , which a ciuill warre causeth to dye in their birthes . and indeede this philosophicall sedition , doth strangle science in her cradle , yea before shee is borne . how then wil they doe , sith they hinder the growth of so faire a science , that it cannot take deepe root , and sprowt foorth so high and flourishing as heauen , and make the gods desirous to tast and relish the sweetnesse of its fruit . euery way a vanity . but among so great a noyse and clamour of philosophicall braines , i demand who among them shall be held the truest . doe they all want reason , and professe as much the one as the other : i beleeue that the causes of their quarels will rather faile , then the grounds and reasons to contradict them . they vse reason as an ambodexter , who adheres as much to lyes as truth , & who being orevail'd with the maske of outward shewe , doth debosh and abandon himselfe to all sides : so many new subiects , so many contrary and different opinions as their philosophers . they agree not among themselues , that fire is hot , when there should bee none but the pirrhoniens , to make them rest doubtfull thereof , and despight of their knowledge , to affirme nothing certaine . they suspect the senses , as if they were halfe corrupted by the familiarity of those things which enuiron them . and if we will condemne them according to the mercy of sense , wee shall finde that beasts suffer the same iurisdiction that wee doe , and that by the priuiledge of their sence wee cannot refuse them , the liberty to leaue or chuse , to take or refuse , to absolue or condemne , according to the quality of good or euill , which presents its selfe to their imagination ; by the particular fauour , and recommendation of their senses . for they haue learnt in their schoole , that fire is hot , and they know it as well as we , who can yeeld no other reason , and cannot passe beyond the knowledge of this cause , aboue that which our experience , and sense hath taught vs. the ape will beware , and not approach too neere the fire , except the fagot be small , and vnbound , because of the discourse he holds in himselfe , to auoide the like disaster , wherein he was formerly fallen . but what haue we to say , if they haue their sense , and feeling , more subtile then ours , doeth it not thence follow , they haue a purer knowledge , a simpler resemblance , and a more harmonious condition then we ? the stagge hath his hearing , the eagle her sight , the dogge his smelling , the ape his tast , and the tortoise her feeling , more subtile then wee , although of this last onely , as of the most brutall , some attribute vs the preheminency , and thereby they finde the obiects more discouered , and naked then we doe : that which a hundred ensuing propositions doe but imaginarily discouer to vs , this beast sees it with a simple , and first innate knowledge ; and who can deny , but that it is more noble , and perfect in this kinde of beast , then in vs ? if it bee true , that those things which are most approaching , and neerest to the trueth , are the most worthie ; is not the eagle to bee esteemed , and held a truer obseruer of the light , and greatnesse of the sunne , then the sight of man , which flies , and soares so low , that the least obstacle astonisheth him , and his owne proper weakenesse , and imbecillity hindereth him : that if for the conseruation of our owne good temper ; and the knowledge of hearbes , which are proper , and necessary for the restoring of our health , we will atribute the priuiledge , and aduantage to our selues : let vs see of a man , and a beast hurted , which of the two will be soonest cured : the serpent among a thousand different plants , and hearbes ; throwes himselfe on that which is proper to him , and returnes to his combat more couragious , and generous then before : whiles man in his conference , and consultation of hearbes , and of their properties , and qualities , runnes most incertainely after his remedy , which many times prooues more preiudiciall , and hurtfull to him then his wound , or sickenesse . when reason failes vs , we then imploy experience , and the conference of euents , which most commonly produceth a bad consequence , in regard they are still different , and variable : but this knowledge which causeth the serpent without premeditation , to take that which is proper for him ; either it is giuen , and infused to him by nature , or it is done by a simple , and primary apprehension , which at first sight , discouereth him the trueth of the obiect . but howsoeuer , it is farre more noble , and absolute then ours ; which consisteth , but onely of the tast , and comparison and conference of so many false things . so beasts doe more certainely know obiects then men , because they are led , and conducted there to , by the light of nature , which is still certaine , and cleere-seeing , and men by their owne , which is but an obscure , and glimmering light ; for the true knowledge , or trueth it selfe , is the tranquillity of the minde ; it is an infallible point , which is expressed in one word ▪ as the perfectest knowledge , which is attributed to superiour intelligences , proceedes of the first ray of the minde without reflection , i meane without deuoluing , or ratiotination ; for we neede no discourse , but onely to approach the thing , which is farre distant from vs , or to approach our selues neerer to it : if we haue our finger thereon , there is nothing more vnprofitable , then those intricate propositions , then those lets , and stops of discourse , wherein our thoughts are frequently so entermixed , and confused , that we shall haue sooner done to teare , then to vntie the webbe , or knot thereof . section v. man hauing some knowledge of himselfe , ( although it bee imperfect , ) as also of those whom he frequents , he contemnes their learning , and esteemes none , but that which is growne in forraigne countries , or which he receiues from an vnknowne hand . the nimblest wits , are accustomed to frame to themselues most conceptions , but they are so weake , as they can giue no blow to trueth ; and if we haue found it open , and vncouered , we will in such sort tie , and fixe our selues there-to , that the stormes , and tempests , which continually arise in vs by the trouble of our passions , giue vs too weake iogges , or thrusts to make vs forsake the possession thereof . we should be still inseparably vnited , and as the heauy body , which is arriued to his center , is no longer waighty ; so our soule , arriued to her center , and vnited to her true obiect , shall haue no more lightnes , weaknesse , or inconstancy : but she is too farre estranged from it : those arts , and sciences , which the poet said , were giuen vs by the gods , are but the shadowes , and images of that which remaines in their brest ; we find none but weak ones like our selues , all things goe with a trembling , and an ill assured pace , & it seemes they are obliged by one , & the same law , to follow one , and the same pace , and dance as we doe : it seemes that our first fathers haue enioyed it more pleasantly , and with lesse contradiction then we ; our antient philosophers who succeeded them , haue seized it by a thorny place , which hath sowne among them so many diuorces , and quarrells , that if wee beare any respect , or reuerence to their writings , it is as much for their antiquitie , as for their merits : our age hath seene many great , and excellent wits , which the farther distant they are from our sight , the neerer they approach our praise , and recommendation : but because learning is no longer prised , and esteemed among vs , it seemes that she is choaked , and smothered betweene their hands ; it appeares to vs , she hath no more fame , and lustre , but among strangers : wee beleeue , that hee in whom wee haue seene , and obserued some faults , can produce nothing but that which is defiled , and vitious : we value men , as we doe figures , or statues of stone , which wee prise the more for their antiquity , and behold them more curiously , and attentiuely then we would doe a statue of gold , or siluer , which we our selues haue seene made , although it were farre more inriched by the art , and labour of an excellent workeman ; and this onely because we haue seene a deformed massie piece thereof , whereon he hath began to labour ; let him hencefoorth doe what he can , he cannot remooue this thought from our minde , where as the other hath neuer appeared to vs but in his lustre . so those whom we haue seene to play the men like our selues , their oracles , and prophets haue not beene approoued , or esteemed among vs , as those antient philosophers , whom it seemes that we cannot otherwise imagine , then with their eyes , and thoughts tyed fast to the bosome of the diuinity ; and in a perpetuall re-search of the dependance , and vniting together of second causes , to this first sacred spring , and fountaine ; we haue neuer seene them in their bed , table , or family : if one and the same age had made them our time-fellowes , i know not if the familiarity of their life , had not distasted vs of the familiaritie of their wits . that medales are not prised but for their rust , and age , and that man ( so weake , and wretched he is ) deserues no honour , or praise , but of those to whom he is vnknowne : if his memory be too recent , and fresh , if the fame of his vertues be as yet but in his orient , he aduanceth with much difficulty . for as at the rising of the sunne , we see a great thicke fogge of grosse , vapours , which seemes to arise , but onely purposely to ecclipse , and darken his light , vntill with a bold , and resolute pace , he trample vnder his feete the pride of this malignant fogge , who is so ielous , and enuious of his brightnesse ; but in the middest of his course , hauing attained the point of our zenith , then he seemes to triumph ouer his enemies , as antiently vnder the image of apollo , he quelled the arrogancy of that infamous serpent of the earth : so i say , the fame , and glory of all those illustrious personages , hath commonly found its death , in its cradle , and in her very birth : is still found obscured , yea , almost defaced by the hot vapours of a thousand enuious spirits , vntill that after the tract of many yeeres , it in the end remaines victorious of their life , and likewise prooues so of their callumnie . and then ariued to the point of the zenith , their merits haue found no farther hinderance to oreshadowe their glory ; and the length of time hauing transported them from our sight , hath then likewise transported and secured them from the darts of enuie and scandall . if truth were borne , or resided in the tongue of our neighbour , it should be vndervalued , yea , contemned ; whereas we receiue it as an oracle from that of a stranger . i admire not if those of elder times were so ambiguous in their answeres : for the difficulty and intricacie thereof , brought them more admiration . we haue too bad an opinion of our selues in this onely , and too good in all other things . if hee who by the iudgement hee makes of man in generall , would yet vse him with more contempt ( so as it were equally ) we then should haue nothing to gaine-say , prouided i say , that a stranger which comes not to vs , but by his writings , and by that which is best in him , could not hope for more particular fauour , and applause then another among vs. but because it seemes that the glory which wee giue , and conferre to this last , diminish our owne : we will therefore giue it farre cheaper , and for lesse interest to him whom wee haue not seene , and hauing nothing to intermeddle or doe with him ; but for an end to all , it is alwayes man who giues , and man who receiues . as long as art aad learning is found in him , it shall still be to him a reproach of incertainty and ignorance . o that the life of man is farre different from his writings , yea from himselfe ! our pen rules and gouernes the thoughts which we commit to paper , and inconstancie , those which wee permit to runne vpon the waues of our imagination : but whosoeuer could see them in grosse , and in their ordinary demarch and pace , shall finde little lesse cause to laugh at the vanity and inanity of one then the other , and at the fantasie of a philosopher , then wee doe at the may-games of a childe : for despight of the order and polishing , which we vse in the dependance , and connexion of our discourse , wee cannot for the most part auoide or preuent , that our reasons doe not contend and assaile one the other , as well as their effects . in this small and short discourse , there are contradictions enough , but it matters not : reason contradicts her selfe ; and my opinion can turne it selfe no way whatsoeuer , that shee meete not with some of her owne party , and who will maintaine her in the point of her reasons , so much humane knowledge hath of auerse and different faces . wee incessantly turne round about obiects , and we can neither seize nor apprehend them , but by strange qualities , and outward apparances . but the apparance and the subiect it selfe , are different things . if then our iudgement stop onely to apparances or outward shewes , hee iudgeth of some thing which is not the subiect . what certaintie in this incertaintie ? what light amidst so much darknesse ? what truth ( i say ) can result or arriue to vs , if the matter or subiect , according to the opinion of pythagoras , be in perpetuall changes and reuolution ? if wee haue no participation of a true being : if all humane nature be still in the midst betweene birth and death , the time present betwixt the past and the future ; and if it be true , that reason receiues nothing , but which is brought him from without , by the meanes and interuention of the senses , which cast great mists betweene the true and false , and betweene the obiect and the thought ; she can very difficultly come to the knowledge of truth , a-thwart so many cloudes of lusts , loues , feares , and hopes ; and of an infinity of false formes , which frequently arise from our body , to ouer-vaile and shadow our minde , and to trouble the power of our imagination : that if our soule doe not estrange her selfe from the contagion of the body , and from his fantasies and frenzies ; it is in vaine that she attempt to reason or consult so certainly , without the assistance of particular grace , or speciall priuiledge which may descend to him from aboue . she ought to know that shee is shut vp , and confined in our body , as in a strange place . true it is , shee beares about her this diuine desire of knowledge ; but it is a coyne or money , which doth nothing else but vnprofitably load and charge her , because it hath no currant course in that country where she is . the senses vnderstand not her language , so that vnder their pleasure and mercy , shee is enforced and constrained to content her selfe , with what portion it pleaseth them to giue her . her morsels are cut : if shee thinke to escape this slauerie , by the flight of her thoughts , and the labour of a long meditation , shee but drawes her chaine after her , and despight of her shrill resounding , findes her selfe so weake without their assistance , that for the time which she is retain'd here in prison , she may say , shee is wholly indebted for the benefit of her faculties , and most free actions , to the fauour , good disposition , and sweet vsage of our senses . they are indeede our seruants and our slaues ; but yet they haue more power and authority in the house then our selues . wee are masters by the obedience which they voluntarily yeeld vs , and not by the command which we haue ouer them . our power lasteth but whiles they please , and if any passion throwe them into confusion , our soule then retireth into her selfe , all perplexed and fearefull , vntill the disorder be appeased , and pacified in her estate , and that euery one of our senses bee re-established in his kingdome . and how then , after so exact and perfect a knowledge of the weakenesse , vanity , and other imperfections of man ; shall wee yet haue the courage to place him in the ranke of the gods , according to the opinion of pythagoras , when he spake of dion , whom hee said to be as vertuous as a god ? yea , and by a higher straine and ladder ; if wee will enter into the schoole of seneca ; then saith he , when a wise man by the degrees of reason , hath attained so high , that hee hath gotten an absolute power , and command ouer his passions : hee hath done that thing which god cannot doe ; because it is beyond all passions . is it not from mans impotencie , to deriue a power more soueraigne then that of god : for , for man to glory in his actions , he doth a thing which god cannot doe : is not this a faire consequence of our reasons ! o vanity of man , vanity of science and knowledge , the more wee aduance , the more wee still haue to aduance . can we then beleeue , that this reason which so puffes vp our heart , and fills and enflames our courage , hath any thing permanent or subsistent in it , but pride and vaine glorious outward apparance ? shee knowes not how to fight , but faignedly . our reasons impetuously follow their point ; but meeting with a stronger they conniue , they escape ; and commonly those which are diametrally contrary , and so affirmatiuely maintained , that they seeme to partake and engage in their quarell the authority of the greatest wits , are yet diametrally false , and as much distant from the centre of the truth , one as another . wee haue nothing more certaine then doubts : and for me , if i doubt of the reasons and principles of those sciences , whereof we haue aboue discoursed : it may be i doubt more of the reasons which i haue alledged to the contrary . the end of the second discourse . the third discourse . of opinion . section . i. to cut off the liberty of iudgement , is to bereaue the sunne of her light , and to depriue man of his fairest ornament . the senses conduct vs ( as by the hand ) to the knowledge of things : but our iudgement stumbles at euery step , and many times shipwracks her selfe against the errour of opinion : for if the eye of the body iudge of the difference of colours , the eye of our reason very often horrowes a strange light to iudge the qualities of her obiect . as if our passions and vices , did not fill vs with defects and faults enough , without hauing neede to ioyne those of others , thereby to bring vs the more anxiety and trouble , and the more to obscure vs the knowledge of the truth . this abuse teacheth vs , that to know well how to keepe , and maintaine the opinion of others , is the end of our knowledge . that philosopher seeking in the secrets of nature , the being and essence of things , ( notwithstanding any liuely conceptions and true apprehensions , wherewith his soule shall be possessed , ) hee shall be likewise fed with many false and absurd ones , the which wee confusedly embrace and espouse , with an equall passion , through the reputation which they haue purchased and gotten among vs , vpon the pasport of a popular iudgement . good money should not authorise the course and passage of false ; nor for bad opinions to condemne those which deserue to be approued and applauded . it is one and the same fault , absolutely to praise , or to condemne all things in a man ; and i hold it cannot bee performed with iustice. those who haue sought the truth before vs , should bee our guides , but not our masters , in such manner , that they rather teach vs how to beleeue , then dispute . but this aduantage and profit which we receiue by them , should be but as a sparkle to enkindle and enflame our courage , with a generous desire of enioying this truth . all the world seeke her ; their wayes are open , and free to all those who will approach her . some one thinke they haue giuen her some assault : others stay halfe way , and yet there will be place found for our reasons . it is the butte whereat all ayme , but none can strike ; it is too farre distant from vs : and i beleeue that as many powers as wee employ to attaine thereto , they are so many arrowes darted vp against this diuine sunne , which are scattered and lost in the cloudes of our weake and vaine imaginations . neuerthelesse , to beleeue the onely report of others , and to content our selues of their proofes ; i hold it better to essay , and bee assured of our owne weakenesse , then to relie vpon the reputation and authority of other men . our actions are of so small importance and consequence , that if in their losse they yet enwrappe that of our time , we should lesse grieue to employ them in this curious research , then yet to consume them vnprofitably in the vanitie of things , where wee feele our selues caried away by the streame and current of the water ; i meane by the errour of opinion . our senses haue formerly taught vs , that without them reason is nothing , nor hath no place from whence to drawe her forces ; or from whence shee may take her motions , thereby to know the truth of things , and to establish a firme foundation , to the end , that by the perquisition which shee makes of things knowne and discouered , shee may passe on to the knowledge of those , which are obscured and hidden ▪ let vs for this regard content our selues of the vice and fault which is in vs , without contributing any more , through the vice of our owne opinion , and the weakenesse of our iudgement ; which dares not vndertake to con●roule the opinion of others , and lesse to weigh or balance the the reasons , which many times are more esteem'd , and considerable in the white beards of their authors , then in a solid or lawfull value ; which makes , that wee ought not to admire , if wee finde so many learned personages among vs ; it is , that relying , and resting our selues vpon principles , which we haue neuer proued or essayed ; wee by this way , finde our reason well grounded , and still assi●●ed by truth her selfe ; if it bee true that authority and opinion , ought to haue this credit and reputation . being curious to know , we doe as those who goe to seeke fire in their neighbours houses ; and hauing found some , we stay there to heat our selues , without any more thinking to bring home any to our owne . wee stop at the knowledge of others , and forget that which nature hath infused in vs , of the most sucsseptible of this flame ; and it may be , which may produce a more shining fire , then that of whom wee haue borrowed the first sparkes . this voluntary tyrannie of the pythagoriciens cannot please me , who for all reasons , and satisfaction of their doubts , make answere , that their master held it so . if pythagoras had beene so religious in the rules , and principles of his master , so many excellent secrets , had remained buried in the bosome of nature , or at least , had neuer beene discouered to him . but because there are found so few well gouerned soules , that we ought to assure our selues , by their proper comportment , and conduction ; and that without the vse of common opinions , can follow a firme , and sollid way , it is more fit to commit them to tuition , not to lose the sight of them , and to stay them against their nature , by feare of the rod , vnder the priuiledge , and authority of their superiour . how many are there dayly seene , who relying vpon the onely mercury of their wit , flying the common way , doe ouerflow in the licentiousnesse of their owne opinions , and afterwards finde nothing firme , or stable : no more in their manners , then in their imaginations : and so of a wit , too vaine , and subtile to their owne preiudice , thinking to erraise , and eleuate themselues beyond the vulgar , in the research , and knowledge of the most curious things , they sincke , and drowne themselues in the misprision , and not knowing of themselues : and with the thrid of their owne presumption , doe weaue out their owne ineuitable losse , and ruine : this confusion of true , and false , and the perpetuall disorder , where their thoughts are engaged in a new philosophie , without end , middle , or beginning , may suffice of it selfe to replace them ( as by force ) in the right way , or at least to rectifie ; and make them see , and know their erring , and straying ; if they loue not to be absolutely blind , yea , to pull out their owne eyes , not to be obliged , to see the raies of this diuine sunne of iustice , no more then they doe the shadowes of their owne grosse ignorance : let vs farther beleeue , that in denying this diuine iustice , it is a reasonable way , and meanes to decline it . mad-men that you are ; what recusation can you giue to that iudge , which makes you to flie from his iurisdiction . if you see that all things of nature , vnder one same law , reuerence one , and the same lord ; how can you then escape him ? if not , that your soule being infected with so mortall a poyson , vnites , and fastens her selfe to the corruption of the body , and will follow the course of mortall things , rather then aspire to the place of her birth . the liberty they beleeue they haue to penetrate , and sound the trueth of religion , by the point of their weake , and vnprofitable reasons , is the head spring of so preiudiciall a contagion , imagining with themselues , that it is but a piece of mens inuention , requisite , and proper to linke , and chaine together their societie . but it is not with religion , as with sciences , for they haue very opposite , and different proofes ; for science , ( or learning ) is the subiect , and hand-maid of reason , and humane reason must be the hand-maid of religion , not but that she some times essayeth to set , and place vs aloft on her shoulders , that we may thereby see a farre off , and to make vs see the trueth of that sacred word , which in his height laughes at the most proude , and astonisheth the most attentiue , with his profunditie ; feedes great ones with trueth , and descending to the capacitie , and vnderstanding of the least , entertaines them with a pleasing , and affable language ; notwithstanding , i● will be more requisite for vs , not to submit it to the test , or approbation of our humane reasons , because religion being singular of it selfe , and beyond comparison of any naturall things ; it is vaine , and ridiculous , for man to fasten thereunto his weake reasons , because they are incompatible , and haue no trafique , or commerce together . humane , and diuine things conioyne together , but by a diameter , which is not of the purchase of our knowledge ; much lesse , that which is presented to vs by the hand of god ; and yet euery one among vs , ( notwithstanding ) hauing right to contribute his reasons , thereby to fortifie himselfe , giues him pretext , and colour , seeming to submit to mans reason , and iudgement , that which ought absolutely to bee excluded , and chiefely of the vulgar sort of men ; who from the depth of their ignorance , endeauour to aduance , and eleuate their heads , to speake their opinion thereof ; which makes , that if we condemn● any thing of superstition , and that if we giue it the audacitie , to contemne any opinion which it reuerenceth , he presently shakes off the yoake to all others , doeth lose , and confound all , one among the other , and as if freed , and disburthened of all which formerly most opressed him , doeth afterwards abandone himselfe to those exemptions , and liberties , which through their poyson , and contagion , are capable to engender most dangerous diseases in the estate of the body ; and if wee contemne his iudgements , and counsells in common affaires , is it reasonable , we permit him to speake in a matter of so great importance ? section . ii. all things wonderfully encrease , and fortifie them selues through opinion . mans iudgement hath else-where enough to imploy it selfe , without he interest , or ingage himselfe herein ; let him looke round about him , and he shall finde nothing but corruption , both within , and without , if hee desire to remarke , or remedy it . which comes to passe by the meanes of false opinions , who hauing vsurped the empire of our reason , haue banished the pleasures , which a sweete nature presents vs , to lodge strange lusts , and desires insteed thereof , which haue nothing in themselues but shadowes , smoake , and vaine apparitions ; resembling those forraigne forces , who hauing violently possessed themselues of a citie , doe exclude , and banish the naturall inhabitants thereof . i may say , wee haue done as the companions of vlysses , who despight the prohibition of their master , being led by a curious desire to see what was in the bladder which they caried in their ship ; as soone as their rash curiosity had opened , and giuen way to the windes there enclosed , they presently disturb'd the calme empire of the sea , with so many stormes and tempests , that vlysses himselfe sawe himselfe within two fingers of shipwracke , and of death . right so , man retaining enclosed , and pent vp in his imagination , the seede of so many vanities , cannot refraine from disclosing them ; and giuing way to his errours , hath risen vp so furious a tempest , that the wiseman himselfe , although innocent , can difficultly saue his ship from the fury of the waues , and from the dangerous sea monsters , which of all sides appeare , and approach to swallow him vp . our passions are the windes , from whence proceede the tempests of our soule ; windes pent and shut vp , which can finde no other issue or passage , but by false opinion , who weake and tender in his beginning , hauing surpriz'd the most simple , vnder the authority of number and antiquity of witnesses , hath extended himselfe to the most iudicious and capable . but hee who can ascend to his head-spring , shall finde but a very small brooke , which being difficultly knowne at the place of his first birth and originall , is wonderfully encreased and fortified by the course and currant of his age . the birth and beginning of estates and empires , doe fade and wither by degrees , through the very greatnesse and w●ight of their augmentation . by the same hands which princes held their scepters , they also caried the sheepe-hooke , and the senate of rome disdain'd not to borrow her consuls from agriculture ; to commit the helme of the estate into his hands , who formerly contented himselfe to conduct the plough ; and this new dignity fill'd their courages with so little vanity , that they preferr'd the ease and tranquillity of their country life , to the greatest honours they could exspect from their dignities . but it seemes that mans inuention , would extenuate , and quell the troublesome burthen of these dignities , by the lures and charmes of a vaine glory , which it hath sowen and disperced vpon the approaches , to the end that , that which heretofore was contemn'd by the most worthiest , may giue them some cause to affect themselues : as that adulterous woman , who hauing not l●res enough to make her desired , doth ( by the meanes of painting ) borrowe a thousand other forraigne fashions , the more easily to seduce , and abuse those whose affection she seekes and desires . but since that deceitfull painting and decoration , hath poysoned the hearts of men , they haue all inconsiderately ranne thereto who should be first : so as that which heretofore could difficultly be desired ; is now so passionately beloued and embraced of that passion , that our wealth , our pleasures , and our life , hath nothing but bitternesse out of the painefull employment , and troublesome exercise of some publique dignity or office , which more truly oppresseth and loades our mindes , then our backes ; and wholy engageth our liberty in popular affaires and disturbancie : as if our owne had not enowe , whereof sufficiently to employ our selues ; if it be not that too familiarly casting our sight vpon our owne affaires and businesses , that the fauour which wee conferre and giue to our selues , preuents and hinders the effect of our iudgement , by diuerting it other wheres . which is that , that hath occasioned the poet to complaine with vs , in that being too much knowne to the world , we yet dye onely vnknowne to our selues . that if we laugh at those who antiently commended themselues for weeping at funeralls , and so to purchase true profit , by their false and faigned teares ; what ought wee then say of those , who to wed themselues to other mens passions , and to make themselues slaues to their affections , doe engage their wealth and liberty . the sorrow of those was in showe , and their profit in effect : but the wealth and honour of those , is but in opinion , and their labour and solicitude in truth . the profit and honour which succeedes thereof , doth too ill requite and pay this subiection , without needing to buy it so dearely , yea at the double value thereof , by engaging our goods and persons . and yet if desert or merit could bee receiued in payment , it were well : but it seemes that merit is one of the weakest meanes to arriue thereto . gold and siluer will finde place in the worser sort of people , and by their splendor , doth so ecclipse and blinde the eyes of the vulgar , that the very report and beliefe thereof sufficeth with them , to giue those the title of wiser , whose grauity , fortune , and roabe , giues beliefe to a thousand vaine , and ill-beseeming discourses . apelles was not discommendable , who seeing a knight in his shop very brauely and richly apparelled , and couered with many bracelets and chaines of gold , who after a long silence , intermedled impertinently to praise some of his courser pictures ; apelles returned him this answere : thou art much to be reproued and blamed , because before thou spakest , thy followers , thy countenance , and rich apparell , made my apprentizes esteeme thee to be some great and wise personage ; but now by thy speeches hauing discouered thy ignorance , they no more prise , or regard thee : a regular silence is no small grace , and aduantage to a man raised in dignity . we still presume all things of him , whereof he ought to be capable , vntill his discourse confirme and ratifie it to be the contrary , and many times to the preiudice of his reputation . and many one will finde in this mans tongue matters of admiration , which in anothers , hee will repute worthy of contempt and laughter : so much iudgement is ore-mastred , and curbed by opinion , which of it selfe produceth nothing , but faigned and disguised . section . iii. opinion very ill requites the greatnesse to hold her still in shew , and esteeme , and to giue all the world right to controule her actions . the priuiledge of princes , and great men sufficiently testifies it , by the false exteriour shew , and apparance ; those sumptuous buildings , adorned with marble , and porphyry ; those robes enriched , and embroidered with gold , and pretious-stones , touch vs but exteriourly , they deceiue our eyes , but if our fight could as well perceiue the rust , which they engender by the vse thereof in their soules , as the spark●ling splendor , which they outwardly defuse ; wee shall finde , that fortune delights to strew roses about them , and that she hides the thornes in their hearts , thereby to giue all the world more cause to enuie her fauours , which are but in shew , and apparance . it seemes that to bee aduanced , and eleuated in so high a throne , they must renounce the common pleasures of the societie of men , and that hauing no more commerce , and familiarity with them , by reason of so great a disparity , they must conuerse , and disport themselues a part ; and no more entermeddle with the delights , and pleasures of life , which seemes to bee so inter-wouen , and linked together , that they cannot please vs , except others haue the same interest therein with vs : if their greatnesse giue them a facile , and easie enioyance of their desires , meeting with no difficultie , which egges them forwards , or rather , which inflames their appetites ; then this facilitie makes them presently the more to loathe , and distast it ; and so those delights , and pleasures which fortune seemes to present , and prostitu●e to them , it is onely to the end , and purpose they shall not enioy them : that which shee giues them with her left hand , shee snatcheth from them with her right ; i meane , shee giues them imaginary good things , and but too true , and assured euills : in a word , their condition hath more dignitie , then content , or profit . a●las , on whose shoulders our poets haue placed this great stupendious masse of elements , and heauens dared not to bow , or slumber , for feare lesse the weight of this burthen , meeting with weake , and feeble shoulders , through the vapours of a slumber , comming to be reuersed , and ouerthrowne , should returne to his first chaos , and confusion . the vigilancy of a prince , must defend the houses , his care the rest , and his diligence the delights , and pleasures of his people ; and as another sunne , hee must incessantly stray among the houses of his zodiaque , that by his continuall motion , all things be preserued , and entertained in a constant , and an immooueable order : adde here vnto , that they are of the same mettall we are , and that their crownes , and diademes , doe not couer them from the sunne , or raine ; what remaines there , but onely the bare , and naked opinion , which drawes after her the true feeling of a most painefull , and trouble-some care ? but to be too farre estranged from the quality , and condition of men , they flie , and stray from themselues , and their vices , and passions , and feeling themselues flattered by all those who enuiron them , doe so augment , and encrease , that through so thicke , and darke a cloud , their reason can no more iudge of that which may bee trueth in others , and much lesse in themselues : all that which they see about them is vailed , and masked , and if it bee true , that the knowledge of our wretched condition , and the contempt which we make of our selues , cannot but difficultly suffocate , and strangle in our soules , ambition , presumption , and the other vices of a corrupted nature . iudge then , to what point , and height they ought to ascend in the persons of princes , and if they doe not infinitely , and immeasurably grow , when they are approoued , and applauded of all the world. they therefore must haue a wonderfull care , and constancy to bee able to resist them ; for who is hee among vs , who enuironed with flaterers , and of those who praise him , doeth not then most flatter himselfe ; a degree of flatterie , much more dangerous then the other , because the minde being arriued to this point , hath no more diffidence of her selfe : i vnderstand it of a most dangerous flatterer , from whom hee is to defend himselfe : there is no step more slipperie then that , nor fall more dangerous , because chiefely , our will disdaineth to lend vs her hand to lift vs vp , and seemes to mocke at our misfortune , without knowing it ; as those barbarians , who vnaccustomed to see the engins of warre , doe remisly , and carelesly see those worke who besiege them , without vnderstanding , whereunto those workes , and approach tend , which they see made towards them . our soule surprised by the lures , and charmes of a false praise , findes her selfe insensibly besieged of so many vices , without knowing their approaches , vntill she haue no more meanes , or power to resist them . opinion comes , and assailes her , drawing after her animositie , detraction , lying , inconstancy , irresolution , incertainetie , sorrow , superstition , enuie , ielousie , couetousnesse , ambition , and an infinite other irregular , mad , and vndaunted appetites , and passions , which comming sodainely to fall , and rush pell-mell vpon her , she findes her selfe to bee sooner vanquished , then beaten downe , and quite ouerthrowne , before shee know the forces of her enemies , against whom she is to contend , and fight . section . iv. the common-people haue no more certaine , nor cleere-seeing guide then opinion . the condition of the vulgar seemes to be in a more peaceable estate , and tranquillitie , and in a station more firme , and secure to wrestle with his enemies . trueth is more familiar with him , and the libertie which is in euery one to contradict the vices , and ill manners of his friend , giues a great aduantage , and way to finde out the knowledge of his owne imperfections , which is the first , and most necessary meanes to apply wholesome preparatiues , and remedies : but he is so deepely plunged , and ingulphed in vice , that he hath lost all feeling thereof ; the more he is spurred on , the deeper he stickes fast in dirt , and mire : hee hath his interiour , and exteriour so infected , and corrupted , that it seemes , it is the onely rockes , and shelues , which wee must eschew in the tempestious sea of our life , and against which , neuerthelesse , the currant of the water drawes vs after it , with so much violence , and impetuositie , that it is almost impossible for vs to secure our selues from shipwracke ; for who is he , who being desirous to introduce himselfe in the way of wisedome , hath not had more to doe , to fight against opinion , then against any other particular vice ? those common imaginations which wee finde about vs , and which are infused into our soule , by the seede of our fathers , are so generall , and naturall , that they giue vs enough shamelesse art , to condemne of errour , and barbarisme , all that growes in forraigne coun●ries ; it is not thus , that we must abandone the liberty of our iudgements , to the slauery of opinion . wherfore serues this facultie of reason to him , which hath not resolution enough to examine , and know the vice of things , which are in credit , and reputation with himselfe ; and the good of those which hee findes vsed , and practised by his neighbours . it is very farre distant , to measure the boundes of his citie , by those of the sunne ; in a moment to behold all the habitable earth , and to nourish in him this generous designe , to produce such excellent actions , that the seruice , and vtilitie which the place of our birth may receiue thereby , may generally redound to all the parts , and corners of the earth . partialitie , is an enemie to libertie , and as long as we shall bee subiect to this example , it is but an abuse of our iudgement . he is beloued , and priuiledged of the people , who esteemes euery thing according to its valew : it is iniustice in all things , to make the ballance fall to our side , if it bee not by the weights of reason . it seemes that the eye of our vnderstanding is so much shortned , that it ought to be confined to the knowledge of those things which enuiron vs ; wee are so much , and so fast tyed to our owne particular interest , as we beleeue the sunne shines onely for vs , and that the cloudes which couer our hemisphere , should ouer shadow all the earth : all goes in the same braule , and dance as we doe ; that which out-flyes , and exceedes the limites of our vse , and custome , are no more birdes of our vnderstanding ; hee must shut himselfe vp in this straite ; and that this guide , and torch which nature had giuen vs , to conduct vs through all the parts of the world , should bee strangled by the multitude of opinions , wherein wee haue beene bred , and are so growne vp with age , that they haue tane the hand , and place of reason , and after hauing dispossessed her of her empire , they haue interdicted vs all other knowledge of trueth , but that which wee can perceiue , and discerne through the foggie thickenesse of so many false cloudes . section v. opinion ( as an ingenious painter , ) giues those things which inuiron vs , such face , and figure as it pleaseth . hee that can take off the maske of all our feares , and apprehensions , shall finde that they are vaine idoles , which we haue so clad , and that affrighted with the apparell we haue giuen them , and the lineaments which wee haue painted in their faces , wee goe hide our selues , and dare no more cast our eyes vpon this ghost , who fills vs with wonder , and astonishment , at the sight of his fearefull posture . if wee haue so much resolution , and courage to affront him , to take from him that which we haue giuen him , and to deuest him of that which hee hath borrowed of our opinions , we shall finde that we are true children , which formerly feared nothing , but the ma●●e , losse of honour , exile , banishment ; and all that afflicteth vs : except griefe , which is deriued of nature ; haue they any grounds ▪ or foundations but opinion . honour wherewith wee are so passionately surprised , and taken , that griefe , death , and all that nature hath depainted vs so fearefull , and ghastly , is nothing in comparison of this lose . what brings she with her , at her arriual but wind , and smoake ? or what else doeth slee draw after her ? 〈◊〉 vs feele euery place ▪ and part of our 〈◊〉 , to see what marke she hath 〈◊〉 vs , & what she hath tane , and cari●d from vs , & we shall finde all that we had before to be whole , and sound . what is this exile which wee so much feare , if we transport , and cary all our vertues with vs ; what losse , what dammage can we be reproached of ? bias being reduced , and stript to his shirt , and enforced , and driuen from his countrie by the sacking , and burning of his citie , did neuerthelesse vaunt to haue lost nothing , because the goods which were stolen from him , were subiect to fortune . he neuer held them but perishable , and the which hee could lose without lamenting them ? and to vse but one word ; fortune could neuer make a breach in his vertue : doe wee not see the sunne , and starres in all parts of the world ; and is not vertue an excellent coine , and money to purchase vs friendes euery where ? man borne to see all things , if he be lincked to the place of his birth , through the dutie of an office , or dig●itie , or the loue of his parents , doeth he no voluntarily banish himselfe from all the world , to liue in one place of his countrie ; an● hee whom fortune will driue from his home , ●he consents thereto , 〈…〉 in his will , whom finde you , who deserue , to 〈◊〉 most lamented ; either he who wedding himselfe to a particular passion , exiles himselfe from all the world , to inclose , and shut himselfe in some smaller island ; or he who banisheth himselfe from this little island , to giue himselfe to all the other parts of the earth ? if we are taken away from our bed , we are so tender , and delicate , that we can no more repose our selues : the bird cannot stay contentedly in his cage , though neuer so well vsed ; as holding no greater enemie , then constraint , and man no greater friende then slauery : if you expell him his house , you put him out of content , and countenance . so cowardly , and vncouragious is he , that he wondereth at his owne wit , vndertakes , and triumpheth ouer all , whiles cordes , and fetters euery where inseperably binde , and chaine him to slauery ; and hee were happie , if this affliction flying from his eyes , might bee insensible to him : but hee hath now as little right , and power ouer his minde , as his body ; all is a like engaged ; he liues not , hee thinkes not , hee mooues , nor shakes not , but vpon credit ; his soule , bound , and constrained vnder other mens opinions , makes her selfe slaue , and captiue to their authori●ie . should not beasts haue reason , hauing so well knowne how to conserue that which nature hath giuen to euery one of them in particular , to mocke man , who onely for a piece of bread , hath either lost , or engaged the fauours , whereof nature had giuen him the preheminencie , and predominancie aboue all other creatures ? but when he lookes a little about him ; i assure my selfe , that hee shall yet finde tyrants , who after they haue stripped him to his shirt , ( as a thiefe doeth a merchant in a wood , who ties him to a tree , for feare that hee reueale him , ) after i say , they haue hood-winked his eyes , they haue so subtilly fettered him to his passions , that hee euery where drawes after him his owne chaine , without knowing it : vanitie , and opinion haue reduced him to the same estate , wherein you see him : they are still at his elbowes , and for feare that he doe not reknow himselfe , they neuer lose sight of him . one makes him beleeue he is a god on earth ; the other presents him the vowes , and prayers of the multitude ; the honour , and esteeme of all the world , as wee doe to a childe , castles of gold , and siluer , or some other ridiculous thing , to make him endure more patiently a phlebotomising : and yet hee is not in so bad an estate , that hee should despaire of his health ; but he treates , and parlies with them too much . if hee receiue any good , and wholesome instruction , it is as soone corrupted by their too frequent familiaritie : at least , if that which hee could not doe by meere force , hee would yet endeuour to performe by the addresse , and dexteritie of his body . if he could not vanquish , and ouerthrow them by high wrestling , he would yet finde meanes to auoide , and escape them : the ioynt promise , and condition which hee hath passed them , may bee disolued , when hee desires it , for two chiefe , and principall reasons ; the one , the violence which he may alleadge to the contrary , the other , to haue subiected them to a thing , which of its nature cannot bee of this condition ; so that any tie , or aduantage , which they may haue ouer vs , wee shall yet reserue meanes enough to saue our selues , if wee haue the intent , and designe thereto . section vi. opinion leaues nothing entire , but its corruption , and pardoneth not vertue her selfe . it is not reasonable to make our enemie stronger then hee is ; let vs not giue vnto things , any other face , nor lend them any other body , but that which trueth , and nature haue giuen them ; we shall then finde , that all that which we tearme good , or euill , will come and prostitute themselues to our feete , and yeeld to our mercy , to receiue of vs such condition , and qualitie as wee please . we will conuert to our behoofe , and profit all that falles into our hands , and will order , and manage it so , that all that which is round about vs , shall not touch vs , but by the best place . fortune hath no power to furnish any other thing then matter , and it resteth in our iudgement , to giue it what forme it pleaseth . all things differ but by that , and if they borrowed not those displeasing formes of our opinion , wisedome would bee in reputation , and glory ; and fortune would languish , as beaten downe to the feete of a triumphant vertue ; whosoeuer can manage it to his aduantage , it will bee the part of a well-refined , and polished wit. but let vs proceed to that which toucheth , and concernes vs more neerely ; and let vs enforce our selues to pull out this thorne , which incessantly trauerseth , and troubleth our repose , and giues vs so many disturbances . it is that which we call paine , which by the inequalitie of her sence , and feeling , sufficiently witnesseth , that wee foment , and cherish it beyond her worth , and naturall being , and that at the very entrance of our euills , and afflictions , it remaines in vs to giue them what composition we please . some haue beene more afflicted at the feare of paine , then of paine it selfe , and more tormented at its absence , then presence . all things are proportioned ; if the afflictions which assaile vs bee violent , they are not lasting , nor permanent ; and difficultlie can wee feele it , because the suddainenesse takes away the sence thereof : if it bee moderate , it is the easier to bee supported ; if pouertie , griefe , death , bee such as they are figured , and depainted vs , why then did socrates laugh at pouertie , mocke at griefe , and contemne death ? were the senses of his body insensible ? no , but he iudged otherwise thereof then we doe , hee lodged them in himselfe , according to their iust esteeme , and valew , and not as we doe , who know them not , but by the fearefull markes , and countenance of those who haue approoued , and experienced them ; and who had prepared such faint courages to withstand them , that it was easie enough for death , and griefe to make themselues victoriously felt , and feared : the feare of some who are carried to their execution , hath it not made them in a manner , to meete with death halfe way ; the sight of the preparatiues of death , doe as it were , make death flie into his brest , and depriue him of his sense , and life , before hee haue felt any of the torments that are prepared for him : hee who on the scaffold attended the blow of the sword to cut off his head , being but touched with a wet table-napkin , his very apprehension , and feare made him to deuance death , and so died immediately . and then let vs take assurance from such spies , to know whence it is ; but farre was that philosopher , from this vniust , and base feare , who at the very point , and instant that the executioner was to giue him the blow of death , being demanded by one of his friendes whereon hee thought , answered , that hee imployed all the powers of his minde , to consider how his soule would separate her selfe from his body . if many like him , had beene sent to know , and affront death , it may bee they would depaint him to vs not so obscure , as sleepe , and slumber . death did not much preiudice him , he would silently treate , and reason with himselfe till the end , and till the very last-gaspe , and period of his life , he would manage the vnderstanding , which nature had giuen him : so wee iudge of all things , either by the semblances , or euents of things , which of themselues haue nothing sure , or certaine . our imaginations , thoughts , and manners may well bee corrupted ; sith this contagion hath not excused , nor spared vertue her selfe , which could not comport her selfe so well , passing through our hands , but that shee felt our corruption . wee more willingly embrace her for the glory which shee drawes after her , as her shadow , then for her selfe . the markes , and armes , whereby shee makes her selfe seene , knowne , yea desired , doe they not sufficiently declare , and testifie that they are the fruites of our opinion : whosoeuer should see her alone by her selfe , all naked , and without artifice , although indeede , this bee her riches● dresse , and attire ; i know not if hee would desire , or loue her . a soule must be wonderfully powerfull , not to affect , and cherish her , but because she is amiable , and makes as little esteeme of contempt , as of glory : for if wee performe any vertuous action , it is rather for the content which wee hope for , to sow , and spread our name in many mouthes , then for our owne satisfaction . so wee are pleasing to the world , we care not what we are within our selues : the world is extreamely obliged , and bound to vs , to affect , and cherish her more then we do our selues : some are seene in the front of a battaile , who feele themselues more animated , and egged on by their owne vanitie , then by their courage in the execution of a generous exploite ; so as it seemes , that in these our times , there is nothing so cleane , or pure , but this vice hath thereunto added , and applied her rust : also it is very difficult , how so euer wee resolue so to vnwinde , and free our selues from popular opinions , that wee still remaine not some where engaged . vlisses had to defend himselfe , but against the charming voyce of the syrenes , but it was not against the voyce of the people . that which wee ought to feare , comes not from one rocke , but from all the corners of the world ; a voyce neuerthelesse of so small importance , and consequence , that it can neither eleuate , nor deiect the merits of a wise man , no more then shadowes being great , or little , doe diminish the true proportion , and greatnesse of the body : at least , because a wise man cannot wholly disingage , and exempt himselfe from this presse , and croude of people ; let him leaue his body , his goods , his legges among them , for it matters not much , prouided that he retire his minde wholly to himselfe , and that as the sunne , ( despight his dayly motion , ) leaues not to obserue , and follow a particular way , and course , contrary to his first mooueable . so a wise man in the course of worldly affaires , although hee bee tyed to the custome , and dependance of popular opinions , vnder the conduct of reason , yet hee findes , and followes a particular way , whereby to entertaine himselfe , in a perpetuall health , and tranquillitie of minde . the end of the third discourse . the fourth discourse . of passions . section . i. stormes raise not so many surges on the sea , as passions engender tempests in the hearts of men . hippocrates saith , there is no worse or more dangerous sicknesse , then that which disfigureth a mans face : but i say , that those which at one and the same time , disfigure the beauty both of his body and soule , are yet by many degrees farre worse . there is no passion which ariseth in man , that leaues not on his face some visible signe of his agitation ; but the soule within altogether confused , beares more singular and remarkable markes . shee sometimes loseth the knowledge of her selfe , in misknowing her own proper misery ; or if shee flatter her selfe so farre as to think to know it , shee holdes it for a good signe , or signe of health , and so coloureth her most dangerous sicknesse , with the title of a recouery thereof . choler with her passeth for valour , and cowardise for wisedome , ; and th●s she palliates and couereth her proper vices with the cloake of vertue . this defect proceedes , for that our vices touch vs too neerely , and that the eye of our reason disturb'd by the power of our passions , hath not the requisite and necessary distance , for the vse of her functions . if the soule see any thing through so thicke a cloude , it is contrary to that which it is , and chiefely when it is touched with the opinion of euill ; because those sorts and degrees encrease , and demonstrate him those things , which threaten him , of a fearefull greatnesse . among passions some are framed by a dilation of bloud , and spirits which bend o●e all the body , as choler . others by the contraction of the same spirits , which assemble and shut themselues vp neere to the heart , as feare ; but the place where they are in action , is that which wee terme sensitiue appetite , which philosophers diuide into irascible and concupiscible ; this contents himselfe , simply to seeke those things which are conuenient to him : but that enforceth himselfe to vanquish the obstacles wee meete withall , which impugne or oppose our inclinations ; neuerthelesse it is very likely , that that proceedes from one and the same power . and indeede if the concupiscible finde no hinderance ▪ shee continueth her way towards the obiect which she seekes . if shee finde any let or obstacle , shee becomes irascible , which is to say , she enforceth her selfe to surmount it , as the water of a fountaine , which glides slowly and softly on the grauell ; if it be stopped by any thing it meetes , it then swells and growes great , and in the end ouerfloweth and vanquisheth her obstacle . all things naturally oppose themselues against their contraries , not neuerthelesse that shee is any other , when shee shields or defends her selfe , then shee is in her vsuall countenance . the reason which they alledge to the contrary , is , that nothing beates it selfe : but these two powers contradict one the other , at one and the same time ; it must then needes be , that they are two different things . i say that this combat proceedes not from this party , but from a higher ; that is , from imagination , who touched with a contrary obiect , contests and fights against this inferiour party . but not that this quarell ariseth in the sensitiue appetite betweene these two powers ; for not being able to comprehend the thing in its simplicity , wee are constrained to multiply and diuide it , as we doe of the minde , which wee diuide into imagination , vnderstanding , and memory , or of the sensitiue appetite in irascible and concupiscible . it seemes that hereby wee keepe the thing more strictly shut vp ; but it is of the essence of things , as of the definitions : we cannot cut off any member from this , without vitiating and corrupting it . wee cannot diuide that , without ruining the science which we seeke : shee is one , and all simple , but our grosse sight ( which cannot perceiue her so lightly apparelled ) runnes to his effects , and stayes there as to the first cause : like vnto those pagans , who not able to comprehend one onely god , diuided his powers , which our theologians terme attributes , into so many different diuinities , and stayed to consecrate riuers , and to baptize them according to their different operations . so we farre easier comprehend two contrary powers , then one which produceth two different effects . wee difficultly beleeue that the sunne hardneth , and softneth at one time , if experience had not taught it vs. i say then , that this power which dwells in the sensitiue appetite , is one ; shee desires , she seekes her obiect , thereby to content her selfe . if she be hindred , shee is bent and incensed against the obstacle to force it : if shee ouercome it , she walkes after her vsuall accustomed pace without any violence . the soule is the principle of life , one in all , and by all : in one part shee seeth , in another shee imagineth , in another shee vnderstands , and in another she retaines , according to the disposition of the organ where she agitateth . but euen as the heauens are not subiect to the alterations of sublunary things , and doe not moue , but to oblige the body by a perpetuall liberality : so the soule , which of her selfe is not subiect to the alteration of mortall things , ought to lend her motion as principle of life to all the body , thereby to oblige it , but not to interest and ingage her selfe so , that shee can no longer retaine her selfe , and that forgetting her selfe , she suffer her selfe to be led and caried away by the violent streame of her passions , which after , by little and little estrangeth her from her selfe . false opinion giues them birth , but wee must not so much consider the place from whence they part and issue , as the soule of him on whom they fall . the winds which raise small cocklings vpon our riuers , and who throwe furrowes on the serenities of their christalline faces , can raise whole mountaines of waues , and waters on the sea , and ingender impetuous stormes and tempests . the soule of the philosopher is tranquile , and quiet in his course ; and wisedome who is neere him , dissipateth the waues before they haue the power or leasure to lay hold of him , or to stirre vp others by their violence : and the soule of the ignorant man , is a sea of inconstancie which is shaked , , and tossed with euery winde , and is neuer surely firme , wherein because hee cannot quiet and appease the stormes in their first emotions , they swell and growe infinitely violent and implacable . the philosophers are yet doubtfull of the nature of the windes , and from whence they are deriued , and proceede : but those who stirre vp in our soule , such furious stormes and tempests , are but too easie to be knowne , we feele them borne within vs. they at first embrace , but in the end strangle vs. men are not onely polluted , but poysoned by their vices . that if ciuillity and ceremonie ( the bastard daughters of naturall wisedome ) preuent that they doe not commonly resplend , and appeare before people , when they are retired in their family , they delight to nourish and cherish their passions . they withdrawe themselues from the sight of men , to hide their defects and imperfections , as if their houses were purposely giuen them to act and perpetrate sinnes closely , and with more liberty and licentiousnesse then abroad . and it is not by the exteriour face , that you must iudge of him with whom you speake in the streete , or whom you see in the middest of his ceremonies . this is nothing but false painting , and true artificiall dissembling : you shall finde him cleane contrary in his house : it is no more him , his soule and his face haue changed posture , and countenance . but if they will conceale vs the manner of their life , they should at least diminish and cut off their passions . it may be it is for this reason that ariston said : that the windes which are most to be feared , are those which discouer vs : they expose them to the eyes of the most ignorant , and onely ours will remaine darkned , and much eclipsed in this trouble . xerxes caused the sea to be whipped , and sent a challenge to mount athos : and caligula dared iupiter to the combat : and while these their impertinencies and fooleries exposed them to the laughter of the vulgar people , those generous spirits remained hoodwink'd , and blinded by their owne passions . but what ; as long as we languish in our vices , we know them not . none but hee that is awaked , can recount his dreames ; for in sleepe we perceiue not their abuse and deceit . the euills of the soule are obscured in their thicknesse : hee that is most sicke , feeles it least . and although ( according to marsilius ficinus ) that passions are indifferent to good and euill , to vice and vertue ; neuerthelesse , the noblest of them accuseth vs of imperfection , because they neuer obserue rule or measure . there are other wayes & passages to ariue to vertue . it is too dangerous to walke or vsurpe on vice : for it is then to bee feared lest wee fall into it : the soule bred in the shadowe , which hath not as yet tempted hazards , and repulsed the assaults of fortune , must essay all other wayes but that . for one that ambition hath cast into vertue , it hath precipitated a million to vice . it is still safer , and better for vs , couragiously to quarell with her , then to trust her , except it be in the same manner , that we would trust our enemie . but because all passions are weake and tender in their beginning , the safest way to secure vs from their corruption , is to strangle them in their cradle , and make that the first point of their birth , doe in the same moment and instant , see their last ruine and destruction , and consequently the end of their essence or being . section . ii. we may say of loue , that which the romanes said of an emperour , that they knew not whether they receiued more good or euill of him . we are taught , that there is neuer lesse found to speake , then when the subiect whereon wee will discourse , is better knowne of himselfe , then all which can bee alleadged , to proue and confirme it . it is the same in the cause and subiect of loue , which of it selfe giues such cleare maximes and instructions , that all the reasons which wee can contribute to the cleering , doeth but onely serue to the obscuring thereof ; and nature within vs , hath giuen vs such pertinent lessons , that all words , and discourse will finde themselues confounded , when they vndertake to discouer the secret of this art , and science . his first flames strike such an excesse , or fits , that they cannot be knowne by the motion , or beating of our pulse ; and his dartes flie , and slide into our heart with so much craft , and subtiltie , that reason can neither obserue , nor finde out the way , pathe , or steppes thereof . she nourisheth with her heat , and giues the first motion to all our interiour motions , as the first principle of humane passions : because all the violent motions , which man can feele , are either for his defence , and conseruation , and this is the loue of himselfe ; or for the encrease of his owne content , and this is the loue of vnion , without himselfe ; and these are the two greatest wheeles of nature , who haue the charge to mooue the rest of our passions , and who obey at the first command of loue , according to the necessitie of the law , which they haue thus established among them . but we shall know her better , by her effects , then by her selfe . if we thinke to hold her any where , she escapes from vs , and transformes her selfe into so many shapes , and fashions , that we can obserue nothing in her but mutation , and change . it is reported that mercury by the commandement of iupiter , once vndertooke to make a gowne for diana , that she might be no more dishonoured in going naked among the gods , and especially against the lawes of her shame-fastnesse , and chastitie : but seeing that incessantly she either encreased , or diminished , and that she was neuer at one , and the same stay , he despaired of being able to effect it . the inequalitie of mens affections , and inconstancie so naturall to loue , may serue for the same excuse , to him that will vndertake to define it , and to prescribe a roabe , o● vestment fit for her humour ; what inconuenience will there be to permit her to goe naked ? sith none is of a more shame-full face then this goddesse , and that she is neuer richer then in her pouertie , nor prouder in her apparell , then in her simple nakednesse , at least if wee will beleeue the poets . for feare therefore that the fresh , and louely sight of so many beauties , doe not dazell our eyes , we must put our eyes before them , not behold them fixedly , diuert our sight from their charmes , or enforce our selues to couer them , and to hide them from the ragges of any description . loue is a desire of beautie , ( say the philosophers , ) which by reason dislodgeth the soule from the body to liue elsewhere , and to agitate in others : a passion which not onely altereth mans nature , but wholly reuerseth , and ouerthrowes it ; because the soule of him that loues , is more in the subiect where she loues , then where she animates , and resides . iudge what order , and measure she can obserue in her deportments , and carriage ; sith , that bound , and constrained vnder the authoritie of others , she neither mooues nor stirres , but vpon credit , and by the leaue of others : man in his other passions , is not tormented , but with one at a time ; but in this of loue he conuokes , and assembles all the others , who at their very enterance lose their names , as small brookes , which ingrosse the brest , and bosome of greater riuers : moreouer , he yet addes those of others , which he loueth , and weddes with as much , or more affection then his owne : i esteeme , that it is therefore for this reason , that some of the ancients beleeued that iupiter himselfe could not be enamored , and wise at one time . agesilaus tells vs that wisedome , and loue are incompatible , because , that , by the conference of things past , iudgeth of euents to come , and this considereth nothing but the present , and takes no other councell , but from his owne fury , and blindnesse : his obiect which he tearmeth beautie , consisteth in a concurrence , harmony , and decency of many parts linked , & conioyned in one , & the same subiect . that point which stings , and tickleth our heart , and by his ready , and violent motion inflames our senses to seeke it , is tearmed desire , the which if it inflame his obiect with the like desire , ( as one torch which lightens another , ) this concurrence caused by the resemblance , is called reciprocall loue , sympathie , or according to astrologers , inclination , or participation of the same planets , and influences , as it hapneth to those , whose very first sight is so fatall , that at that same instant they lose the one , to the other , and both their hearts , and libertie , by the meeting and enterchainging of visuall raies , which vnite , confound , and lose themselues in one , and the same end , and concurrence : the will of the one doeth diue , and plunge it selfe into that of the other , and no longer reserues any thing of his owne particular , or proper ; wee can no more perceiue the threades , or seames whereby they are conioyned , and sowed so close together . it is not in loue , as it is in musique , which is composed of different ayres , and tones : loue is neuer engendered among different humours , which haue no sympathie . i vnderstand this reciprocall loue , and that which the poets said , had neede of a brother for the increase thereof . the subtiltie , whereof he serues himselfe to seduce the noblest hearts , is it at first to heate , and inflame them with a vertuous desire , thereby the more easily to ingage them ▪ an admirable principle of this naturall art , and science , which teacheth vs not to seeke beautie , but in vertue , and to borrow no other grace , and splendor , but from her luster , as if there were nothing amiable , but that which were faire , and nothing faire but vertue ; because loue is not ingendered , but by her resemblance . this passion inflames vs to vertue , to giue vs some tincture of beautie , and thereby to make vs like vnto his obiect , and worthie of that which we loue : but as soone as it gets the hand , and aduantage of vs , then she throwes vs into vice , and makes vs descend by by-pathes , and strange wayes vnknowne to all others , but to her selfe : this fearefull cyclope of the poets , who dranke nothing but humane blood , did hee not abandone his slaughtered preyes , as soone as he felt himselfe touched with the first points , and darts of loue , by the eyes of his cruell galatea ; and being carefull to apparell , and embelish himselfe , sought at first , onely to please her . but in the end , the fire of his loue surmounting his patience , the excesse of his passion suggested him more bloody , and furious desires , then his barbarous nature had formerly taught him . so loue disposeth our first designes , and conductes them towards vertue , but it falles out , that he still diuertes vs in the middest of our course , and deliuering vs vp to the power of vice , he drawes vs after him by oblique , & vncouth wayes , as the violence of an ouerflowing torrent , caries vs here , and there against shrubs , and thornes , which teare vs to pieces , without that wee haue any other aide , or assistance , but that of their mercilesse rage , and furie . it is reported , that the young-men of lacedemonia , had alwayes some melodious instruments to flatter them in warre , and to preuent and hinder , that they threw not themselues on rashnesse , and fury . but he who fights vnder the ensigne of loue , hath farre more neede of some gracious layes , and songs of philosophie , to restraine , and hinder that he doe not insnare , & precipitate him in his owne losse , and the absolute mis-knowledge of himselfe . the wisest counsell herein , is that of the philosopher panetius , not to engage himselfe in so violent a matter : many haue changed the heate of their diuine zeale , into vnchast flames ; the wisest haue lost themselues ; and the philosopher in the darknesse of paganisme , seeming to haue beene inspired , and conducted by some raie of the diuinitie , hath he not lost him in this passage ; when hee wished himselfe to bee heauen , thereby to haue so many eyes , as that had sparkling starres , to admire ; not trueth , nor wisedome , but more lasciuiously , to behold and see the sweete lures , and charmes of the obiect of his loue. and the father of the philosophicall academie , who seemes to haue drawne wisdome , from her head-spring , or fountaine , and to haue made whole riuers streame thereof , through all the corners of the world , hath he not likewise made shipwracke of his vertue in this straite , and hath not his owne reason seene her selfe constrained to yeeld to his blindnesse : not onely in the transports , and extasies of this voluptuousnesse , but after the violent fits of this bitter-sweet fury , when he addressed sacrifices to his concubine , and offered vpon her altar , his reason , and vertue , as victimes to the feete of this triumphant passion . it is a rocke or shelue , where the iustest had neede apprehend , and feare , not to make shipwracke . if we will sound the depth hereof any farther , the course , and current of the water will beare vs downe . if a storme threaten vs , we must cast anchour by time before the ariuall of the tempest : for all emotions are difficult to calme in their violence , and impetuositie : the waues of the sea are mercilesse , but those of loue farre more ; those afflict vs with the feare of death , but these deuoure , and swallow vs vp euery moment , and yet we can neither submerge , nor drowne . if the many different accidents which staye our enioyance , sharpned not our amorous desires , then this passion would not prooue so preiudiciall , as it is , nor so much feared of wisedome . his powers , and forces encrease by the length of the way , and time ; and its naturall sweetnesse growes sower in seeking many vndecent meanes , and vnbeseeming wayes to obtaine it ; the more a weight is distant from his centre , the more ponderous , and heauy it is . a souldiers arme , which is not owner of its extent , strikes not so violent a blow : so the fury of loue encreaseth by its motion , as his desire is rebated , and extenuated , in the enioying of his obiect ; neuerthelesse , to condemne it any other way , but by diuine wisedome , will testifie an excesse in our humane , which in this irregularity , is as neere a neighbour to obstinacy , as to vertue . to banish it from ciuill society , is to vndertake no lesse , then to take and cut off from the yeere , the fairest , and sweetest season , and dayes . this passion of loue , is the daughter of nature , who cherisheth , and flattereth it , when it is entertained in respect , and modesty ; but she will easily wantonise , and vitiate her selfe , if we shew it not a seuere countenance . the surest way therefore , for those who haue any distrust , or diffidence of their owne strength and vertue , is , not to tempt fortune , or to runne the hazard of a temptation . for hee who cannot stop it , before it part from his hand , must not thinke to curbe , or restraine it in his cariere ; i say , hee must choake the seede of this growing euill , and not permit , that it take so deepe roote in our hearts , that wee cannot afterwards be able to expell them . all soueraigne remedies are slow , when the sickenesse is inueterate ; and vnprofitable , when by the length of time , it is become stronger then the art , and sufficiency of the phisitian . if thou timely call thy reason to thy assistance , at her arriuall , loue will lose all his credit and reputation ; his flames will as soone vanish , his fire will be nothing but ashes , the fountaines of thy teares will stop , thy groanes and sighes will bee but small windes , and pleasing zephirs , which will calme their troubles , and thy sorrowes , and disturbances . section . iii. ambition hath no mediocritie , and feares not his burning , if the fire of heauen , or the thunderbolt of iupiter , furnish him the first sparkles . desires issue from the same place , and flow from the same fountaine ; the farther they estrange themselues from their birth , the more they swell with pride , and increase their impetuous violence . the greatest riuers in their first springs are confined in a small place , but their long course , and progression makes , that the farther they aduance , the larger is their extent , vntill being throwne and precipitated into the depth of the sea , together with their naturall freshnesse , and sweetnesse , they loose the sweetnesse of their former name . desires slide away softly , and the wise man himselfe cannot refuse them an honest libertie ; for they cannot endure to be pent , and shut vp . if wee keepe them neere vs , they are small riuers , which enuiron their spring , not seruing but to embelish it , and simply followe that which smiles , and laughes to our hopes : but those who violently carry and transport themselues beyond vs , doe no longer obserue rule , or measure ; for they swell so much that they burs● in sunder : and ( as minerall waters alwayes sauour of the qualitie of the soile , and places where they passe ) they are full of sharpenesse , and bitternesse , vntill that the couetous hunger of vanities , and greatnesse roles them by strength of armes in the gulph of some miserable slauery , from whence they can neuer more get foorth . this irregular motion , this insatiable thirst of honour , is tearmed ambition ; abundance fam●sheth this vice ; the more he findes , the more he deuoures , and yet the lesse he is satisfied , his designes are hidden , and concealed . vertue accompanieth his enterprise , tyranny secondeth the successe , and in the end , fortune ( whom hee courts , and cherishe●h , ) being weary of ambition , is constrained to free her selfe by the ruine of the ambitions . miserable fortune , who holds her empire of our wills ; who of our disasters , and misfortunes , raiseth her trophees , who buildes her temple vpon the ruines of our estates , who entertaineth her peace , by our seditions , and whose wheele ( constant in afflictions , and vnconstant in felicities , ) hath nothing for axell , but the onely proppe , and support of our vaine ambitions . why must thy altars yet smoake with the fire of our sacrifices ? what recompence is it , which obligeth vs to teare our selues in pieces with our owne proper hands ; to besprinckle , and bathe them with our blood ? thou stranglest none but thy fauourites , and it seemes that to serue thee , is to displease thee ; and to obey thee , is to exasperate and incense thee ; and that feare , and respect , is a sufficient meritorious subiect of correction , and punishment . to shut vp this dangerous passage to our desires , were to diminish the credit , and reputation of fortune , and in the end to anull and ruine her selfe . those who terme this desire to honour a spurre to vertue , or who take it for vertue her selfe , doe euery way deceiue themselues . it is to follow the splendour of a false light , and of a strange brightnesse , which easily receiues the shadowe of all the obiects that appeare before her . ambition and vertue hath as small sympathie and alliance , as slauerie and liberty . alexander the great held the liberty of al nations in his hand , and yet miserably consumed and languished in the slauery of his owne ambitions . the limits of the vniuerse could not bound the extent , and the enioying of all that the earth contained , was not capable to quench this thirst : hee will force the barres of the world by the point of his ambition , and his desire is enraged to finde nothing equall to himselfe . but hee who is peaceable and quiet in his house , and within the extent and limits of his goods ; giues bounds to his desires and ambitions ; hath he not farre more tranquillity and repose ? if we measure this good by content , doth hee not as farre surpasse alexander in his felicity , as alexander surpassed him in the extent of his domination ? naturall desires haue some measure , but those which are engendered , and borne of a false opinion , are onely limited by infinitie . this prince had vanquished the opinion of all men , and yet hee suffered himselfe to bee miserably vanquished by his owne . hee could not attract the eyes of a more infinite number of people , to be witnesses of his valour , and to admire his trophees . neuerthelesse , his blinde ambition would not permit , or suffer that his eyes should participate of the rayes , and light of his greatnesse . hee burnt himselfe in the sunne of his glory , and so consumed himselfe in the flames , which the wings of his desires and ambition had enkindled . i would not that our condition should tye or wed it selfe to the ambition of an alexander : but it is as easie to drowne himselfe in small brookes , as in the middest of the waues and tempests of the ocean . the highest pyne trees and cedars are beaten with the greatest stormes , and the flowers which repose at the feete of the mountaines , are dried and withered with the least winde ; or by the feruencie of some excessiue heat : small cordes hold weake beasts , as an iron chaine doth generous lyons . in a word , there is but one degree of slauery , and to liue in that of his ambitions , is to approue , and make triall of the most rigorous and seuerest : for if fortune be at attonement and peace with thy desires , thou mayest in the end , beare and endure the yoke of a forraigne slauery ; but thou doest more entangle thy selfe in the linckes and fetters of this foolish passion . thou resemblest those birdes , who being cousened by the deceit of the hunter , the more they beat themselues against the net , the faster they make themselues . those who loue arts and learning , and triumph in their disdaine of ambition , doe most commonly resemble those who preach much of fasting , yet doe not obserue it : so naturall is this vice to them : for vpon the ruines of ambition they will rayse the trophees of their glorie ; but this defect sufficiently giues the lye to their knowledge , and reproues them of an imperfect knowledge in things whereof they make profession . they take the shadowe for the body , sith they content themselues with this smoake , and to pay their labours with money as light as the winde . but tell me , the honour which thou seekest , doth it not depend of the esteeme which euery one makes thereof ? doth not estimation follow opinion ? and is there a greater slauery , then to depend on the opinion of the vulgar ? thou must begge his fauour , and make thy selfe a slaue to his passions , in regard thou hast an intent and desire to please him : and doest thou not know , that that which pleaseth one , displeaseth another ; and that their vnderstanding is as a sicke eye , which receiues not the colour of things as they are ; but doth properly giue and imprint his owne ? how can it bee then effected , that the vulgar , who cannot agree with himselfe , should yet accord with others , to be of the same minde , to praise and esteeme all one and the same thing ? if thou wilt measure estimation by vanity , it serues but onely to make thee beheld and seene : and knowest thou not , that enuie , who alone hath more eyes then a multitude of people , will discouer thy imperfections , and vnder a little fault , will hide and deface the rest of the glory ? desire and wish for nothing , and thou shalt be the happiest man of the world . refuse not the fauours of fortune : but doe not receiue or take them vp to interest , they oblige nothing but our ingratitude ; and it seemes of good offices which shee hath done vs , giues her cause enough to bereaue vs thereof . shee calls thy ambitions , but if thou giue them too much liberty , hope not any longer to stay or retaine them . they are daughters of the minde and imagination , who embrace more vanity in a moment , then riches or vanity her selfe can containe . the falsenesse of things which thou discouerest in enioying them , doth but onely encrease the desire , and thy hope to arriue to a more assured matter , giues new fewell to this fire : so thou languishest miserably betweene hope and feare . thou complainest of thy griefe , and yet fauourest the cause thereof . thou art often enough incens'd and angry against thy ambitions ; but if thou threaten them with one hand , thou doest court and flatter them with the other . remaine and dwell then with thy selfe : clip the wings of thy desires if thou wilt stoppe their flight . their course is precipitated ; nothing opposeth their swiftnesse and leuity , but the insensible weight of misfortunes which they draw after them . their promises giue thee probabilities , which their disasterous successe accomplish not , but in their fall they enwrap thy destruction and ruine . seianus ( a prodigious example of an extreame insolencie ) serued as a prey to his hungry and ambitious desires : and he whose wounds will for euer bleede in all the corners of france , testifieth , that the fauours of fortune , makes as many threatnings as promises . section iv. couetousnesse , is onely iust , in that it rigorously punisheth those whom it mastereth and commandeth . as the feauer engendereth a heat contrarie to our nature : so ambition hauing surprized the noblest part of our soule , commonly heates and enflames it with a desire of wealth and riches , and fastneth and gleweth this venome to him , which in the end by a contagious order , consumes the rest of his life purposely , to lodge a strange and bastardly affection , full of diffidence . the ambitious man , prick'd forwards with the spurre of glorie and vertue , awakes as from a dreame , and yet halfe languishing in the errour of his slumbers , followes the first spendour of light , which presents it selfe to his eyes , vntill that the false apparition of this light discouer , and bewray him the abuse of his election by his rash enterprise . but the couetous man , with his head deiected , and his eyes fixed on earth , admires the shining of his metall , knowes no other light ; and his too weake sight cannot endure the splendor , and raies of any other sunne . he diues into the bowells of the earth , and in the end buries himselfe therein with his treasures . that comforteth his losse with some generous designe ; this perisheth in his owne blindnesse , and yet sees not his preiudice and damage ; briefely , that liues in the esteeme of the vulgar , and this in the contempt of all the world . to burne , and be passionate after wealth , with an irregular , and boundlesse desire ; foolishly to change himselfe , and to consume himselfe with an inraged thirst , in the middest of waters , is the true effect of this weake , and foolish passion of couetousnesse , which penetrates into soule of man by a false opinion , and so corrupts the puritie of his actions , that he doeth nothing which is iust for himselfe , but in finishing , with his life , his hungrie and almost famishing desire of couetousnesse . riches haue nothing in themselues of good , or euill . it is a seede which receiues the qualitie of the place where it is . in well dressed , and manured soules , she produceth faire flowers , but in rude , infertile , and vnsound mindes , she ingendereth nothing but thistles , and thornes , who are sharpe onely to pricke , and offend those who manure , and dresse them : and as there is nothing which shines without the helpe of the light ; nor obscure , but by darkenesse which enuirons it ; so riches are faire and profitable , when they are enlightned with wisedome ; as they are obscure , and troublesome , being attended on , and conducted by couetousnesse ; this giues vs onely enuie , and denies , and defends vs pleasure ; that tempers our desires , and leaues vs to tast the fruites thereof , in a moderate , and honest freedome . so the acquisition , and purchase of treasures , receiues such a beautie , as he that possesseth them , is capable to giue them . the couetous mans soule is all rustie , by the continuall feeling , and familiaritie of his coine , and thereby eclipseth its lustre , as the wiseman giues it a faire , and pleasing brightnesse . this is a sunne , who by his raies , giues life to dead things ; as that by his contagious aire , giues death to those ioyes , and pleasures which enuiron him . wealth , and riches , doe but incense , and anger him , by their proude shewes ; couetous hunger which presseth him by her voluntary indigence , makes it insupportable , and fights against his owne satietie . in a word , his misfortune hath so strong wings , that it flies before his wealth which is comming in , and infects it , as those contagious harpyes did the meates of phineus . wee must not thinke that our pouertie , or the want of wealth , by acquiring , or enioying it after , be an absolute remedy to this disease . for it proues many times but a light exchange and alteration . the same vice which gaue distast to pouertie , and made it of hard digesture , corrupts the pleasures of wealth , and makes riches seeme burthen-some . vice is in the minde , and soule , and not in wealth ; it takes what countenance we please to giue it . the opinion of the vulgar , ( although most commonly vitious in all things , ) seemes generally to blame , and condemne this vice : but in particular , euery one dissemblingly , striues to couer it with the name of thrift , and good husbandry , thereby to auoide the reproach thereof . the wiseman who retires himselfe from the world , and from fortune , to liue contentedly , and happily in his soule , shall finde more wealth in his pouertie , then the couetous man in the regorging of all his treasures , if nature doe but neuer so little agree with his indigence . for can we esteeme him poore , who wants nothing ? which of the two is better , either to haue much , or enough ? he that hath much desires more , his greedy couetousnesse testifies his fault , and defect , and that he hath not yet enough ; whiles he which contents himselfe , is ariued to the point of his desires ; where the couetous man , despight of his power can neuer attaine : necessitie easily bounds her selfe ; nature fixeth her limits euery where , and in all places presents wherewith to satisfie her desires : thirst is as soone quenched with a little water in an earthen pot ; as with delicious wine in a cup of gold. but if we will passe these bounds it is very difficult to temper our motions , and stop their course , since riches make vs stray from the good way , and if vertue reached vs not out her hand to reconduct , & support vs , we are in imminent danger ; it is a slippery step , and a dangerous precipice , and if there be found any one , who by other meanes , then that of wisedome ( in the affluence of goods , and riches ) seemes to goe firme , and so to enioy the rest , and tranquillitie of the minde , we must not admire thereat , and so build vpon this foundation . for sometimes it falls out , that the rocke which hath split our ship , serues vs for refuge , and sanctuary , and serues vs for shelter against stormes , and tempests . fortune is often met in the company of reason , so many haue found life in the conflicts of death , and danger ; yea , extreame folly hath produced the like effects , as perfect wisedome . i approoue not the aduise of the philosopher crates , who to make sure worke , threw his riches into the sea , and dispoiled himselfe of this dangerous roabe , as beleeuing , that they , and vertue could neuer sympathise . there is as much folly , and weakenesse , not to endure riches , as there is courage to support them . to corrupt our selues by their familiarity , or to depart with them so easily , & simply , argues the likeweaknes of mind . if we contemne them , it must be yet more for their small vallew , then for their superfluousnesse . vertue prohibites vs not the enioying ; but rather commands the vse therof ; otherwise , how canst thou esteeme that to be in the number of thy wealth , which thou enioyest not ; and why doest thou so reigiously oblige thy care , and labour to conserue , and increase it ; couetousnesse commands , a strict accompt euery day to be giuen of thy actions , and most rigourously condemnes thee , which grieuest to take from thy purse , to giue to thy expenses . thou willingly stealest thy selfe from thy riches , to commit thy selfe into the custody of pouertie , and indigence . neither honour , nor pietie can open the lockes of thy coffers , thou art not maister thereof , and therefore it sufficeth thee to be the keeper . a true scythian griffon , which keepes great heapes of gold , and siluer in caues , and yet enioyes it not : but tell me ; the porter of an arsenall , who with his key shuts in farre more treasure , then thou canst with thine , cannot he compare , and dispute of riches with t●ee ; in this he is yet more happie then thy selfe . for when he sees gold , and siluer goe in , and out , he ioyfully opens , and shuts his doore , with an equall affection . his countenance changeth no● ; he neither shakes , nor lookes pale ; troublesome cares interrupt not his sleepes , and dreames , as perpetuall f●are euery moment assailes , and disturbes thee : th●● thinke●t that some theeuish hand steales away the one halfe of thy profit , that th● for●ress● of ●hy house is too weake , against the eng●●s , and designes of thy enuiers ; mountaines , waters , drawbridges , which begirt , and shut vp thy cittadell , cannot secure thee from this apprehension , and feare . thou doest distrust thy selfe , in hauing thy hands too often in thy bagges ; for it seemes , thy eyes still discouer a want of some pieces ; nay shall i say more , for all that which belongs to others , and which thou canst not make thine , thou placest it in the catalogue of thy losses . so that which thou hast thus purchased is not thine , because thou enioyest it not , and that nature will one day condemne thee to abandon them , because she condemnes thee to die , if thou wilt not doe as hermocrates ( in lucian ) who in dying , instituted himselfe , to be heire to himselfe , for feare to lose that which he had purchased with so great labour , and conserued with infinite care , and which his death ( despight his testament , ) made him leaue behinde him , with a world of sighes and teares . vnfortunate ; yea , wretched vice , which hast so blinded vs , that wee cannot perceiue his imperfection , which makes vs miserable in our chiefest height , and heate of purchasing , and againe , more miserable in the possession of that which we haue purchased . section v. fortune hath not a more charming bayte or lure then our owne hope . all the world liues now , and entertaines themselues by the hope of the time future . no man at hometasts the present good , he will still be beyond it : there is not a personage , whom euery one represents , and acts not worse then his owne . his desire transports him in all places , and hee himselfe is therefore neuer in any . it is the greatest aduantage which fortune hath of vs , for she still makes vse , & serues her selfe of our hope , as of a golden hooke , the more easily to deceiue vs. if any disaster or misfortune befall vs , whiles our hope hath transported vs other wheres ; shee takes possession of the place , and fortifieth her selfe with our owne proper weapons , and at our returne makes vs suffer a thousand sorts of tyrannies in this new slauery . hee who is at home , when some accident o● fire hath cast a sparkle thereof in our own● firebrands , hee very easily quencheth it , and by this meanes saues his house from the fury of flames and burning : and if when fortune darts a sparke of some voluptuousnesse in our soule , that we were carefull to runne speedily to extinguish it , before it had burnt our hopes , which by little and little goe to enkindle them with the bellowes of good successe ; we may then saue our selues from this fire , & so preuent the burning of our passions . the spring time produceth not so many flowers on the wide bosome of the earth , as hopes engender thornes in the hearts of men . the louer who languisheth in the flames of his desire , blowes the fire thereof , and so enflames himselfe the more by the winde of some foolish promise . the hope of glory , animates the courage of the ambitious man ; and he whom couetousnesse controules and commands , making him to passe so many seas for the obtaining thereof , he findes no more fauourable and pleasing windes , then that of his hope : so ambition , loue , couetousnesse , are three riuers which issue from this spring , the which we must stop , if we resolue to dry vp all the displeasures , and discontents which wee receiue . hope is a motion , and passion of the soule , which very easily procures vs the possession of a future good , whereof we haue already receiued the impression . she enflames vs in the difficultest actions . impossibility hath no barres so strong , which shee cannot breake in sunder : all things are inferiour to her , and nothing equalizeth her , but her desire . shee holdes our thoughts hanging in the ayre , and our felicity yet more in ballance and suspence . shee lifts vs vp so high , that reason it selfe findes no surer foundation , or reason to secure vs from the ruine of our enterprizes , which commonly bring vs more shame by their imperfection , then glory by their euent . the blinde desire of the ambitious , should not bee guilty of his fall , without the pernitious councell of his deceitfull hope . icarus had not lost himselfe by his rash folly , if hee had not beleeued , that the winges of his hope were stronger , then those which hee had receiued from his father . the disobedience of this sonne , prefigureth the ignorance of the common people , as the fathers command is the picture of wisedome , which contents it selfe to haue escaped slauery . we must surcease to hope , thereby more easily to obtaine the place whereto we aspire . wee may as soone ariue there by diuerting our face , as by following it by the eyes of our hope ; as well as rowers , who by turning their backes , obtaine the port of their desires . the greatest good which we can finde in the goods of fortune , is not to seeke or research th●m . to flie that which is subiect to decei●e our hopes , is the surest meanes to meete with what we desire . we must stop and stay our hopes in the very beginning of their conceptions , sith the good which assembles them by the name or forme of greatnesse , is false , and gratifies none lesse then those who follow the glimmering light , and brightnesse thereof : yea , it is so farre from true good , as it commonly falls out vnto vs , as to a child , who gazing at the flame of the candle , is so taken and rauished with the sight and beauty thereof , as he thrusts his hand to it : but hauing cr●sh'd it in his fingers , he extinguisheth the light thereof , and so burnes himselfe for wan● of iudgement : so we follow the rayes of fortune , but being possessed of it , wee eclipse the lustre thereof in our owne hands , whereof wee were formerly enamoured and delighted , which leaues vs a very sharpe and sensible burning , to the preiudice of our reputation : because if our desire succeede , our hope presently enkindleth a new one , which nourished by this , becomes farre more violent then the form●r , as fire ( if the wood or matter faile not ) enkindleth infinite more . wee must therefore stop the flight and current thereof betimes , and if reason giue no end to our hopes , let vs not hope that fortune is capable to doe it . for it is impossible for her to giue true content and tranquillity to our soule , because true tranquillity cannot be meant or expounded , but by the vniformitie and resemblance of the like , or equall thin●s . but as the circle and the square of geometricians , cannot comprise or containe one and the same space , and that the figure and superficies of the one , is not entirely filled by the figure and superficies of the other : so the soule , which is the image of god , and therefore simple , and circular ( if wee will vse the words of the cabalists ) agreeing in all , and by all , with it selfe : it is impossible that shee can be equally comprized among the bounds of other figures , multiplied and composed of many parts and angels ; i meane of worldly pleasures , and fauours of fortune , which cannot satisfie her , and which by this insacietie , doeth sufficiently testifie their insufficiency . we must therefore ecclips the wings of our hope , and if possible wee can , stop her as soone as she beginnes to take her birth , and flight ; or else temperately imploy her in the research of riches , whose veine is so deepely , and profoundly hidden within vs. neuerthelesse , because the winde of this passion seemes to appease the fire , and ardor of our discontents , and that the most violent griefe that can be , feeles it selfe ouer-mastred by the very point , and consideration of hope , we must in this regard suffer , and endure it , and make vse thereof , in those inconueniences where the constancy of the soule findes her selfe , to be very weake , because too strongly assaulted , and assailed . misfortunes which threaten vs , doe not alwayes befall , and surprise vs , but are many times diuerted by other accidents , and some times by the ruine of their owne authours . such a one hath prepared poyson for another , who hath beene choaked therewith himselfe : and when this euill , or misfortune , should be ineuitable , yet , the good which wee haue receiued by the sweet flattery of our hopes , cannot yet be taine away , or bereaued from vs. but when we are not besieged by sharpe , and violent afflictions , and that our estate , and condition being farre distant from the great blowes of fortune , makes vs to respire the aire of a sweet and pleasant life , what neede we then to make our selues blinde in the middest of our good fortune , to forsake , and stray from our selues , by the inraged licentiousnesse , which we giue to our desires ; to flie the good which we possesse ; to contemne that which we haue obtained , & purchased ; & it may be , which heretofore hath inflamed vs with the lik desire to enioy it , as that which now torments vs , through the hope of a new good , and where we may yet finde lesse saciety , then in the former . and this is the most dangerous blow , wherewith our enemie ( i meane fortune ) can offend vs ; for what disturbance , and torment is it , which surpriseth our hope , when she inforceth her selfe to breake all those lets , and obstacles which oppose our desire . she changeth our good , into euill , so that which should comfort vs in our griefe and sorrowes , doeth change the sweetnesse , and tranquillitie of our liues , and ingendereth afflictions , and crosses , in the middest of our contentments , and felicities . section vi. feare casts her selfe into the future time , as into a darke and obscure place , thereby with a small cause , or subiect to giue vs the greater wonder , and astonishment . hope , and feare are sister-germaines , but as that heates our desire , and inflames our courage to the most generous actions , so this quencheth and deads it , by the ice of her vaine apprehensions . among those things which we should apprehend , i finde none more worthy of feare , then feare it selfe ; because from an imaginary euill , she knowes how to draw most sharpe , and bitter sorrowes , and being ingenious to worke our sorrow , shee runnes before the good which may befall vs ; disguiseth them ; apparelleth them with her owne liuery , and by this meanes , giues the name of enemy , to him that comes purposely to assist vs. but what suspition can we haue of him , who vnder the cloake , and shadow of good will , comes to counsell vs to our preiudice and damage : this chimaera beates at our breasts , and aduertiseth it , that his enemy is at the gate ; which is true , but it is with so great terrour , and trembling , that it makes vs incapable of counsell . it is by this art , and subtilty , that she deliuers vs vp to our enemy , of whose approaches she had foretold vs. so as if we giue eare to her pernitious designes , she makes vs distrust our owne proper good ; and by these euill courses , changeth the tranquillity and sweetnesse of our life . for what pleasure doeth the enioying of any good bring vs ; if it be still accompanied with the feare of losing it : she incessantly tells vs of bad euents , and teacheth vs thereby , that the surest things for our content , are subiect to the inconstancy of fortune , which with one backe-blow , shakes and ouerthrowes the strongest foundations of our tranquillity . as our desire is not inflamed , but to seeke good , so our feare aimes onely to flie , and eschew euill . pouertie , death , and griefe , are the liueli●st coullers , wherewi●h wee can depaint the cause of our feares . wee haue formerly shewen that pouerty is onely euill , in our opinion ; whose points are not sharpned , but by the temper of our owne imaginations . but it is in vaine to feare that which cannot offend vs despight our selues . nature hath caused vs to be all borne equally rich , & esteemes so little of the goods she giues vs , which we tearme riches , as of our passions , and the feare to lose them . seneca sayes , that the gods were more propitious , and fauourable , when they were but of earth , then since , when they were made of gold , or siluer ; meaning thereby , that the rest , and tranquillity of the mind , was more frequently found in the life of our fore-fathers , who sought no other riches , then the fruites of their labours , then it hath done since , when men being curious to open the bosome , and rip vp the bowells of the earth , haue therein found mines of gold , and siluer , which shee hath dispersed , and sowen among vs ; as seed of discord and diuision . the meanest estate and condition , and those steps which are neerest the earth , are still the firmest and surest , as the highest are the most dangerous . and if pouertie bee any way harsh , or distastfull , it is onely because she can throw vs into the armes of hunger , thirst heate , cold , or other discommodities . so in pouertie , it is not she which is to be feared , but rather griefe , and paine , whereof we will hereafter speake in its proper place . but some one will say , who is he that apprehends , and feares not death . there is no pouerty so poore , which findes not wherewith to liue : the body is easily accustomed , and hardned to endure heate , or cold ; but what remedy is there against death ? who with his sharpe sithe , cuts and reapes away so many pleasures , yea , the very threed of our life , which can neuer be regained ; for although old men approach death in despight of themselues , and that their distast of worldly pleasures ( the forerunner thereof ) should yet giue them resolution to aduance boldly ; neuerthelesse , they retire backe , they tremble at the ghastly sight , and shadow of death , yea , they are affraide , sincke downe in their beds , and wrap themselues vp in their couerlets ; and to vse but one word , they dye euery moment , at the onely feare , and thought of death . and i who am in the spring-time of my age cherished of the muses , and beloued of fortune in the very hight of all pleasures , and voluptuousnesse , shall not i yet feare death . so many griefes and sorrowes , so many conuulsions , and gnashing of our teeth , are they not to be apprehended , and feared ; can the linkes of that marriage of the body , and soule be dissolued , and broken , but by some violent effect , and power ; those who are insensible , feare their dissolution . flowers , and trees seeme to mourne at the edge of the knife , and shall not then our sense , and feeling bee sensible thereof , yea , and remarke , and see it in our feare ? i answere , it is true , that of all things which nature representeth vnto vs most terrible , there is nothing which shee hath depainted in such fearefull colours , as the figure and image of death . euery thing tendes to the conserua●ion of its being , and generously oppose and fight against those who seeke to destroy it : but the feare which wee entermixe with it , is not of the match o● party ; but is onely of our owne proper beliefe and inuention . paine which seemes to be the iustest cause to make vs apprehend it , is excluded , and hath nothing to doe with it , because the seperation of the soule and body , is done in so sodaine a moment and instan● , that our vnderstanding hardly perceiuing it , it i● very difficult for our sense to doe it . those gastly lookes which deuance it , or the rew●rd of good or euill which followes it , are no appurtenances , ●or dependancies of this instant or moment : but i will say more ; for as there is no time in this instant , so likewise there is no paine ; because the senses cannot operate or agitate ( according to the opinion of philosophers ) but with some certaine interim of time , and which is more , that those last panges are passed away without any sense or feeling thereof . and contrariwise , if in this seperation , the paine should be either in the body or soule , or both ; first , the body feeles it not , because there is nothing but the senses which can perceiue it , who being in disorder and confusion , by the disturbance of the vitall spirits , which they oppresse and restraine , their disposition is thereby vitiated . the function of the senses being interrupted , they cease to operate ; and therefore of feeling the effect of paine , but more especially when the spirits abandon them , and retire and withdrawe themselues from the heart : the which wee perceiue , and see in those who fall in a swoone , whose eyes remaine yet open , without seeing , and without operation : which happeneth and comes to passe , because the spirits which should make the wheeles of the sight to moue and operate , haue abandoned their places and functions . the soule of her selfe cannot remedy it , no more then a fountainer can cause his water-workes to play , when there is no water ; the which by reason thereof , is then meerely out of his power . and as the eye by the defect hereof , performes not her function ; and without perceiuing thereof , ceaseth to operate : so all the other senses by the same rule and reason , doe faile vs. when our soule will take her last farewell of our body , shee flyes to the regions of the liuer and heart , as to her publique places , all the spirits being dispierced , and bending here and there in the body , to take her last fare-well of them , which retire , without that the parts or members farther off , doe feele any paine of this seperation : but because henceforth they can no more feele it , for that they carie away with them the heat and strength of feeling . if therefore there be any paine , it must be in the noble parts , who profer their last farewell , and thankes to the soule for the care , labour , and paine ; which shee hath had to giue them life and motion . the husband cannot l●aue or goe from his wife , without a great sense and feeling of sorrowe : for his sighes , griefes , and teares , testifie how bitter and displeasing this seperation is to him : can therefore this seperation of the soule from the body , bee performed with lesse griefe and paine ? some will say , that the most remote parts and members shall be insensible thereof , and endure and suffer nothing in this reluctation and conflict , which is onely because they haue giuen this charge , and conferred this commission to the noble parts to performe it . as in the seperation of one whom we deerely affect and loue , all the whole body which suffereth in this farewell , ( to make his griefe and sorrowes the more apparent ) commits the charge thereof to the eyes by their teares , and to his breast by her sighes , to expresse his sense and feeling thereof : i answere , that there is no paine , because the spirits who withdrawe themselues , by the defects and failing of others in these interiour parts , are either in good and perfect order , and their function is common , and therefore without paine ; or else in confusion , and then the function , and organes of the spirits are changed , and consequently their effect , which is the sense and feeling thereof : which is seene by those who fall into a trance or swooning , they feele nothing lesse then paine in those parts , which with farre more reason should betide them ; because the force and power of the spirits dispierced throwe all the body , is in one instant assembled , and gathered together in this place : whereas contrariwise death hapneth , and comes to vs , by the extinguishing of the spirits , who by their extreame weakenesse , cannot furnish power enough , to moue the wheeles and organes of our feeling ; and as without paine they haue abandoned the remotest parts and members , they faile in them without any perceiuing thereof . the body depriued of knowledge , and therefore ignorant of his losses , supports it without any paine or griefe : so that if there be any paine or bitternesse in this seperation ; it should be in the soule , who touched with the remembrance of fore-past pleasures , which she hath enioyed , and tasted in her commerce and traffique with the body , shee cannot depart or estrange her selfe without paine , and lamentation . but i affirme , and say , that paine hath no power , but ore the body , and that the soule , being wholly simple , pure , and spirituall , is exempt of its iurisdiction , and it hath no hold , or power ouer her . that if the knowledge which she hath bee capable to giue him any sense , or feeling of paine , it should bee for his good . but there is nothing which the soule embraceth with more passion , nor desireth so eagerly , then her rest , and tranquillity ; i meane the enioyance , and possession of her obiect ; for then chiefely when she is detained in the prison of the body , she findes nothing pleasing in this strange countrie , which can content her appetite . iudge then if she g●ieue to depart and dislodge from the body , and whether a prisoner detained by the turkes , when we take off the chaines from his hands , and feete , pay his ransome to reconduct him into his natiue country , & so restore him to the free possession of his goods , and liberty , haue any great cause to afflict himselfe for this separation : i confesse you will answere me ; that i no more feare death for its paine , sith there is none so sharpe , which we will not willingly endure and suffer ; and which is not entermixed with some sweetnesse ; if we fla●ter our selues with the hope of a remedy . but who is he , who ought not to apprehend the losse of goods , which are common to the one , and the other , to the minde , and the body , which being diuided , and separated , their sweet enioyance can no more be recouered ; i say , that if this losse be a griefe , or euill : this euill ought to concurre , and meet , either in the enioying thereof , or then when you possesse , and enioy it , no longer . as for the present , should you not iniustly complaine , because you enioy it quietly , and that you attribute the good which they bring vs , to the possessing of them : but it is no euill , no more then when you enioy them not , because the euill is the feeling which we haue of a thing that afflicts vs ; but death depriues vs of all sense and feeling , and therefore of this paine and affliction ; that if you afflict your selfe , because death depriues you of the remembrance thereof , by the same reason , euery night before you sleepe , you ought to bewaile and lament it , and to take your farewell , because you goe to lose the memory thereof . those who haue iudged most sollidly , and pertinently of death , and who haue most curiously depainted it at nature , and life , haue compared it to sleepe . but , if we will aske the opinion of trophonius , and agamedes , they will teach vs , what is the most soueraigne of our riches and contents ; because after they had built , and consecrated a stately temple to the honour of apollo , they besought him in requitall , that he would eternally grant them the best thing , and it was answered them by the oracle ; that their demand should be satisfied within three dayes ; but before the expiration thereof , they both died . he who is in the worst estate and condition , beginnes to hope when he hath no more to feare , whereof he is not presently afflicted : man being then so miserable in his life , hath he not reason to aime , and aspire to some better thing . to feare death , ( saith socrates , ) is the part of a wise man , because all the world ignores it ; in not knowing whether it be our good , or our euill : but what should we not feare ; if we feare that which cowardise her selfe hath sought for her retraite , and shelter , and for the speediest and most soueraigne remedy of all afflictions and miseries : the egyptians had still in their bankets , the image of death ; neuerthelesse , it was not feare who had the charge to represent them this picture , but it was constancy , and vertue , who had that commission , and who would not permit that in the middest of their delights and ioyes ; they should be interrupted by any vnexpected accident : but if death then befell them , that he should be of their company , that the ceremony might not be troubled , in regard they kept him his place , and dish ; and briefely , that the ioy of the company mought not be disturbed ; for because they neither knew the certaine place , or time where they should attend death , they therefore attended him in all times , and places . aristotle tells vs , that there is no feare , but of doubtfull things ; it is then in vaine for vs to apprehend it , or that our feare prepares him such base , and cowardly courages , in regard there is nothing more ce●taine then death . how many are there found , who suruiue their glory , and whose languishing life hath not serued , but for a tombe to bury their reputation . it was said by a philosopher , that the sweete pleasures of life , was but a slauery , if the libertie to die , were to be said so , why then should we feare that , which the wisest of the world , held the surest harbour , and sanctuary of our tranquillity . it now rests , that we fight , against the feare of paine , which serues but to afflict vs , with a present griefe of that which it may be , will n●uer befall vs , or at least , farre otherwise then we feare . the painter parhasius exposed his slaues to the racke , thereby , the more naturally to represent the feigned tortures of prometheus . we are slaues to feare , who of an imaginary euill , delights to cast on vs the gall , and bitternesse of a thousand true vexations , and afflictions . for how often haue we shaked , and trembled with feare , at those things which haue produced vs no greater damage then the bare apprehension thereof . haue we euer feared , or expected any thing with extreame impatiency , but that we haue still found it altered , and changed with the beliefe and hope thereof ? hath not paine many sharpe points , and throes of it selfe , without it be any way needfull , for our feare to edge , or sharpen them ; as farre distant as they may be , they still approach vs ; opens them our brest and heart , and casts them into our very blood . hee who cannot defend the blow which threatens him ; at least , let him defend the feare thereof , whereby he shall diminish , at least the one halfe of his griefe and paine : our feares are as easily deceiued , as our hopes . if our griefe and paine be violent , it will be short ; if wee cannot carry it , it will carry vs ; but if it be moderate , and supportable , then our constancy can agree , and sympathise with it ; howsoeuer , it will be high-time to thinke thereof when we come to resent and feele it : but aboue all things wee must remember , that there can nothing befall vs , which is not incident , and common to all the world , and that we entertaine , and receiue the conditions of this our life , onely at our owne perills , and fortunes . there is good , and euill , ease , and paine , and therefore there will bee no particular rule , or law made for vs. destiny doeth not vnwinde for one man the threed of the aduentures , and fortunes of all the world ; and that very paine which wee endure , depends of a part of diuine power , which must finish its course ; hath the rising of this starre beene a maligne aspect vnto vs , why , his setting will giue vs a benigne , and gracious influence : nothing remaines long fixed , or immooueable ; in tortures , and torments , there is yet some relaxation , and ease ; all paines , and griefes haue their interims , which giues other formes , and faces to voluptuousnesse , then a dumbe , or obscure felicity . briefely , it is an ineuitable decree , which hath no appeale ; it is therefore farre better for vs to aduance , and follow , then to permit our selues to bee dragged , and constrained , and so by our reluctation , and contradiction to incurre the anger of our great captaine . section . vii . of all passions , there is no greater enemie to reason , nor lesse capable of councell then choler . it is reported that minerua ( on a time ) playing on a flute in the looking-glasse of a fountaine , was so extreamely angry with her selfe , to see the deformity of her face counterfeited , by reason of the swelling of her cheekes , that she threw her flute to the ground and brake it : if man were so curious to consider the deformitie of his manners , and the indecency which choler imprints on his face , i beleeue , that he would spend all his anger on this passion ; and that reason would againe counsell him once againe to be cholericke , thereby to cut off the roote of so pernitious a vice ; i know not if our soule could be seene of our eyes , in the furious fumes of this passion , who could indure the sight thereof ; for iudge what she may be interiourly , sith her exteriour image , is so foule and deformed . the liueliest traces , and the most delicate lineaments , which make her most commendable , are those which reason , and vertue pourtray in her . but what can we more see faire in her , as soone as they are defaced by the darke , and obscure colours of this passion ; the madnesse thereof , ingendereth such a combustion , and disorder , that reason is constrained to retire , as wholly confused , and to abandon the conduction of the soule , to the rage and insolency of this fury . she makes vs beleeue that we are offended , and that there is nothing but reuenge , which can diminish our iniury ; as if vice could be corrected by her selfe , and neuerthelesse , not being able to wreake it on others , as soone as she would , she then performes it on her selfe , and teares her selfe in pieces , conditionally , that she may sprinckle some of her owne blood , on the face of her enemy . oh passion ! what an enemy art thou to man ; knowest thou nothing else , but how to offend him ? thou puttest weapons into our hands , to repulse iniuries ; and then thou makest vs enemies to our selues , to the end that wee may haue occasion to offend our selues , and thereby , from one & the same wound , to cause to proceede the iniury , and the reuenge ; but herein she is the more dangerous in that she aduanceth not little , and little by degrees , and solicites not the soule as other passions doe , but contrary-wise she drawes , and precipitates her at one blow : after we are fallen into this frenzie , it matters no more , what hath occasioned it , for we still aduance , and passe on to the bottome of this precipice , which the poets haue well represented to vs , who for o●e apple , reduced greece , and asia to fire , and sword . the same cause which makes a master of a family to murmur in his house , animates a prince against his subiects ; and an iniury which puts weapons into our hands against a particular person , doeth some times occasion , & enkindle a warre in a whole kingdome , at least if fortune haue giuen vs reputation , and power enough to effect it ; choler is easie enough to be curbed in her beginning , but very difficult to be restrained , when she is escaped our hands ; she takes the snaffle in her teeth , violently carrieth vs away , and takes no other counsell , but from her owne licentious madnesse . in this passion we may obserue three seuerall motions ; the first proceedes from the power of nature , as a certaine vnwilling disposition , and changing of affection , which we cannot remedy , but by a prescription of long time , and custome , and yet very difficulty , because nature hath this power in men , to mooue them despight of themselues ; yea , and to make them remember the very strongest of their imperfections : the second is voluntary , to wit , then when this passion consults , and takes councell of reason , and submits to it , but he who flattereth his choler , and doeth not stop it in this point , and behalfe , let him neuer hope to restraine it in the third , and last motion , because reason hauing once stooped vnder the command of this passion , she tramples on her throate ; takes the possession of our iudgement , and being shut vp , and fortified in our house , sets fire both without and within it , and then by little and little , consumes her selfe in the flames thereof ; i am of opinion , that it was for this cause , and reason , that seneca said , that it were better to exclude vertue from our soules , then to receiue , or admit choler , because the end thereof , prooues most commonly the beginning of repentance . for reason eleuating her selfe by degrees , and disingaging her selfe from the tyranny of this domesticall enemy , she then comes to know the disorder , occasioned by her owne blindnesse ; whereof she is taken as surety , and pledge , because she must answere , for the force and power which she hath committed vnto him . or if our reason thinke to iustifie her selfe , for that she seemes at his arriuall , to prescribe , and giue him lawes , let her know , that choler forgets them , and that she neuer remembers them , except it be then , when they offend her . those who are intemperate in their sicknesse , prohibit , and defend to be obeyed when they are sicke : & sith man cannot be temperate in this sicknesse of the soule , i meane choler , i am of opinion , that by times he defend reason to obay him . or if we beleeue , that it is some times necessary , because ( as a philosopher said , ) it giues weapons to valour ; i answere , that vice produceth nothing which is vertuous , although it seeme to shoote foorth some false buds , or twigges , which beares i know not what deceitfull image , or representation thereof . it is no good fat , when through sicknesse we become puffed vp , and corpulent . it is neither courage , nor vallour , when through choler we rush vpon our enemies : vertue neuer makes vse of so weake a champion as choler ; it is a weapon which commands vs , and which we manage but at his pleasure , and as dangerous towards our selues , as towards those whom it will offend . it is true , choler hath power and predominancy ouer all men ; that there are many people who haue not yet approoued the stings of ambition , who know not the name of couetousnesse , and yet there are none who haue not felt the effect of choler . all the world is naturally subiect to loue , yea , none can iustly deny the trueth hereof , and yet we haue not seene a world of people mad wi●h the loue of one woman , as we haue seene possessed with this passion of choler ; but it followes not that we cannot auoide it , we goe more often , and more swiftly towards choler , then she doeth towards vs. we seeke the occasions thereof insteed of eschewing , and flying them ; in imitation of caesar , who hauing recouered all the writings , letters , and memories of his enemies , he caused them to be throwne into the fire without seeing them , thereby to preuent , and shorten the way of choler , and reuenge ; and it is also reported of him , that hee neuer forgate any thing but iniuries receiued , a defect and imperfection of memory , worthy of so great a prince . it appertaines to none , but to those great courages to contemne iniuries . in the highest region of the ayre , there is no thunder , saturne ( the greatest of the gods ) walkes so frest , and the more the quality and condition of men are eleuated , the more slow they should bee to follow this passion , because they haue more meanes to offend , and to adde , and giue to the nourishing of this inraged fury , the blood , and ruine of those whom they threaten . if a childe , or a foole offend thee in the streete with iniurious words , thou wilt auoide him with disdaine ; they are too much below thee , to be able to offend thee ; so , know that if the vertue , and greatnesse of thy courage , could as much lift thee aboue common people , as aboue these innocent persons ; that thou shouldest finde as little iniury from the one , as from the other ; the reuenge which thou seekest , is a confession of griefe for a wrong . if he had not offended thee , thou hadst not needed this remedy , a remedy worse then the wrong it selfe , because it befalls vs ; for not being able to endure anothers folly , we very often make it our owne : none can offend vs despight of our selues ; an iniury offered vs , is either true , or false . if true , why should we be offended to heare , or vnderstand a thing as it is . if it be false , are we not satisfied , because the iniury then returnes , and retortes vpon our enemy , through the vice of his life ? his designe is to offend thee ; so , he hath then neede of thee to execute his resolution , and for what art thou indebted to him , to obey his will ; if the iniury offend , and anger thee , it is that which he desireth , and then thou makest no more difference of thine enemy , then of thy friend : because thy will is that of either of them . as words are but winde , so know that the lye , or iniury which offends thee in point of honour , is but vanitie , courage is to be esteemed and prised , but it is either god , thy prince , or countrey , which must dispose thereof vpon good occasions ; iniuries receiue no sharper answeres then contempt . a philos●pher demanding of an old courtier how so rare a thing as age could ripen , and subsist in court ; made answere , in receiuing iniuries , and thanking those who proffer them . the best reuenge which we c●n ta●e of our enemie , is to reape profit by his in●uries . we haue some times neede of enemies , because , discouering our imperfections by their iniuries , we afterwards r●forme and remedy them . reprehension also , is some times necessary to preuent , & hinder , that this vice augment not , but ( as one affirmes ) he who practiseth it , must neither be hungry , nor thir●ty ; let him beware that he adde not reuenge to choler , for then he shall doe nothing , worth any thing , no more then doeth that phisitian , who being angry with his sicke patient , neuer administereth him phisique , but in choler . but me thinkes , the best way to flye and abandon it , is to consider , that it doeth more endamage vs , then those whom we would offend . it suckes the greatest part of our owne proper gall , and so poysoneth vs , for we cannot expell our breath , but after the proportion we attract , and draw it in , for we draw it in , before we first breathe , and powre it forth on others ; and our choler vomiteth out nothing on our enemy , before it haue first corrupted our owne stomach , by its too great indigestion . section viii . passions haue so deformed a countenance , that albeit , they are the daughters of nature , yet we cannot loue them , and behold them at on● time . passions are to the minde , as diseases to the body ; and as the body is reputed sicke , if any part or member thereof be afflicted , or pained , so the soule cānot be said to be healthfull and sound , as long as she feeles the distemper of any passions ; whereof some are sodainly enflamed , and haue no mediocrity , as choler , and others by little , and little , are nourished in our vaines , and bowells , vntill the poyson thereof being spread , and fortified , is become strong enough , to ingender a vniuersall emotion ; as the very thought that we shall be pained , or afflicted by small degrees , appales ▪ and daunts our courage , and comes to surprise our soule , with languishing , griefe , and sorrow . a vice more dangerous then the first , because choler is a clappe of thunder , yea , a thunder-bolt , which with one blow , breakes the branches of a tree , whereas sorrow as a worme stickes to the roote thereof , by little and little consumes its naturall heate , and quite withers , and dries it vp : that in an instant disturbes the tranquillity of our soule , but is soone appeased ; this pierceth to the bottome , remooues the very dregges , and dirt thereof , and hauing lifted it vp aboue it selfe , is not quieted but by a long tract of time . a base , weake , and effeminate passion , which condemnes it selfe , and forbids the pleasing familiarity of his deerest friendes , who fearing to be surprised , as an adulterate woman in her vitious countenance , she constraines her selfe to flie , and steale away from her selfe , as well as from other mens eyes , but yet in what place soeuer she thinkes to saue her selfe , she still goes augmenting of her paine , and flattering of her misfortune ; and the fairest fruites which she is capable to produce , are sighes , teares , and groanes ; the irreproachfull witnesses of the small courage of those who foment , and cherish them . but if it violently proceede , from the good which we see others possesse , then we tearme it enuie . a most infamous passion , which being not able to offend others , seeks to annoy , and destroy himselfe ; and busking euery where , seekes onely his owne tortures in other mens contentments . those who are eminent and sublime in vertue , seeme to haue their reputation exempt from the assaults , and blowes of enuie ; because commonly it ingendereth not but among equalls , and those which by the same competition , and concurrence , aime at the same ends . iniust in their designes , and onely iust in that they are sufficient for their owne proper vexation , and to tie themselues to their owne torments . or if it happen that we are melancholly to see another participate of our goods ; then it is no more sorrow , but ielousie which proceedes from the diffidence of himselfe , and of his owne merits , or from the defect of that which hee loues , as inconstancy , or leuitie , whereof our heart secretly accuseth him , or from the vertue , or excellent parts which we see , and obserue in our riuall . among all other passions , it is she alone to whom most things serue for phisique , but least for remedie ; she screwes , and insinuates her selfe vnder the title of good will and affection , and yet on the foundation thereof , she buildes her chiefest hatred . and if any one contrariwise pretend that it is a signe of loue ; i say , that like as a f●auer in the body is a signe of life , but yet of distempered , & corrupted life , that so iealousie may be a testimony of loue , but yet it is of an imperfect & def●ctiue loue ; for that which we suspect , either is , or is not ; if it be not ▪ we offēd that which we loue ; if it be , is it not properly to ruine affection : but is there a greater folly then to be eager in the knowledge of our owne shame , and misery , when there is no phisique , which doeth not augment , and inflame it ? b●t he who is curious in his owne damage , informes himselfe thereof , and hauing discouered it , findes no remedie , but which is a thousand times worse then his griefe and vexation ; me thinkes the sight of his passions , is sufficient to make him detest them ; they haue deformity enough in them , to exasperate our anger and hatred against them : they are the seditious , and factious persons of our soule , and the professed enemies of our p●ace , and tranquillity . it is true that we may throw them to the ground , and trample on them , by the assistance , addresse , and subtilty of vertue , but doe what we can , they will seeme anew to reuiue , and re-enforce themselues as antaeus the son of the earth , the blow of their fall , makes them glance , and rebound against vs , and if they cannot wholly support and raise themselues , they will yet enforce themselues to fight with vs on their knees . the end of the fourth discourse . the fift discourse . of felicitie . section . i. euery thing naturally tends to its repose , onely man strayes from his felicitie , or if hee approach it , he stayes at the branches , insteede of embracing the truncke , or body of the tree . in interiour diseases there is not much lesse art to know them , then to cure them ; but especially then , when their poyson hauing surprised the most secret and hidden parts , is stollen from our sight , yea , and from the sense and feeling of him who harboureth it in his brest ; the most apparant , and truest signe of curing such diseases , is to expell the paine , and to awaken in the patient , his sleepie , or benummed parts , to the end that the feeling which he findes thereof , make him assume the strength , and courage to practise the remedies , the which we haue already formerly done . it remaines now , that thou lend a strong hand to the remedies , thereby to pull , and roote vp these virulent humours . thinke not that thes● diseases are of the number , and quality of those who are inchanted , and which are cured with bare words , : the phisitian , and sicke patient , doe neither aduance , nor performe any good by discourse or words , if they adde not effects thereto . if occasion require , we must vse irons , and fire to extirpe this plant ; there is such a distance from the estate , wherein this contagion hath reduced vs , to that point which we seeke and desire , that the changing of one to the other cannot bee performed with lesse violence . to approoue any other way , is to attempt an impossibility ; and herein to want courage , is to dispaire of the cure , and remedy of his disease . neuerthelesse , we will attempt the most pleasing remedies , and make vse of irons , and fire but in the greatest extreamities . i conceiue and apprehend , that some one will say to me , thou wilt make me forsake my hold , and so abandon a good in effect , although it be some what sharpe , and bitter , to follow this felicity which thou proposest , which it may be is a good in shew , which in its selfe hath no other body but contempt , nor soule , but vntrueth and lies . hath any one discouered it out of the empire of fortune , and what else is it but the fulnesse , and the loade-stone of his fauours ( which attracts the eyes of all the world , as the white , and leuell of our desires , and the center of our affections . ) but that which we terme felicity , without which there is nothing found but is false and imaginary . no , no , i will not snatch out of your hands , that which you affect , and cherish so deerely , nor bereaue your eyes of these obiects , whose lustre vnites , and ties them to it . i will not cut off your pensions , nor reuenewes ▪ and least of all diminish your credit , and authority . but by the increase , and surplus of a 〈◊〉 good , i will adde to that heape , this soueraigne contentment , which is not of their n●ture and grouth , if we will beleeue 〈◊〉 disturbance which we meet with in the 〈◊〉 of their affluence . this faire goddesse vertue , whose 〈…〉 is beloued , and honoured of all the world , yea , of her proper enemies , ought to lead , and conduct vs by the hand in this passage , and to put vs in possession of that felicity , whereof we affect and cherish but the shadowes : it is she which beares the key of the treasury , which hauing vnshut and opened , we may all thrust in our hands , for it is inexhaustible . our affections shall finde the inioyance of their desires , and our insatiable thirst of loue , shall finde wherewithall to quench this violent fire , who in enioying the goods of fortune , did but the more enflame it . wee shall haue so much the more accesse and familiarity , as our nature doth sweetly encline vs. doe i say that shee constraines vs with some degree of violence ; the desire which wee feele in our heart , is it any other thing but a sparke of felicity , which would ioyne as to his element , and the place of his origine ? for where the defect is found vnited , and linked to power , there necessarily is formed desire : but man is knowne to want many things , chiefely vertue , which is a perfect habitude . hee then desires it ; but this desire tendes to something , which may bee truly purchased and obtained , and where being ariued , he findes his tranquillity , or otherwise this his desire were in vaine . so not finding it in the goods of fortune , but in vertue , it followes , that there is another felicity , besides that which is propos'd vs by fortune . imperfection supposeth the diminution of any perfect thing , because the nature of things hath not deriued its power and vigour from a defectiue and imperfect nature , but from a most compleat and full one . it followes then that there is a point of nobility , from whence they haue degenerated , and especially in the act of our soueraigne good , from whence through errour and opinion , man hath beene diuerted as from his obiect , to follow a stranger ; the which because hee of himselfe cannot wholy appease our desire , sufficiently demonstates and testifies by this imperfect beatitude , that he is either the part , the shadowe , or the image of some accomplished thing , which is felicity : but the part presupposeth the whole , and the shadowe or image must necessarily haue relation to the body . wherefore , of this imperfect happinesse , wee may drawe a necessary consequence of the soueraigne good , and indeede the wit of man , in whatsoeuer extasie hee can be , retaines in it selfe i know not what seede thereof . but as the reeling drunkard , although hee cannot finde the way home , doth not for all lose his desire to returne to his owne house : so man being drunke with the delights and pleasures of the world , doth not yet omit to desire this felicity , which is proposed him by nature , although by their enchantments hee no more know●s what way to obserue and follow . mens actions , although they are deriued of the vertues , vices , troubles of the soule , and of other affections , doe yet all tend to felicity , but all m●n are not so happy to obtaine it . this felicity is either actiue or contemplatiue . this last ha●h some thing more noble , and yet more imperfect then the other : his designe is more generous and noble , but his execution is more imperfect ; yea , it is more noble in that it seemes that by her , man is made like vnto the diuine nature . in the actiue we shall finde some thing , as strength and wisedome , wherein we haue some common resemblance to beasts , more imperfect in his execution . first , she depends of the actiue , and according to the saying of plato , hath neede that all the troubles of the soule be appeased , and dissipated , because they very much disturbe con●emplation , and yet she cannot passe without the goods of the body and of fortune , which ought to be prepared to her by this ; when she wants nothing whereof shee ought to be furnished and assisted , to aduance her with more ease and facility . to what degree can shee ascend . perfection cannot bee bought or purchased in this world , because of the obstacles which befall vs by the meanes of the body and the senses , who by throwing too darke and thicke cloudes betweene the true and false , hinder the soule that shee cannot enioy a perfect f●licity in the contemplation of truth . contrariwise , the actiue who employes not her selfe , but to correct those troubles which fall into the soule , by animating some when they withdrawe vs from our dutie , and in stopping others when they make vs passe the bounds of reason , ariues at last to the end of his enterprise , and makes vs enioy in effect that good ▪ which shee proposeth her selfe . shee may easily leaue and omit contemplation , which is somewhat lesse necessarie then the goods of the body . sciences ( or learning ) haue their vices and defects , as pride , vanity , and presumption , which cannot be corrected but by the ayde of this . many haue beene happy without learning : and socrates for the regard thereof , was not by the oracle reputed the wisest man of the world , but for the conduction and ordering of his manners . neuerthelesse , as one good added to another , makes it the greater , so the contemplatiue brings some profit & aduantage to the actiue felicity , although neuerthelesse she seeme rather to offend then serue her : for she beares with her a ( i know not what ) trouble to enquire and know ; which sells vs many light and triuiall shewes of contentments , in regard of continuall sweat and labour ; and in the end discouereth vs the vanity of her pretences . for all learning , which wee can purchase , is not perfect , but by reason of his obiect , which is god , or the essence of things wherein he is , if rather they be not in him , as in their soueraigne head spring and fountaine . but by those wayes and meanes which wee possesse it , shee cannot bee but extreamely weake and imperfect , being ore-vayled and obscured with an infinite number of shadowes and cloudes , because it is not things and their essences which conioyne themselues to our soule , no more then bodies are seene in the christall of looking-glasses ; but onely their formes and representations . so in steed of truth she receiues nothing but the resemblances and shadowes thereof ; as wee haue formerly obserued in the tract of the senses : and neuerthelesse , shee wheeles and runnes round about obiects , and proffereth vs her hands , to stop and arrest the shadowes of our visions , in steed of the body , and the thing itselfe . so that wee must not wonder if learning cannot content or satisfie our desires , and therefore serues but to disturbe vs , because her formes and resemblances giue vs no essentiall nor solid thing , but onely fill vs with i know not what ayrie , emptie , and superficiall , which doth rather anger then appease vs : which absolutely contradicts our actiue felicity , which is nothing else but a perfect tranquillity of the minde , in the moderate vse of goods which shee enioyeth . the vulgar and common sort of men , assigne this felicity to bee in pleasures and voluptuousnesse , imagining that the greatest part of those who are constituted in authoritie , liue after that manner , beleeuing that all euill is in griefe and affliction : and they are not farre wide of the truth herein , because all our actions still ayme at delight and pleasure ; which commonly accompanieth felicity as her shadow : but this approaching end is not the last , so that this imperfection sufficiently giues the lye to their beliefe and opinion . the errors of others growe according to the proportion of their greatnesse ; for it seemes that the more man is eleuated in fortune , that thereby he either augments his faults , or else makes them appeare the greater . the oeconomicall , or domesticall man , proposeth himselfe nothing but wealth and riches : but it is a life too full of trouble and agitation ; the enemie of re●● , and tranquillity , and therefore of felicity . those who are dignified aboue the people , hold that they are risen to that honour which the politique life seemes to propose for her end ; but there is small likelihood or reason , that our good consists more in others then in our selues , whereby it were to permit that fortune should take part , which delights in nothing more , then in crossing and aff●icting vs. it is not with felicity , as it is wit● fortune . such haue honours which they merit and deserue not ; but none can buy this felicity , but with the price of merit . princes thinke of nothing so much , as how to extend the bounds of their empires , to the confines of the world ; and to see their selues onely absolute in this soueraigne power . alexander neuerthelesse agrees not hereunto , as whether his designe was yet more generous ; or that he hath acknowledged his abuse and vanity in this point : but the one and the other deceiue themselues in their opinions , and take a part for the whole . one swallow or faire day , makes not a summer : so the assistance of one of these contentments being separated , and vntyed from the huge number thereof , they are not sufficient to make a man be iustly term'd happy , no more then a man for hauing performed one act of vertue , ought to be term'd vertuous ; because it is an exercise which consists of many actions , and which so often repeated , composeth a custome or habit . a captaine cannot be stiled victorious , who hauing defeated a squadron of the contrary side , in the end sees his armie ouerthrowne by the rest of his enemies . so repute not him happy , who surmounts and vanquisheth his choler , and other wayes leaues the better part of his minde and affections in prey , to couetousnesse , ambition , or some other vice , which captiuates and torments him . section ii. it is without reason that we complaine of fortune , because hourely shee teacheth vs , her mutable and variable humour . as there is but fortune and vertue , who share and diuide our passions , it is they also who communicate vs , all that wee terme goods or riches , yea our felicity it selfe : let vs iudge of that who hath giuen vs the better part ; and let vs equally weigh and ballance the fauours which we receiue . it seemes to me , that fortune aduanceth , and comes forth first to meete vs ; deck'd , and embellished in her richest attire , and ornaments to heat and enflame our affections , and to make vs feele the obligations , wherewith shee enchaines and captiuates our wills . it is true , i cannot consent or adhaere with those , who do not sufficiently feele and acknowledge it , and testifie by iniurying her the vice of their owne vnderstanding . i too much esteeme , and prife equity not to confesse ingeniously , as well the good as the euill , which we finde in our enemie . nothing engageth mee but iustice ; nothing enforceth me but reason . but what reason is there , that thou who hast opened her , all thy dores , and who hast issued foorth to meete , and salute fortune , to receiue her into thy house , that thou wilt quarell with her when shee is there ▪ or because she giues thee that too late , which pleaseth thy ambition , or that shee too sparingly bestowes her fauours and treasures on thee , to satisfie the taste and palate of thy distempered and irregular appetites : or because shee is weary to reside and dwell so long vnder one roofe , shee retires other wheres . that which shee hath lent thee , shee hath departed with out of her pure liberality ; and therefore what reason is there , that thou contest and quarell with her , because shee withdrawes it . it may be thou hast not vnderstoode the clauses and conditions of her bargaine : for , for a time she giues vs , the vse and profit of her goods ; but she neuer dispossesseth her selfe of their propriety . and in retiring hath shee caried away any thing that was not her owne : what shall become of thy obligation and debt to her for her presents ? shall their absence haue the credit wholy to wipe off and deface it . if any one had reached thee out his hand to withdraw thee out of a mire , were it reasonable that thou shouldst quarell with him , because hee would not carie thee home to his house on his shoulders ? liberality hath his limits in his intents , and not in the will of others , who neuer say , it is enough . otherwise , what monarch by his guifts could content and satiate the will of the meanest shepheard , which encreasing by the enioyance of those things which his desire proposeth him , raiseth himselfe by little and little to so excessiue a degree of pride and arrogancie , that the possession of the whole world , and of all which it containes ▪ will yet be found to be inferiour to his ambitions . he who lends or giues , doth still oblige when hee performes more then hee owes . when one lends thee any thing , hath he no more right to aske and demand it of thee ? whereof doest thou then complaine ? doth it not remaine that thou shouldst thanke him for the time which thou has enioyed it ? if shee take leaue of thee , goe and conduct her home to her dore . it is true ▪ shee is so good and pleasing a companion that wee cannot suffer her seperation without griefe ; but there is no reason that we should enforce her against her will and nature , to remaine so long time in one place , because shee delights in nothing more then in mutability and change . the law of ciuility permits vs not to quarel with him who comes to oblige vs by visiting vs , if his visite seeme too short to vs. where then is the wrong which fortune hath done thee ; what is the griefe whereof thou complainest ? doest thou not know her artifice , who to make her fauours more pleasing and desirable , withdrawes them for a time . her absence makes our loue more violent , and thereby makes it doe homage , which her presence could neuer draw from our tongue : the estimation which wee make of things being of this nature , that it neuer tyes it selfe , but to those things which we haue not ; and contempt contrariwise to that which wee possesse and enioy . but the same inconstancie which dislodg'd her , will it may be cause her returne . there is nothing constant in her , but onely her inconstancie , nor so durable as her mutability . polycrates knowing very well her humour , to content her vicissitude and changeablenesse , without giuing her the paine to come home to him , beleeued that he had sufficiently satisfied her due and interest , in throwing into the sea a iewell of an inestimable value . but to shew that shee will not that any one shall act and play her part ; but that she will take and chuse at her pleasure , shee caused this iewell againe to returne to him , found in the belly of a fish , which was serued in to him on his table . nothing displeaseth her but our resolution , nothing contents her but our weakenesse and pusillanimity . to contemne that which shee giues vs , is the meanes to enioy it long , because she difficultly resolues to withdrawe the good which she hath done vs ; if at least shee haue not formerly endomaged our vertue , or corrupted vs by her familiarity : in the meane time i perceiue not that her weapons fight against her selfe ; and that the onely way to excuse her herein , is to accuse her for the ruine of our repose and tranquillity , because her inconstant nature cannot looke or bend to the surest side , and that feare and hope wherewith shee perpetually ballanceth the course and actions of our life , promiseth vs nothing lesse then perfect felicity . section . iii. wealth and riches are too poore to giue vs the felicitie which wee seeke and desire . bvt there is no reason so soone to stoppe her mouth and condemne her ; let vs a little see and obserue the great preparatiues , which with so much noyse shee drawes after her . the master doth not alway carry the purse . it may bee that this felicitie may consist and meete in the one or the other of her goods and benefits of fortune , that follow her as her chiefest officers . let vs cursorily consider , hee who defuseth so much pompe and lustre , that it seemes the eyes and hearts of all the world should follow this splendant brightnesse . it is that which we tearme wealth , or riches . what is your designe , promise nothing which you cannot performe , if it bee not that you are constrained thereunto by the command of your mistris ; obedience is blinde , and it is onely that which excuseth you . doe you beleeue that in curing our pouerty , you cure vs of the rest of our diseases ? doe you thinke because of your aboundance , that you want nothing to adde to your content ? you doe nothing lesse for all that ; you onely a little rub your itch , but presently after it afflicts you farre the more ; for then the heate or fire takes it ; and the more you continue it , the more it encreaseth . but what good doe you riches bring vs ; if wee cast vp our accompts together , i beleeue you remaine our debter ; what is there in you which is worthy to bee esteem'd by your price and value , but onely your exterior lustre and shew ; and if there be but onely that , what is there which wee finde not farre more admirable , in starres and flowres , and which is not common to a thousand other naturall bodies : you must then confesse , that you are in our debt , by vertue whereof , you must couenant and condition with vs , to satisfie our desires , and so to exempt vs of pouerty . and yet notwithstanding you neither performe the one , or the other . is it in your power to quench our thirst when we are extreamely pressed and afflicted therewith ; you make vs beleeue that we yet want something , and yet the possession thereof doth but encrease its violence . if there be any thing in you that be capable to enrich vs , it must be your presence ; and yet notwithstanding you bring vs more profit vpon the exchange then in your coffers . it is not therefore your presence which is to be desired , sith your absence enricheth vs farre more : by this wee see , that pouerty is found richer then abundance . whereof then are we healed and cured ? but you will say , that your want doth impouerish vs ! o poore riches , sith you still carie with and about you some degree of beggery . hee who wants many things , is hee not iustly held and reputed poore : but when you are ariued any where , how many seruants and guards doe you want to secure you from your enuiers . how exceedingly you want the ayde and assistance of iudges , to punish those who offend and wrong you . and if hee who receiues and enioyes you , haue neede of all these things , and which is more , hath neede of himselfe , because hee is no more himselfe , ( the last and most extreame point of beggery ) is not hee then more to bee contemned , or rather pittied , then hee whom you tearme poore , who weighes not his goods by the goldsmithes ballance , but by the yard of necessity : and who wants not all these things ! o riches , for what then serue you : but onely to enrich vs in wanting farre more things then wee enioy . why then doe you constraine vs to carie on our backes your gold and siluer , which oppresseth and afflicts vs farre more in your company , then it did when you were alone , or absent . a double burthen is not the way to ease a porter ! o riches , where then is this good which hath deceiued our hopes ? it is not for you to purchase it ; it hath cost vs too many cares and labours : it is not for you to conserue it ; it hath too many feares and apprehensions . is it in your losse , i doubt so , if wee will beleeue the wise man , who reioyced to study philosophy more at his ease , after the shipwrack and losse of all his goods . auant then riches , for you are professed enemies of repose and tranquillity , and therfore of felicity . section . iv. glory and reputation hath nothing which is solide but vanity , we must therefore else-where seeke our soueraigne contentment . there is more likelihood and semblance , that this lady clad so sleightly and slenderly , who promiseth to carie our name on her wings to all parts and corners of the world , tearmed glory , honour , or reputation , doth carie in her bosome this precious pearle which we seeke , i meane felicity . it is impossible hauing trauailed , and ranne ouer so many countries , but that shee hath met it either in the east indies , or some other transmarine part . and indeede , if wee will beleeue those who haue made profession of learning and philosophie , wee shall finde that they were partly of that opinion , which they sufficiently testified , by the desire and immortality of their writings , and that our felicity depended of the fauours of this goddesse , who hath power , besides the fruit which wee receiue thereby in our life , to prolong the enioyance thereof after our death . shee opens graues and tombes : shee forceth times and ages ; shee snatcheth out of the bowells of death , and the hands of obliuion , the life and name of him , who by the merit of his loue , and the assiduity of his seruices , hath wonne her heart and affection : but faire goddesse , i am much deceiued , if you are not extreamely debased and fallen from your pristine beauty , and from what you haue beene . i know not , if it be not the loue of some narcissus , which hath so much blemished , and withered you , and reduced you to the estate wherein you now are . what hope remaines there for vs , to cherish and comfort our loue , by the sweet pressure of your embracings ? what is become of this former health and beauty , of this delicate skinne , this rauishing countenance , and vermilian cheekes ? what doe you retaine nothing thereof , but onely your voyce , no more then miserable eccho doth : a voyce so weake and imperfect , that shee can pronounce nothing but our name . what say i ? if as to an eccho wee make her speake what we please , and pronounce with one tone , yea and no. this triuiall lady hath beene taught to praise vice as vertue , and to vse the same language for the one as for the other . he who flatters a tyrant , hath no other tearmes to praise a good prince , and those who knowe them not but by this relation : what shall he doe to hazard nothing of the esteeme , which his iudgement giues him . among mens inuentions , i approue the artifice which they haue had , to forge this feigned diuinity , to stirre vp , and incite mens hearts by the alluring sight thereof , to surmount all difficult things , thereby to make his way and passage to vertue . but we ought not to expose and abandon it to all men , nor permit that it should be so cheape and common among vs as it is . wee ought not with the same pensill to paint white and black , nor with one and the same cloake to couer vice and vertue . those who built the temple of vertue and honour together , so that none could enter into this , before they had first past that , did yet retaine some forme and image of this first institution . but what law so euer wee can make , it degenerates in the end through the vse thereof , either into abuse , or tyrannie , which seemes to proceede not so much by the fault of man , as of the nature of the thing it selfe , which being ingaged in the course , and vicissitude of mortall things , runnes to the end , and cannot long subsist or remaine in one constant and immutable being . and indeede , in her first yeares and time , this lady glory followed nothing but virtue and merit , but some stupid man ( desirous to content the eyes of his body , as well as those of his minde ) would giue her some solid thing , whereunto she might fasten and fixe her selfe , as to him who is the best timbred , the strongest , and the most couragious , the dignity to march first in warres , and to command and conduct others : as the infidels doe at this day ( a thing which sauours not of barbarisme ) to him which excells in wit , iudgement , and iustice , the office to appease differences , which arise among the people , as moyses likewise did . these offices giue the first ranke and preheminence to those who were established , and by degrees erected in dignities . neuerthelesse , those who were formerly prouided , were not yet so much honored for the charge and office which they possessed ; but onely by merit , which made them worthy and capable aboue all other . but after-times haue not proceeded by election , but haue beleeueth that the vertue of predecessours , ought to be infused with the seede , in the person of successors . the which being since maintained , then vertue began to withdrawe , and retire her selfe apart , and hath not since beene found vnited to these dignities ; but that by hazard and accident some persons of merit haue beene found of that number . in the meane time , honour which was inseparably vnited to those dignities , for vertues sake ( which was the soule thereof ) hath not ceased to follow this body , although shee haue beene diuided and separated ; also the glory , and the estimation , and opinion of people , is farre more capable to vnite it selfe to i know not what grosse obiect , thing , or person , then to any thing which is more refined and sublime . he cannot perceiue , yea nor conceiue vertue otherwise then painted , blowne vp , and swell'd by artifice . those who slide into offices and dignities , by their naturall honesty and simplicity , doe easily escape from so grosse a sight , which hath neede of a greater and stronger body , although they can take no hold-fast thereof . wee are in a time , where the good opinion and estimation of people is iniurious ; why then shall we so much esteem it ? hee who hath a hundred thousand crownes to bestow on an office or dignitie , he hath verie much shortned the way , which another must make by his vertuous actions , to make himselfe so well esteemed and accepted : it matters not much whether he enter in by some false doore , or that it comes not to him by fayre play : howsoeuer he hath performed more in an hower , then all the vertue of this other can doe during his whole life . yea , to speake properly , he hath herein resembled the troian horse , who effected that in one night , which a great armie could not doe in ten yeares . if all the vertue and wisedome of the world were assembled in the other , it cannot exempt , or priuiledge him from being push'd and abused in the streets , by euer porter or cobler , in the throng and croude of those who retyre to giue way & place to this great new merchant : and if honour and prayse be so impertinently and vndeseruedly giuen , what shall hee profit who will buy it at the price of his owne vertue and integritie . glorie should be followed , not desired ; it is not purchased but by the greatnes and goodnesse of our courage , which measureth all things by conscience . wee must doe for vertue , that which wee doe for glorie ; but me thinkes there is yet more honour not to be , then to be praised for a thing which d●serues it not . but the vulgar people , who is the distributer of this praise , and who keepes the record and register thereof , markes downe the payments and receipts : if he offer it to thee , canst thou safely receiue this present from so corrupted a hand ? if hee denie it thee ; for what doest thou complaine ? if none could worthily praise the athenians but before the athenians themselues ; shouldst thou care for any other praise then for that of wise men ? or if because thou art a good musitian , that some should praise thee for a good pylot , or for an excellent physitian , canst thou endure this false praise without true shame ? the estimation of the vulgar measures all things according to the outward shew and lustre , and iudgeth not of a mans sufficiencie , but by the number & liuerie of his footmen . that philosopher who discoursing publiquely in the streetes , was interrupted by the applause of the people ; he presently turned to one of his friends , to know if there had any thing impertinently escaped his tongue which had thus giuen the people occasion to praise him , as if hee were not capable to esteeme any thing , but that which is worthy of contempt . and yet when these defects doe not meete and happen , can a man receiue honour , but from at least his equall ; to wit , or on the like tearmes and condition . if there were not the like interest , hee should but sleight him , and say , it s a man that spake it : there are reproaches enough in this very word to blemish the lustre of his best actions ; they issue from sense as from vertue out of their originall spring , the which wee must re-obtaine , thereby to make a worthy iudgement thereof . none can obserue or remarke the difference : the approbation of a vertuous man , is better then that of a multitude : but the onely approbation of a good conscience , is yet farre more to be priz'd and esteem'd . he is happie who liues peaceable and quiet , and who without designe contemplates the course of worldly actions and accidents : as the shepheard , who during the heat of the day , reposing himselfe at the foote of a tree , lookes sloathfully and carelesly vpon the streame of a small riuer , thereby to employ and recreate his thoughts , vntill the setting of the sunne , which then driues him and his little flocke home to his masters house . section v. honours and dignities , expose to the world , all their splendour and glory : but contrariwise , felicitie lockes vp all her best things in her selfe , and hath no greater enemie then shewe and ostentation . neuerthelesse , if wee yet giue any thing to the obstinacie of fortune , shee will enforce vs to proceede , and to seeke in dignities the felicity which she hath promised vs , although by the precedent reasons , we haue partly engaged their interest in the combat of glory and honour ; and that by the same weapons wee may as easily vanquish as assayle them . their shewe , their lustre and pompe , seemes to be small rayes of the diuinity , dispierced here and there among vs : but they doe as the rayes of the sunne , who if they meete any shining or polished body , as at the meeting of a looking-glasse , then by their repercussion & reflection they represent the image : so if honours and dignities befall vertuous men , wee see there shines in them i know not what image of the diuinitie , which strikes our eyes with admiration and astonishment , and our hearts with respect and feare . but dignities and honours , be not proud , nor vaunt you of this lustre , for it is of vertue that you borowe it . is there any thing more easie to corrupt then you , by the contagion of that which you receiue in your bosome ? what serue you for else , but as torches to discouer and bring to light our defects & imperfections , at least if therewith you could burne our vices , in steed of enlightning them . but they liue in this flame as the salamander , and from this fire attract a powerfull nutriment : is there any thing more dangerous , then to commit power and authority to offend vs , into the hands of our enemie . but those who are vitious and wicked , are enemies of all men : or at least of all good men , because the vertues of the one haue still some thing to contest with the vices of the other ; and for this effect doth estrange them as much as they may , from publique offices and dignities , for feare that vertue , as the true diamond , doe not by her conference demonstrate the vice of the false one . if it be not , that vertue which is commonly in milde and humble courages , be found in the person of him who hath not the assurance , to assayle or assault him . not that it be therefore the the lesse ; but as a good sword , cuts not so well in the hands of a man of small courage , as it doth in those of a braue and resolute captain : so vertue in a weake & feeble soule , ( who feares the assault and brunt ) produceth not so many acts and effects of generosity , as that which is vigorous , who opposeth all that contradict him , and so ouerthrowes and dissipateth the forces of his enemie : so that dignities deserue not to bee tearm'd good things , because they conferre vs not this quality and condition . the white or blacke colour imprints their owne in the wall , and the candor of these dignities doth the more obscure and blemish the soule of the vitious . they resemble those faire and rich vestments , which adorne and cloathe a foule woman , which onely serue to make her deformities the more manifest and apparant : they are still followed with some respect and obseruance , where they are authorized , but not of honour . this takes his spring and originall , from a pure and free disposition ; as led thereto by the estimation we make of a vertuous man : but that of constraint , chiefely then when obedience is due with subiection . adde hereunto , that it is a money which is not current , but in our owne countrey . i say not , that those scarlet roabes , insteed of curing our interiour diseases , doe make them worse . ambition , enuie , reuenge , loue , feare , and passions doe trauerse and thwart them ; and without respect or dignitie , teare their owne breasts in a thousand peeces . section vi. among all the faire flowers which an extreame fauour produceth , we haue not yet seene this felicity to bud forth and flourish . what likelihood , what shadow of felicitie ; fortune , the more thou aduancest , the more thou doest enchaine and fetter thy selfe : retire thou vpon thy losse , rather then to lose all ; but thou doest yet expect some things in the persons of princes fauorites . it is true , the name of fauorite makes vs beleeue , that thou hast honoured it with some singular present , which cannot be found in any other : but whatsoeuer it may be , i doe not hold that it is felicitie . tell me , can thy fauorite defend himselfe , from all the blowes and assaults of enuie . ( fort. ) why not ? is there any stronger rampier , then the fauour of a royall maiestie . at least , hee cannot defend himselfe from suspitions , feares , distrusts , because there is no scottish guard , how faithfull or vigilant so euer they can be , which can defend him frō the blowes of his enemies . the same qualities which are in him , and which haue gained and obtayned the fauour of the prince , can they not meete and concurre in another , yea in a farre greater number : ( fort. ) it s true : but this fauorite will be carefull to preuent , that hee approach not the presence of the prince . for sith the way is so straite to him , that there is no place but for one ; hee which possesseth it , will easily hinder others for hauing accesse . but fortune thou knowest , that there is nothing sought after with so much passion . hee must night and day stand vpon his guard . the fauour hee hath gayned of his prince , giues him the iealousie of great men , the enuie of his equalls , and the hatred of the common people . if he be farre absent from his prince , his place will be gotten : if he sleepe , hee will be surprized : hee must watch the enterprizes of one , and the other to oppose them . thou wilt say , that he may fortunately compasse his desires , because humane reason is capable of so many different & contrary formes , that the iustest enterprizes and actions may be interpreted as euill . o fortune , thy fauorite must haue a wonderfull care to conserue himselfe ! what rest is there in this life , sith at euery accident hee must be armed to defend the blowes of enuie , and to preuent that the very report of ill speeches and calumnie ( which pardoneth not that which is not ) come not to his princes hearing , because it may engender and stirre vp some diffidence in him , which distilling and sliding into his affections , may shortly after make them become tart and sower : but if the wisest , and happiest in this art , haue beene constrain'd to forsake it , what then is there more to be hoped for ? should not their fall infinitely astonish those who follow their steppes and traces ? how many times hath the image , and remembrance of such a spectacle , yet freshly bleeding , leapt into their dreames , and troubled their rest by night . can there bee found any one who hath better vnderstood it then scianus : in whose fauour resided the whole power of the romane empire : and for what hath his greatnesse serued for , but onely to make his fall the more fearefull and greater . the true feare of such an euent , was it not the fury of the poet , and which burnt and consumed his bowells with his blacke and fatall torch , and hindered him from tasting any pure content , in the enioying of this his fauour . it was gall and wormwood intermix'd in his eating and drinking , which his cooke could not take off , nor banish from the delicacie of his vyands . there are not many found of the like flight , and fortune , who haue not signed and confirmed this passage with their bloud . kings can doe nothing worthy of themselues , which is not as great as themselues : but as their fauour proceeding from a royall power , cannot admit of mediocrity : so their disgrace issuing from one and the same cause , can be no lesse , and is difficultly quenched but in their blood . they are armed men , who mount and fight at a breach , who haue nothing to conserue their life , but their armour and weapons , and yet feare nothing more ; for if they are throwne downe , they are kill'd with the weight thereof . fauour resists against all things , but against it selfe . it is a fire which defuseth a shining brightnesse , he which moderately approacheth it , feeles with much content and pleasure , the sweet heat of this flame : but it is a heauenly fire which is extinguished in a moment , and burnes the mortall that will embrace it . true it is , that fortune markes them with some degrees , and lends them her hand to bring them more sure to the point of this fauour : but be it that her inconstancie is accessarie to their losse ; or that with a premeditated designe , shee particularly prepares their ruine : shee abandons them as soone as they are eleuated on this stage , and breakes and teares downe the steps thereof , to make them despaire to be able to descend by any other , but by that of a precipice , or of an ineuitable shipwracke . and yet in this point and euent , there must be some more powerfull genius then that of fortune ; because hee who could triumph ore fortune , could not triumph ore fauour . for was there euer neer great princes , ( and in the heart of abundance ) any fauorite more moderate then wise seneca ; hee , who neuer beheld the fauour of his prince , with an ambitious eye , who induced and led , by the very contempt of riches , sought pouerty , in the bottome of fourescore thousand pounds ( english ) of yearely reuenewes which he possessed . hee who neither thought nor dream't any thing else , then of his retiring to a priuate life , was neuerthelesse beaten downe , vnder the ruines of his fauour . hee who had taught nero , how hee ought to raigne with iustice , and vnto what point he should mount and establish the royall power : but notwithstanding all this , the obligation of this cruell tyrant , and the vertue of this braue philosopher , could not long subsist and dwell together : so dangerous it is to approach this colossus , whose anger being kindled and exasperated , without making distinction of innocents , falls on the heads of those who enuiron him . it is a clap of thunder , whose bolt deuanceth the lightning , and whose blowe praecedes the threatning : who then can hold himselfe firmer then the●e fauorites , in a place so steepe and slippery , which beares farre more thornes then roses , and is onely fertile in afflictions ; and infertile in repose and tranquillity , and therefore in felicity . section vii . kings and soueraigne princes , owe vs their continuall care and motion as the starres doe , and therefore they haue no greater enemie then repose and tranquillity . it will be then in this last point of royall power , where this felicity may be found ; because being the highest and sublimest , it must necessarily follow , that herein shee takes vp her residence and lodging . indeede she cannot ascend higher ; and we must affirme , that the contentment which may be obserued in her fauorites , is found farre more powerfull in the person of the soueraigne , being exempted ▪ and farre distant from all likelihood of feare : hee who is the liuely image of god on earth ; why should he not bee so of felicity ? it is ●●en soueraignty which possesseth this soueraigne contentment . but how many shall wee finde in histories , who either by forraigne or intestine warres , haue beene violently pulled away from this high throne , as if fortune had not aduanced and eleuated them , but to make their fall the greater . o power , how thou art weake and impuissant , in not being able to conserue thy selfe , and to haue no stronger hinges and axle for thy authority , then the hearts & affections of those whom lot and destinie haue cast into 〈◊〉 hands and gouernment . but some one will tell me , that that hinders not that empire be not the true point of felicity , for in any other place where shee may be assigned , that preuents not that wee may lose her : or if that be so as thou wilt , it is then the power that hee hath to command ouer many nations , which makes him happy : therefore weakenesse or impotencie should diminish his defectiue authority herein ; and as his happinesse consists to command , so his misfortune should be not to command . but how farre greater a number of nations are there found without , then within the compasse of his empire , th● which he commands not . it remaineth then , that his weakenesse farre exceedes his power ; and therefore his vnfortunacie surpasseth his happinesse , as much as the rest of the world exceedes the extent of his domination : so the good which this felicity preposed vnto vs , remaines suppressed , and choak'd by its contrary . true it is , that from the lowe stages where wee are , the sight of man cannot looke higher then their thrones : but hee who is there seated and inthronized , seeth very much farther off . his neighbours to his dominions , are his companions . he is not alone as wee thought hee had beene : his ambition caries his eyes through euery place of sea and land ; and if i dare say it , shee againe transports his desires much farther . but is hee powerfull , who would performe that which hee cannot : what then shall be this power and image of soueraignty , but the figure of an imperfect diuinity ; and againe , of a more imperfect felicity . it is not then there , that shee can be met and found , for ( as well ) she cannot be enioyed , but by one . in that which nature hath not iudged reasonable , she vseth vs more iustly . fortune , what resteth there now to you to make vs see ▪ that the sodaine change of the goods , and contentments of those , who abused by the shadow of a vaine felicity , buy it by the ingaging of their liberty , the ruine of their goods , and the losse of themselues . if your head-band hinder you to see the misfortunes , whereof you are the cause , at least let it not hinder you from hearing , and vnderstanding the complaints : if it bee not that as deafe as blinde , the pittie of our griefes and afflictions be equally forbidden , and prohibited from your breasts ; sith it cannot enter but by the one or the other of those passages , which are lock'd and shut to him . section . viii . as the light is inseparable from the sunne , so felicitie is an inseparable accident of vertue . let vs then seeke our felicitie else where , because shee is not to be found in those things which enuiron vs : it is not that they enforce not themselues to contribute all which possible they ca● ; but wee deuest them of their best things , to cloathe them with our owne vice and corruption , thinking hereby to adorne them more richly . poore abused creatures , we thinke to enrich them more , then he who hath crea●ed them , and giuen them as much beauty and perfection , as they were capable to receiue . as a greater master then hee , we will seeke to deface their naturall beauty , by the strange lustre of our owne false colours . the first man had the right & priuiledge to impose names to things , but not their iust price and value . the essence hath no community with the accident : let vs not foolishly vaunt to bee able to enrich his workes ; for their lineaments are so delicate , that they are inimitable , and our hand so dull and heauie , that there is no thing more ridiculous , then our actions and enterprises . if any apprentice boy , beholding and considering apelles his rich picture of venus , should blame the defects thereof , and vndertake to correct and mend it ; had we not then reason to mocke at the folly of this poore ignorant : but if hee would yet proceede further , to change the face , and alter the beauty thereof , to paint his owne faults and imperfections , of what reprehension and crime should hee not make himselfe guilty . man being an apprentice● ▪ in the knowledge of the rich pictures and ●●bles of nature , hauing receiued of god t●e pensill , ( which was not giuen him , but to paint out his name and praises in all places of the world , as we doe in images the name of the sculpture : but o insupportable arrogancie , man insteed of writing , god hath made this : hee hath most impudently attributed himselfe the glory , and ingrauen in great caracters , man hath made this ▪ at least paint it no● but vpon the frontispeece of thine owne workes , which are , vice , sinne , and corruption : but contra●iwise , hee hath proceeded farther , and made himselfe more guilty , by imploying himselfe to deface and destroy the rich pictures , and liueliest colours which were in euery worke , to paint downe the chymereous dreames & lyes of his owne vanities , thinking hereby to performe some compleate thing . feare no more now to glorifie thy workes , and to say with a loude voyce , man hath done this : for indeede it sufficiently appeares of it selfe . the abuse of those who were buried in the darknesse of paganisme , following no other light , but that of their owne weake reason was ascended so high as to beleeue ; that nothing was capable to appease the wrath and anger of god , and to wash off their impurities , but onely the blood and sacrifice of innocent soules : they beleeued that the gods delighted to 〈◊〉 their owne workes destroyed , and when they were satiated and distasted with nectar and ambrosie , that they found nothing so sweet , as the blood of those victimes an● oblations : and with this their bloody p●●sill they defaced the art and master-peece , the most curious and liueliest which was in this picture , i would say , the life which wee cannot receiue , but from this sacred and soueraigne hand , as if we obliged the architector , who shewing vs the rarities of his building ; we thought to doe him honour , by destroying the fairest peeces thereof , and those which he loued & esteemed most . a strange stupidity and blindness● : our abuse is not so grosse , we doe not destroy it , but insteed of valuing and prizing it , by their liuely beauty , and particular lineaments which resplend and shine in euery thing , wee cannot estimate them , but according to the reason of our owne defects and imperfections ; or else for those things which are not in them . as he who hath his eyes troubled and perplexed , beholding the painted face of any picture or statue , will accuse it to be pale or white , or if another liked it to praise the excellencie of his worke , because hee was very wise , and temperate , and could not be perplexed or troubled , or what offence or iniurie soeuer was done to him , hee was neuer angry thereat . hath hee not then reason to bee contented and satisfied of this praise . mans estimation and opinion , commonly beares the one or the other of these defects with it . to esteeme a diamond more for his price then for his beauty ; is it not more to prize the art of man , then the excellencie of his maker ? to praise or cherish vertue , more for renowne and glory , then for the satisfaction of a good conscience , is it not an effect of this corruption ? to esteeme a man more for his wealth and dignities , then for his merits and reason , which is the onely iewell which enricheth the beauty of his picture , aboue all other workes of nature , is it not a blinde and rash iudgement ? so we shall finde that the estimation whereof wee haue spoken , proceeding from an imperfect man , cannot giue vs a perfect contentment . but his art being as weake , as his inuention is malitious , cannot hinder the eyes of the clearer sighted ; to pierce and penetrate those shadowes , although they are smoakie , and obscured round about the obiects by reason of their olde age , and to discouer the liueliest colours thereof . it is but a little dust which the winde , or rather folly hath throwne thereon , which hides the dellcates : lineaments of their faces , the which we may wipe off with our handkercher , i meane with the vse of perfect reason . let vs permit that vertue chalke vs out the way , tha● shee may now take her turne to entertaine vs , and that shee vnfold and shewe the treasures which ●he will giue vs , with so liberall and boun●●full a hand that to possesse them , is onely but to desire them . we must not issue foorth of our selues to embrace this felicity : if it bee not hot and enflamed in our breast , let vs not imagine that any other heat can giue it life and motion : for what other thing is this , but the accomplishing and sufficiencie of all other goods and goodnesse . but it is in our power by the cutting off of these desires to purchase this sufficiencie : who then shall we accuse of this defect but our selues ? who being friends to all the world , remaine onely enemies to our owne selues , because to our owne good and tranquillity . the knowledge of fortune , and of her gifts and presents , makes vs contemne them ; and this contempt makes that the fauour and estimation which wee haue of them , redounds & falls on those good things that this vertue produceth , which carying this contempt with one hand , beares his owne contentment with the other ; and therefore this sufficiencie which wee tearme felicity . hee who runnes and barkes after the goods of fortune , the greatest profit and aduantage which he can hope thereof , is repose and tranquillity in enioying them ; & he who inioyeth this tranquillity , it is a vanity for him to seeke it ; and this is the effect of our vertue , which yeelds our desires to our power , and giues and ordains thē this felicity , that then is not wanting to our felicitie , sith all our defects and wants proceede from an irregular desire , and which is no longer , when once it submits it selfe to the obedience of vertue . the goods of fortune are by their nature such , as they cannot fill the vessels of our desires ; but that there will still remain the greatest part therof empty and hungry ; because it seemes that we alwayes see something beyond it , which we more desire , then that which shee hath already giuen vs to enioy . but vertue , because by constraint she still reserues her sights in her selfe , she sees nothing beyond it , and contemplates all this great extent , sufficiently fill'd with her owne proper goods , without that there remaine in her any empty or defectuous place . our soule must bee contained , to bee contented ; that which it enioyeth , shee easily lets goe to embrace another . shee doth as the first matter of philosophers , who being extreamely in loue with all particular formes seekes them , and hauing found them , destroyeth them , vntill she meetes with some vniuersall forme . our soule ( this first matter of our desires ) is hungry of all the goods of fortune , which she meetes as particular formes ; she takes much paine to enioy any good thing ; but as soone as shee doth enioy it , shee presently ruines the contentment which shee had in hoping for it , to runne to the seeking and embracing of another ; which neuerthelesse shee vseth with no more fauour , because they cannot satisfie his vniuersall appetite , vntill shee meete with vertue . this vniuersall forme which in degrees of excellencie and perfection , comprehends all other good things , as inferiour formes doe presently fill all the hungry and famished vessells ; and all the vniuersality of the power of his inclination and desire . so vertue prepareth vs a perfect abundance of all things , and establisheth no felicity out of her selfe : and by the scepter of reason , which shee puts into our hands , she frees vs from the tyrannie of our appetites , and in this new region and empire , where shee establisheth vs , shee makes vs easily to vanquish the reuolt and rebellion of our senses ; and there is the point of felicity which nature hath established , which prouokes and courts our desire , and which man would in the end embrace , if he were not diuerted by the perswasions and blandices of fortune . it is the butt the which he cannot misse , if hee ayme and leuell right . but as to ariue to a certaine place , wee turne our backe to it without knowing it , or else take a contrary way : so it is not the fault , neither of him who hath caused it to be buil● ▪ nor yet of our designe . so if any one of vs faile to meete with this felicity , let him not say , that it is because there is none in the world . let him neither accuse nature , no● likewise his desire ; but onely the contemp● which he makes of the rules and instructions ▪ which are giuen him for this regard . we are gone astray ; we must be replaced in the right way ; we must carefully enquire after it , auoid the aduice and the way of those who are formerly gone astray like our selues . if it be not that vertue toucheth them with the same sense and feeling . thornes will stand in ou● way ; we shall haue hedges to leape and passe ouer : yea , wee must put our hands to the worke and labour , and although they are all bloody with their prickings , yet either too much feare or too little courage , must not hinder vs from passing forwards ; for else we must not wonder if our desire ( although it aduance ) finde no rest and tranquillity . two right and equall line ; drawne among infinite others vpon the same table , or paper , neuer meete . our desire , and our felicity meet yet lesse , although they are both on the same table : if not , that the same plant which produceth desire , as his follower , is not obliged by the same law , to giue vs felicity as his fruit : wee must then boldly search the graft of the one and the other , and water it with the sweatings of a painefull labour , thereby to reape repose and felicity . it is there where socrates hath exhausted this sufficiencie of all things , i meane this tranquillity of life . it is there where cato hath found this inuincible courage . it is there where seneca hath made pouerty to issue from the bottome of his treasures , to enioy a permanent felicity . it appertaines to none but to reason , to point and remarke vnto vs all the rarities , as it hath made vs know the abuse and error wherin they are enwrap'd and inuelloped ; and to hide them from the eyes of our vnderstanding . this abuse will testifie how it is dangerous to want the principles of things ; because after the same rate as we aduance , our errour doth vnmeasurably growe great and encrease . wee must ascend to the head fountaine , to iudge more truly and safely what it is . the which wee cannot doe , but in taking the threed of wise ariadne , i meane of reason : who after the combat , reserues the laurells of victory for vs in her hands . if thou wilt essay to passe the barres which separates this small number of wise men , from the prophane multitude of the vulgar ; doe a little eleuate the eyes of thy thoughts , and consider here as from a high land , wherein dwells vertue , all that shee will shewe and point thee with her finger in this plaine and raze field , as the scepters and crownes , broken by the thunderbolts of warre , which cannot couer the ambition of their masters . behold this riuer of gold , which cannot quench the insatiable thirst of these poore tantales ; they will rather drowne themselues , then appease this burning fire ▪ which they nourish in their entrailes and liuer . consider a little all this great multitude of people vpon the bankes of this riuer , and what seemes to thee of those which retaine the first place . to see them so farre off , wilt thou not say , that ( by the way of a faire comparison ) they resemble aesops frogges : is there any thing in all that which will not giue thee more pittie then enuie . thou wilt tell mee it is true : but more narrowly to consider their lookes , gestures , and countenances , there is nothing so glorious and maiesticall . poore abused creature , doest thou not know , that by seeing a thing too neere thee , it appeares greater to vs then it is , and indeede otherwise then it is . there must be a certaine distance and proportion betweene the eye and the obiect , to make its operation compleat and sound , such as from the place where thou ar● , there is in comparison of earthly things . hast thou neuer heard spoken of those mountebankes , who vndertake to shewe a flye drawing a little beame , or some great peece of wood : and there is none present , but wonders at it , as at a prodigie . and yet that onely proceeds from the fascination of the eyes , which is abused and deceiued , and thinkes to see a biller , for a strawe : so opinion makes vse of the same artifice , and whiles the eye of reason is deceiued and betrayed , hee cannot not discouer the abuse . now consider then with a sound and perfect sight , all those things as they are , to the end , that if thou fall once againe into the relapse of this same errour , that the remembrance of that which thou now ●eest , may diminish the opinion and estimation of that which thou mayest make hereafter , which will bee no small profit and aduantage ●or thee . the lesse thou esteemest them , the lesse passionate thou shalt bee for them . for the worth and merit which wee beleeue is in a thing , is that which engendereth our desire and loue . what doest thou thinke hereof now at present ? doest thou not feele a tranquillity in thy selfe , through 〈◊〉 contempt , and disdaine of those thin●s ▪ and al●hough thou art voluntarily disp●●y led of all thy delights as thy vaine glorie , ambition , and foolish loue of riches , yet thou shalt neuerthelesse feele a perfect co●●nt●●ment . thou must then confesse that 〈…〉 true , sith the possession of all these things ▪ hath not giuen thee this perfect content 〈…〉 tranquillity , that thou must accuse 〈◊〉 weakenesse , and that it proceedes 〈◊〉 some other thing which is in vs , which is called reason , and which must bee dressed and pruned by a long exercise and custome , which wee tearme vertue , which watering this plant , makes it to produce desire and felicitie . as our good issueth from interiour man , so also doth our euill : for that which afflicts thee , is the designe to possesse those things which thou hast not . but those things are within thee , sith they touch thee not , and they doe thee no good nor harme . thou complainest neuerthelesse to feele so sharpe and burning a griefe , that it troubleth thy rest by night , and almost dries thee vp with languishing . but heerein there is but two things to consider ; to wit , desire , and the thing desired : and because this last is neither criminall , nor guilty of thy griefe , as being farre distant from thee ; it must therefore needes follow , that it is desire , sith it is lodged in the same place , where thou feelest this burning , this affliction in being remoued with too much violence . hee hath exceedingly scratch'd and fetch'd blood of thee within : he is then the cause of thy griefe and euill ; thou must th●refore cut it off ; and retaine it peaceably , within the compasse of those things which are easie and neere . if fortune diminish any thing , it is but to restraine it the more ; and when all that wee haue shall vanish , and be tane away , there will yet remaine enough in our breast and minde to reioyce us . the voyce being restrained and shut vp , makes more noyse ; strength being collected and assembled , produceth more effects ; and the more our desire is restrained , the more it puffes vp , and swells our contentment , as being neerest to his tranquillity , and next neighbour of our owne felicity . cease therefore to desire any thing , but that which thou enioyest . all these things which fortune giues thee , is but borrowed apparell from common brokers , the which because it is common to all men , belongs not properly to any one who weares them . i counsell thee to clad thy body with them , but not thy affections , and to loade thy backe with them , but not thy minde : reserue this for vertue , it is by her which we ought to weigh and ballance all the priuiledges and good fortunes of man. reason makes him very different from beasts : but reason , or perfect reason , makes him to differ much from other men who are like him in shape , but as then not in quality and vertue . to measure a man by his exteriour goods of fortune , is to comprehend in measuring a statue , the height of his basis or foundation ; but to measure him by his interiour vertues , wee must then doe it by his naturall greatnesse , whereof neither fetters nor fire can diminish or take away the very least part . fortune subiecteth vs to all things ; but contrariwise , vertue eleuates vs aboue all : shee dissolues ice , shee enforceth and giues a law to griefe and paine : she breakes irons ; yea , she passeth through fire and flames , to put vs in possession of this felicity . we say therefore that felicity is the vse of a perfect reason . it is this philosophers stone which conuerts to gold all that wee touch . shee supports all aduerse accidents , and misfortunes that befall her , with a requisite moderation and decencie , and performes the best actions , which can be desired or discouered vpon all causes and accidents which betide her . if wee are assieged by many disasters and afflictions , she then makes vse of constancie , as of some sharpe and physicall potion , to cure vs in this extreamity ; or at least to flatter and sweeten the sense and feeling of our paine and griefe . if they come not to vs by whole troopes , but by one and one at a time ; then she teacheth vs how to fight with them , and which is more , how to vanquish them . and because the goods of fortune , by their arriuall or departure , doe still engender some interiour disease in vs ; therefore shee purifieth and preserues our minde from this contagion . or if it seeme to thee , that vertue giues thee not so many sweet and ticklish pleasures in this felicity , as vnchast and impudent fortune doth in the hugge of her embraces ; the pleasure neuerthelesse is more firme , solid , and permanent . men dally and kille their mistresses , otherwise then they doe their children ; and yet notwithstanding in these embraces and kisses their affection is sufficiently bewrayed and demonstrated to those who see it . time in the end cuts off the web of those foolish affections : but what griefes so euer this naturall loue meetes in the breeding and bringing vp of his children ; it is yet more tender and deere , as if their watchings , their care , sweat and labour therein , were as so many materialls , to cyment more firmely and soundly this their affection to their children . so any difficulties which oppose the designe of a vertuous man , cannot interrupt the course of affection , which hee conceiues and beares to his lawfull children , i meane to those faire and glorious actions , who as to make shewe and demonstration of their beauties , they seeke not an ampler theater , then that of a good conscience : so they neede no other light or day to accompany their glory , then that which they cast and dispierce in the company of wise men , by the lustre of their owne proper brightnesse . the end of the fifth discourse . the sixth discourse . of morall vertue . section i. sicke ( or distempered mindes ) are not capable of all sorts of remedies , but they shall finde none more soueraigne , then the diuerting thereof . wee haue long enough played the philosopher , and now in its turne , we must represent and act that of man : that heroicall vertue , whereof wee precedently discoursed , appertaines to none , but to those of the first classe or schoole , and who with socrates can tame death so well , that they will seeke for no consolation out of it . life and death seemed to this wise philosopher , as naturall one as the other . hee considered the first point of his birth , as the first graine of sand which begins the houre , and the last motion of his life , as the last graine which ended it : and yet both the one and the other with a regard and looke , equally fixed , and constant . if we rush out of our selues , and that sometimes our vertue drawe and enforce vs to this last point : wee are more indebted for this sally to irregularity , then to the power , constancie , or vigour of our minde , the which likewise cannot long remaine in this high seate , because it as soone feeles it selfe depressed and beaten downe by the weight of the body , to re-integrate it in this obscure prison , from whence hee was , but as it were escaped ; and then comming againe to himselfe , hee knowes no more the trace or way , whereby hee hath performed so faire a cariere : so that trembling with astonishment , he may say , that there is nothing more different , or dis-semblable to man , then himselfe . if wee will giue an exact and sound iudgement of vertue , wee must as much consider her defects , in whom it meetes and resides , as her proper force and power . to see her stark naked , it is a ray or sparke of the diuinity ; but our weake nature hauing married and espoused her , doth stifle her in the crowd of her vices and corruptions . pythagoras affirmes , that men assume new soules , when they approach the statues of the gods to receiue their oracles : and i say , that wee doe the like , when wee resolue to see and consult with vertue : for it seemes , that then our soule doth cleanse and purifie her selfe from the fil●hines which she hath gathered among the crowd and throng of people , and who discharging her selfe of this troublesome burthen , she richly dressed and clad , runnes to sit downe on the sacred seat of this goddesse . but againe , after that we re-assume our olde custome and vices , which wee haue forsaken at our first entrance ; as he whom wee see in a fooles habit , after hee hath represented the personage of a king in a comedie . if vanities , if the dreames of lyes did not take vp and preoccupate our thoughts insteed of these philosophicall reasons , there could bee nothing more commendable , noble , or generous , then he who consulting , and conuersing with reason , passeth his time in obseruing the familiar conferences which they haue together : so that if fortune apparelled in all her brauest and richest ornaments , should arriue at the very instant to offer him all her most pretious treasure , to embrace her side and party , i am sure shee should receiue nothing from him , but a short refusall and shame ; but if she chance to come to him eight dayes after , i beleeue that if she doe not wholy vanquish him , that she will at least make a great breach in his heart & affections . the minde of man cannot be still extended and prepared . he must continually haue his weapons in his hand , and put himselfe on his guard to defend himselfe from those blowes which fortune still giues vs : shee but feignedly fights with vs , for she leuels at our head , but strikes vs at our heart . we defend and auoid our selues from ambition and couetousnesse , but yet wee inconsideratly permit our selues to bee transported and ouerthrowne by choler . so the blowe is not dangerous or violent , because it struck vs with the butt end ; and although it neither reuersed nor ouerthrew vs , yet it made vs recule at least a pace backward . what good countenance so euer our vertue shewes , shee is still subiect to many imperfections . if shee had but our minde to gouerne and conduct , then nothing were impossible to her : but when she must take vp , and loade on her shoulders the body wherein this minde is enchained and imprisoned , shee then stoopes and faints vnder this burthen ; and all shaking and trembling shee hath much a doe to support her selfe by her owne proper strength and vigour : for shee is constrained to seeke ayde and helpe to prop her selfe vp , yea and to begge assistance to keepe and stay her from reeling and falling . where the lyons skin cannot suffice , wee must sowe on that of the foxe ; and where courage hath not power enough to support and defend it selfe from the iniuries of fortune , wee must in her behalfe substitute subtilty to oppose and diuert it . the vertue of socrates fore-sawe his affliction ; he inured , & tamed himselfe to it , yea laughed and played with it ; and ours makes vs to looke a thwart and squint-eyed : yea , to turne and diuert our eyes from the remotest obiects thereof , to steale away vnseene from the very thought of it ; which otherwise by little and little growes sharpe and contentious in our minde , and so by its gall , corrupts all which seemes most sweet and pleasing to our pallats . we haue named that heroicall ; and this we will tearme morall vertue , or temperance , which as plato said , is a mutuall consent of the parts and faculties of the soule , which makes reason to follow as a rule , and curbe to all licentious and vnbridled desires : the which pythagoras calls , the light , which chaseth from her all the darknesse and obscurity of passions . this vertue seemes to me to be wonderfully bold and audacious vnder one , or the other of these descriptions , and differs nothing from the precedent : for she caries the axe to the rootes , whereas ours is contented to loppe and prune off the twigges and smaller branches . that takes away , and cuts off euill humours , and this diuerts and turnes them vpon some part or member lesse dangerous . the remedies are not so sharpe , and bitter , and so they serue not but to palliat and sweeten the euill , or disease : but the other in the meane time without flattering it , doth at first teare it off , and cuts vpon the quicke , the griefe of a sensible losse by the very edge of his reasons . that is to say ; that complaint according to his precepts , is not an action , either iust or commendable . that a wise man should foresee the blowe which threatens him at the very point of the birth of his affection . that succeeding yeares , and the sweetnesse of the fauours of fortune , should not so bewitch or make him drunke , as to cast him into a swoone or lethargie , and be able wholly to shut his eyes to these infallible accidents . there is none but an ignorant person , who findes any thing new . in a word , that this accident was still present with him , and that hauing so often re-chewed this bad meat , hee may in the end accustome himselfe to it , and so resolue to swallow it downe , without any distast or bitternesse . but as it appertaines to none but to the birdes of diomedes , to separate the athenians from the greekes : so it belongs to none but to socrates , or spirits which haue raised themselues to the height and sublimity of the same flight , to select and make choyse of vigorous and masculine reasons , in comparison of those which wee commonly vse and employ for our consolation , which are as weake , lame , and feeble , as our courage . it some times falls out , that the same reasons issuing ▪ from our mouth or pen , as from theirs , but not from our hearts , and from the very bottome of our breasts . wee present them all rawe , and as the boyling or bubling of a fountaine , renders his water without tasting or digesting it , so wee onely preferre these words without knowing their price or value . our too rawe and indigested stomack cannot consume this meat , and draw its nutriment thence . wee discourse in the same manner , language , and tearmes as they doe , but yet wee thinke differently : our words are but as the rinds and barkes of our conceptions ; it is not enough that the report thereof come to our eares , but the sense must also passe to our vnderstanding : wee must cleaue them in sunder to gather the iuyce and sugar of them , and to discouer that which they haue in them of secret and hidden . but our morall vertue diminisheth that which is of the honour of her dignity : shee hath sooner done to stoope and descend downe to vs , then to lift our selues vp to her . and then familiarizing , and accommodating her selfe with our imperfections , she per●mits vs to shed some teares : shee weepes with vs , and fauoureth our plaints and mournings , in their first and most furious violence , vntill by little and little , shee can diuert the eyes of our thoughts , vpon some other remote obiect , and so exhale and dissipate in the contemplation of contrary things , the power of the spirits of our blood , which were assembled & conspired together about our heart , to surmount and vanquish all sorts of consolations , and so to permit onely the enterance of griefes , torments , bitter thoughts , sharpe and cruell remembrings , and other officers of comfortlesse sorrow and affliction . so this power being diuided , is thereby so weakened , that the first obiect being capable to enflame , & touch our thoughts to the quicke ; hee easily takes possession of the place , and banisheth this importunate tyrant from the seate and empire which he had violently vsurped . this remedy as the most sweet and pleasing , is the most generall and vniuersall physicke which shee employes in the cure of violent'st passions . all diseases of the minde are not cured , but either by diuersion , or by the equall sharing and diuision of our imagination , in whose power resides all that they participate of , sharpe , or bitter ; because shee assembles , and linkes together all the spirits of the soule , which are perfectly purified and refined , in the admirable nets which lye vnder the ventricle or posteriour part of the braine , to marke him out the greatnesse of his euill or disease , which it augments , and encreaseth by this labour and paine ; as fire doth by the aboundance and affluence of wood : and if this imagination can be diuided by the force and strength of a contrary obiect , shee thereby makes her selfe weake and feeble in her functions , and contrariwise in the ease or paine , the good or euill which wee may feele . the minde is a power which communicates her selfe wholly to the subiect to which shee is fixed & tyed : from whence it comes , that we many times see her equally tormented at obiects of small value , as at those things of farre greater consequence . the good which enuironeth vs , is not considerable to him , in comparison of a little euill , which at present presseth and afflicteth him . and not being able to surprise this sorrowfull matter , before hee haue let gone all the others , hee then vnites and fastens , yea glewes himselfe thereunto , vntill he become drunke with this griefe : and as the horseleach still suckes out all the bad bloud vntill hee burst : so the minde suckes and drawes hence all that is bitter , vntill this poyson hauing engendred a kinde of an impostume in our heart , doth in the end burst therewith , and frees her selfe thereof by our teares , which distill and descend from our eyes . if the rayes of the sunne are fully receiued in the bottome of a burning looking-glasse , they there vnite in their centre , and their power straying and defusing before they are recollected , and assembled in this point , doe so linke and fortifie themselues , that they burne and destroy that which so sweetly they had formerly cherish'd and nourished : right so , if the minde assemble all her powers , and her intellectuall rayes in the force and strength of imagination , as in the christall of a looking-glasse , it destroyeth the tranquillity , which it reuiued before by her benigne and gratious influences , the which she generally owes to all the members of the body , and whereof she cannot wholly dispose to the seruice of the one without the domage and preiudice of the others . as it visibly befalls those who newly feele some griefe or anxiety , or to those who dispose and addict themselues to things which require a strong imagination , as poesie , painting , or perspectiue . wee must then without giuing time or leasure to our minde , to taste the poyson of this passion , dispierce the rayes of this imagination , by the alluring charmes of a contrary obiect . hee who dies in the heat of a combat with his weapons in his hands , hath apprehended & feared nothing lesse then death , for glory is the point of honour ; choler , and reuenge , do equally preoccupate his thoughts , and surpasse his imaginations , so as there remaines in him no place to feare death . and those who haue attempted to plant the crosse among infidells , and cyment and water it with their blood , thereby to make christianity to encrease and fructifie , they being possessed of this holy zeale , hath not the force and power of their loue surmounted in them the feare of death ? shall i say , that the power of so liuely and so ardent an imagination , by his extreame violence can likewise destroy the common function of the senses , and hereby pull away the weapons out of the hands of griefe and paine , because the senses make not their operations , but by the helpe of the spirits ; which are dispierced in the muscles and arteries , and generally throughout all the body , which may be attracted by a suddaine motion , to this superiour part and place of imagination , so that the members remaine without this interiour operation , and therefore without griefe or paine : the which celsus reports of a priest ( but how truly i know not ) whose soule being rauished in an extasie , left his body for a certaine time without respiration , or any sense or feeling . but as our letting blood and phlebotomizing , is the onely remedy in these , and the like suddaine accidents , because hereby they attract the spirits to their region and duty : so in strong imaginations , be it that they proceede from extreame griefe or paine , which takes vp all our senses in the contemplation of his misery ; or the deformity of his obiect , which makes vs shake and tremble , and stupifies , and dulls our feeling thereof ; as the poets fiction made miserable niobe to approue and feele ; who afflicted her selfe with the murther of her children , although they departed out of most extreame sorrow and melancholly . wee must diuert and attract the spirits to hearing , as the most subtill and industrious sense for this cure and remedy ; especially those who are preualent , and delicate in this sense . so dauid by the sweet melody of his harpe , charmed and expelled the deuill out of saul : so orpheus , hauing enchanted his sorrow , and lull'd a sleepe his griefe , for the remembrance of his losse , by the sweet tunes and harmony of his lute : hee thought hee had againe drawne his deare euridice from her tombe , hauing for a small time calmed the stormes and tempests in his soule , of his violent griefes and sorrowes : and if we may beleeue the masters of this art and mysterie of loue , they haue practised no more assured remedy , to cut off , and appease the violence of their passion , then by the diuerting and diuiding of their hearts and thoughts , as it were into two riuers , which they leaue to streame and slide away , to the discretion and seruice of their mistresses : or if they yet feele them selues too much oppressed and afflicted , with this halfe diuided empire ; they can then enlarge themselues , and breathe more at their ease vnder the gouernment of many , by changing ( if they can so please ) the monarchie of loue into an aristocratie , or democratie : and time which we see , proues the sweetest physitian of afflicted hearts and soules ; what hearbs doth it not imploy in their cure , which the vse and practise of diuers iests , and replies that mannage , and surprise our imagination , doe in their turnes thereby cast into a slumbering lethargie , or obliuion , the remembrance of these our afflictions , as some sweet , and sense-pleasing nepenthe , or drinke of obliuion : yea , the change of ayre contributes something to the cure of our spirituall afflictions and diseases , and briefely , as poysons are profitably vsed and employed in our physicke : so passions ( the true poysons of the soule ) serue to the cure of her troubles and perturbations , which cannot bee so speedily or easily appeased , as by applying the power of some different and contrary passion . and these are the weapons and armour wherwi●h our vertue couereth her selfe , hauing not any other sufficient force and courage , to appeare in the face of her enemie vnarmed , and vncouered . section . ii. the life of a wise man is a circle , whereof temporance is the center , whereunto all the lines , i meane , all his actions should conduce and ayme . stormes doe not much hurt , or endomage ships which are in harbours ; and the tempest of humane actions , doth not much disturbe the tranquillity of that minde , which rides at an anchor in the harbour of temperance ; if man in his infirmities , will yet preuaile ouer any perdurable felicity , hee mu●t with full sayles , and top and top gallant striue to ariue there , although the rockes and shelues are so frequent in his way , that he can difficultly secure himselfe from shipwrack . and yet he is likewise happy , who sauing himselfe vpon the broken ribbes or plankes of his ship , can yet steare and conduct the rest of his life to this place of secu●rity and safety . some wise men haue approued the excesse of intemperancie , and the distast of an extreame satiety , before they could resolue to containe themselues within the bounds , and limits of this vertue : imagining that her grauity contained some hard and anxious thing , vntill experience had taught them , that temperance is the seasoning and ordering of pleasure , as intemperancie is the only plague and scourge therof . or if you will tearme intemperancie to bee the daughter of pleasure and voluptuousnes : say then withall that shee is cruell , and a parricide , because by her life she giues vs death , and doth hugge and embrace vs so fast , that shee strangles vs : contrariwise , temperance sharpens her desire , and caries vs into the very bosome of true pleasure , yet not to engage our soule there , but to please her , and not to lose her , but to finde her . considering this vertue , mee thinkes it may be said of her , as of bacchus , that shee is twice borne . her first birth shee deriues from vice , as he doth his from a simple woman ; because to ariue to this point , and this mid way where shee is situated , she must necessarily proceed from the one or other of these vitious extreames , which are neighbours to this vertue : for hee which is not yet liberall , or bountifull , before he be , he must either be a niggard or a prodigall ; but afterwards , shee ripeneth and perfecteth his being in the power and vigour of the wise mans minde and opinion , as the sonne of semele in the thighes of iupiter . strange effects of a corrupted nature , which from the infected wombe of vice snatcheth vertue , and from that of vertue likewise drawes vice. choler giues weapons to valour , valour lends them to rashnesse , and yet all three neuerthelesse hold themselues so close together , and are vnited with so naturall a cyment ; that it is extreamely difficult to obserue their bounds ; so much they are intermixed and confounded on their confines . wee must haue wonderfull strong reynes to keepe our temperance firme in this passage ; for if shee passe or slide neuer so little beyond these fixed and appointed limits , shee shall presently finde her selfe to bee in the way and tracke of vice . two enemies are still at her sides and elbowes , who watch for her ruine and destruction . if shee recoyle or aduance neuer so little , shee is instantly endomaged either by the one or the other , either by excesse or defectuosity : but as to strike the white , there is but one way ; but many , yea , an infinite number to misse it : so for vs to walke to this perfect felicity , there is but this only way ; whereas to misse it , and to fall into the one or the other of these vitious extreames , wee may doe it by infinite wayes and courses . this tranquillity of the soule which philosophie represents vnto vs , is it any other thing then the obedience of the inferiour part , ( which wee call sensuall appetite ) to the superiour , which we tearme reasonable . but how can they remaine of one minde and accord , if wee grant and passe not some thing to the desire and will of the law which we feele in our members , wholly opposite and contrary to that of our reason . this perpetuall warre , and ascending tyrannie , which wee will maintaine betweene them : doth it not approue and testifie vnto vs , how farre distant we are from this tranquillity . there is no peace , but is to be preferred to warre , prouided that it can maintaine it selfe . mans life on earth , is nothing but a perpetuall warre , and it sufficeth that it be a forraigne one , without that wee should againe foment a ciuill and intestine one . a souldiour holdes himselfe vnfortunate , who in time of peace , cannot safely enioy the spoyles and pillage which hee hath wonne in warre : and yet farre more , he who hauing fought with , and vanquished the vice of a corrupt nature : doth not mannage his profit so , that the remainder of his life , be to him as the theater of his triumph , in the quiet and delicious enioyance of this his victorie . i say , that the law of honour permits vs to fight with our enemie , in giuing him place by our retiring ; and that the scythians euer fought bes● in flying : but i esteeme and prise not these stollen victories , no more then did braue alexander ; at least , those which owe their chiefest aduantage , to subtilty and flight , in comparison of him , who with ensigne displayed , and drum beating , hauing by his generous cariage awakened and stirred vp courage in the hearts of his enemies , knowes couragiously and generously , both how to animate and vanquish them . if the name and vertue of the vanquisher , do somewhat reioyce and comfort the losse of the vanquished ; and afford him some degree and thought of glory , by a farre stronger reason , the power and courage of the vanquished should augment the renowne and glory of the victorious . as many combats as continencie fighteth , they are to her so many stollen victories , which shee gaines by her griefe and flight : as this atalanta more cruell yet to her selfe then to her followers and louers . but contrariwise , temperance fights with a bold and firme foote , and with a cheerefull and ioyfull countenance in the heat of the combat ; and hauing vanquished her enemie , takes pleasure to vanquish and surmount her selfe . shee is masculine and vigorous , and cannot lodge but in the heart of a philosopher : where as the other is cowardly weake and effeminate in comparison of her : as also , shee is not in the throne of her state and honour , but when she is in the breast and bosome of a woman , where beautie , desire , and chastity , doe euery moment send her a thousand temptations and challenges . honour , feare , and respect , who with weapons in her hand , establisheth this vertue in the hearts of a virgin , & opposing and bending her courage against all assaults , are commonly the most faithfull guards and surest guardians : but were the eyes of their care and vigilancie , more in number then those of argus , or more subtill and piercing then those of linceus : yet they cannot conserue their virginity from the assaults of vice , if the purity of the soule , and of a free will , aduanced not forth to repell and defend their iniuries . a place of hard and difficult keeping , because it is in the power of the least desire to thinke to betray it , and to deliuer it vp into the hands of her enemie . desire , if i dare say it , equally innocent and guilty at one and the same time , which deriuing its birth from so faire a flower , doth at that very instant fade and wither it , by the excesse of an vntimely and abortiue heat , and so dries vp her rootes , that it is neuer more in her power againe , to growe greene and flourish , nor to produce any other flowers , but such as shame and modesty chalkes out , and depainteth on her face . if montaigne ( that excellent iudge of humane actions ) had approued and tried the nature of either sexe , as tiresias did , hee would decide this difference to their disaduantage , when hee said , that it is not in the power of a woman , no , nor of chastitie her selfe , to preuent and hinder her from desires . but desires notwithstanding may very well violate their chastity without infringing , or making a breach in their continencie , which hardneth and fortifies it selfe the more , at their abord and meeting . it is true , that this vertue of chastitie , besides the delicacie of their dyet , the sweetnesse of their sexe , the charmes of idlenesse , the liberty and freedome wherein they are bred and brought vp ; as also their beauty , and the affections , seruices , vowes , and prayers of those louers who research and solicite them , should make the base insatiablenesse , and courage of men , to blush for shame , who abandon themselues to all sorts of beastly voluptuousnesse and sensuality , and onely attend and expect , that snow-white age ; giue them a lesson of coldnesse and temperancie . not that it needes that this bridle so much curbe and restraine them ; that the shadowes of voluptuousnesse strike terrour to his heart and minde . of a philosopher i intend not to become a woman , to prescribe him such seuere and rigorous lawes : for so farre forth as hee forget not himselfe , and fall a sleepe in the breast and lap of voluptuousnesse ; hee as a generous vlysses , may gather the palmes of victory in the same field , where the intemperancie of his companions haue buried their glory and reputation . i haue lesse labour to consider the vertue of xenocrates , in his refuse and flight , from the embraces of that faire curtizan , then in the bosome of the enioyance of this pleasure and voluptuousnesse : and i much doubt , if with an indifferent eye , hee could behold the rich cabinet of beautie and voluptuousnesse : in no other manner then he did the faire front of his house . we cannot easily stay our selues , when wee are allured or moued . the force of a horse is best knowne , when hee makes a round and neat stop , or stay . to auoyd passion , there needes but a little constraint : but after wee are embarqued therein , then euery corde drawes . continencie hath nothing to reuenge her selfe , but of the eyes , and of some weake desires : but temperance findes our thoughts , heart , and all the sinewes of the minde , bent to serue voluptuousnesse , and by the shewe of this maiesticall power , separates the two chiefetaines which were in contestation and difference , sending the one and the other peaceably to their homes , without any other obstinate desire of reuenge or quarell . continencie performes nothing but despight her selfe , shee drawes concupiscence after her with griefe and vexation , and aduanceth not , but with blowes and bastinadoes : all her beauty is but in shewe and exteriour appearance ; for within she is onely a painted and a feigned beauty : let vs see her interiourly ; shee entertaines and nourisheth a thousand contrarieties : there is in her , hatred , loue , and repentance . shee teares her selfe in peeces and morsells , and makes her selfe bloudie with her owne hands . it is a saturne , who eates and deuoures his owne children ; for shee nourisheth her selfe of her owne bloud , and feedes onely on her owne proper bowels and entrailes . the continent man is forsaken of vertue , and possessed of vice : i meane , of the troubles & passions of the soule , which he cannot appease . the temperate man contrariwise being assaulted by voluptuousnesse and concupiscence , is possessed of vertue , which opens all the gates to her enemies without , thereby to triumph more gloriously ore her spoyles . it seemes that continencie is the most vsuall and common punishment , which loue rigorously ordaines , for those who disdaine her flames , who outrage and offend her ; and neuer requite or repay her seruices , but with ingratitude . witnesse the prodigious change of scilla , whose seuerity found yet more cruell torments ; then those whom shee made her louer to feele . her inferiour members were changed into monsters , and barking dogges who seemed desirous to deuoure her , and which indeede are no other but desires , proceeding from the sensuall appetite ( which plato saith , is one of the horses that drawes the chariot of the soule ) which fights against this reason ; whose obstinate insensibility so hardened and obdurated it selfe , that shee exchanged her heart into a rocke , which could not be mollified by the teares of her infortunate seruant and louer . it is for none but for temperance , to enter into the temple of pleasure and voluptuousnesse : vlysses vpon the assurance of this flower which hee had receiued from heauen ; and which hee caried not in his hand , but in his heart , entered into the pallace of circe , awakened his sleeping companions , and being drunke with those enchantments , past on to the most secret cabinets of voluptuousnesse and pleasure ; contented his amorous desires , receiued those sweet daliances , courtings , and embraces ; and without forgetting himselfe , he considered the charming snares of her eyes ; which seem'd to lull him a sleepe in the rauishing extasies of an amorous passion ; and inuited him to repose and rest himselfe in the lap of so many sweet delights and pleasures . but his courage hauing loosed and slacked the reines to his affection , vpon the prostitution of so many delicious and amorous dainties , he then made a short stay and stand ; returned to his former minde and resolution , takes his leaue of her without reluctation or sorrow , and by his pleasing , and yet generous cariage constraines the curtesie of this faire princesse , to accompany him forth to the gate of her owne pallace . but how much easier is it not to enter , then to come forth , and depart in this manner : the vice is not to enter , but not to bee able to come forth , said aristippus , going into a curtizan . with a very small force and constraint , wee may at first stop the motions of these emotions ; but when they are once begun , wee are but too too naturally subiect to follow them . most commonly it are they which drawe vs , and there is but this vertue of temperance , which can againe take vp the reines , and stop them in the very middes of their course and cariere . we must cut off the head and tayle thereof ; whereof the first withereth our heart ; and the second incessantly scratcheth and woundeth it . intemperancie giues death to voluptuousnesse : continencie denies and refuseth it life ; and temperance giues and conserues it to her , and by a certaine griefe which shee intermixeth in all her actions , she agrees so well in all things , and euery where with her selfe , that she much obligeth vs , and makes vs her debters , for the felicity which wee may pretend and hope for from her . section . iii. to thinke that vertue can indifferently cure all sorts of euills or afflictions , is a testimonie of vanitie , or else of our being apprentices and nouices in philosophie . felicitie , how comes it to passe that wee can surprise and hold thee , but with one hand ; if it bee true that thou reposest thy selfe in the bosome of philosophie , as he made vs beleeue who first caused it to descend from heauen , to liue among vs here in earth . but why should there bee so many philosophers , and yet so fewe wisemnn ? if these promises be true : if these remedies are certaine and infallible , where is the effect ? and yet there is no reason , so much to taxe our condition , as to thinke to make it guilty of that , whereof it may be innocent . it is good somtimes to auoyde , and leaue off anger and violence , where faire meanes may suffice , and preuaile of it selfe : i much doubt , if philosophie , who puts weapons into our hands , to correct and chastise vice , could defend the blowes , if wee turned them against her selfe . for wherein doth she employ her selfe , but to afflict vs in thinking to heale and cure vs. when we are in perfect health , shee doth so often againe assaile and touch vs , that in the end shee changeth our good disposition and welfare . her false councels turnes into true afflictions , which shee afterwards fights not against , but onely feignedly . if shee raise vs vp a degree aboue others ; wee thereby see euils and afflictions farther off then they do : and at the very instant and moment , that we fore-see them ; wee haue neede to remedy them , because th●y wound vs as much by their sight , as by their assaults . and when with the same lance she can cure this wound , is the physitian to bee commended , who wounds and offends the health of his sicke patient , thereby to make shewe of his skill and sufficiencie ? but yet so farre is hee from curing vs , that our minde is easily shaken , and can afterwards very difficultly resolue , with firme footing to support this phantasticall enemie , and imaginarie euill and affliction . but if any simple , or earthly man ( who hath no other obiect in his thoughts , then that which hee hath before his eyes ) runnes the same fortune which we doe to the disasters , which wee haue fore-seene and predicted , then this his stupidity hath no neede of remedy , but at the very blowe and occasion . hee liues as ioyfull and contented , as the philosopher pyrrhons hogge , without any feare of stormes or tempests , whiles philosophie enuironeth vs purposely to rectifie and comfor● vs with her sweetest consolations . shee tells vs , that it is but a cloud ; that the least winde can beate off this storme and tempest , before it fall on our heads : that the inconstancie of fortune , as often deceiues our feares as our hopes . but who is hee , who in the expectation of an euill or affliction , can purely rellish and taste the sweetnesse of comfort and ioy which enuiron him . this sharpe remembrance , hath it not bitternesse enough in it , to make it seeme sower and distastfull . this affliction holdes vs fast by the coller of our doublets , and hee therewith stoopes the philosopher as well as the clowne . the goute , and stone doe equally afflict and offend them : all our reasons are left behinde the doore , and there is but onely our sense and feeling , which is of this scot and company . but yet i will pay the philosopher more soundly and seuerely then the clowne : for that considereth nothing else , but that which he feeles . his appetite is colder , and therewithall more subiect to griefe and paine . and this , hauing the spirits of his blood more refined , and subtilized , by the labour of his meditation , as also his sense and feeling more tender and delicate , the liuely image of paine workes as much , yea a greater power and effect in him by his imaginary impression , as by his point and reality . so this fore-sight serues for nothing , but to drawe those miseries neere vs , which are farthest from vs ; and then very difficultly can she cure , our other present and naturall discommodities , because she cannot well ease and comfort her owne . if shee vndertake to appease the burning fire of the paine which afflicts her , shee then employes , and applies no other physick , but onely the remembrance of fore-past pleasures . a weak and feeble remedy , which by this disioynted and lame comparison , insteed of diminishing ; doth exceedingly encrease and augment our paine : as a great fire encreaseth , by throwing a little water in it ; so our paine is the more incensed and exasperated , by the image and remembrance of pleasure , which presents it selfe to oppose it . this grosse and stupid ignorance , which giues i know not what manner of patience to present euills and afflictions , and carelesnesse to future sinister accidents , is farre more aduantagious to humane nature . what neede is there , that vnder the shewe and colour of good , shee should come to discouer vs so tyrannicall a countenance , and wayted and attended on by so many true euills and vexations ; and by her vaine and rash enterprise , exposing to our sight the miserable estate of our condition . wee can neuer truly knowe our iust weight , but in lifting our selues vp aboue the ground . he who is well , remoues not ( sayes the italian prouerbe . ) nature had placed vs in a very firme and sure degree , where wee ought to haue stayed . wee could not haue fallen from thence , because it was the lowest step . man thinking to raise and eleuate himselfe higher , hath prepared the danger of his owne fall : shee hath more liuely imprinted in our fancies their weight and greatnesse ; then the reasons and meanes to vanquish them . i graunt that this knowledge is the sweetest foode of the minde , and that mans chiefest felicity , proceedes from meditation . but was it not farre better to haue exhausted and dried vp the head spring : sith from thence is flowne the torrent of our miseries and afflictions . the wisest and subtillest philosophie is but folly to god , and because wee are vpon reprehensions and reproaches , wee may also accuse it to be guilty , for the defect of those who haue separated and withdrawen themselues from the bosome of the church : it had beene better to haue failed to doe well , for feare of some small euill which might ariue ; because wee farre more sensibly feele griefe then pleasure . to man there is nothing more visible then good , nor more sensible then euill . we shal as litle feele a long health , as the sweetnesse of a quiet and profound sleepe , without dreames or interruption . if we are troubled and tormented with an ague , that day which it ariued to vs , shall of all the yeare be marked , either with capitall or rubrick letters . our thoughts fix and tye themselues thereunto , and they disdainfully steale ouer all the rest without seeing them , and stop at nothing , but at this displeasing remembrance . in his health and possession , he is peaceable of all other good things , as those great riuers , who in their beds and course , commonly make small noyse ; and of his griefe , it is as of those impetuous torrents and inundations , which commonly by their precipitated motions , astonish with their noyse and violence , all those who dwell neere them . man knowes not his own good , but by the absence and want thereof . hee cannot soundly iudge , or esteeme of health , but in his sicknesse : contrariwise , the point of griefe and paine , by reason of the feare we haue thereof , which is as the shadow ( yea the true shadow , which followes and deuanceth our body ) doth by her presence and his absence still afflict vs. our senses fall into a swoon and slumber of ioy , and are neuer awakened , but by afflictions and sorrow . also shee is more moueable and inconstant then pleasure . and if any extreame pleasure or voluptuousnesse will awaken vs , and pinch vs with the sense and feeling thereof , it must borrow i know not what point of griefe and paine , which by a pleasing constraint , will drawe from our tongue some tone of weeping and bewailing . a peaceable life , full of security and assurance , and exempt , and free from the stormes and tempests of fortune , resembleth a dead sea , without trouble or agitation , as demetrius affirmed . but because in the estate whereunto the world is reduced , as one said well , it is easier to make a new , then to reforme it . let vs leaue the physitian to be calumniated , and scandalized by him that is in health : bu● for wee who languish in the assaults of euill and misery , let vs shut our eyes to his imperfections . if insteed of lancing our impostume , hee hath pricked vs neere it , or hurted vs in any other delicate and sensible part of our body : let vs not quarell with him , for feare lest hee forsake and abandon vs , and that thereby wee be doubly grieued and offended . it may bee that hee will cure one , or the other of our wounds : but to beleeue that these remedies are so soueraine , that all sorts of griefes and afflictions should , and may hope for their entire cure thereof , it is that which we cannot , and therefore must not promise our selues . truth still giues the lye to flattery . great alexander feeling himselfe wounded of an arrow , all the world ( said hee ) swore that i was the sonne of iupiter : but yet the bloud which streames from this my wound , cries out wi●h a loud voyce , that i am a man. let vs not thinke that mineruas sonne , and his dearest fauorites , haue any more dignified priuiledge . the blowes of fortune make them well remember , that they are dull and stupid men , because our body , and the one halfe of our selues , is a thing which wee possesse not , but at his courtesie and mercie , and whereof she hath farre more right and propriety then we . the best philosophie doth not indifferently cure all sorts of diseases and afflictions ; but without cherishing or diminishing the fauour which wee receiue thereof : let vs endeuour not to esteeme it by its iust price and value . me thinkes , that in this pilgrimage of our life , shee resembleth the tree which the traueller met in his way , who if the weather be faire and cleare , in beholding and considering it ; hee admires the beauty thereof , and the sweetnesse and pleasantnesse of its fruit . but if there happen any storme and shower of raine , then hee flies vnder the branches thereof , thereby to defend and shelter him from the iniurie of the weather , although hee can difficultly so well saue and couer himselfe ; that he doe not yet feele many discommodities thereby : but yet farre lesse ( by comparison ) then him , who disdaining and contemning this shelter , still continueth on his way , and without any fence or defence whatsoeuer , exposeth himselfe to the mercilesse mercy of the tempest . when wee are at peace with fortune , there is no thing so sweet and pleasing as this philosophie . doth fortune regard vs with a bad eye ? will she dart vpon vs the arrowes of her choler ? then wee runne and arange our selues vnder this tree , which as soone extendeth his branches ouer vs : yea , he weds our quarell , and striues to defend the blowes , or to quell and dead the violence thereof : and yet wee cannot so well auoide it , but yet there remaines many parts and places aboue vs , whereby wee are exposed to the mercy of our enemie , and to the point and fury of his choler . the branches and shel●er of this tree , may defend the traueller from raine , hayle , winde , and lightning : but if the thunder come to fall thereon , it then teares its branches , and thunder-claps our trauelling pilgrime . so philosophie armes vs against contempt , pouertie , banishment , and the other defects and vices of opinion , and defends , and sheltereth vs from the violent windes of passions : but if sicknes and paine , ( which is the thunder of fortune ) fall vpon vs ; it teares all that it meetes withall , breakes downe our weake baricadoes and defences , and makes vs feele the points and edges of his indignation . and yet the thunder of heauen spared the sacred tree of apollo : but that of fortune without any respect to vertue ( that euer sacred and soueraine tree of th● gods ) insolently breakes and teares it in peeces , as triumphing in the losse and ruine thereof . so that if the vertue of man could diuert and turne away this thunder from his head , as she doth other iniuries of fortune : i beleeue with reason , that she might pretend the name and title of perfect and compleat felicity . but likewise wee must not indifferently tearme all that to bee griefe and paine which afflicts vs : let vs therefore endeuour , yea enforce our selues to restraine and keepe it within the surest bounds and limits that we can . let vs see what it is , and if mans felicity , may agree and sympathize with it , according to the opinion of the stoicks , which for my part , i beleeue not . section . iv. as it belongs to none but to the minde , to iudge of true or false : so our sense ought to be the onely iudge either of pleasure , or paine . all things should be considered absolutely , and simply in their proper essence and being ; or relatiuely as regarding our selues . absolutely in their being , as the earth , the sea , the sunne , and the starres : which essence or being is equally spread and diffused euery where . it is this truth which is not knowne in his essence , but onely of god : and therefore where the point of humane wisedome in vaine striues to assaile it : or relatiuely in regard of our selues , and then this reflexion engageth either our body or our minde . if the body , it is tearmed good or euill ; and there is none but our senses , which haue right to iudge of a knowledge which is infused to them : and so much , and so long conioyned , that the harmony of the temperaments , is not molested or troubled by any false agreement . if the minde , then it is tearmed true or false , whereof the one caries the figure of good , and the other of euill , which is that which wee tearme ratiocination , which from vniuersall propositions , inferres and drawes particular consequences , and composeth of this collection , reduced in order by iudgement , the science or knowledge of things . but the minde and the body ioyning together in a community , in those things which they had of each other in particular , the minde secures the body , and promiseth to prouide him a sentinell , to conserue and watch against the surprises of his enemie , which is paine , or affliction , by the meane of her care and fore-sight , conditionally that shee may participate of the enioyance of those profits and pleasures , which proceede from her . but this agreement and harmony lasteth not long ; for the minde abuseth her selfe ; and this abuse is conuerted into tyrannie : for of a companion that formerly she was , she now becomes master , and violating the lawes of society , shee vsurpes vpon the iurisdiction of the senses , beleeuing , that this vsurpation , giues her an absolute right , and full power to iudge of the quality of good or bad , without consulting , or taking counsell of the senses ; and then as shee will iudge that to be either good or bad which is not : so will she doe of griefe or pleasure , which was not of the same nature : and in the end disposing soueraignly of all , she is ariued to this height and point , to beleeue that those pleasures which were fallen to the lot and share of the senses , were obliged to content and satisfie her insatiable appetite , without informing her selfe , if they had worthily acquited themselues of their charge and functions , which was to appease the hunger and desire of our senses . the which desire , because it is limited within the extent of its obiect , is easily exchanged , and conuerted into tranquillity , and a peaceable enioying thereof . in the meane time , the minde playes the auerse and difficult ; still murmures and repines against it , and entertaines man in this perturbation and perplexitie which you see . he is become more amorous and affectionate to other mens children then to his owne : and this bastard affection of his , serues him as a paire of staires , whereby by little and little he descends to the misunderstanding of himselfe , and then being buried in the darknesse of obliuion , he leaues in prey the inheritance which he had promised to giue to this community , and renounced his owne which was lawfull , which is the meditation or knowledge of true or false , for as much as in the body of man , the soule may bee capable to foment and cherish the goods or pleasures of her companion . and farther , if their profits or pleasures were of the same quality and nature , when by any misfortune the portion of the one or other were ruined , there would yet in the other lot and portion , remaine enough , to nourish and content them both ; as the philosopher , who liuing by the sweat and labour of his owne hands , vaunted that thereby he was yet able to maintaine and nourish another like himselfe . but the foode and nutriment of the one , is not that of the other , for all that which they haue truly in commons betwixt them , is the harmony which should make this musicke to be composed of spirituall and corporall things , wherein if either the one , or the other mutinie or rebell , then expect no farther harmony or agreement , for it is nothing else but confusion . but the senses being conducted by the infused and cleare-sighted light of nature , are better gouerned in their common-wealth . the one hath enterprised nothing against the other . it neuer happens , that the eye vndertakes to heare , or the eare to see , if it bee not abusiuely spoken : but since they haue elected this inconstant mind , to gouerne them as their head or chieftain : they haue reaped and receiued nothing but shame and confusion . the eye findes nothing to be absolutely faire , but that which raritie or opinion , pleaseth to recommend to vs to be so . so the rose and gilliflower , are nothing in comparison of a flower which growes in the indies , or forraigne countries . but this tyrant aduanceth yet farther , for he puts them to the racke , and makes them pay deerely for the errour of this their foolish indiscretion : for the senses dare not embrace that which they prise and affect dearest , without her free consent and permission . if any ticklish desire giue them a contrary motion to that of reason , then the minde lifts vp her hand and staffe , and vseth them so vnkindly and vnworthily , that there is no seruitude or slauery so rigorous . they may well passe without her , and without the fruit of this meditation , which makes it so commendable . a pretious iewell indeed it is , but farre more necessary to this little common-weale for ornament and decencie , then for absolute necessity . for that which is in this manner necessary , is vniuersall and equall , as the heart is necessary to the life of man ; reason is a faculty , which although it haue her roote in the soule : yet she cannot perfect her selfe without the assistance and concurrence of well disposed organes ; for the most accomplished is but errour : iudge therefore what the most imperfect are , it is but an accident , whose defect changeth nothing the substance of man. plato was no more a man , then a common porter was . an inequality which sufficiently testifies , that of absolute necessity it is not necessary to man. but at last , the senses growe rebellious and mutinous , and will proclaime their triumphes , or holliday in that which concernes their charge or duty of the minde , because the minde so powerfully and soueraignly , vsurpes vpon their iurisdiction ; and from this sedition , as from the head spring or fountaine of all euills , flowes the disorder and confusion , which we finde in all things . arts and learning are endomaged and damnified by the corruption of the senses , which hauing no more right to iudge of good or euill , will yet intermeddle to knowe true , or false ; as is seene in those who denie infinity , because their grosse senses , who would intrude themselues to bee parties in this difference , can neuer agree with that which they cannot comprehend : or as those who denie the life or immortality of the soule , because they haue demaunded counsell of the senses , which cannot approue of things so difficult and hard of disgestion , and so seldome controuerted or proposed : for the eye hath not seene , nor the eare heard spoken of these discourses : neither can tast , smelling , or feeling , giue any testimonies thereof . to make them therefore know this soule , it must be ( as cicero speakes of the gods to the epicurians ) not a body , but as a body that it had not veines , arteries or bloud ; but as it were veines , arteries , and bloud , that shee was , and that shee was not , that it had not a humane figure , but as a humane figure , not being able to represent the soule vnto vs ; no more then painters , who represent angels vnder humane shapes and figures . if beasts could figure themselues out a god , they would make him of their owne form and shape , not beleeuing ( as an antient philosopher affirmed ) that there is any fairer , or better shaped then their owne : and these men doe the same of the soul● , which they cannot otherwise comprehend or conceiue then vnder that of a body , whose members possesse some place , hauing her dimensions , length , breadth , and depth , vnder the very image and figure of man , then which they beleeue there is no nobler : or else they otherwise beleeue there is none at all ▪ or at least , that it must be corporall : so if it be corporall , it must needes bee corruptible , as indeede they themselues are wholly composed both of body and corruption : and this is the preiudice which the senses bring to those who haue caused it to bee beleeued in the iudgement , which they should make of true or false : but as the minde being farre more busie in motion , and of a larger latitude and extent then the senses , hath caused a more apparant , sensible , and vniuersall disorder : so shee will not allowe for good , but onely that which is pleasing and delightfull to her . she hath put new guards ouer all the goods of nature , and will not without her permission and consent , that it should bee lawfull for vs to enioy any of them : and yet neuerthelesse , among those things which we hold and tearme good , wee may easily obserue and remarke those that she hath charged & corrupted . those goods which carie the marke and seale of nature imprinted on their fore-heads , doe content vs , and satisfie and appease by their enioyance , the burning desire which hath so violently caused vs to re-search and seeke them . and contrariwise , the others doe but encrease this feruent desire or thirst , which the opinion and vice of our minde hath enkindled in vs : the goods which are of his owne inuention , doe neither appertaine to the minde , or the body ; for they are neuters and indifferent . the minde ( as it were ) commit●ing adultery with the body , hath engendered them as so many monsters , which participate some thing both of the one and the other . of the minde , the estimation , price , and value : of the body , that which they containe in them of materiall and terrestriall . that which they haue in them of more naturall , or of speciall and indiuiduall difference , doth not properly belong either to the one or the other . it is reported , that mules ( who are a third different sort of beasts , which two former haue propagated ) are incapable to engender . so those goods or priuiledges of nature , which deriue their being from such different natures , doe neuer of themselues engender any good either to the minde , or the body . they are instruments , whereof we indifferently make vse either to good or euill : and which for the most part serue onely to foment our vices and passions . but as these good things are neuters and indifferent ; so the euill which likewise proceedes of his artifice , ought not to haue greater priuiledges , and therefore the effect which they produce in vs , which we tearme griefe or paine , cannot be tearmed so , but very wrongfully and abusiuely : as imprisonment , banishment , losse of honours : pouerty offends neither the body , nor the minde , but is the chaine which onely presseth either the one or the other . if the mind complaine , it is too blame , for it belongs to him onely to knowe true or false : if he say that riches are good , and pouerty euill , the senses will giue him the lye thereto , for they complaine not , at least if they doe , they doe it vniustly . if our minde had made this proposition , to wit ; that the oare , or matter of gold , resembles that of earth ; or that the difference proceedes not from the mixture of qualities and accidents , wee must not appeale therein to our senses . or if the eye would contradict this proposition , because the colour of earth differs from that of gold , hee should not bee receiued or beleeued as iudge . if our feeling would adde in his own behalfe , that hee findes the one hard , the other soft ; the one smooth , and the other harsh and impollished , yet it were false , and it may be shewed them , that it belongs onely to them , to iudge of good or euill , and not of true or false . wee must not then by the same reason tearme that good or euill , but which onely the senses will so please to doe , or as true or false , that which it shall please the minde to ordaine : so then there is nothing which will beare the name and quality of paine , but the contrary obiect to the inclination of our feeling thereof , as long as it is present with him , and doth still sensibly and extreamely afflict him therewith : so that which is mediocrity , can be supported and endured by the constancie of our vertue , without astonishing or mouing her , and yet neuerthelesse not without offering some outrage and violence to our felicity . but sith she exceedes the powers of patience , there is no courage so ambitious , but will be strucken and beaten downe to the ground by the thunder of fortune ; whereof i no way feare the threatnings , but the blowes , and happy is he that can preuent and hinder , that his feare deuance not the effect thereof . section . v. although wee graunt that mans felicity consists in vertue , ( which is not absolutely true ) yet i affirme against the stoickes , that felicity is incompatible with griefe and paine . the noyse of weapons ( as one reporteth ) hindreth the voyce of lawes ; but i beleeue with zenos scholler , that the noyse of weapons , and assaults of paine , should more iustly hinder vs from vnderstanding the precepts of philosophie . this philosopher being besieged by the sharpe points of griefe and paine , seeing that it was more perswasiue to make him confesse , that it was euill , then the power of all his stoicall reasons were to the contrary . he ingeniously confessed , that it was an euill , because all his long study , and time which hee had employed in philosophie , could not secure him from the torment , and lesse againe , from the trouble and impatiencie which griefe and paine brought him . a sect so rigorous , that as one of them said ▪ it will neither rebate nor diminish any thing of the felicity of a wise man , although he were in phalaris his bull : for felicity consists in vertue , and this vertue is the vse of perfect reason , which wee carie to goodnesse . this reason conserues it selfe whole and found in the middes of rackes , torments , and afflictions , and consequently this felicity . i contrariwise say , that so perfect a felicity is imaginary ; and although it were true and reall , that necessarily it is changed by griefe and paine ; for the first head heereof , i say , that nature hath imprinted in all creatures a desire to compasse their owne ends , whereunto being arriued , they seeme to feele the true perfection of their being , from which being estranged and separated , they suffer ( if wee may say so ) some paine in their insensibility . the simple bodies ariue more easily hereunto , hauing nothing in them which contradicts this desire . the compounded , as they enclose and shut vp many contrary qualities , they cannot attaine to this perfection , because their desires and obiects being different and contrary , one cannot enioy his tranquillity , but with the preiudice of the others : but if it fall out that they are dissolued , and diuided by the fire , then euery one retires to that part , where his desire calls him . but among the compounded , there is none more multiplied then man , because it seemes that nature would assemble in him , as in a small compendium or epitome : all that which is generally defused in all sublunarie bodies ; and far●e the more , because the soule being conioyned with it , she hath brought her desire with her , which tending to an infinite obiect , giues her selfe but small rest , and yet lesse to him of whom she hath the gouernment and conduction . therefore man being composed of so many contrary things , hee nourisheth a discord , and perpetuall ciuill warre within him : and it is ( as it were ) impossible for him to appease it , because the remedy of the one , is the poyson of the other . heauen is the center of light things , and earth of those which are ponderous and heauie ; that as the compound of these two still obayes the predominate quality , in such sort , that hee cannot ariue to his centre , without offering violence to the least : so besides the contrary inclination of all the compounds , which slide into the structure and fabrique of man ; wee must chiefely obserue and remarke these two . of the party inferiour and superiour ; sensitiue , and reasonable , who incessan●ly oppose and contradict each other ; and whereof the one cannot be in hi● perfect peace and tranquillity , except the other bee farre remote and distant from his ; because their obiects being contrary , and distant one from the other , at one time they cannot be in diuers places , nor much lesse in one and the same place , without quarels and dissention ; for which cause and reason , man cannot hope for perfect felicity in his life , sith it ought to bee tearm'd of an vniuersall repose and tranquillity . if an enemie set fire to all the foure corners of a citie , and batter it with an intent to ruine and take it : can we beleeue it is in peace , because the gouernour thereof is in a place of assurance and security : so the minde being farre distant from the assaults and blowes of fortune , is not a good consequence of tranquillity and perfect felicity ; it will remaine then imperfect , as man himselfe remaines imperfect ▪ and he should not be man , if he had but one of these parties and priuiledges : wherefore we may affirme , that the vse of this perfect reason , should not be this perfect felicity , if it ioyne not with her the repose and tranquillity of her companion the body , which should haue the better part in felicity , because it is he true touchstone of good and euill , as we haue formerly shewed . in the second place i say , that put the cause that felicity consists in the vse of perfect reason ; and that shee cannot long sympathize and agree with paine , because all the faculties of the soule in generall , suffer according to the motions and alterations of the body : so reason is a materiall and corporall effect , which hath her roote in the soule , and which cannot perfect her selfe : but by the benefit of the organes , and the temperate concurrence of the refined spirits of the bloud , which if they are of too great a number or quantity , then they subuert , embroyle , yea confound themselues , and become brutish and beastly , as you see they doe by excesse of wine or sleepe . and if there bee any defect , they degenerate into capriciousnes , or weakenesse of braine and ratiocination : but aboue all , she depends of the good disposition of the organes , the minde being more liuely and actiue in health then sicknes . a sweet and cleare ayre , and a faire day doth cleare and consolidate the iudgement , sharpens our wit , dispelleth melancholly , makes our reason more masculine and vigorous , and in a word , makes vs ciuiller and honester men . reason is engendered , and growes with our body , their powers are brought vp together , and wee know that its infancie , vigour , maturity , age , and decrepitude , doe commonly follow the age and temper of the body : and what then if this body bee afflicted with griefe or paine , shall shee not feele it ? what shall wee say of those whose excesse and violence of paine , caries them to swooning and convulsions , which proceedes and happens , because the spirits of bloud being changed by this violence , doe diuert themselues from their ordinary course , and put themselues into disorder and confusion in the organ ; so that they hinder their regular function . there is no point of wisedome so pure , which can hinder this trouble , or secure it selfe from it , because it cannot resist the power of sleepe . but perfect reason subsisteth nor but by this well-gouerned function of the spirits , for that ceasing shee also ceaseth . but o yee stoickes , what will be your felicity in torments ! if your reason forsake you , and play false company with you ; what will then become of this vertue , which no longer knowes her selfe : is this it which she had promised you ? whiles the enemie sackes you , and fortune teares and dragges you by the haire , shee will abandon you at neede , and dares not shewe her selfe , but when your enemies are retired and vanished . and yet then shee returnes so weake and trembling , that it seemes shee hath felt the very same blowes which our body hath . what shall we say of those from whom shee hauing beene but once absent , shee neuer had the assurance to returne againe ? lucretius a great poet and philosopher , by a loue potion , too sharpe for the palate of vertue , gaue him occasion to dislodge , and to abandon the place to folly . faire felicity , how your fauours are difficult to purchase , and easie to lose . will you so permit , that leuity command , and dispose you to the preiudice of that fortitude and constancie , whereof you make profession : you say that you are a daughter of heauen ; and can you therefore suffer the affront and disgrace of this daughter of earth , i meane fortune , that she dragge you captiue , and proudly triumph of your spoyles : at least , if this stoicall vertue could ingender a degree of leaprosie in our sense and feeling : shee hereby might make head , and oppose against fortune : but shee is so farre from it , as she sharpens it , and makes it more sensible to the arrowes that she shoots at vs : and to shewe more clearely and apparantly how this poyson of paine and griefe runnes into the superiour party , which wee tearme reasonable , and so infects it with its contagion : wee must knowe that the contrary qualities , which concurre and meete in the compound , would neuer subsist together , if they were not attoned and agreed by a third party ; who participating both of the one and the other , doth thereby entertaine them , and appease their enmity and contention . and nature could neuer haue sowed or tyed to man , two such contrary peeces , without the ayde and assistance of a third , which are the purest and most subtillest spirits of the bloud ; which hold fast , and tye themselues to the abundance and affluence thereof , by the grossest part which is in them , and to the soule by that which is purest in it , and which holds fast , and stayes in this prison of the body : so that prouided that this third be not offended ; man still maintaines himselfe . he can liue without reason , as the sunne can doe towards vs , and in our hemispheare , without enlightning vs with his rayes and beames , whiles hee is eclipsed with so blacke , and thicke a cloude , that it cannot pierce forth to our eyes ; because reason is as the eye of the soule , which shines not forth openly and brightly to vs , if it meete with any obstacle or interposition . if the legges or armes of a man be wounded , or cut off , he may yet support himselfe , and liue : but when this third is excessiuely endomaged , and that hee hath forsaken the match ; then the body being too corpulent and massiue , hauing no more hold-fast of the soule , is constrained to forsake and abandon her . this third therefore serues as an interpreter both to the one and the other . hee giues the body to vnderstand the will of the soule , and to the soule , the appetites and desires of the senses . all that generally befalls man , is diuided by this third , which sends to the one and the other their part and portion . if paine afflict the body , it spreads and runnes through all the spirits to the very soule ; as by a sulphurous match , lighted at both ends ; and at the same instant sets fire euery where , as well in the superiour as the inferiour part , where she offends and outrageth both the senses , and reason . thus paine hauing then past and entered into reason , it there troubleth the repose , and changeth the felicity of the stoick . so that the voyce of that philosopher , who cryed out , o paine , i will not say that thou art sharpe or euill : is not a sufficient testimony of his victory ouer it . it is a souldier which hee hath taken in the middest of the conflict and combat : but yet hee dragges our philosopher as his prisoner after him . a captiue who spets iniuries in her masters face , is yet no lesse his slaue : hee who willingly obeyes not , is more rigorously handled , and the wise man who armes himselfe against a violent paine or griefe , hath not so cheape a bargaine as our selues , because it is still ill done of vs to incense an enemie , who hath in his hands the power and meanes to offend vs. to put this constancie as she is depainted by them into a mans hands , to oppose and fight against this strong enemie , it is to put hercules his club into the hands of a pigmee . the weapons and armour wherewith they loade our weake shoulders , doe beat vs down , and kill vs with their weight . it belongs to none but to socrates , to weare this corslet ; or to manage or play with the weapons of achilles , and to accustome our selues to it , we must vigorously assayle and assault fortune , neuer to make truce with her ; to prouoke and dare her to the combat , with a firme footing and resolution , with the sweat on our front , to sup dust into our mouth , to make vs drunke with her wounds ; by little and little to fortifie our stomack , as another pill of methridatum , against the poyson of vnlooked for accidents , which may corrupt our health . i meane the peace and tranquillity of our felicity . section vi. mans life is a harmonie , composed of so many different tones , that it is very difficult for vertue to hold , and keepe them still in tune . i finde that the poets doe exceedingly sing , and paint forth the praises and beauty of venus : that commonly they lend arrowes to this young cupid , which are sharper then those he caries about him in his quiuer ; and that their true naturall beauty is nothing in comparison of those they borrow from this strange painting and false decoration : but it seemes to mee , that philosophers doe no lesse by their wisedome , for she ha●h not so much beauty or excellencie naked , as by those ornaments and attires wherewith the stoikes embellish and adorne her : and i know not if the gods enuie not the condition of men , for the price of the like recompence . this vertue , as it is painted out by seneca , ha●h such enchanted lures and graces , that if this image could heat it selfe in our breast , and receiue life in our armes by the fauour of minerua , as heretofore the statue of pigmalion , did by the 〈◊〉 of venus : i beleeue that the felicity and sweetnesse thereof , would tire our hopes and desires . the b●yers and thornes which they place on the approaches and aduenewes thereof , and those extreame difficulties which they put before it ; to ariue to this last point , is the onely meanes which they vse to couer their secrets , and consequently to conceale the vanity of their art. let vs not bee so ambitious to aduance and eleuate our selues so high , for those who see and perceiue it , will easily iudge , that their wings are by farre too weake to second and make good so audacious a flight . to promise more then we can performe , is the part of an ignorant ; and to hope for lesse then we ought , is that of a nouice or apprentice . but to hope , and not to promise our selues , but that which we can , is the act of an experienced and wise man. let vs not therefore thinke that the point of felicity , where-vnto this morall vertue can raise vs , is aboue the stormes and tempests of fortune . all which she can doe , is to cast anchor in the middest of the tempest : in the meane time , the vessel notwithstanding will still be tossed with the waues and billowes thereof . if affliction , of paine assault vs not , wee shall then remaine inuincible and victorious : but if fortune assaile and bord vs there , shee then beates downe , and ruineth all our defences . for reason is wonderfully tender and courteous to paine : shee knowes not how to fight with her , but with words : shee is a woman who hath no other offensiue weapons , but iniuries and obstinacie . and yet if wee enforced our selues to ariue to the degree of this vertue as she is , wee should then very often be in repose and tranquillity , and might enioy felicity , whereof wee are capable . at least , knowing her imperfection , we should doe as the painter , who hides his grossest and obscurest colours vnder his fairest , and most liueliest . wee should compell our selues to couer the misery of our misfortunes , by the happinesse of those which second our desires : for to promise our selues so perfect and compleat a contentment , that the approaches and aduenewes thereof , bee not crost by some affliction or displeasure ▪ we should therein counterfeit a true mountebanke , who pretends and affirmes , that he can drawe a tooth from vs without feeling or paine . voluptuousn●sse hath some thing in her , i know not how bitter and ineuitable , both in her beginning and end . i commend and highly praise that philosopher , who proceedes in the purity of his soule , and not he who purposely shewes his conceptions : but who strikes home , arangeth his reasons orderly , and speakes freely what hee thinkes . let his life be conformable to his writings , and if it be possible , let his effects teach his owne rules and instructions ; for hee cannot easily cure others , who is not able or capable to comfort himselfe , except he passe for a hired sophister , orator , or philosopher : for wisedome must exhaust from the profundity of our soule , ( as from the well of democritus , ) all that which is truth , or at least which seemes so to vs. for if abuse or flattery preuaile , or penetrate so farre with vs , there will nothing then remaine either sound or entire in vs. to promise a compleat and perfect felicity without the fauour of fortune , is tha● which i cannot doe ; and to thinke , or pretend to doe it any other way then by vertue , is a designe too defectiue and ridiculous to receiue the fauours of fortune , by the dore of vertue , and not to let them depart from you , but by the same passage , is in my opinion the onely meanes to giue entrance to repose and tranquillity : but here our courage must not faile vs at neede . let vs follow the point of this naturall desire , which wee feele in vs , as a small and weake sparke , which may be enkindled and enflamed , till it growe to a greater and purer light , and then serue vs as a guide in so generous an enterprise . there is none but in some sort feeles ; and cherisheth vertue ; with a hope to obtaine and enioy her : but wee may say of her as isocrates of the citie of athens , that shee was pleasant and delightfull in the same nature and manner , as faire strumpets or curtizans , with whom men onely loue to passe their time with , but not to wed them , or reside with them : right so , vertue is beloued and courted of all the world , to passe our time with , and onely for shew and ostentation . but no man takes her to his wife , and espouseth her . wee b●are her on our lips , but not in our hearts , and in our speeches and writings , but not in our actions : for wee must water and colour our soule therewith . if wee thinke , or hope to feele the effects of true felicity , which must not be as wee suppose , a ioy conceiued through the opinion of a false good , gouerned without rule or discretion ; but a constant and setled pleasure , agreeing in all things , and in all places with her selfe . and this is the most sublimest and eminent'st place ; where the wisedome of man endeuoureth and striues to ariue : wisedome which yet can neuer eleuate him so high , but that hee shall still feele and knowe himselfe to bee man. hee cannot take himselfe from himselfe , nor escape those his naturall defects and qualities , but that hee shall still receiue some mortall , or at least some sensible blowes and assaults thereof . the windes beate and assaile the highest towers and turrets , vanity pardoneth not the highest , brauest , or most solide wittes and iudgements : but contrariwise , as she meetes with a barren and empty wit , discharged of passions ; which seemed formerly to prouoke and animate her , shee thereby then thinkes , she hath the more right to possesse and enioy its place : as a pipe or butt is emptied , so the winde and ayre succeedes in place of the wine : and by the same measure that wee make the greatest and grossest imperfections to distill and streame away from the nature of man : vanity ariues in the place thereof , where shee ex●ends her selfe euery way at large , and resides and dwells with farre more ease . and to conclude , what priuiledge or aduantage so euer we can giue to man , who is like our selues , or what honours wee can render or yeeld either to him , or to our selues . man is nothing but a dreame , who feedes , and gnawes on lyes extreame : in his best state constant neuer : a shadow which the morne dispelleth , a lightning that a cloude refelleth , whose being , and not being , a moment seuer . finis . epicurus's morals collected partly out of his owne greek text, in diogenes laertius, and partly out of the rhapsodies of marcus antoninus, plutarch, cicero, & seneca ; and faithfully englished. selections. english epicurus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) epicurus's morals collected partly out of his owne greek text, in diogenes laertius, and partly out of the rhapsodies of marcus antoninus, plutarch, cicero, & seneca ; and faithfully englished. selections. english epicurus. charleton, walter, - . [ ], p. : port. printed by w. wilson for henry herringman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : . "an apology for epicurus" (p. [ ]-[ ]) is written by walter charleton who was also the translator. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ethics, ancient. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion epicvri effigies . portrait ex cimel . cl. vivi eviel putearij . epicvrvs ' s morals , collected partly out of his owne greek text , in diogenes laertivs , and partly out of the rhapsodies of marcvs antoninvs , plvtarch , cicero , & seneca . and faithfully englished . mea quidem ista sententia est ( invitis hoc nostris popularibus dicam ) epicurum , & recta praecipere , & , si propiùs accesseris , tristia . seneca lib. de vita beata cap. . london , printed by w. wilson , for henry herringman , and are to be sold at his shop , at the anchor in the lower walke in the new exchange . . an apologie for epicvrvs , as to the three capitall crimes whereof he is accused . written in a letter , to a person of honour . sir , your beloved epicvrvs , having lately learn'd english , on purpose to converse more familiarly with you ; comes now at length to waite upon you , and at your vacant houres to entertaine you with grave discourses , touching the happinesse of man's life , and the right meanes of attaining it , wisdome , i have no reason to doubt of his welcome & kind reception by you , considering that he comes not , but upon your frequent , and ( i am confident ) hearty invitations of him ; your owne ingenious and commendable desire to be intimately acquainted with his principles , and doctrine of morality , and to heare him speake his owne thoughts purely and sincerely , having beene the only occasion and motive to my assistance of him in his travells from greece into this country , and my accommodation of him with such an equipage , as might be exactly sutable as well to your wishes , as to his owne minde . nay more , i have reason to presume , that a few dayes conversation will create in you a very great dearenesse towards him , as well because i am assur'd you will soone finde him what you expect , a sublime witt , a profound iudgement , and a great master of temperance , sobriety , continence , fortitude and all other vertues , not a patron of impiety , gluttony , drunkennesse , luxury and all kinds of intemperance , as the common people ( being mis-informed by such learned men as either did not rightly understand , or would not rightly represent his opinions ) generally conceive him to be ; as because i have perceived him not only to give strong and lively hints to sundry of those sublime speculations , wherewith your thoughts are sometimes delightfully imployed ; but also solidly to assert many of those tenents , which i have often heard you defend , with the like reasons , and which indeed nothing but the voluntary and affected ignorance of superstition will deny . so that , if the rule hold , that similitude of opinions , is an argument of similitude in affectons , and similitude of affections the ground of love and friendship , certainely i am not altogether destitute of support for my conjecture , and consequently that you will soone admitt him into your bosome , and treat him withall the demonstrations of respect due to so excellent a companion . but , as there is no beauty without some moles , no chrystall without some specks ; so is not our epicvrvs without his imperfections , and you will discover in him some things which cannot escape your reprehension ; and yet i expect , that your censure of him should be much more moderate and charitable , then that of the ignorant and scarce humane multitude hath been for many ages together . and therefore i aske leave to state the nature of his guilt unto you , and afterwards to give you my iudgement thereupon ; in the meane time humbly leaving you to the liberty of your owne more judicious sentiments of both the one and the other . for , my designe therein , is not to possesse your brest with my thoughts concerning the crimes usually charged upon this philosopher , but to dispossesse it of an opinion that i might have the same indignation against him in respect of some unjustifiable positions of his , as not only the common people , but even the greatest number of schollers , have for many hundred of years , entertain'd . and what i shall say to that purpose i humbly desire you will be pleas'd to understand to be intended as an exercitation , to take off from his memory the greatest part of that unjust odium , and infamy which envy and malice on one hand , and ignorance and inhumanity on the other , have cast upon it , to the eclipsing even of all his excellent meritts from the commonwealth of philosophy , and not as a defence of any unreasonable or dangerous errour , whereof he is found really guilty . which was more perhaps then was needfull for me to advertise you of , who wel understand the difference betwixt a vindication and an excusation ; that it is one thing to mitigate a too severe and rash sentence , and another to justifie the offendour . and therefore without any further apologizing for my short apologie for epicvrvs , i directly addresse to my province . the opinions , which , being asserted by him in this treatise concerning ethicks , have so much incens'd the world against him , are principally these three . ( ) that the souls of men are mortall , & so uncapable of all either happiness or misery after death . ( ) that man is not obliged to honour , revere , and worship god , in respect of his beneficence , or out of the hope of any good or feare of any evill at his hands , but meerely in respect of the transcendent excellencies of his nature , immortality , and beatitude . ( ) that selfe-homicide is an act of heroick fortitude in case of intollerable or otherwise inevitable calamity . these , i confesse , are positions to be rather wholly condemned and abominated , then in the least measure patroniz'd by us christians , whose understandings ( thanks be to the mercy of the fountaine of wisdome ) are illuminated by a brighter light then that of nature ; and yet notwithstanding when i remember , that our philosopher was a meere naturalist , borne and educated in times of no small pagan darkenesse , and consider that neither of these tenents will be found upon due examination so destitute of all support of reason , as rash and unexamining heads have apprehended , i professe i cannot but thinke it an argument of much more inhumanity then judicious zeale in any man , upon this accompt alone , to invade him with the crimination of superlative impiety , blasphemy , and absolute atheisme . for. as to the first , viz. that the humane soule doth not survive the funerals of the body , but absolutely perish in the instant of death , as i need not tell you , how uncomfortable an opinion it is to all vertuous persons , and how manifestly repugnant to christianisme , and indeed to the fundamentall reason of all religions beside ( if i may be admitted to use that improper phrase of the vulgar , while i well know that there can be but one religion truely so called , and that all the rest are more properly called superstitions ) so i neede not advertise you how highly difficult it is to refute it , by satisfactory and convincing arguments defumable from meer reason . for , to suspect the light of nature , is scarce strong enough by its own single force , to dispell all those thick mists of difficulties , that hinder our discernment of the full nature of the human soul , and scarce bright enough clearly to demonstrate the immortality of that noble essence , so , as to leave no room for diffidence or contradiction ▪ i hope it can be no heresie in any man , because no disparagement to either his faith or reason . you have , sir , i presume , attentively perused that so worthily commended discourse of plato , touching the immortality of mans soul , and acquainted your selfe moreover with all those mighty arguments , alledged by saint thomas , pomponatius ( who will hardly be out-done in subtlety , touching the same theam , by any that comes after him , and yet he was forc'd to conclude himselfe a sceptick , and leave the question to the decision of some other bolder pen ) des cartes , our noble friend sir kenelme digby , and divers other great clerks , to prove the soul of man to be a substance distinct from , and independent upon that of the body , and to have eternall existence à parte post ; and yet if i were not assured , that your perswasion of its immortality is founded upon a much more firm basis , then that of the most seemingly apodicticall of all their reasons , i might well doubt of the impregnability thereof ▪ and this i may say somewhat the more freely and boldly , both because i my selfe , having with all possible attention , and equity of minde , examined the validity of most of those arguments , for the immortality of mens souls , which their authors have presented as perfect demonstrations thereof , cannot finde any of them to make good that glorious title , or satisfie expectation to the full ; and because i have observed many learned men , divines , and others , who have long laboured their thoughts in the same disquisition , to concurre with me in opinion , that to believe the soul of man to be immortall , upon principles supernaturall , is much more easie , then to demonstrate the same by reasons purely naturall . now , if for the most sublime witts , even of our times ( wherein the metaphysicks have , doubtlesse , received a very great encrease of clearnesse , and mens speculations seem to be highly refined , in regard of sundry lively and fruitfull hints , that are inspersed upon the leaves of sacred writt , concerning as well the originall and nature of the soul , as the state of it after death ) it be so hard a task to erect a firme perswasion of the immortality of the human soul , upon a foundation of naturall reason alone ; i appeal to every imprejudicate man , with what justice our epicvrvs is so highly condemned , for being ignorant of that unattainable truth , when he could steer the course of his judgment and beliefe by no other starre , but that remote and pale one of the light of nature ; that bright north-starre of holy scripture appearing not at all to the horizon of greece , till many ages after his death . again , epicvrvs is not the only man amongst the antients that is to be accused , for entertaining and divulging erroneous conceptions of the nature and condition of the reasonable soul after death , it being well known , that most of the grecian philosophers did indubitate the incorruptibility thereof , either implicitely and upon consequence , or immediately , and in direct terms . this perhaps may seem a parodox to you , and therefore i ask leave to make it good . the grecian scholiarchs may all be divided into two classes , in reference to this subject ; the first consisting of those who asserted , the other of such as expresly denied the immortality of man's soule , the former containing the greater , the latter the lesser number . and among all those that are on the affirmative part , you shall not finde one that is not ( more or lesse ) tainted with that so common errour , of the refusion of all mens souls after death , into the anima mundi , or generall soul of the universe , which is upon consequence , that , they cease to exist , per se , or to be what they were before , so soon as they are separated from the body . for your further satisfaction of this unfrequent truth , be pleased to observe , that , as they generally conceived the soul of every individuall man , to be a certain particle of the mundan , or universall soul , immitted into the body at its conception , and therein contained , during life , as a drop of water is contained in a glasse phiall ; so did they also conceive , that the same soul , upon the breaking of the glasse , or dissolution of the body , doth flow forth , and again return and unite it selfe to the universall soul , front whence it was at first desumed . thus plutarch ( placit . . ) expresly tells us , that pythagoras and plato maintained , that mans soul having taken its farewell of the body [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] in congeniam sibi animam mundi concedere , doth return to the soul of the world , which is of the same substance and nature with it . now by this common soul of the world , it is manifest , that they sometimes meant god , in respect they acknowledged him to be the supream intelligence , or minde , which disposeth and ordereth all parts of the body ; and sometimes the heavens , because as heaven is the most pure and noble part of the vniverse , so is the soul the most pure and noble part of man. this considered , you have here an opportunity ( at least , if a short and pertinent digression may be opportune ) of taking notice in what sence we are to understand some remarkable passages in their writings , touching the buman soul , which are often mentioned , but seldome rightly interpreted . first , we may hence collect what their true meaning was , when they said , animam esse divinae aurae particulam , that the soul is a particle of divine breath , or as cicero speaks ( in cato major ) ex divina mente universa delibutos animos habemus : we have our soules derived from the universall divine minde ; and again , when they affirmed , that our soules were taken from heaven , and to return thither again after their emancipation from the body : all which the prince of poets elegantly insinuateth in these verses — deum namque ire per omnes terrasque tractusque maris , coelumque profundum ; heinc homines , armenta , viros , genus omne ferarum , quemque sibi tenues nascentem arcessere vitas , scilicer huc reddi deinde ae resoluta referri omnia , nec morti esse locum ; sed viva evolare sideris in numerum , atque alto succedere coelo . secondly , we may hence learn the sence of empedocles , as well in that saying quoted by plutarch ( de exilio ) praesentem vitam esse exilium , è quo tandem animus sit in pristinam sedem demigraturus , that this present li●e is a banishment of the soul , from which it is at length to be recall'd to its primitive place ; as in that mentioned by clem. alexandrinus ( lib. . stromat . . hypotypos . . ) animos sapientum deos fieri , that the soules of wise-men become gods. thirdly , we may hence know how to understand the true sence of plato's opinion , that all learning is only reminiscence . for supposing the soul of the vniverse to be omniscient , and each particle thereof to be of the same nature and faculties with the whole ; he thereupon inferrs , that the soul of each man being a particle of that universall and omniscient soul , must be likewise omniscient , though in the moment , when it is immers'd into the body , it becomes dim and beclouded , so that as if it had been made drunk with lethe , or the waters of oblivion , it forgets all its originall knowledge , and must recollect and call to minde the notions of particular things , by the help and mediation of the senses . lastly , why pythagoras and plato , to this opinion of the soules remigration to the vniversall soul , connected that their other so famous one of the transmigration of soules from body to body successively . for , having imbibed this latter errour of the souls transmigration , in their conversation with some egyptian priests , as stobaeus informs us ( in eccl. physic. ) they strived to accomodate the same to their own former opinion , of the souls being a particle of the anima mundi ; insomuch as it might thence follow , that the soul being exhal'd from its first body , and wandring up and down in quest of its fountain , the universall soul , might probably enough light upon some other body then in the act of conception , and being united thereunto , animate it ; or , being by inspiration attracted into some living creature , unite it selfe to the soul praeexistent therein , and so become one with it , especially if the body it meet with be of the same , or like conditions and affections with the former , which it hath so lately forsaken . true it is , neverthelesse , that they delivered this doctriue of the transmigration of soules , very obscurely , and wrapt up in fables and allegories , but their design herein was to make men more mansuete and milde in their dispositions , by bringing them to put a greater value upon the lives of animals ( for , according to this doctrine , who would kill a beast , when for ought he knew , his fathers soul might animate that beast ) and a greater degree of horrour against shedding of blood , that so having devested them of all savagenesse and cruelty , they might have a greater detestation against homicide , and preserving the peace and safety of societies . nor can the stoicks be exempted from the same errour , of the refusion of all soules into the universall one ; insomuch as it was their constant tenent , that the world was animated by a certain fire , which they call'd jupiter ; that mens soules were particles derived from that fire , and should again be reunited thereunto , some sooner , others latter , but all in that generall conflagration of the vniverse , when all things shall be ( as they dreamt ) sublimed into jove again . now if we look narrowly into the businesse , we shall discover even aristotle himselfe to be in some measure guilty of the very same delusion , as well in respect of his animall heat , which , discoursing of the generation of animals ( lib. cap. . ) he affirms to be respondent in some proportion to the element of celestiall bodies , and wherewith all things in the world are impraegnated ; as of his intellectus agens , which he teacheth to be diffused through the whole world , after the same manner as the light of the sun is diffus'd through the aire , and so apply'd and conjoyned to the intellectus patiens , or proper soule of every man , as the externall light is applyed and conjoyned to the eye , and as the eye by the conjunction of externall light comes to see visible objects , so doth the proper passive intellect of every man , by the illustration of the generall active intellect , come to understand intelligible objects . adding thereunto , that the intellect passive is separable , corruptible , and capable of utter dissolution ; but the active , inseparable , incorruptible , immortall . for , thus much may be collected from severall places of his books de anima , and thus are those places explained by the best of his greek interpreters , alexander , and the best of the arabians , averrhoes , whose opinion of the unity of the intellect in all the world , is sufficiently known . and thus much of the philosophers of the former classis , who though they seem to affirm , do yet in reality , upon naturall consequence , deny the immortality of the humane soul , in that they all concur in that contradictory errour of the refusion thereof into the anima mundi . for , the proper notion of immortality , is , the eternall existence of a thing in the selfe same nature , and perse ; and therefore , if a thing be devested of its own proper nature , so , as to become invested with that of another , and to have no existence or subsistence , but what is dependent upon its union with that other , to which it is assimilated and indentified ; for my part , truly , i cannot understand how it can be said to be immortall without manifest contradiction . and whether it be not as grosse an absurdity to say , that the soul of a man shall be for ever the same ( i. e. ) the soul of a man , and yet that it shall be identified , or made the same with the soul of the world ; as to say , that such a thing shall before ever the same , and not the same , is no hard matter to determine . as for those of the latter , who in down right termes denyed the immortality of the soul , they subdivide themselves into two different sects , some having contended for the totall destruction , or absolute annihilation , and others for only the exsolution and dispersion of it into the matter or principles of which it was composed . to the former of these sects we may justly annumerate all such , who conceived the soule of man to be only a certain harmony , not of musicall sounds , but a contemperation of parts , humours , and qualities , and consequently , that as of musicall harmony , nothing can remain after the sounds are vanished , so of the soul nothing can remain , after death hath once destroyed that harmonious contemperation of parts , hunours , and qualities , from whence it did result . and this purely was the opinion of not only those antienter greeks , dicaearchus , aristoxenus , andraeas , and asclepiades , all which are thereof strongly accused by plato ( in phaed ) and aristotle ( lib. . de anima cap. . ) but also our master galen , who was positive and plain in his definition of the soul , to be a certain temperament of elementary qualities . in the same list may we also inscribe the names of all those , who imagining the soul to be nothing else but a certain act , or form , or quality inseparable ( i. e. ) a certain speciall modification of matter , have accordingly concluded , that as the figure , or speciall mode of a thing must inevitably vanish , immediately upon the immutation or change of the thing figurate , so must the soul , being only a speciall mode of the matter , necessarily vanish immediately upon the immutation of that mode by death . which origen , iustine , theodoret , and some other fathers , understanding to have been the tenent of aristotle , have written sharp invectives against him , as an assertor of the soules mortality , and this so justly , that if his zealous disciple , honest mr. alexander rosse , were alive again , he would never be able to discredit that their charge . to the latter we are to refer all such , as held the soul to be corporeall . for , as they would have it to be composed of materiall principles , so would they also have it to be , by death , again resolved into the same materiall principles ; so that in their sence , the extinction of the soul is no other , but the dissipation thereof into those very corporeall particles , of which it was composed . and this seemes to be the true meaning of demonax in lucian , when being interrogated whether he thought the soul to be immortall , he answered , mihi videtur , sed ut omnia ; it seemes to me to be immortall , but no otherwise than all things are immortall , ( i. e. ) as to the matter only , or component principles of it , which are incapable of annihilation . in this catalogue we may worthily place marcus antoninus , in regard of his saying ( lib. . ) animas hominm dispergi in auras , that mens souls are dispersed into aer : and seneca , for his animam hominis magno pondere extriti permeare non posse , et statim dispergi , quia non fuerit illi exitus liber ; as also democritus and epicurus , who equally contested , that the soul was nothing but very atoms , in such a speciall order , in such a speciall position , &c. contemperated , and death nothing but a discomposure of that determinate contexture , and a resolution of the soul into separated atoms again ; and therefore are they alwaies conjoyned by the good lactantius ( lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . & . ) as confederates in the doctrine of the dissolution of soules . and thus , sir , you may at once plainly perceive the justice of my attainder of the most , and most eniment of the antient grecian philosophers , with the guilt of having been ( either obliquely or directly ) impugners of the soules immortality ; and the great injustice of their sentence , who more particularly condemne epicurus for the same error , when so many others were equally culpable with him therein . as to the second , viz. that man is not obliged to honour , revere , and worship god upon the motive of his beneficence , or upon the accompt of either good of evill expected from him ; but only out of a sentiment of the superlative excellencies of his nature , and chiefly of his immortality and beatitude . i might well plead for him , that living in a time , when there was scarce any religion , but sottish idolatry , when there were more gods then nations , yea , then temples ; and when all devotion was absurd and ridiculous superstition : he seems rather to be honour'd , for that he came so neer to the knowledge of the true god , then condemned for comming no neerer ; rather to be admir'd for having so clear and genuine an apprehension of some of the divine attributes , then reproached for not comprehending them all . especially , when i should not infringe the law of charity , to doubt , that among us christians , and even such as think themselves not a little vers'd in theologie , there may be some , who , if they were put to give but an adumbration of that mysterious piece , the divine nature , would discover themselves to have as imperfect an idaea thereof , as epicvrvs had . but this excuse would be too generall for his particular vindication , from the imputed crime of perfect atheisme , and therefore we shall fix only on such reasons as are more properly accomodate to that purpose . first , i dare say , his piety , in deriding the incompetency of those conceptions , that men in his time commonly entertained of the supream essence ( for they ascribed generally unto it , all the selfe same passions and affections , which they perceived to be in themselves , and so copied out an imperfect divinity , by the infinitely disproportionate originall of humanity ) was much greater then his impiety could be , in teaching , that the deity was of so transcendently excellent a nature , as to be wholly unconcern'd in any thing but it selfe , and far above all sentiments whatever , besides those of its own eternall and compleat felicity ; and consequently , that it was to be reverenc'd and worshiped solely and purely for its own sake , without the least mixture of selfe-reflections . for , as by the one , he judiciously attempted to subvert the false and unreasonable religion , or ( rather ) superstition , in the worship of bacchus , and other the imaginary deities , wherewith his country swarmed in his daies ( there being no better way to alienate mens minds from the veneration of false gods , then to acquaint them with notions comprehending the essentiall and incommunicable attributes of the true god ) so by the other , he seems to have laid a very firm foundation for the true religion , in that he would have the right or iustice of all divine worship to be founded wholly and entirely upon the excellency of the divine nature . how far therefore he was from being a professor and seminary of down-right atheisme , as some ( whose zeal may well be thought to have been much greater then their knowledge , as to that particular ) have represented him to the world ; every man , who hath but so much reason , as to understand , that polytheisme is the greatest atheisme , may easily judge . in the next place , i can hardly allow him to deserve the odious epithete of , most highly impious , which most men brand him withall , upon the account of this latter doctrine only , because i meet with not a few , nor contemptible reasons , that encline my judgment to more moderation . in particular , you well know , sir , how highly unreasonable it is , for any man to expect , from epicvrvs , the knowledge of the true and legitimate worship of god , when that was by god himselfe praescribed only to the antient hebrewes , and professed only by their posterity , and no other nation in the world ; if so , why should more be expected from him , then from plato , zeno , socrates , aristotle , or any other of the elder graecian philosophers , they being all equally benighted with paganisme ? why should he be so severely sentenc'd , and all the rest passe unquestioned , one and the same charge of invincible ignorance of the true religion lying against each of them ? besides , human iustice will hardly permit , that any man should suffer meerly for wanting that , which , without supernaturall means , was impossible for him to obtain ; and he that will adventure to determine , whether or no , at the tribunall of divine iustice , any one shall be condemned simply upon that score , must have dived very deep into that fathomlesse gulfe of praedestination . you likewise know , that our christian doctors assigne only two causes , or fundamentall consideration , why men should worship god : the one they teach to be the transcendent excellency of the nature of god , which singly , and without any respect to our own vtility or advantage , doth justly claim the highest veneration of our minds . the other , they admit to be the benefits , we either have received , or ( which is the stronger motive of the two ) hope to receive at his hands . hereupon , if any man be induced to revere and worship the divine majesty solely and simply upon the former motive , they say that he bears a filiall respect and affection to god ; and if only by the latter , a meer servile or mercenary . now though the servile or mercenary love of god , be not altogether to be disliked , in regard it is a kind of gratitude due to him as a benefactor ; yet i conceive no man will gainsay , but the filiall and free love is much the nobler and more acceptable , insomuch as it hath no other then the noblest of objects , god himselfe . and sure i am ( however ) that the most learned , most pious , and most religious of our school divines , have been earnest in their advisoes to us , to extract all selfenesse from our love of god , and ( as much as our frailties will admit of ) to fix all our affections entirely upon him , as he is infinitely good , and amiable in himselfe . moreover , you may remember , sir , that cicero in his book touching the nature of the gods , hath these very words , quid est cur deos ab hominibus colendos dicas , cum dii ipsi non modo homines non colant , sed omnino nihil curent ? et quae porrò pietas ei debetur , à quo nihil acceperis ? aut quid omnino , cujus nullum meritum fit , ei deberi potest ? by which it is evident , that he would exclude all other inducements to religion , besides a meer mercenary and servile respect : and yet i dare say , that you do not remember , that ever you heard him accounted impious for that opinion . why therefore should epicvrvs have such hard measure , as to be stigmatiz'd with the name of atheist , impious wretch , secretary of hell , enemy to all religion , & c ? and all for asserting , that man ought to be induc'd to a reverence and veneration of the divine majesty , only by the sentiments of a filiall piety ( not supernaturall piety , arising from grace justifying , and by which we are made the sons of god , but a pure naturall one ) such as right reason had suggested unto him ? certainly , of the two opinions , epicurus's will appear much more veniall , to an equitable arbiter . sundry other arguments there are , which might be advantagiously-alledged on our authors behalfe , in this case . but , considering that these few already urged , are of importance enough , to evince the temerity of his accusers judgment , and that the prolixity of this discourse , hath long since , given you just occasion to question , by what right i call it a letter ; i perceive my selfe obliged in good manners , no longer to exercise your patience , then , while i briefly expresse my sentiments of the last article of his charge . which is , his asserting of selfe-homicide , in case of intolerable , and otherwise inevitable calamity . this , as a christian , i hold to be a bloody and detestable opinion , because expresly repugnant to the law of god ; and yet in the person of a meer philosopher , i might , without being unreasonably paradoxicall , adventure to dispute , whether it be so highly repugnant to the law of nature , as men have generally conceived . for first , if all the praecepts of the law of nature concenter in this one point ; flie evill , pursue good ; as those who have most labour'd to conduct our understanding out of that intricate labyrinth , the ambiguous sence of the word , law of nature , have unanimously determined ; certainly , that man assumes no very easie task , who undertakes to prove , that in case of insupportable distresse , and where all other hopes of evading , or ending that misery ( then which there can be no greater evill ) for a man to free himselfe from that extremity of evill , and seek the good of ease and quiet , by taking away his own life , which chiefly makes him subject to , and only sensible of that misery , is an infringment of the law of nature . again , if we understand selfe-praeservation ( which all men allow to be the foundation of naturall law in generall ) to be no other , but an innate love , or naturall affection to life , as a good , when life ceaseth to be a good , & degenerates into an evill , as commonly it doth to men , in cruell torments of the body , or high discontent of minde , ( the more desperate affliction of the two by much ) & when all the stars of hope and comfort are set in the west of black desperation , why should not the force or obligation of that law also , cease at the same time ? or rather , why should not self-homicid , in such cases , be an absolute accomplishment of the law of self-praeservation , it being manifest , that we are by the tenour of that law , obliged to use such means , as conduce to our praeservation from the greatest evill ; and as manifest , that to free ones-selfe from misery , which cannot otherwise be avoided , but by breaking as under the ligaments of life , is a pursuance of the only means we can discover , to beconducible to our end : that is , to preservation from more sufferings , and to indolency , which in death we propose to our selves as a good ? but lest we seem to give any encouragement to that , which god , the church , and the civill power so highly condemn ; let us grant , that selfe-murther , in whatsoever case , is a violation of the law of nature , and yet we shall have one consideration left , that seemes strong enought to refract the violence of their malice , who exclaim against epicvrvs , as the grand abettor of selfe-assasination ; and that is , that he was not single , nor most vehement in the justification of it . for , if we look upon the doctrine of other philosophers , we shall soon perceive , that the stoicks generally , not only approved thereof , but strictly enjoyned men to embrace death voluntarily , and from their own hands ; that cicero doth ( lib. de legibus ) implicitely allow of it in these words , eum damnandum esse censeo qui seipsum interficit , si neque ex decreto civitatis fecerit , neque ullo fortunae casu intolerabili inevitabilique coactus , neque obrutus ullâ pauperis , miseraeque vitae ignominiâ ; and expresly confirms it ( in tusculan . ) in these , eam in vita servandam legem quae in graecorum conviviis obtinet , aut bibat , aut abeat ; quoniam ut oportet aliquis fruatur pariter cum aliis voluptate potandi , aut ne sobrius in violentiam vinolentorum incidat , ante discedat ; sic injurias fortunae quas ferre nequeas , defugiendo relinquas . and if their practise , we shall assoon finde many of them to have laid violent hands upon themselves , and that in cases offar lesse moment , then that of insupportable and inevitable calamity , to which only epicurus's praecept is limited ; while he , leaving others to become examples of that rule , with admirable patience , and invincible magnanimity , endured the tortures of the stone in the bladder , and other most excruciating diseases , for mamy years together , and awaited , till extream old age gently put out the taper of his life . thus zeno , a man of the most spotlesse fame of any philosopher among the antients , having by a fall bruised one of his fingers against the ground , and interpreting that to be a summons of him to the earth , went presently home and hang'd himselfe , and was therefore by diogenes laertius honour'd with this elogie ; mirâ felicitate vir , qui incolumis , integer , sine morbo è vivis excessit . thus demosthenes , you know , to prevent his being beholding to any man but himselfe either for his life or death , drank mortall poison out of his own quill , which had given him immortality long before . thus also democles , to praevent his pollution , by the unnaturall heat of a certain lustfull greek tyrant , who attempted to force him , leaped into a furnace of boyling water . and thus cleanthes , chrysippus , and empedocles , all brake open the gates of death , and forc'd themselves into the other world . to these you may please to add the memorable examples of that prince of romane wisdome ( as lactanrius calls him ) cato , who with his own hands and sword , opened a flood-gate in his bowells , to let his life flow forth , having all the night before prepar'd himselfe to fall boldly , with the lecture of plato's discourse , of the immortality of the soul ; and of the famous cleombrotus , who , upon no other incitement , but plato's reasons in the same discourse , threw himselfe from a precipice , as if he went instantly to experiment the truth of what he had newly read ; and though aristotle would not admit , that he did it upon any other account , but that of pusillanimity and fear , yet saint augustine ( de civit. dei. lib. . cap. . ) ascribes it altogether unto greatnesse of minde , his words being these ; when no calamity urged him , no crime , either true or imputed , nothing but greatnesse of minde moved him to embrace death , and dissolve the sweet bonds of life . and lactantius , who was severe enough in his censure , both of the act , and the book that occasion'd it , sayes of him ; praecipitem se dedit nullam aliam ob causam nisi quod platoni credidit . sir , by this time you are satisfied , both of the injuries done to the memory of the temperate , good , and pious epicvrvs , and of my willingnesse and devoir to redresse them . and my dull and unequall apologie for him being now ended , i should begin another for my selfe , in that i have rather disturbed , then either delighted or informed you . but this being much the greater difficulty of the two , i think it safer for me , to put my selfe upon your mercy for an absolute forgivenesse , then to trust to my own wit , to make excuses for my failings herein ; especially , since your patience cannot but be already overcome by the tediousnesse of your very humble servant , w. charleton . the contents . chap. . introduction . fol. . chap. . of felicity , or the supream good , so far forth , as man is capable thereof . fol. . chap. . that pleasure ( without which , there can be no notion of felicity ) is a reall good , in it selfe . fol. . chap. . that felicity doth consist generally in pleasure fol. . chap. . that the pleasure wherein felicity doth consist , is the indolency of the body , and tranquillity of the minde . fol. . chap. . of the means to attain this felicity . fol. . chap. . of right reason , and free will ; from whence all the praise of the vertues is derived . fol. . chap. . of the vertues in generall . fol. . chap. . of prudence generall . fol. . chap. . of prudence private . fol. . chap. . of prudence domestick . fol. . chap. . of prudence civill . fol. . chap. . of temperance in generall . fol. . chap. . of sobriety , opposed to gluttony . fol. . chap. . of continence , opposed to lust. fol. . chap. . of lenity , opposed to anger . fol. . chap. . of modesty , opposed to ambition . fol. . chap. . of moderation , opposed to avarice . fol. . chap. . of mediocrity , betwixt hope and despair of the future . fol. . chap. . of fortitude , in generall . fol. . chap. . of fortitude , opposed to the fear of the gods. fol. . chap. . of fortitude , opposed to the fear of death . fol. . chap. . of fortitude , against pain of the body fol. . chap. . of fortitude , against discontent of minde . fol. . chap. . of iustice , in generall . fol. . chap. . of right , or iust ; from whence iustice is denominated . fol. . chap. . of the originall of right and iustice fol. . chap. . between whom iustice is to be exercised . fol. . chap. . how rightfully iustice is to be exercised . fol. . chap. . of beneficence , gratitude , piety , observance . fol. . chap. . of friendship . fol. . epicurvs in this treatise discourseth of the . summum bonum of mans life , which is pleasvre , consisting in the indolency of the body , & tranquillity of the mind . . means to attain it , viz. honesty , which comprehends all the virtues , namely , . prudence or the dictamen of right reason ; and that . generall , which teacheth to order all ones actions and desires to the attainement of pleasure . . particular , which divides it selfe into . prudence private , which admonisheth us to elect ( if it be in our own choyce ) that course of life , which is most agreeable to the inclination of our genius , and such as may make our condition rather mean , then either high , or lowe . . prudence domestick which concernes a man as a husband . father . master of servants . possessor of goods & estate . prudence civill , which concerns a man as he is the member of a society : which adviseth to affect privacy , and yet not to decline publick imployments , in case the present necessity of the cōmon wealth , or the command of superiors shall call thereunto . . temperance . general , consisting in the moderation of all cupidities . . particular which is either . sobriety , continence . lenity . modesty . moderation . mediocrity betwixt hope and despaire of the future . opposed to gluttony . lust. anger . ambition . avarice . . fortitude . general , consisting in the prevention of all fear . . particular against the fear of the gods. the feare of death . paines of the body . discontent of mind . . iustice , whereof there are five . branches , viz. . beneficence to all. . gratitude to benefactors . piety towards parents . kinsfolks . country . governours . observance of all superiors in ( ) nature , as the gods. ( ) power , as princes and magistrates . ( ) learning . ( ) uirtue . ( ) obligations . . frendship , which extends to the mutuall participation , not community of saints , and to death it self . epicvrvs's morals . chapter . introduction . if action be the end of speculalation , and the knowledge of nature , but the way that leads man to the knowledge of himself ; and the best of mans knowledge bee that which teacheth him how to order his mind , and regulate his actions , so as that he may assuredly attain to the highest degree of happinesse , of which his nature is capable , during life : then , certainly , must ethicks or moral philosophy be the noblest part of all human learning , the crown and perfection of all our studies ; insomuch as it is that alone , which both gives us the infallible tokens , by which we may know what is truly the summum bonum of life , and prescribes us most plain and certain rules for the acquisition of it . ii. by ethicks , or morals , we understand that part of philosophy , which hath for its proper object the end , or finall and main scope of mans life ; containing certain directions and precepts , for the right information of his understanding , and ( consequently ) the conduct of his will , in the election of real good , and avoidance of evill , in order to his attaining the true end of his life , the supream good , or felicity . iii. that the end of man's life is felicity ; all men most readily allow : and , if you ask him , no man will deny , that he aimes at that end. but , seeing it is too certain , that most men miss of that end ; it cannot be doubted , that the frustration of their hopes and endeavours doth of necessity proceed from hence : either that they doe not propose to themselves that felicity , which they ought ; or doe not use such means , or pursue such courses , as to conduce thereunto . iv. we cannot but observe , that there are myriads of men , who though their propitious fortunes have abundantly accommodated them with all things necessary for the uses of life , ( for , their exchequers overflow with treasure , their bodies enjoy perfect health and vigour , their titles swell with attributes of honour , their fair , chast and fruitfull wiues furnish them with troops of beautiful and ingenious children , in a word , they possesse all things , that all that are below them usually measure happiness by : ) do yet live full of anxiety and complainings , having their minds perpetually on the rack of cares , sollicitude , and fears : so as they cannot but confesse , that they lead lives truly miserable . considering this , we may from thence safely conclude , that these men are wholly ignorant wherein true felicity doth consist , and whence or how it is to be attained : and therefore , that the heart of every such person may be fitly compared to a vessel , which being in some part full of holes , can never be filled ; and in other parts deeply imbued with some evil tincture , doth deprave and corrupt the most wholsom and cordiall liquor that is poured into it . v. well worth our labour , therefore , is it , by the help of this philosophy ( which teacheth the nature of , and way unto felicity ) to cleanse and make sound that vessell , the heart of man ; that so it may be easily filled with a few things , and find a sweetnesse and comfort in every the smallest thing that ocurrs unto it . and to this (a) philosophy we are to addict our selves betimes , as soon as possible , even this very day ; not to defer it so much as till to morrow : because it highly concerns us to liue happily to day ; and folly hath this evil alwaies annexed unto it , that it doth alwaies begin to live , or purpose to begin to live , but in the mean time never doth live . vi. once we were , twice we cannot be born : and our age must have a period ; but when we know not . if so , is it prudence , or folly in thee , o man ! when thou hast not to morrow in thy power , to (b) procrastinate thy making thy self happy till the future , and in the mean time lose the opportunity of the present , of which onely thou art certain ? by such delay is it , that the lives of most men are lost : and hence comes it , that every one (c) dies in the immaturity , if not the beginning of his designes . every man so goes out of the world , as if he had but newly entred into it : and therefore (d) old men may justly be affirmed , not to have survived the rawness and folly of their infancy : because trifling away their years in business that concerns them not , they have scarce known that they have lived at all , and in the chief harvest of life , they have never reaped the fruits of it . vii . let us , therefore , endeavour so to live , as that we need not repent us of our time past : and so enjoy the present day , as if we were nothing concerned in to-morrow . for , he ariues most sweetly at to-morrow , who doth , the least need , or desire it : and an hour comes most grateful to him , who had the least expectation of it . since it is troublesome , alwaies to begin to live : let us make every moment , the total snmme of life ; as if no part of it remained behind . the life of a fool is unpleasant , and full of fears , and depends wholly upon the future : but it become's us so to order our minds and actions , as that ours may be pleasant , secure , and sixt in the safety of the present . viii . certainly , the way , at length , to avoid foolishness , is for a man to advance himself into the arsenall , or fortress of wise men , from whence , as from a watch-tower , hee may look down upon the swarms of other men , led , by their passions , wandring up and down in a wilderness of errors ; and uncessantly afflicting themselves in the pursuit of such things , which , being found , encrease their miserable deviations . if you account it a pleasure , to stand upon a safe rock , and behold mariners at sea distractedly striving with a tempest ; or , from a secure castle to look upon two armies maintaining a long and fierce battail : assuredly , it must be much more delightful , from the serene tower of wisdom , to contemplate the tumults , hurries , and contentions of the foolish multitude below . not that it is delightful , to see others afflicted with evils ; but , to see our selves not to be involved in those evills . ix . now that we may , to the utmost of our power , afford assistance to those , who desire to arive at this height of wisdom ; we conceive our selves obliged , in humanity , so to collect and compile such notions , concerning these things , which our frequent meditations have brought unto our mind : that we may discourse first of felicity , which is mans chiefest good ; and afterward , of such means , as certainly conduce to the creation and conservation thereof , and which , indeed , are no other but the vertues themselves . chap. ii. of felicity , or the supreme good ; as far as man is capable thereof . felicity is therefore called the end , extreme , and heighest of goods , because there are some things named goods , which invite the appetite to prosecute them immediately for themselves ; and others againe which are desireable mediately or in relation to others , that are superior : but , as for felicity , it is that good , to which all other goods ought to be referred , and cannot it self be referred to any thing . ii. nor doth it hinder , since felicity and beatitude , or a blisful life , are one and the same ; that it is sometimes stiled the end of a blisfull life : for in that we speak the phrase of the gentiles , which accept the end of a blisful life , and a blisfull life it self , for the very same thing ; not that we thereby intend , that there is any further end , to which a blisfull life may be conceived referrible . iii. this premised , it behoves us to distinguish felicity into supreme , viz. that which is incapable of intention and remission , or flouds and ebbs of pleasure : and subalterne or graduall , viz. such as is subject to addition and detraction , or encrease and decrease of pleasures . iv. the former , we conceive to be a certain state , than which none can be thought more sweet , more desireable , more perfect ; wherein there is no evil to be feared , no good , which is not fully enjoyed ; wherein is nothing to which the will can have an inclination , and may not possess it ; finally , which is more constant than ever to be lost . v. the later , we understand to be a certain state , in which a man may be as happy as the frailty of his nature will permit ; or such , wherein he may enjoy very much of necessary goods , and suffer very little of evils : and consequently , wherein he may spend his daies pleasantly , calmly , and permanently , so far forth as the condition of his country , society , course of life , constitution , age , and other circumstances shall give leave . vi. nor is it without good reason , that we thus distinguish , and define felicity . because , though it be manifest , that the former , or supream felicity is competent only to the divine nature : yet there have bin some , * who thinking overhighly of themselves , and speaking magnificently of their own wisdom , have so far dared to promise and arrogate to themselves this perfect felicity , as to affirm themselves to be , in that respect , equall to god , and account the expression modest , when they said they were inferior onely to iupiter himself . vii . these , truly , may be judged to have been forgetfull both of the mortality and imbecility of their nature ; when all that are conscious or mindfull of either , must soon acknowledge , that men are capable onely of the latter , or imperfect felicity : and that wisdom doth perform a very high work upon a man , if , while most others remain surrounded with diverse miseries , it advance him to such a condition , as renders him the least miserable of all men ; or , if , among those various degrees of miseries , to which his birth hath made him obnoxious , it place him in such a state , wherein hee may have the least share of those miseries . for , to be happy , in this life , it is sufficient to be exempted from those miseries , by which one might have been afflicted : and in the mean time , to enjoy such goods , as that the condition of our nature is not capable of greater . viii . and this , seriously , is the reason , why we conceive ; that a wise man , though he be deprived of the two best of his sences , his sight and hearing , may yet partake of a happy life : forasmuch as he may neverthelesse continue in the fruition of such and so many goods , as his maimed nature is capable of ; and want those evills , if not of his body , yet at least of his mind , which might otherwise have vexed him . ix . nay upon the same ground we further profess , that a wise man may be tormented most cruelly , and yet continue the possession of his happiness . for , still he may enjoy , not that divine , but this human felicity ; since in a wiseman it is alwaies as great , as the condition of the present time wil permit him to make it . x. we confess , that in the midst of his torments , he cannot but be sensible of pains ; and may somtimes , by the violence of them , be forced to groan and roar out : but , in the mean while , because calmly submitting to the necessity of his suffering them , he doth not exasperate or encrease his pains , either by his impatience , or desperation , but rather mitigates and lessens them , by as great constancy of mind , as his generous resolutions can fortifie him withall : in that respect , doubtless , he must be much more happy , than if he had , with pusillanimity , fear , reluctancy , and despair , entertained them ; or than another man , who being under the same torments , doth not endure them with equall courage and constancy , as not having the like encouragements and supplies from wisdom : ( which adfers , at least , innocence of life , and security of conscience ) by which those torments might be lightned . xi . wherefore , there is no reason neither , why any man should , by way of cavill , object unto us ; that according to this assertion , phalaris bul , and a bed of roses must be all one to us ; and consequently , that a wise man ought , while he is in the flames of that brazen engine of torture , to smile , and cry out , o how pleasant this is ! o how much am i above these torments ! how little do i fear or care for them ! forasmuch as we do not gainsay , but there are some things , which a wise man had rather should happen to him , as the health of his body , exemption from all incommodity , and freedom of his mind , that so he might solace himself in the contemplation of his goods : and other things , which though he would not , they should befall him ; yet when they do befall him , he doth not only constantly and bravely endure , but also welcoms and commends them , insomuch as they give him an opportunity to experiment and gratulate his virtue , and with internall alacrity , to exclame , i am burned , but not overcome ; why should it not be more desirable , not to have the fire overcome my constancy , than not to have it consume my body ? and this we say , in regard it is not to be expected , but that a wise man may also be obnoxious , as to the pains of diseases , so also to the tortures of tyrants : though he neither incurre those , nor provoke these willingly , so far forth as he can , with safety of his virtues , avoid it . chap. iii. that pleasure ( without which there is no notion of felicity ) is a good , of its own nature . forasmuch as it 's sweet , or pleasant , for a man to live without pain ; and sweet , or pleasant likewise , to enjoy good things , and be recreated by them : it is an evident truth , that without both these sweetnesses or pleasures , or one of them at least , felicity cannot be understood ( for , we accept pleasure , suavity , jucundity , and other terms of the like importance , for one and the same thing : ) though there have not wanted some , who with great pomp and ostentation , have so discoursed of pleasure , as if it were a certain evill , in its own nature ; and upon consequence , concluded it to be not onely inconsistent with , but wholly alien from wisdom and happiness . and therefore , before we come to enquire , whether felicity doth consist in pleasure , or not ; requisite it is , that we remonstrate , that pleasure is a reall good , in it self ; and that its contrary , pain , is a reall evill , in it self . ii. since that is good , which helpeth , which pleaseth , which is amiable and inviting to the appetite ; and on the contrary , that is evill , which harmeth , which displeaseth , which is ungratefull , and so inciteth the appetite to an odium and aversion : certainly there is nothing , which doth more please , more delight , is more amiable , more desiderable , than pleasure ; and on the contrary , nothing that doth more incommode , more offend , is more to be abhorred and avoided , than pain : wherefore , pleasure seems to be not onely a good , but also the essentiall reason , or very root of good ; insomuch as it is that very and onely thing , for whose sake , or in respect whereof an object is good or desirable : as on the reverse ; pain seems to be not only an evil in it self , but also the formall reason , or very root of evill ; insomuch as it is that alone , in respect whereof any thing is evill or hatefull . for , though we somtimes avoid pleasure ; yet is it not the pleasure it self which we avoid , but some pain that is annexed unto it , or impendent on it : as likewise if we somtimes court and pursue a pain , it is not the pain it self , that wee pursue , but some pleasure that is conjoyned unto it . iii. to speak more expressly ; no man doth neglect , hate , or decline pleasure , as it is pleasure , but , because usually very great pains follow and overtake such , who know not to follow pleasure with reason and moderation ; nor is there any man , that loves , desires , and pursues pain , simply as it is pain ; but because he expects some very great pleasure to accrew to him thereupon ; and such frequently may be the constitution of the time , as that he hath no other way that leads him to the pleasure he aims at , but what lies in the rough tract of labour and pain . iv. to instance in very small things ; who is there among us , that undertakes and endures any laborious exercise of the body , unlesse to the end , that he may thereby acquire some commodity or benefit ? and who can justly reprehend him who desires and endeavours to enjoy that pleasure , upon which nothing of trouble or discommodity doth attend ? or him , who endeavours to eschew that paine , by which no pleasure can be procured ? but , we may justly accuse , and esteem those persons worthy of contempt , who being intricated and corrupted with the blandishments of present pleasures , do not foresee nor provide against those pains and troubles , that must ensue , as being inevitably impendent upon all heads that are blinded with cupidities . the like blame is due also to those who forsake their stations , and desert the duties of their places and offices , out of a certain softnesse and weaknesse of minde , i. e. of fear , of labour , and pains . v. now , of these things , the distinction is easie and expedite . for , in times of freedome , when all lies open to the arbitrary disposition of our own choice , so that there is no impediment , but we may do that which is most pleasing to us ; in such case , it is lawfull for us to pursue and embrace all pleasure , and avoid all pain . but , such frequently may be the constitution of the times , as that pleasures are rather to be repudiated , and labours and troubles not to be refused . vi. so , though we esteem all pleasures to be a reall good , and all pain to be a reall evill ; yet we do not therefore affirm , that we ought , at all times , to pursue that , and avoid this . for , it is good for us , to sustain some pains , that we may afterward enjoy more abundant pleasures ; and expedient to abstain from some pleasures , that we may not by them incurre more grievous pains . vii . hence , as from a fountain , was it , that discoursing of the true criteria , or judges of good and evill , we deduced severall canons , or rules , for the guidance and regulation of our affections , or passions : accounting pleasure and pain , for the most certain criterion of election and aversion . and this upon very good reason ; seeing that from the benefit or harm that redounds unto us from the fruition of them ; all the objects of our affections or passions ought to be judged good or evill ; and that we somtimes use good as evill , and other times evill as good. viii . from these considerations , therefore ( that we may inculcate the matter ) we conclude , that no pleasure is of it self evill ; but some things there are , which albeit they afford some pleasures , yet they are such , as occasion and induce pains much greater than themselves . whereto , by way of consequence , we superadd this ; if any one pleasure could be so collected into it self , or sequestred from all dross , as that it should neither comprehend in it , nor leave behind it any the least measure of pain : assuredly , by that collection and simplicity , it would become no less perfect and absolute , than are the chiefest works of nature ; and so pleasures could have no difference either of qualities or degrees among themselves , but would all be equally desireable . ix . further , if those very things , which are the efficients of pleasures to luxurious men , were such , as that they could render them superior to the terrors of meteors , earthquakes , thunder and lightning , eclipses , and other the like accidents , caused by bodies superterrestriall ; and free them from the base fears of pains and death : truly , we could find nothing in them to be reprehended ; insomuch as they would be wholly filled with pleasures , and could not , in the least , know any thing of pain , of trouble , of sickness , i. e. of evill . chap. iv. that felicity doth consist generally in pleasure . we are now come to our main purpose , viz , that felicity is rooted in pleasure ; and therefore ; we are first to demonstrate it to be so in the generall , that we may afterward the more securely determine in what pleasure it doth consist in speciall . ii. in the generall , pleasure seems to be as the beginning , so also the end of happy life ; forasmuch as we deprehend it to be the first good , and congenite to our nature , and to all other animals whatever ; and that very and onely thing , according to which we direct our selves , in the election and rejection of any object whatever , and define it to be good or evill . iii. that pleasure is the first good , and congeniall , or , as philosophers speak , the first aptum and accommodatum to nature , may be demonstrated from hence ; that every animal , as soon as born , doth affect , pursue , and delight in pleasure , as its chiefest good : and on the contrary , doth hate , avoid , and to the utmost of its power , repel pain , as its chiefest evill ; provided that the sense of the animal be not depraved , but its nature remain in its primitive perfection , so as to enable it to judge truly . iv. this considered , there is no further need of any reasoning , or disputation to evince , why pleasure is to be desired , and pain to be avoided ; since the sence alone doth evidently demonstrate it , no lesse than it doth that fire is hot , that snow is white , that hony is sweet : and sufficient it is for us onely to observe it . for , if when we have taken away from man all his senses , the remainder must be nothing ; necessary it is , that what is according to nature , what against nature , must be judged by nature it self : and consequently , that pleasure is to be desired for it self , and pain to be avoided for it self . for , what perceives , or what judges , that it may either pursue , or avoid any thing , beside pleasure and pain ? v. that pleasure is also the last or highest of goods , or the end of all desiderable things , may be soon understood even from hence ; that it is pleasure alone , for which we desire all other things : and never desire pleasure for any thing but it self . for , other things we may desire , to the end we may be affected or delighted with pleasure : but no man did ever require a reason , why we would be affected and delighted therewith ; truly , no more , than for what cause , or to what end we should desire to be happy . seeing that pleasure and felicity ought to be reputed as in the same degree , so also for one and the same thing : and consequently , for the end , extreme , or supreme of goods , to which all other things subordinately conduce , and which is it self subordinate or referrible to nothing . vi. the same may be confirmed from hence ; that ( as wee have praemonished ) felicity cannot be understood , unlesse it be conceived to be a certain state wherein a man may live most sweetly , most pleasantly , i. e. in the greatest pleasure , of which his nature is capable . for , but take away from life that sweetnesse , that jucundity ; and pray , what notion of felicity can remain ? wee say of felicity ; not onely such as we termed divine , but also that , which we account human , and which is not otherwise capable of more and lesse , or of intension and remission , than onely as it may admit of more and lesse of pleasure . vii . that we may further manifest this truth , by a comparation of pleasure with pain ; let us suppose a man to enjoy many , great , and lasting pleasures both in mind and body ; no pain molesting him in the present , nor threatning him in the future : and then what state can bee imagined more desireable , more happy than this ? for , in him , who is thus affected , there must be a constancy or firmnesse of mind , fearing neither death , nor pain ; because death is insensible of any pain , and in life , if pain be long , it must be light , if great , it cannot be long ; so that the brevity is a comfort against the violence thereof , and the levity against diuturnity . when a man arrives at such a condition , as that he doth not tremble at the thought of divinity , nor suffer the present pleasures to slip away unenjoyd , while his mind is taken up either with the memory of past goods , or expectation of future ; and doth every day solace himself with the assiduous recordation of them : what greater good is there , that can be added to encrease the happiness of this mans condition ? viii . suppose again , on the other side , that a man is afflicted with as great anguish of mind , and violent pains of body , as his nature can receive ; that he hath lost all probability , all hopes of any the least extenuation of his miseries ; and that his tempestuous thoughts cannot lay hold of any comfort in the apprehension of any pleasure , past , present , or expected : and what can be imagined more wretched , more miserable than this man ? ix . if , therefore , a life surrounded with pains , be most chiefly to be avoided : seriously , the highest evill , is to live in pain ; and of necessary consequence , the highest good is to live in pleasure . nor , indeed , hath the mind of man any other point , wherein , as in the centre and period of all his hopes and desires , he may consist , but only pleasure . and all diseases , languors and distempers are referred to pain , nor is there any thing beside pain , that can invade naturein her throne , eject her from it , or dissolve her . chap. v. that pleasure , wherein felicity doth consist , is the indolency of the body , and tranquillity of mind . forasmuch as there are two kinds of pleasures , viz. one , that may be considered as dependent upon , or radicated in quiet ; and so is nothing else but a constant placability , calmnesse , and vacuity or immunity from all perturbation and dolour : and another , that may be considered as resident in motion ; and so consisteth only in a certain sweet affectation , or pleasant titillation of the sense , as may be exemplified in joy , hilarity , eating and drinking when we are hungry and thirsty , the pleasure of all which doth arise only from a pleasant motion in the organs : therefore is it necessary for us to determine , whether felicity doth consist in both these kinds of pleasures conjoyned ; or in one of them alone ; and in which of the two. ii. accordingly , therefore , we affirm ; that the pleasure , wherein felicity doth consist , is only the former , i. e. in the stable kind of pleasure : and so can be no other , but the indolency of body , and tranquillity of the mind . iii. and , therefore , when we say ; that pleasure in the generall is the end of a happy life , or the chiefest good ; we are very far from understanding those pleasures , which are so much admired , courted and pursued by men wallowing in luxury , or any other pleasures that are placed in the meer motion or action of fruition , wereby , the sense is pleasantly tickled ; as some , either out of ignorance of the right , or dissent of opinion , or praejudice and evill will against us , have wrongfully expounded our words : but onely this ( the importance of the matter will excuse our repetition of it . ) not to be pained in body , nor perturbed in mind . iv. for , it is not perpetuall feastings and drinkings ; it is not the love of , and familiarity with beautifull boyes and women ; it is not the delicacies of rare fishes , sweet meats , rich wines , nor any other dainties of the table , that can make a happy life : but , it is reason , with sobriety , and consequently a serene mind ; investigating the causes , why this object is to be elected , and that to be rejected ; and chasing away those vain , superstitious and deluding opinions , which would occasion very great disquiet in the mind . v. now , that you may the more clearely understand , why we affirme this kind of pleasure alone to be the end of life , or chiefest good ; be pleased to observe , that nature doth not tend to any other pleasure , primarily , or as to her principal scope , but only to what is stable ; which followes upon the remove of all paine and molestation . for she doth not propose to her self the moveable pleasure , as the end at which she aimes ; but hath provided it only as the meanes conducible to that end , that it might be as it were a condiment to sweeten that naturall operation which is necessary to the eradication of all pain and molestation . for instance ; seeing that hunger and thirst are things troublesome and incommodious , in the present , to an animal ; the primary end of nature , is to constitute the animal in that state , in which it may be free from that trouble and offence : and because that cannot be effected , but by eating and drinking ; therefore hath she wisely provided , that the action of eating and drinking should be accompanied with a certain pleasantness and jucundity , that so the animal might be thereby invited the more willingly and readily to performe that necessary action . vi. most men , indeed , living praeposterously , and being carried away with inconsideration and intemperance , propose to themselves , as the summary of their desires , and accomplishment of all their hopes , that meaner pleasure , which depends upon motion : but , wisdom being called to our assistance , doth soon reduceall pleasures to order and decorum ; and teacheth us that we are not to look upon any pleasure , as the perfection and end of our lives , but what nature her self hath ordained for that end , and which can be no other , but what we have declared . for ▪ while nature is our guide , whatever we do , must conduce only to this ; that we may not be pained in body nor perturbed in mind : and when we have once attained to that state , all the tempests of our mind cease , and all our hopes and desires are lost in fruition , and there can be nothing beyond it , to which to aspire , in order to the complement of our happinesse . for , we then want pleasure , when the absence of it doth produce pain in us : but , when wee are not pained , then doe we want no pleasure . vii . hence comes it , that the sum or height of all pleasures , doth consist only in the amotion of all pains , or in that state which followes upon that amotion : for , wherever pleasure is , there can be nothing of pain , of anxiety . and hereupon it follows also , that the highest pleasure terminated in the privation of pain , may indeed be varied and distinguished ; but can never be augmented or amplified ; for , nature so long as she hath taken away all pain , doth encrease pleasure ; but , all pain being removed , she suffers not pleasure to be encreased in magnitude , but only admits some certain varieties thereof , that are not then at all necessary , as being such , that are not comparated to this , that we may not be pained . viii . moreover , from hence it appears , that those men insult without cause , who accuse us , not to account this , to want all pain , to be somthing consisting in the middle betwixt pain and pleasure : but , so to confound it with the other member of the division , as to make it not only a pleasure , but even the highest of all pleasures . for , because , when we are exempted from pain , we join in that very exemption and vacuity from all molestation , and every thing wherein we joy , is a pleasure ; as every thing wherewith we are offended , is a pain : therefore is the privation of all pain , by us , rightly named a pleasure . for , as when hunger and thirst are expelled with meat and drink ; that very expulsion of the trouble of them doth adferr the consequution of a pleasure : so , in every thing else , the very amotion of pain causeth the succession of pleasure . ix . hence also may we desume a convincing reply to those , who urge against us , that there is no reason , why this middle state of indolency should be esteemed rather a pleasure than a pain . for , upon the detraction of pleasure , discontent doth not presently ensue , unlesse perhaps some pain immediately succeed into the room of that former pleasure : but , on the contrary , we alwaies conceive a joy upon the losse of any pain , though none of those pleasures succeed , which consist in the delightfull affection of the sense . by which we may clearly understand , how great a pleasure it is , not to be in pain : whereof if any man doubt , let him ask of those , who are infested with those sharp pains of the gout , toothach , or any other acute disease . x. there are also , who deride this our opinion , objecting , that this pleasure of indolency , is like the condition of a sleeping man , and fit only for slothfull and unactive * spirits . but , these consider not , that this indolent constitution is so far from being a meer torpor , or sluggishness , as that it is the only state , wherein we can perform all the actions of life vigorously and cheerfully . and , as we would not have the life of a wise man to be like a torrent or rapid river ; so would we not have it to be like a standing and dead pool : but rather as a cleare stream sliding on in a constant silence and gentlenesse . wherefore we contend ; that a wise mans pleasure is not that , which is dul , heavy , and unactive ; but that which reason makes constant , firm and sprightfull unto him . xi . but , to leave these our opponents , and return to our theme ; there are two good things , of which our highest good , or chiefest felicity doth consist ; viz. to have the mind free from pertubation , and the body free from pain ; and so , that these goods be ful , and above the capacity of encrease . for , how can that which is full , be encreased ? if the body be immune from all pain , what addition can be made to that indolency ? if the mind be constantly serene and impertubed , what addition can be made to that tranquillity ? nor do those externall blandishments of the sense , in any measure augment ; but only serve to condite and sweeten this state of highest felicity : for , that consummate good of human nature , is contented with only the peace of mind , and quiet of body . chap. vi. of the means to procure this felicity . now seeing that this tranquillity of mind , and indolency of body , do constitute the chief felicity of man ; nothing can more concern us , than to consider those things , which conduce to the attainment and conservation thereof : insomuch as while we have that , we have all things ; and while we want it , all we do is to attain it , though ( for the causes aforesaid ) we seldom do attain it . ii. in the first place , therefore , we are to reason of felicity , no otherwise than of health ; it being manifest , that that state , in which the mind is free from perturrbation , and the body from pain , is nothing else , but the perfect health of the whole man : and naturally consequent thereupon , that as in the body , so also in the mind , those things which produce and conserve health , are the very same with those , which either prevent the generation of diseases , or cure and expell them when they are generated . iii. as for the diseases of the body ; since the excellent art of medicine is ordained as well for the prevention , as cure of them ; leaving the praescription of both praeservative and curative remedies to the learned professors of that art , we shall sufficiently discharge our present duty , if we admonish you of only two things . the one is , that we alwaies observe temperance , and live soberly and continently , to the end that we may avert all diseases , or at least make them more gentle and more easily curable ; since for the most part , the harvest of diseases doth arise from the seeds of intemperance and incontinence . the other , that when we are invaded with diseases , we instantly have recourse to fortitude ; that so we may both endure them with constancy of mind , and not exasperate them by impatience , and comfort our selves with this , that if our pain be great , it must be short ; if long , light . iv. and as for the diseases of the mind , against them philosophy is provided of remedies ; being , in that respect , justly accounted the physick of the mind : but it is not with equall facility consulted , nor applied by those who are sick in mind . and this , because we judge of the diseases of the body , by the mind : but the diseases of the mind we neither feel in the body , nor know or judge of them as we ought ; because that , wherby we should judge , is distempered . v. hence it appears , that the diseases of the mind are more grievous and dangerous than those of the body : as among diseases corporeall , those are most dangerous , which deprive us of our senses ; such are the apoplexy , lethargy , phrensie , &c. again , that the diseases of the mind are more pernicious than those of the body , is manifest from the same reason , which demonstrateth that the pleasures of the mind are much better than those of the body , which is this , that wefeel in the body nothing but what is present , bnt in our mind we are sensible of also what is past , and what 's to come . for , as the anxiety of the mind , arising by consent from the pains of the body , may be very much aggravated , if we have possessed our selves with a conceipt , that some eternall and infinite evill is impendent over us : so may it be very much mitigated , if we fear no such evill . and this likewise is manifest ; that the greatest pleasure , or trouble of the mind , doth more conduce to an happy , or miserable life ; than either of the other two , though it should be equally lasting in the body . vi. now , because there are two capitall diseases of the mind , namely cupidity and fear , with their severall branches , and with discontent or trouble conjoyned , after the same manner as pain is adjoyned to the diseases of the body ; therefore is it the part of philosophy to apply such remedies , as may prevent them from invading the mind ; or at least overcome and expell them , when they have invaded it . such chiefly are the vain desires of wealth , of honours , of dominion , &c. and the fear of coelestiall powers , of death , &c. which having once assaulted and taken possession of the mind , they leave no part thereof sound or unshaken . vii . now the remedies , which philosophy doth apply , are the vertues , which being derived from reason , or more general prudence , easily drive away and expell those desires and fears . we say , from reason , or more generall prudence ; because , as there is a more speciall prudence , inservient to the direction of all the particular actions of our lives : so also is there a more generall prudence , which is nothing else but very reason it self , or the dictamen of reason , and is , by most , accounted the same with sapience or wisdom : and virtue is onely a certain perfect disposition of the mind , which reason , or prudence doth create , and oppose to the diseases of the mind , i. e. to the vices . chap. vii . of right reason , and free will , from whence is all the praise of the virtues . hence , we are to advance to the consideration of virtue , and the severall species thereof ; but , not without praemising a few observables , touching reason it self , and that which doth consist therein , viz free-will : forasmuch as all the praise belonging to virtue , doth derive its right only from thence ; as likewise doth its opposite , blame , which is due to vice. ii. since reason , in the generall , is nothing else but the faculty of ratiocinating , or judging , or inferring one thing from another ; we do here understand that reason , in speciall , which discourseth , judgeth and determineth of such things , as fall under the power of mans election , or refusall . iii. but , because this reasoning or judgement may be as well false , as true , wrong as right ; therefore can we not well allow that reason , which makes a false judgement , to be called reason , but rather opinion : however , if you please to keep constant to the vulgar phrase , let it still be called reason , provided it be understood to be wrong ; as on the other side , right reason may also be called opinion , provided we understand it to be right . iv. as for right reason ; that ariseth to us both from the goodnesse of our nature , or ingenuity , and from the sedulous observation or frequent experience of things : whence it comes , that being grounded upon firm and corrected principles , our reasoning comes at length to be solid ; and we , of right , appeal to the judgement of him , who is expert and prudent in the things , of which judgement is to be given . v. in the mean while , when we say , of things which fall under our power of election or refusall ; we suppose , that there is in us also a free or arbitrary power of reason , i. e. a faculty of electing and prosecuting what reason it self hath judged to be good ; and of refusing and avoiding what it hath judged to be evill . vi. now , that this arbitrary freedom of our will , is the congeniall praerogative of our nature ; is demonstrated unto us not only by our own experience , but also by common sense : which manifesteth , that nothing is worthy of commendation or vituperation , of praise or blame , but what is done freely , voluntarily , deliberately , and of election ; and therefore must depend upon somthing within us , which is above all compulsion , superintendency , command , or controllment , and in respect whereunto all rewards and punishments are rightfully ordained by the lawes : then which laws nothing can be more unjust , if the actions of men were to be imputed to that rigid necessity , which some have derived from fate , as the sole commandresse of all things ; declaring , that what event soever comes to pass , or whatever action is done , doth inevitably flow from an eternall decree , and the succession of connected causes . vii . truly , it is much better , to be addicted to that false opinion , which vulgar heads entertain , of the government of the universe , and all things in it , by the gods ; than to be slaves to the belief of the fate of some naturalists , imposing the same upon our necks , as a sempiternall lord , or tyrant , of whom we are to be afraid night and day . for , that opinion , that the gods are to be revered and entreated , hath the comfort of hope annexed unto it : but , the other of fate , imports an inexorable decree , and indeclinable necessity , and consequently the highest of miseries , despair . viii . most true it is indeed , that in things void of reason some effects are necessary ( though not so necessary , as not to have been prevented , as we have declared in our philosopy ) but in man , endowed with reason , and especially so far forth as he makes use of that reason , there can be no necessity at all : and therefore was it , that we endeavoured to assert the declination of motions in atoms , to the end we might from thence deduce , how fortune might somtimes intervene and put in for a share in the successe of human affairs , and yet the freedom of mans will remain absolute and entire . ix . and requisite it is for us , to turn the edge of our wit wholly against fate or necessity ; that we may by all means possible conserve our will free from that sempiternall motion imagined by the fatist ; and so not permit pravity or wickedness to escape inculpable . x. but , what we here say of fortune , doth not in the least import , that we ought to ascribe any divinity thereunto ; not only as the vulgar , but those philosophers also , who accounting fortune as some instable cause , though they do not conceive , that she doth distribute to men any thing of good or evill , that may conduce to an happy life ; do yet think , that she doth give occasions of very considerable goods and evils . all that our words of fortune imply , is only this ; that as many things are effected by necessity , and counsell , so also by fortune : and therefore , that it is the duty of a wise man , to arm and provide himself against fortune . xi . now , seeing that whatever of goodnesse , or malice there is in human actions , hath dependence upon no other foundation , but only this ; that a man doth those actions knowingly and willingly , or freely : therefore is the mind to be accustomed to this , that it may know truly , i. e. use right reason ; and will truly , i. e. that the will be bent to that , which is truly good , and averted from what is truly evill . forasmuch as this assuefaction doth beget that disposition in the mind , which we have defined virtue to be : as the assuefaction of it to the contrary , doth beget that disposion , which we may justly define vice to be . xii . we insist not upon this ; that that is truly good , which produceth pleasure , as sincere , so also without any pain , trouble , or repentance attending and ensuing thereupon : and that truly evill , which produceth pain , as sincere , so also without any pleasure or allubescence to succeed upon it . only we touch upon both , that we may discriminate either from what is onely apparent and dissembled ; such as that good , which creating present pleasure , introduceth future pain and trouble : and that evill , which procuring pain or trouble in the present , drawes on pleasure and content in the future . chap. viii . of the virtues , generally . forasmuch as virtue is either prudence it self , or the very dictamen of right reason , as we accustom our minds to the constant exercise thereof ; or is , at least , regulated by , and dependent upon prudence , or the dictamen of right reason : from thence it is manifest , that to this latter kind belongs both that virtue , whereby a man stands affected toward himself ; and that , whereby he is affected toward others ; since prudence is that , whereby a man is comparated and enabled to govern not only himself , but others also . ii. that virtue , which relates to others , is commonly called by the name iustice : and that , which concerns only a mans-self , is vulgarly distinguished into two branches , viz. temperance and fortitude . but , we use to comprehend both under the simple terme of honesty ; as when we say , that to do an act out of virtue , is no more nor lesse than to do prudently , honestly , justly : and this , because they , who live soberly and continently , are said to live honestly , according to decorum , or as becomes them ; as they , who behave themselves magnanimously , or bravely , are reputed to behave themselves honestly or becomingly . iii. hereupon , we ( as others ) make virtue fourfold , viz. prudence , temperance , fortitude , and iustice. but so , as that we oppose not prudence so much to any affection , as to incogitancy , ignorance , foolishnesse ; unlesse it be by accident only , as any perturbation doth eclipse reason , and make a man do imprudently : nor iustice so much to any affection , as to malice , whereby a man is inclined to frauds ; unlesse by accident only , in as much as anger , hate , avarice , or some other passion may cause a man to do unjustly : aud temperance we oppose to cupidity , and fortitude to fear . iv. it appears from hence , that what we formerly said [ viz. that it is sober and well ordered reason , which procures a pleasant or happy life ] aimed at this ; that right reason doth produce a pleasant or happy life , by the means of those vertues , which it ingenerateth and maintaineth . likewise , that what we subjoyned , as the reason thereof . [ viz. that reason doth investigate the true causes , why things are to be elected , or rejected , or chaseth away such opinions , as might occasion very great perturbations of mind ] was intended only to teach , that right reason is the very same with more generall prudence , the principle upon which we ground all our elections and avoydances , and so a very great good ; because the virtues , arising from that reason or prudence , are able to appease and prevent all perturbations , and this by convincing , that no man can live pleasantly or happily , but he that lives prudently , honestly , justly ; as ( è converso ) that to live prudently , honestly , justly , is to live pleasantly or happily . v. by this you may perceive the ground of our assertion , that happiness and virtue are convertible ; or , that the virtues are congenite and essentiall to a happy life , so as it is impossible to separate these from that . for , all other things , as being caduce and mortall , may be abstracted from germane and constant pleasure : but , virtue alone , being a perpetuall and immortall good , can never be separated from it . vi. from these things we may further understand , that all the virtues are connected together ; and that by a twofold relation : the first , because all the other virtues are conjoyned to , and dependent upon their princess , prudence , as the members of the body are conjoyned to the head ; or as the streams are conjoyned to the fountain , from which they flow ; the other , because as well prudence , as all the others concurr and unite in the point of a happy life ; being that a happy life cannot consist without the virtues , nor the virtues without a happy life . vii . however , though the virtues be all connected thus together ; yet are not they therefore all equall ; as some * have conceived , who contend that all vices and faults , or crimes are also equall . for , a man may be comparated more to justice than to temperance ; and temperance may be more perfect in one man , than in another : as may be exemplified in my self ( without envy be it spoken ) who have attained to so high a degree of sobriety , that i make a sufficient meal usually for lesse then an half-penny ; and metrodorus , * my friend and companion , who cannot satisfie himself with altogether so course and spare a diet . besides , experience assures , that one man is wiser than another : and all that walk in the waies of virtue , have not the like rewards alottetd to them ; nor all delinquents the like punishments . lastly , we appeal to common sense , whether or no they are in the right , who make all virtues , and all vices equall ; that he offends as highly , who beats his servant without cause , as he who beats his father ; that it is all one , for to eate a bean , or ones fathers head. viii . others there are , who condemn and bitterly inveigh against us , for affirming , that the end of all the virtues is pleasure ; as if we meant that kind of pleasure , which is obscaene and infamous : but , let these men rail upon us as they please , we are wholly unconcerned in their malice . for , as they , so likewise do wee make virtue the summum bonum ; at least , if the discourse be touching the means that conduce to an happy life : nor is there ought doth so much conduce thereunto , as virtue : but , if the discourse be touching happinesse it self , why should not happinesse or pleasure be a greater good than virtue , since it is the end , to the attainment whereof virtue is but inservient ? ix . they cry out upon us again , for making virtue enervous and ineffectuall , while we seem not to allow it to have so much power , as to render a wise man superior to all passion or affection whatever , but leave him obnoxious to sundry vexations , as ( for instance ) to lament , weep , sigh , and with all the expressions of sorrow to deplore the death of a friend : but , seeing we put a very high value upon virtue , in that it is able to exempt us from vain terrors , and superfluous desires , which are the heads or fountains of all grievous percurbations ; manifest it is , that we grant it to be of such excellent use , as to moderate all subordinate affections , insomuch as it refracts and reduceth them all to such a mediocrity , in which there remains some sense of humanity . x. certainly , that totall exemption from grief and sorrow , which these men so much boast of ; must proceed from some greater evill , viz. from immanity , immoderate ambition of vain glory , and in a manner down-right madnesse . so that it seems much better , to feel some passion , to be affected with some griefe , to shed such tears , as are to distill from their eyes , who professe love and tender affection : than to grinn , and declare a brutish insensibility , according to the rigid rules of that inhuman wisdom , to which these so much pretend . chap. ix . of prudence generall . thus far of the virtues in generall ; we now come to treat briefly of each in particular . which that we may do the more methodically , let us begin at prudence : whose office being to govern a mans life , and so to provide , as that all occurrents may be directed only to happinesse ; well may we allow it to comprehend the offices , or duties of all the other virtues . ii. and , that it is the office , or duty of prudence , to order and compose all the accidents and actions of a mans life , so as that they may conduce only to felicity , or the pleasure formerly described : is more than manifest . for , as we esteem the knowledg of physicians , not for the art of physick it self , but the end of it , health ; and as the skill of a pilot is not liked of and commended for the ingenuity , but utility of it : even so prudence , which is the art of living well , would never be considered nor desired , if it were of no use or benefit in a mans life ; and it is studied and desired , as the sole art , by which happinesse , or pleasure is to be acquired . iii. for , it is prudence ( or if you please sapience ) alone , which doth not only prevent the incidence of any thing , that may cause pain in the body ; but also above all things doth expell sadnesse from the mind , and suffers us not to startle at those things , at the very mention whereof the multitude usually trembles with fear : and which being our directresse , conducts us to tranquillity , by extinguishing the arder of all cupidities . for , cupidities are insatiable , subverting not only single persons , but also numerous and opulent families ; yea somtimes the most potent and flourishing common-wealths . from cupidities arise hatred , dissentions , seditions , warrs ; nor do they only diffuse themselves abroad , or invade others with blind fury : but being included in private breasts , they cause intestine mutinies therein , and totally evert the oeconomy and peace thereof . so that it follows , that they must of necessity make life most irksom and bitter ; and that none but the wise , or prudent man , who have cut off all inanity and error , and circumscribed his desires with the modest boundaries of nature ; can live without sollicitude , without discontent , without fears . iv. it being evident , therefore , that all the perturbations of our life arise originally from error and indiscretion ; and that it is prudence alone , which vindicates us from the violence of lusts and fears , and teacheth us gently to bear the injuries of fortune , and pointeth out unto us all the waies , that lead to quiet and tranquillity : pray what reason is there to discourage us from affirming , that prudence is to be sought after , in respect of pleasure ; and imprudence to be avoided , for the prevention of troubles ? v. now the reason , why we say , that a prudent man doth temperately bear the injuries of fortune , is this ; that albeit he doth not previse and provide against any injurie in particular , yet doth he foresee and provide against all in generall . nor doth he , if any infortune intervene crosse to his hopes , or councells , therefore afflict himself : because he well knows it not to be in the power of human reason , sagacity , or policy , either to praevise , or praevent the intervention of every adverse and troublesome accident . yea , he holds it much better , to be infortunate with reason and sage advice ( such as human frailty will admit ) than to be fortunate with inconsideration and temerity : and thinks nothing more gratefull , than , if fortune bring about any thing fairly and prosperously unto him , that he did not enterprise it without judgement and deliberation . vi. he moreover so deports himself , as that cutting off all vain cupidities , he contracts his desires to only necessaries ; which are indeed , so few and small , as scarce any unkindnesse of fortune can rob him of them : so that since very little of fortune can intervene to a wise man ; he may well say to her , i have prevented thee , o fortune , and so barrocadoed all thy waies of accesse , as that thou canst not approachme ! vii . but , concerning the way of cutting off all cupidities , hereafter ; in present , forasmuch as prudence may be considered , either as a man doth thereby govern himself , or order his family , or govern a city or a common-wealth ; and so as it is distinguished into private , domestique , civile : it is convenient , that we speak somwhat of each . chap. x. of prudence private . of private prudence the whole sum consisteth in no more but this , that a man well understand his own genius , and enterprising nothing , to which nature hath a repugnancy , he looks well into the conditions of that state , in which he is to spend his whole life , and to which he is so to accommodate all his actions , as that , as much as possible , he may live in indolency and tranquillity . ii. for , it behoves him to have the eye of his mind constantly and immoveably fixt upon this end , or scope of his life ; and consulting with right reason , to proceede according to the evidence of those criteria , by which we are wont , when we perpend the good or evill of objects , to erect our determinations . since otherwise , all things will be full of indiscreet temerity and confusion , and late repentance will attend upon all his undertakings . iii. moreover , in case you doe not direct every one of your actions , upon what occasion soever , as to this grand scope , so also to that very end of nature which you proposed to your self in the designment of it : but turn aside to any other sinister purpose , either in the prosecution or avoidance of any object whatsoeever : then , certainly , shall not the actions of your life be consentaneous to your discourses ; but extolling tranquillity ( for instance ) in your words , you shall betray your self to be really addicted to multiplicity of business , and obnoxious to very much trouble . iv. now , that man doth clearly understand the ends prescribed by nature , in the course of life to be instituted and undertaken ; who well knows , how easily that is procurable , which is necessary to life , or what is sufficient to the detraction of all , that can , by indigence , cause pain in the body . for , from thence he so well knows how to order the whole series of his life , as alwaies to be above the want of such things , as are full of businesse , and contention , and consequently of chance and danger . v. hereupon a wise man hath no reason to be much afraid of poverty ; because it is very rare to find a man so poor , as to be in want of those things , which are necessary to life . but in case our wise man should be reduced to such a low ebb of fortune , as to want things necessary to the sustenance of his life : yet will he not , with the cynicks , betake himself to the shamefull refuge of begging ; but , rather undertake the erudition of some others in wisdom , that so he may both take a course beseeming the dignity of his prudence , and at the same time deservedly accommodate himself with necessaries , from those , who have abundance . vi. and while he is constrained , to take this , or some other honest and beseeming course , that by an acquired confidence of mind , he may generously receive those things , which happen to him for the instant day , he is to have recourse to the oracle of his own wisdom , and call philosophy to his relief : for we then resign the arbitration of those things , that so neerly concern us , to an evill councellour ; when we measure and provide against indigence , by any other proportion but the simple necessities of nature , and the rules of philosophy . vii . wherefore , it behoves a philosopher to provide for such competent means , as may supply his necessities ; and so long to apply himself to that provision , as till his diligent care hath furnished him : but , so long as any part of them may be spared , and his confidence yet remain perfect ; he is in no case to addict himself to the getting of riches , and storing up of provisions . viii . in the provision of these things , therefore our care is to be proportioned by philosophy ; and so , in a short time , we shall come to know , what a virtue , and how great a good it is , to require only what is simple , light , and very small : because , what is most sweet , and free from trouble in all a mans life , depends wholly upon this ; to be contented with the least , i. e. onely so much , as sufficeth nature . and , as for those impediments , which the sollicitous hunting after more doth draw upon us ; when they once discover themselves ( as soon they must ) either by the great labour of the body , or the difficulty in the very procuring-them , or the abduction of the mind from more worthy and advantageous speculations ( which we ought evermore highly to esteem ) or the insatisfaction resulting from the fruition of them : certainly , we shall clearly perceive the same to be altogether fruitless , and insufficient to compensate the consequent perturbations . ix . and , whereas we praemonished , that every man should , before he determines , upon what course of life to put himself , strictly examine his own genius , and advise with himself concerning the inclination thereof ; that so he may at length happily devote himself to that , which he finds most agreeable to the destination of it : our purpose therein was , to intimate , that nothing can be more miserable and more inconsistent with tranquillity , than for a man to be engaged in that course of life , to which nature made him unfit : x. it follows from hence , that an active life is not fit for a slothfull and heavy person ; nor a slothfull lazy kind of life fit for an active : for as idlenesse is quiet , and action labour to the one ; so to the other idlenesse is a labour , and action quiet . thus , a souldiers life is unfit for a timorous and softly man ; and an umbratile life odious to an impatient and bold man : for one cannot endure the heat of war ; nor the other the cool shadow of peace . so that nothing can be more safe or hopefull , than for a man to devote himself to that , to which he finds no adversnesse or repugnancy in his nature . xi . whereunto you may please to add this one rule ; that every man , to the end the state of life which he chooseth , may be the more secure and tranquill , ought to choose a mean state , or such as is neither very eminent , nor very abject ; at least if it be in his own power . because , it behoves him to live in a civill society , neither as a lyon , nor as a gnat : lest he be exterminated , as the one ; or ensnared and crushed , as the other . chap. xi . of prudence domestick . this sort of prudence divides it self into two branches ; the first concerns a man in the capacity of a husband , and a father ; the other , as he is a master of servants , and possessor of house , goods , lands , &c. ii. concerning the former , viz. conjugall and paternall prudence , let us observe onely what may be inferred from the praemises , touching the directions of a man , in the election of his course of life . thus if you find your constitution to be such , as that you cannot , without the ardors of the flesh , live single ; that you can with patience endure a morose and unquiet wife , and untoward and undutifull children ; that you shall not be subject and apt to vex , repine and grieve , when you shall hear your children crying and bawling , see them groning on the bed of sicknesse , or snatcht away by death before you ; and that you shall not be perplexed and distracted with those cares and sollicitudes , that accompany the provision of all things necessary to a conjugall state : why then , indeed , it may be convenient for you , to take a wife , and beget children ; for which you may provide by a conjugall and paternall prudence . iii. you may presume , indeed , that your wife will be sweet and complacent ; that your children will be of ingenious and tractable dispositions ; that your cares for them will not be great , nor many ; that you have so laid your designs , as that you cannot expect any thing but prosperity and good successe : and yet you can but presume all this , nor do i know any god , who will oblige himself , that your affairs shal succeed according to this your presumption . wherefore , seeing the businesse is very doubtfull ; it is far below the part of a wise man , willingly to put himself upon chance , to undergo the hazard , and engage himself in that condition , from whence , in case he should afterward repent , he cannot withdraw himself . iv. we say , willingly ; because there may be some such circumstance , as may require a man , though much against his will , to marry and generate children ; as , for instance , in case he live in a country but thinly peopled , and where he is to be serviceable to the common-wealth by encreasing the members of it . some , we know , pretend the propagation of their species , to which nature seems to oblige all ; but , certainly , there is no fear that mankind should fail , there being in all times and places enough that give themselves to marriage and procreation : so that some few wise men may well be permitted to abstain , and leave the businesse of propagation to be performed by others . v. now if any such case , or certain councell , or any necessity shall constrain you to marry ; then are you so to dispose your wife , as that she may be loving and complacent to you , and a partner in your cares : and to take such care for your children as is prescribed to you partly by nature , which by strong instinct obligeth us to love and cherish them as soon as they are born ( and so much even wolves , tygers , and all other wild beasts alwaies do ) and partly by prudence , which admonisheth so us to educate and instruct them in the rudiments of morality , as that they may be obedient to the laws of the country , and desire nothing so much , as to be made wise themselves . vi. nor are we to take this care onely for our own children ; but also for those of our friends , and especially if they be our pupills . for , nothing is more beseeming the dignity of friendship , than for a man to become a tutor , and supply the place of a parent to those , whom his deceased friend both dearly loved , and left as orphans , and so in need of protection and tuition . vii . and as for the other branch of domestick prudence , which teacheth a man how to deport himself in the capacity of a master , or as he hath servants at his command , and possessions at his dispose ; both which though necessary , are yet , for the most part , not very pleasant : the sum of it consists in this . let him endeavour to prevent the sawcinesse , morosity , and insolence of his servants ; deport himself with mildnesse and gentlenesse toward them , so far as may stand with his superiority , and their obedience ; with a kind of * unwillingnesse chastise and correct even the perverse and disobedient , as remembring that they also are men ; connive at some involuntary faults , and forgive some others , especially if they be diligent , and not of an evill disposition . nor this only , but , if he find them to be capable of , and inclined to the study of wisdom ( such we have sometimes met with , and chiefly my servant mus * ) it is his duty to encourage and assist them therein , to allow them the familiarity of friends , and account it pleasant or good to permit them to philosophize together with himself . viii . in the matter of his estate , he is not onely to live within compasse , but so to proportion his expences , as still to be laying up somwhat for the future ; yet without avarice , and the sordid desire of heaping up wealth . for , it is not the part of a wise man to neglect his houshold affairs ; insomuch as his livelyhood depends thereupon , and if he through negligence permit all to run to ruine , so that he come at length to want necessaries ; he must very much obstruct his progresse in philosophy : being that then he must either addict himself to the laborious getting of what might have been kept with little care ; or to the importunate begging of that at the charitable hands of others , which his own easie providence might have furnished him with all ; or grow old , crazy , diseased , and die in such want , as must be no small hindrance to the tranquillity of his mind . ix . and besides such things as are absolutely necessary to the uses of life ; there are also others , that may be accounted necessary respectively , or according to the condition of the person , place , time , and other circumstances , and therefore they ought not to be neglected . but the chiefest of our familiar care must be for those things , without which , nature her self must suffer and decay , and such is chiefly the provision of grain and other lasting fruits of the earth ; and for that reason , we more commend those , who have their granaries well stored with corn , than those who have their houses adorned with gawdy and rich furniture . it much delights me to remember , that not long since , when , in our city long and streightly besieged , many perished by famine ; we were able to preserve our selves and divers ftiends in good plight : not with delicate cates , but good plenty of beans , whereof each person had a certain number allowed him daily . chap. xii . of prudence civill . lastly , as for the concern of civill prudence ; we are likewise to deduce the summe of it , from what we have insinuated touching the course of life to be elected . ii. thus , if there be any , who are by nature ambitious , desirous of glory , active and fit for the manage of publick affairs ; and have besides the advantages of birth , fortune , and opportunity that seem not only to invite , but also to open them an easie and safe way thereunto : for these men it may be convenient to obey the inclination of their genius , by addicting themselves to action , and the administration of affairs , wherein the republique is concerned ; because , they are so disposed by their constitution , as that they cannot but suffer perturbations and disquiets in an obscure and unactive life , while they labour with a restlesse desire of what they do not obtain . iii. but , as for those , who are not by nature comparated to much imployment , but to quiet and eases or have by force of reason repressed their natural ambition and vain affectation of popularity ; or having learned , by their own costly experience , the certain troubles , and uncertain duration of grandure , have withdrawn themselves from the storm , that frequently threaten men of publick charges ; or have been made wary and cautelous by the sad examples of other statesmen , whose aspiring humours occasioned their praecipitous downfalls : good reason is there , that these should esteem the quiet of a private condition , much better than the disquiet and dangers of a popular ; unlesse , perhaps , some accident intervene on the part of the common-wealth , that doth require their industry . and hereup on we conclude , that a wise man is not to engage himself in the administration of publick affairs , unless some intervening necessity call him thereunto . iv. and why should we not thus conclude , since to a wise-man , addicting himself to leasure and quiet , it may be both much more easie , and safe to attain to that end , which ambitious men propose to themselves to be acquired by dangers and restlesse labours ? v. for , that we may speak of the scope , or end , at which the ambitious aime , there never wanted some , who , to the end they might attain security from others ( and according to the condition of principality and dominion , by which they conceived that security chiefly acquirable ) have affected to render themselves illustrious with glory and renown : thinking by that means to advance themselves to a state of security and tranquillity . but , if the lives of these proved really secure and tranquill ( as , in truth , it could hardly be ) then did they indeed , attain that very thing , which , to nature is so good and pleasant : and if they were not , then did they fall from their hopes , and wholy misse their aime , insomuch , as they in vain sought after what is congruous to nature , in greatnesse and dominion . vi. now , seeing the scope of a wise-man is the very same , namely , security and tranquillity of life ; pray , by how much nearer a way doth he arrive at that end , when avoiding the tumults of a civill life , he directly and immediately placeth himselfe in a most profound quiet , and a state of highest silence and tranquillity ? truly happy is that man , who knowes , that the chiefest good , or a happy life , doth not consist in power and soveraignty ; not in a full exchequer , nor in ample possessions : but , in freedome from pain , a calm of all affections , and that disposition of minde , which circumscribing all his desires by the simple boundaries of nature , makes him content with a few things , and so to be master of that , which the ambitious despair to obtain , unlesse they could bear rule over all others , and heap up treasures inexhaustible . vii . certainly , if it be fit for me to speak of my selfe , i account it for a very great felicity , that i never yet enterposed my selfe in the factions of our city , nor ever sought to flatter , please , and endear the people . and what reason , why i should ; since the people doth not approve what i know , nor i know what the people approve ? besides , how far was it from harm , that i and my familiar friend metrodorus have lived together , not only privately , but in a manner concealed : when among so great goods , as we were capable of enjoying in my narrow gardens , and in obscure melite , we were not only unknown , but almost unheard of in our own noble country of graece . viii . we said , unlesse somthing intervene on the commonweals part : because , if the republique call a wise man to the helm , and really stand in need of his advice and assistance : in such a case , it would be downright inhumanity in him , not to do a publique good , when it lies in his power ; nay , he would be injurious even to himself , because unless the common-wealth be in safety , he can very hardly obtain what he chiefly desires , leasure and quiet . ix . let not a wise man , therefore , behave himself , as we have observed some to do ; who professing wisdom , have , through excessive pride , had so high a conceit of their own judgment and abilities in the politiques , as that they were confident they could rivall , if not outdo even lycurgus and solon , in the art of ruling . x. but , in case he be desired to make laws , and to prescibe both a form of government , and charges for the severall magistrates : he is in no wise to decline it ; as well knowing , that those , who first made lawes , and ordinances of justice , and constituted government and magistracy in cities , did principally aim at , and prudently provide for tranquillity and security of life ; forasmuch as if those laws and constitutions be once taken away , we should lead the life of wild beasts , and the stronger would at least despoil , if not devour weaker . xi . again , if he shall be elected to the highest soveraignty , and to rule according to the laws formerly made , and the government already established ; neither will he refuse that : as well knowing , that though the condition of a prince be for the most part full of incertitude , and above all others open to sinister chance ; yet a wise man may look so prosoundly into all affairs , and so provide against casualities , as that while fortune intervenes in somelesse important occurrences , the greatest and most weighty affairs of state are happily managed by his councell and reason . his chief and first endeavours will be , to provide , that the weaker , while they do their duties toward the stronger , be neither oppressed by them , nor live in want of those necessaries to life , wherewith the others superabound . for , the end of every society of men , or common-wealth , is only the common good , or that all conspiring and cooperating to the publick interest , the life of every man may be safe , and ( as far as may be ) happy . xii . finally , in case his prince , upon some urgent occasion , summon him to come and afford him his councell , or assistance ; neither will he refuse that : as knowing , that , since it is not only more honourable , but also more pleasant to give , than to receive a benefit , it must be an act as most honourable , so also most pleasant , to confer a benefit upon a prince , from whom it is to redound to millions of others . and thus much of the principall , and sourse of all the virtues , prudence . chap. xiii . of temperance in generall . the next place belongs to temperance , which is the first part of honesty , and that which seems to comprehend the chief reason of what is honest , or beseeming . for , since it is the office of temperance to repress a desiring , so is it of fortitude to erect a fearing mind ; it is justly accounted a lesse indecorum to be let down by pusillanimlty , than to be wound up by cupidity : and , therefore , it is a greater decorum to resist cupidity , than to strive against fear . ii. concerning temperance , this is first to be observed ; that it is not to be affected and pursued for its own sake , but for the pleasure it brings with it , that is , because it adfers peace to a mans mind , and pleasantly affect it with a certain concord . for , its proper operation is the moderation of our cupidities ; and therefore , that we may follow the conduct of reason , in the election or avoydance of objects , it admonisheth us , that it is not sufficient for us to judge rightly what is to be done , or not to be done : but it behoves us also to stand to and execute that judgement . iii. most men , being not able to hold and keep to what they have resolved upon , as overcome and enfeebled by the apparence of a present pleasure ; resigne up themselves to the fetters of lusts , and never foresee what is to follow thereupon : and , for the same cause , inconsiderately pursuing a small , transitory , and unnecessary pleasure , and such as they might have otherwise enjoyed , or wholly wanted . without any offence to nature ; they precipitate themselves into grievous diseases , into losses , into disgrace , and many times into the penalties decreed by the laws . iv. but , they who would so enjoy pleasures , as that no pains shall ensue thereupon ; and constantly retain their judgement , not to be overcome by pleasure , to the doing of what they know ought not to be done : these men acquire the greatest pleasure , by pretermitting pleasure ; and frequently suffer some pain , to prevent their falling into greater . v. and hence is it understood , that temperance is to be desired , not because it avoids some pleasures , but because by restraining a man from them , it declines troubles , which being avoided , he afterwards obtains greater pleasures . and this in the mean time it so doth , as that the action becomes honest and decent : and we may clearly understand , that the same men are lovers as of pleasure , so also of decorum ; yea , and that such , who esteem and pursue all virtues , do for the most part perform those actions , and attain to those ends , as that by them it is made manifest , how odious to all men cruely is , and how amiable goodnesse and clemency ; and that those very pleasures , which evill men most eagerly desire and hunt after , do fall into the lapps of onely good men . vi. moreover , for as much as among cupidities , about the restraint and moderation of which temperance is imployed , some are naturall , others vain or meerly opinionative ; and of the naturall ones some are necessary , other not-necessary ( we omit , that of the necessary ones , some pertain simply to life ; such is the appetite of meat and drink , together with the pleasure , which consists only in motion : and others absolutely to felicity it self ; such as that of indolency and tranquillity , or the stable pleasure ) manifest it is , that not without good cause we have , in our physiology , made three kinds of cupidities , viz. ( . ) some that are both naturall and necessary : ( . ) others that are naturall , but not-necessary : and ( . ) others that are neither naturall nor necessary , but meerly vain , or arising from vain opinion . vii . and because we said , that those are naturall and necessary , which cause damage and pain in the body , if they be not satisfied ; it is evident , that such cupidities , which inferr no damage nor pain , if not satisfied , and yet are joyned with earnest and vehement instigations , do become such , not by any necessity , but by opinion : and though they have their seeds from nature , yet when they run up to excesse , their growth is caused only by the evill , but powerfull influence of opinion ; which makes men far worse then beasts , since they are not obnoxious to any such diffusion , or excesse ; and again , that such cupidities may be proved to be not only not-necessary , but also not-naturall , only by this , that they import an appetence in excesse , and very hardly or never to be satisfied , and are , for the most part , worthily accounted the causes of some harm or other even to nature . viii . now , that we may discourse of the chief sorts of temperance , respectively to the chief sorts of cupidities ; we are to pitch upon ( . ) sobriety , which stands opposed to gluttony , or the excessive desire of meat and drink : ( . ) continence , which confronts lust , or the unbridled desire of venus : ( . ) lenity , the adversary to anger , or the desire of revenge : ( . ) modesty , the contrary to ambition , or the affectation of honour : ( . ) moderation , the antagonist to avarice , or the cupidity of riches : and ( . ) in respect of the affinity betwixt desire and hope , mediocrity , the mean betwixt hope and desperation of the future . chap. xiv . of sobriety opposed to gluttony . it can hardly be expressed , how great good redounds from sobriety ; which reducing a man to a thin , simple , and spare diet , by happy experience teacheth , how little that is , which nature requires , and that her necessities may be abundantly satisfied with slender and easily-provided aliment , such as decocted barly , fruits , herbs , and fountain-water . ii. for , these things sufficiently remove the trouble of the body arising from want of sustenance ; are every where to be had , in good plenty ; and contain the faculties of dry and moist aliments . whatever is more than this , amounts to luxury , and concerns only the satisfaction of a cupidity , which is neither necessary , nor occasioned by any thing , whose defect doth necessarily inferr any the least offence or detriment to nature : but ariseth partly from hence , that the want of somwhat , after which the exorbitant appetite longeth , is imagined reall , and born with impatience ; partly from hence , that an absolute delight , or such as is entire and neither accompanied with , nor attended on by any trouble , is presumed from the satisfaction thereof . iii. and forasmuch as such things , as are commonly provided to our hands , abundantly suffice to supply all natures wants ; and these aliments are such , as partly for their simplicity , partly for their exiguity , are easily providible : hence it follows , that he , who feeds upon flesh , hath need of other things to eat with it ; when he , who is satisfied only with inanimates , hath need of but half so much as the other , and sustains himself with what is easie in the provision , and of small cost and pains in the preparation . iv. now , as for the commodities , which redound from sobriety , they are principally four. the first is , that it brings and conserves health , by accustoming the body to simple , course , and spare diet. for , sumptuous feasts , and full meals , and various dishes , are they which generate , exasperate , and prolong crudities , head-aches , rheumes , gouts , fevers , and other diseases : not that plain and simple fare , which nature affordeth both as necessary and wholsom , and this not only to other animals , but also to man , who yet depraves them by his exorbitancy , and corrupts them by such delilicates as which while he affects , he affects only his own destruction . v. who so is wise , therefore , let him alwaies beware of that dish , which his irregular appetite earnestly covets and pursues ; and upon which he cannot feed , without being afterward convinced , that it was gratefull to him only to his own harm . of this sort are all costly , fat , and luscious meats ; and therefore the use of flesh must be rather hurtfull , than beneficiall to health ; of which this may be a very good argument : that since health is preserved by the same means , which restore it , when lost ; and abstinence from flesh is generally prescribed by learned physicians , in most diseases , especially acute ones ; certainly , the best way of conserving health , must be a spare diet , and no flesh. vi. it is no wonder , that the people commonly cry up the use of flesh , as an aliment highly conducing to health ; for , they magnifie all things that please the gust , and think that the direct way to health lies in the wallowing in pleasures , nay , even of venereall pleasures ; whereof , notwithstanding there is none , which is beneficiall to any man , and that constitution is very rare , to which it is not hurtfull at all time . vii . the second is this ; that it makes men ready , vivacious , and quick , in the doing of all actions necessary to life . for , if you regard the functions of the mind , it conserves the same in serenity , acutenesse , and vigour : if the offices of the body ; it conserves it in health , and so in strength , agility , and hardinesse . whereas , on the other side , repletion , overmuch satiety , surfetting , beclouds the mind , dulls the edge of it , and brings it to an unmanly languor and stupidity : and the body it makes as diseased , so feeble , unactive and burdensom . now i beseech you , what great matters can you expect from that man , whose members are oppressed , joynts enfeebled , sinews relaxed , head beclouded , tongue heavy and paralyticall , eys floating in rheums , veins glowing with heat and choler , mouth full of brawling and clamours , and all by reason of wine drunk in excesse . viii . verily , a wise man , who ought to content his stomack either with lesse then a pint of small wine , or with water from the fountain , the most not only wholsom , but sweet of all drinks ; will be very farre from spending the night in compotations and drunkennesse : and as far from gorging it , and oppressing nature with meats fat , sweet and gustfull , and of heavy and slow digestion ; since he well knowes , that the most simple cates , such as only nature gives and cooks , will equally satisfie the stomach , and better preserve health . ix . and , what though such simple and slender diet will not make a man as strong as milo was , not pamper the flesh and corroborate the sinews ? yet this doth no way disparage the use of it to a wise man , who hath no need of such robustnesse of body , and intension of strength , the businesse of his life being chiefly contemplation , not activity and petulancy . x. a third advantage accrewing from sobriety , is this ; that a sober man , coming to a feast , eats his meat with ten times more delight than another , because he brings an exact palate to tast , and a clean and sharp stomach , to entertain it . not that course and homly cates do not afford as much delight both to the gust and stomach , as the most sumptuous banquets , when a man brings with him the best of sawces , hunger ( for , every man knows , that in case of perfect hunger and thirst , decocted barly and clean water are highly gratefull , and supply that defect of nourishment , from whence the trouble of hunger and thirst arise ) but because those , who are daily used to more sumptuous entertainments , have their palates so furred and imbued , and their stomachs so oppressed and weakned by the continuall use and ingurgitation of them , that they neither relish nor swallow their meats and drinks with pleasure comparable to that , which a sober man receives , whose gusto is sincere , and appetite strong . thus also a wise man , who comes but now and then to publick shews and spectacles , is sensible of far more pleasure than those , who daily frequent them . xi . nor can what we say , concerning the resultance of as much pleasure from the coursest food , as from dishes of the greatest cost and most exquisite cookery ; be contradicted by any , but him , who exposeth himself to the tyranny of vain opinions ; who doth not observe , that those only enjoy magnificence with greatest pleasure , who do the least need or care for it ; and who never tasted the pleasure of bread and water , when pressed with pure hunger and thirst . for mine own part , seriously , when i feed upon simple bread and water , and somtimes ( when i would entertaine my selfe somwhat more splendidly ) mend my chear with a little cheese ; i apprehend abundant satisfaction therein , and bid defiance to those pleasures , which the ignorant and sensuall vulgar so much like and cry up in the magnificence of great entertainments : and hereupon , if i have no more than brown bread , decocted barly , and clean water ; i think my table so well furnished , as that i dare dispute felicity even with iove himself . xii . we farther affirm , that the magnificence of feasts , and variety of dishes , do not only not exempt the mind from perturbations ; but not so much as heighten the pleasure of the body : forasmuch as the end of nature in eating , is the remover of hunger . for example ; the use of flesh doth neither more especially take away any thing , that is a trouble to nature ; nor perform any thing , which might occasion or convert to a trouble , if not performed . but , in the mean time it doth affect nature with a certain violent gratefulnesse , and such as perhaps may be contrary to it , insomuch as we observe , that it doth the least of all meats conduce to the prolongation of life : and all that it serveth to , is the variation of imaginary pleasures , like the blandishments of venus , and the drinking of exotique wines , without which nature , or life might very wel last ; since those things , without which nature cannot subsist , are altogether compendious , and may with great ease , and with the safety of justice , liberality , and tranquillity , be obtained . xiii . finally , the fourth advantage of sobriety is this ; that it makes us superior to the threats of fortune . for , they only are afraid of the frowns of fortune , who being accustomed to live delicately and sumptuously , conceive that their lives must be most miserable , unlesse they can have wherewith to spend pounds and talents every day . and hence comes it , that such , for the most part , become obnoxious to various and great troubles ; and frequently commit rapines , murders , and the like horrid and detestable villanies , and all to foment their luxury , and maintain their profusenesse . but , as for that sober person , who contents himself with course and cheap food , such as fruites and sallets , bread and water ; who hath bounded his desires with only the necessaries of nature ; what reason is there , why this man should stand in fear of fortune ? for , who is there in the whole world so poor , as to want these things ? and what malignity of fortune hath ever reduced a man to a lower ebb , than bread and water ? xiv . as for my self , truly ( i speak modestly , and therefore may be permitted ) i am not only well content , but highly pleased with the plants and fruits growing in these my own little gardens ; and have this inscription over the door : stranger , here , if you please , you may abide in a good condition ; here , the supreme good is pleasure ; the steward of this homely cottage is hospitable , humane , and ready to receive you ; he shall afford you barly broth , and pure water of the spring , and say friend , are you not well entertained ? for , these gardens do not invite hunger , but satisfie it ; nor encrease your thirst with drinks , while they should extinguish it , but wholly overcome it with a naturall and gratefull liquor . xv. and in this pleasure have i grown old ; finding upon my accounts , that my expences do not amount to quite a halfpenny a day : and yet , in some certain daies , i abate somwhat of that too , and fare harder ; and this , that i may observe , whether that could detract awhit from my full pleasure , or whether more then that were worth my labour of seeking after . chap. xv. of continence , opposed to lust. the next species of temperance , is continence or abstinence from the sensuall delights of venus ; which being never beneficiall to any , and pernicious to most ( as we have already hinted ) the forbearance of them must be an eminent virtue . ii. for a man to abuse venereall delights with intemperance , is , in brief , to make his life void of vigour , anxious with cares , painfull with diseases , short in duration : and therefore a wise man ought not to suffer himself to be captivated by the charms of love , nor to conceive it to be a divine passion , and so to be indulged . iii. and that he may be the lesse prone to be ensnared by the specious allurements thereof , and want the chief incentives and fewell to the flames of venus ; let him be punctuall in the observance of a spare diet , than which nothing can be more available to continency , in as much as the plenty and turgescence of seed , which arise from a too liberall diet , are both sparks and fewell to the fire of love. the praeservatives next to this , are constant imployment , especially about the study and practice of wisdom ; and meditation of those many and great incommodities , to which they are obnoxious , who suffer themselves to be carried away by the violence of love. iv. for , as to the incommodities in the general of the immoderate courtship of either women or boyes ; they are , consumption of strength , decay of industry , unfitnesse for businesse and labour , neglect of domestick prudence , impairment of estate , mortgages and forfeitures , ruine of reputation and fame : and while the pamperd body shines again with jewells and other precious ornaments , the poor neglected mind , as conscious to it self of its own guilt , and wretchednesse , becomes its own continuall tormentor , for that it hath spent the flower of life in dull and slothfull effeminacy , and sufferd so many good years to be lost in that nothing of dalliance . v. and , as to the speciall incommodities ; what evill doth it not draw upon a man , to desire to have to do with that woman , whose company the laws interdict him ? doubtlesse a wise man will be very farre from admitting such a design into the company of his thoughts ; since he must be deterred from it even by that great sollicitude , that is necessary to the very praecaution of those many and great dangers , which threaten him therein : it being observable , that such as attempt to enjoy forbidden women , are frequently rewarded with wounds , death , imprisonment , banishment , and other grievous punishments . whence it comes , that ( as we said afore ) for a pleasure , which is but short , little , and not-necessary , and which might have been either otherwise enjoyed , or wholly omitted , men frequently expose themselves to very great pain , or most tedious and fore repentance . vi. besides , to be incontinent , to resign up ones self to this one kind of pleasure , is it not in the mean time to defraud himself of other pleasures many and great ? which that man enjoyes , who living continently and according to the lawes , so applies himself to wisdom , as that he doth neither blunt the edge of his mind , nor excruciate it with cares , nor perturb it with extravagant affections ; and for his body , he doth neither enfeeble it with excessive venery , nor vex and macerate it with diseases , nor torment it with pains . and so he comes to attain the summum bonum , which ( as we formerly insinuated ) doth not result from the familiarity and embraces of boyes or women , nor from the tast of rare and delicious fishes , or other blandishments of a table richly furnished . vii . we need not to insist upon this ; that there is no reason why any man should , from this our commendation of generall abstinence from venereal embraces , infer , that therefore a man ought to abstain from the legitimate and moderate pleasures of the marriage bed : since , what our judgement is of that particular , we have formerly declared . what is more necessary here to be added , is this ; that what we said , of loves being no divinely-immitted affection , hath this importance , that if a man have no issue by his wife , he is not to ascribe it to the anger of those imaginary deities , cupid and venus , but onely to some naturall defect , on his own or his wifes side : and consequently that he is not to hope to become a father by vows , prayers , and solemn sacrifices , rather than by naturall remedies . viii . we superadd this also ; that a wise man ought not to live after the beastly manner of the cynicks , or to deport himself with that immodesty and impudence , which they not only shew but boast of in publick . for , when they plead , that they therein follow the directions of nature , and reprehend and deride us , for calling such things flagitious , filthy , or shamefull , which have no turpitude really , or in themselves ; and calling by their names such things , as are full of reall turpitude ( for , to rob , defraud , commit adultery , is filthy in reality , but named without obscoenity : and to beget a child , is an act honest and decent in it self , but obscoene in the name ) and allegde divers other arguments against shamefastnesse : they seem not sufficiently to consider , that they live in a civill society , and not single , and at random abroad in the fields , and after the manner of wild beasts . ix . for , from the time we have given up our names to a society , nature it self commands us to observe the laws and customs of that society ; to the end , that participating of the common goods , we draw no evill upon our selves , such as is the infamy at least , or ignominy , which follows upon that impudence , or the want of such shamefastnesse , as the customs and manners of the society , wherein we live , commonly praescribe , and from the observance of which in voice , aspect , and other seemly gestures , that verecundity , which all virtuous persons so worthily commend , is derived and denominated . x. finally , we add , that it doth not a little conduce , as to verecundity in speciall , so also to continency in generall , to abstain from musick and pöetry ; insomuch as they conjunctively afford those amorous songs , and passionate streins of the voice , which diffusing themselves with a certain sweet violence upon the sense , prove very strong allurements and incentives to lust. xi . and this is the ground of our opinion , that a wise man ought to have no more to do with either musick or poetry , than what may consist with right reason , and the severe rules of virtue . because , while others being most easily taken with the flattering temptations of each , indulgently devote themselves to both ; the wise man duly perpending and foreseeing the evill consequent upon them , doth wholly repudiate them : declaring , that musick is an allurement to drink , an exhauster of moneys , a friend to idlenesse , an impediment to every good , honest and generous work ; and that its sister poetry is that , which hath in all ages corrupted mens manners , made them prone to all sorts of vices , and chiefly to lust , and this by the examples of even the gods themselves . whom the poets have feigned and frequently introduced as inflamed with anger , so furiously enraged with lust : and in their fables we read of not only their divisions , animosities , discords , warrs , conflicts , wounds , deaths , but also their complaints , laments , imprisonments , coition with mortalls , and mortall births of immortall parents ; and other the like wildnesses , from which every man , in his right mind , doth abhor . chap. xii . of lenity , opposed to anger . another species of temperance is lenity , mansuetude or mildnesse ; comprehending also clemency and pitty , or commiseration . this is so excellent an antidote against the malignity of anger , or the desire of revenge ; that it is worthily esteemed a most laudable virtue : forasmuch as anger , if high and excessive , is a perfect madnesse , for the time . for , in a fit of anger , the mind is inflamed , the light of reason eclipsed , the blood boyls with choler , the eyes sparkle with fire , the breast distended and ready to burst with rage , the teeth gnasht , the voice interrupted , the hairs stand on end , the face glowing with heat , and distorted with menacing postures , becoms horrid , truculent , and frightfull ; so that all the frame or oeconomy of nature seems wholly subverted , and the mind as well to have lost the command of it self , as to have forgotten all decency and decorum : but then comes lenity , and that recomposeth all again , becalms the mind , and keeps it in such a becoming temper , as that it is neither moved in it self , nor suffers any passionate eruption or salley of the spirits and blood forth into the members , that may cause any the least indecorum . ii. but , forasmuch as anger is commonly kindled and blown into a flame by the opinion of some injury received ; and no man doth an injury to an other , but upon the score of either hatred , or envy , or despite and contempt : how can it be , that a wise man should so bear an injury , as to deport himself with lenity and sweetnesse toward him , who offer'd him that injury ? why , truly , only by committing himself to the government of right reason , by which we have already declared he is to fortifie himself against the blows of fortune . for , he accounts an injury among casualties , or things of meer chance ; and well knows , that it is not in his power , to make other men just , honest , and superior to the transports of unruly passions : and therefore he is as little moved by wrongs done him by men , as by the incommodities or losses sustained by misfortune , and generally by any other event occasioned by things beyond his power of ordering & controlment . iii. he is not moved ( for example ) by those extream heats and colds of different seasons or tempests ; because he knows the nature of such seasons to be such , as he cannot alter . nor is he moved by injuries , which petulant , dishonest and malevolent men do him , because it is from the depravity of their nature that they do them : and it is not in his power to amend that depravity , and make them do otherwise . again , he conceives it not to be congruous to reason and wisdom , to adde one evill to another ( i. e. to the harme arising to him from causes without him , to superadd a greater harm from causes within him , namely , to raise a perturbation in his mind , by opinion ) or because an other man would afflict his mind with vexation and anxiety , thereupon to be so foolish , as by admitting and fomenting that vexation , to prosper that design , and gratifie the evill intention of his enemy . iv. fit it is , we confesse , that a wise man should so far look to his good name , and be carefull of his reputation , as not to lye open to contempt and scorn ; seeing there are some pleasures that arise to a man from a good fame , and the esteem from thence resulting ; as on the contrary there are some troubles , that arise from contempt , and the consequents thereof : but yet is he not to be tender of his good name so much for the revenging of injuries , or offending of those that do them ; as for living well and innocently , and giving no man a just cause or occasion of contumely and malediction . for , thus to do , is wholly in his own power : not to hinder an other from discharging the malignity of his nature upon him . v. hereupon , in case a person , who hath , though without cause , conceived an anger against you , and declared himself your adversary , shall demand any thing of you , upon praetext of expiation or satisfaction ; you are not to refuse to give it him : provided , what he demand be lawfull , honourable , and conducible to your certain security from his rage ; because he differs not from an angry & invading dog , and so is to be appeased with a morsell . neverthelesse nothing is either more honourable , or more safe , than to confront his malice with innocence of life , and the security of your own conscience , and for the rest , to declare your self to be above his injuries . vi. moreover , it may come to passe , that a wise man may be sued at law , brought to the bar , and there in the face of the whole court suffer not only injuries , but grosse calumnies , false accusations , yea , and receive condemnation : and yet he ought stil to remember , that though it be in his power to live uprightly and virtuously , yet it is not in his power not to fall into the hands of such , as may shew themselves envious , malignant and unjust toward him ; nor to hinder them from accusing him contrary to all right and equity , or himself from receiving a sentence from unrighteous judges . it becomes him not therefore to be angry with either his accusers , or the witnesses , or the judges ; but trusting in a good conscience , still to keep up his lenity and tranquillity at the highest : and accounting himself far above this infortune , to entertain it without fear or trouble , and deport himself toward his iudges with constant courage and serene boldnesse . vii . now , there is not why any man should object , that what we here advise concerning lenity , is repugnant to what we formerly said of the wise mans chastising of his offending servants : because we there limited this castigation only to refractary , obstinately perverse and disobedient servants : and manifest it is , that punishment ought to be inflicted as wel upon the delinquents in a private family , as in a state or common-wealth ; and as the prince , or magistrate doth punish the crimes of subjects without anger at their persons ; so likewise may the master of a family punish the offences of his servants , not only with lenity , but good will also to their persons . viii . we add , that a wise man is not only to bear injuries from others , with lenity ; nor only to pardon the faults of his servants , with mildnesse and sweetnesse : but even with kindness to encourage and gratulate such as repent of , and resolve to reform their evill waies . for , since the first degree of reformation , is the knowledge of ones fault ; therefore is this gratulation and encouragement to be given to the penitent delinquent , that as he is affected with contrition and horror at the apprehension of the foulnesse of his offence , so he may be re-animated by the pulchritude of what he ought to have done formerly , or is to do in the future . chap. xvii . of modesty , opposed to ambition . concerning this great virtue , which is the fourth branch of temperance , there is very little need of saying more , than what we have formerly intimated , when we declared it not to be the part of a wise man , to affect greatnesse , or power , or honours in a commonwealth ; but so to contain himself , as rather to live not only privately , but even obscurely and concealed in some secure corner . and therefore the advise we shall chiefly inculcat in this place , shall be the very same we usually give to our best friends . live private and concealed ( unlesse some circumstance of state call you forth to the assistance of the publick ) insomuch as experience frequently confirms the truth of that proverbiall saying , he hath well lived , who hath well concealed himself . ii. certainly , it hath been too familiarly observed , that many , who had mounted up to the highest pinacle of honour , have been on a suddain , and as it were with a thunder-bolt , thrown down to the bottom of misery and contempt : and so been brought , though too late , to acknowledge , that it is much better for a man quietly and peaceably to obey ; than by laborious climbing up the craggy rocks of ambition , to aspire to command and soveraignty ; and to set his foot rather upon the plain and humble ground , than upon that slippery height , from which all that can be with reason expected , is a praecipitous and ruinous downfall . besides , are not those grandees , upon whom the admiring multitude gaze , as upon refulgent comets and prodigies of glory and honour ; are they not , we say , of all men the most unhappy , in this one respect , that their breasts swarm with most weighty and troublesom cares , that uncessantly gall and corrode their very hearts ? beware , therefore , how you believe that such live securely and tranquilly : since it is impossible but those , who are feared by many , should themselves be in continuall fear of some . iii. though you see them to be in a manner environed with power , to have navies numerous enough to send abroad into all seas , to be in the heads of mighty and victorious armies , to be guarded with well armed and faithfull legions ; yet for all this take heed you do not conceive them to be the only happy men , nay , that they partake so much as of one sincere pleasure : for all these things are meer pageantry , shadows gilded , and ridiculous dreams ; insomuch as fear and care are not things that are afraid of the noyse of arms , or regard the brightnesse of gold , or the splendor of purple , but boldly intrude themselves even into the hearts of princes and potentates , and like the poets vultur , daily gnaw and consume them . iv. beware likewise , that you do not conceive , that the body is made one whit the more strong , or healthy , by the glory , greatnesse and treasures of monarchy ; especially when you may dayly observe , that a fever doth as violently and long hold him , who lies upon a bed of tissue , under a covering of tyrian scarlet , as him that lies upon a mattress , & hath no covering but raggs ; and that we have no reason to complain of the want of scarlet robes , of golden embroideries , jewells , and ropes of pearl , while we have a course and easie garment to keep away the cold. and what if you , lying cheerfully and serenely upon a truss of clean straw , covered with raggs , should gravely instruct men , how vain those are , who with astonisht and turbulent minds gape and thirst after the trifles of magnificence , not understanding how few and small those things are , which are requisite to an happy life ? believe me , your discourse would be truly magnificent and high ; because delivered by one , whose own happy experience confirms it . v. what though your house do not shine with silver and gold hatchments ; nor your arched roofs resound with the multiplied echoes of loud musick ; nor your walls be not thickly beset with golden figures of beautifull youths holding great lamps in their extended arms , to give light to your nightly revels and sumptuous banquets : why yet , truly , it is not awhit lesse ( if not much more ) pleasant , to repose your wearied limbs , upon the green grasse , to sit by some cleanly and purling stream , under the refreshing shade of some well-branched tree , especially in the spring time , when the head of every plant is crowned with beautifull and fragrant flowers , the merry birds entertaining you with the musick of their wild notes , the fresh western winds continually fanning your heats , and all nature smiling upon you . vi. wherefore , when any man may , if he please , thus live at peace and liberty abroad in the open fields , or his own gardens ; what reason is there , why he should affect and pursue honours , and not rather modestly bound his desires with the calmnesse and security of that condition ? for , to hunt after glory , by the ostentation of virtue , of science , of eloquence , of nobility , of wealth , of attendants , of rich cloths , of beauty , of garb , and the like : seriously , it is altogether the fame of ridiculous vanity ; and in all things modesty exacts no more then this , that we do not , through rusticity , want of a decent garb , or too much negligence , do any thing , that doth not correspond with civility and decorum . for , it is equally vile , and doth as much denote a base or ahject mind , to grow insolent and lofty upon the possession of these adjuncts of magnificence : as to become dejected , or sink in spirit , at the losse or want of them . vii . now , according to this rule , if a wise man chance to have the statues , or images of his ancestors , or other renowned persons of former ages ; he will be very far from being proud of them , from shewing them as badges of honour , from affecting a glory from the generosity of their actions and atchievements : and as far from wholly neglecting them , but will place them ( as memorialls of virtue ) indifferently either in his porch , or gallery , or elsewhere . viii . now wil he be sollicitous about the manner , or place of his sepulture ; or command his executors to bestow any great cost , or pomp and ceremony , at his funerall . the chief subject of his care will be , what may be beneficiall and pleasant to his successors : being well assured , that as for his dead corps , it will little concern him , what becoms of it . for ▪ to propagate vanity even beyond death , is the highest madnesse : and not much inferior thereto is the fancy of some , who in their lives are afraid to have their carcasses torn by the teeth of wild beasts , after their death . for , if that be an evill ; why is it not likewise an evill , to have the dead corps burned , embalmed and immersed in honey , * to grow cold and stiff under a ponderous marble , to be pressed down by the weight of earth and passengers . chap. xviii . of moderation , opposed to avarice . now comes moderation , or that disposition of the mind , which makes a man contented with a little , and than which he can hardly possesse a greater good. for , to be content with little , is the highest preferment , the greatest wealth in the world : as on the other side , great riches without moderation , are but great poverty . thus , to have wherewithall to prevent hunger , thirst , and cold ; is a felicity not much inferior to that of divintiy : and who so possesses so much , and desires no more , however the world may account him poor , he really is the richest man alive . ii. and how honest a thing is this poverty , when it is cheerfull , serene and contented with only what is sufficient , i. e. with those riches of nature , which suffice to preserve from hunger , from thirst , from cold ? truly , seeing that these riches of nature are terminated and easily acquirable ; but those , that are coveted out of vain opinions , are difficult in the acquisition , and have no measure , no end : we ought to be highly thankfull to the wisdom and bounty of nature , which made those things easily procurable , that are necessary ; and those unnecessary , that are hard to come by . iii. again , since it behoves a wise man to be alwaies confident , that in the whole course of his life he shall never want necessaries , doth not the very easie parability of such few , small , cheap and common things , as are necessary , abundantly cherish that confidence in him ? when , on the other side , the difficulty of acquiring those many , great , sumptuous and rare things , that belong to superfluity and magnificence , cannot but very much stagger and weaken it . and this clearly is the reason , why the vulgar , though they have great possessions , do yet uncessantly toyl and afflict themselves in the acquisition of more : as if they feared to outlive their riches , and come to want , what , if they used with moderation , they could never live to spend . iv. this considered , let us endeavour to content our selves with what is most simple and most easily procurable ; remembring , that not all the wealth of the world , congested into one heap , can avail in the least measure to cure the least disease , or perturbation of the mind : whereas mean riches , such as nature offers to us , and are most usefull to remove thar indigence , which is incommodious to the body ; as they are the occasion of no care or other passion , during life ; so will it not be grievous to us to part with them , when we think of death . v. miserable truly , are the minds of men , and their hearts surrounded with blindness ; in that they will not see , that nature doth dictate nothing more to them than this : that they should supply the wants of the body , and for the rest , enjoy a wel pleased mind , without care , without fear ; not that they should spend their daies in scraping together more than nature knows how to make use of , and that with greedinesse , as if they meant to outlive death , to prevent want in their graves , or never bethought themselves of the uncertainty of life , and how deadly a potion we all drink at our very entrance into the world. vi. what though those things , which are purely necessary , and in respect whereunto no man can be poor , do not afford those delights , which vulgar minds so much love and court ; yet nature doth not want them , nor doth she in the mean time cease to afford reall and sincere pleasures in the fruition of meer necessaries , as we abundantly declared . hereupon the wise man stands not only so indifferently affected toward those things , in relation whereunto money is desired ( such are love , ambitition , luxury , &c. all which require expences to maintain them ) but so far above them , as that he hath no reason either to desire or care for money . vii . now , as for what we said , of the immensity of such riches , as are coveted upon the suggestion of vain opinions ; the reason of it is this , that when nature is satisfied with little , vain opinion ushering in desire , alwaies engageth the mind to think of somthing , which it doth not possesse , and , as if it were really needfull , converts and fixeth the desire wholly and entirely upon it . whence it comes , that to him , who is not satisfied with a little , nothing can ever be enough : but still the more wealth he possesseth , the more he conceives himself to want . viii . wherefore , seeing there can never be want of a little , the wise man , doubtlesse , while he possesseth that little , ought to account it very great riches : because therein is no want , whereas other riches , though great in esteem , are really very small , because they want multiplication to infinity . whence it follows , that he who thinks not his own estate , how small soever , sufficiently ample ; though he should become lord of the whole world , will ever be miserable . for , misery is the companion of want ; and the same vain opinion , which first perswaded him that his own estate was not sufficient , will continue to perswade him that one world is not sufficient , but that he wants more and more to infinity . ix . have you , then , a design to make any one rich indeed ? know , that the way is not by adding to his riches , but by detracting from his desires . for , when having cut off all vain and superfluous desires from his breast , he shall so compose himself to the praescripts of nature , as to covet no more than she needs and requires : then at length shall he find himself to be a rich man in reality , because he shall then find that nothing is wanting to him . hereupon may you also inculcate this maxim to him ; if you live according to nature , you shall never be poor : but if according to opinion , you shall nover be rich . nature desires little , opinion infinite . x. truly , this disposition , or ( if you please ) faculty of the mind , whereby a man moderating himself , cuts off the desire of whatsoever is not necessary to nature , and contents himself with provisions the most simple and most easily procurable ; this disposition , we say , is that , which begets that security , that is perceived in a pleasant retirement , and avoidance of the multitude ; forasmuch as by the benefit thereof , when a man converseth with crouds of people , he shall want no more , than when he lives sequestred . xi . finally , when a man wants this faculty of detracting or abdicating from his desires , whatever is not purely necessary ; how great is the misery , to which he is continually subject ? his mind being , like a vessell full of holes , alwaies in filling , but never full . and certainly ( that we may not insist upon this , that most , who have heaped up vast masses of wealth , have therein found only a change , not an end of their misery ; either because they loaded themselves with new cares , to which they were not subject before ; or because they gave them occasion to fall into new vices , from the snares whereof they had formerly escaped ) this alone is a very high misery ; for a man to have his appetite encreased by the satisfaction of it , i. e. the more plentifully he feeds , the more to be tormented with hunger . chap. xix . of mediocrity betwixt hope and despair of the future . finally , since all cupldity , or desire whatever is carried to that , which is not possessed , but proposed as possible to be attained , and accompanied with some hope of obtaining it ; and that hope , as it were nursing and cherishing that desire , is accompanied with a certain pleasure ; as the opposite to hope , desperation , creating and fomenting fear , that what is desired may not be obtained , is accompanied with a certain trouble : upon these considerations , it seems necessary for us to bring up the rear of this file of virtues , with the discourse of mediocrity ; which is of very great use , as well in respect of objects in the generall , either hoped for , or despaired of , in the future ; as in particular of the duration , or rather perpetuity of life , whereof as there is a desire kindled in the breasts of most men , so doth the despair of it torment them . ii. in the first place , therefore , we are to adhaere to this , as a generall rule ; that what is to come , if it be in the number of simple contingents , is neither absolutely ours , nor absolutely not ours . more plainly ; we are neither so to hope for a thing that is contingent , as if it were certainly to come ; because it may be prevented or diverted by some crosse accident intervenient : nor so to despair of it , as if it were certainly not to come ; because it may fall out , that no accident may intervene to prevent or divert it . for , by the observation of this maxime , we shall reap the benefit of moderation ; so as not being destitute of all hope , we shall not be without some pleasure : and being altogether frustrated of our hopes , we shall be affected with no trouble . iii. for , herein consists the difference betwixt the wise man and the fool ; that the wise doth , indeed , expect things future , but not depend upon them , and in the mean time enjoyes the goods that are present ( by considering how great and pleasant they are ) and gratefully remembers what are past : but the fool , fixing all his thoughts and dependance upon the future ; makes ( as we said in the beginning ) his whole life unpleasant and full of fears . iv. and how many may we dayly see , who neither remember goods past , nor enjoy present ? they are wholly taken up with expectation of future things , and those being uncertain , they are perpetually afflicted with anguish of mind , with fear , and at length become most grievously perplexed , when they too late perceive , that they have in vain addicted themselves to the getting of riches , or honours , or power , or glory : in respect they fail of obtaining those pleasures , with the hopes whereof being enflamed , they had undergone many and great difficulties and labours . that we may not say any thing of that other sort of fools , who being abject and narrow-hearted , despair of all things , and are for the most part , malevolent , envious , morose , shunners of the light , evill-speakers , monsters . v. now the reason , why we say , that the wise man doth gratefully remember goods past , is , because we are generally too ungrateful toward the time praeterite , and do not call to mind , nor account among pleasures , the good things we have formerly received : forasmuch as no pleasure is more certain , than what cannot now be taken from us . for , present goods are not yet consummate and wholly solid ; some chance or other may intervene and cut them off in half ; future things hang upon the pin of uncertainty , what is already past , is only safe and inamissible . vi. and among past goods we account not only such as we have enjoyed ; but also our avoidance of all those evills , that might have fallen upon us ; and our liberation or deliverance from such other evills as did fall upon us , and might have lasted much longer ; as also the recordation , reputation , gratulation , that we sustained them constantly and bravely . vii . as for the desire of prolonging life to eternity ( the speciall evill to be prevented by mediocrity ) we have already hinted , that a wise man is to entertain no such desire : because thereupon instantly succeeds desperation , wich is alwaies accompanied with trouble and anguish . and this cogitation imports thus much , that the greater pleasure cannot be received from an age of infinite duration , than may be received from this , which we know to be finite ; provided a man measure the ends of it by right reason . viii . for , seeing that to measure the ends of pleasure by right reason , is only to conceive , that the supreme pleasure is no other but an exemption from pain and perturbation ; it is a manifest consequence , that the supreme pleasure of man cannot be encreased by the length , nor diminished by the shortnesse of time. ix . the hopes of a more prolonged pleasure , or of a longer age , we confesse , may seem to render the present pleasure more intense ; but , it can seem so only to such , who measure the ends of pleasure not by right reason , but by vain opinion , and the consequent thereof , desire ; and who look upon themselves so , as if , when they shall cease to be , they should be sensible of some trouble from the privation of pleasure , as they might in case they should survive . and hence it comes , that perfectly to understand , that death doth nothing concern us ; makes us fully to enjoy this mortall life , not by adding thereunto any thing of uncertain time , but by cutting off all desires of immortality . x. wherefore , since nature hath prescribed certain bounds or ends to the pleasures of the body ; and the desire of eternall duration takes them wholly away : necessary it is , that the mind , or reason supervene , so as by ratiocinating upon those ends , and expunging all desires of sempiternity , to make life in all points perfect and consummate , and us so fully content therewith , as not to want any longer duration . xi . and this reasoning moreover , causeth , that we shall not be frustrated of pleasure even then , when death shall take us by the hand , and shew us the period of all these mortall things , insomuch as we shal therby attain to the perfect , and so delectable end of a very good life , rising from the table of the world as guests well satisfied with the good entertainments of life , and having duly performed all those duties , which to perform , we received life . chap. xx. of fortitude , in generall . hitherto of temperance , and the chief sorts of it , respective to the chief objects of our cupidities . we are now come to a new lesson , fortitude ; which we called the other part of honesty , in respect that the use of it is against fear , and all its causes , and that those , who behave themselves , in any difficulty or dangerous enterprise , as especially in war ( from which the vulgar seem to have transferred the word to all generous actions ) not timidly and unmanly , but couragiously and valiantly , are generally said to behave themselves honestly and becomingly . ii. that this virtue also is to be embraced , in order to pleasure , may be inferred from hence ; that neither the undergoing of great labours , nor the suffering of great pains , are things inviting and desireable in themselves ; as likewise is not patience , nor assiduity , nor watchings , nor industry it self , which is so highly commended ; nay , nor fortitude : but the reason why we commend , and pursue them , is to the end we may live without care and fear , and so free both body and mind ( as much as possible ) from all molestation . iii. for , as by the fear of death ( for example ) the quiet of life is wholly perturbed ; and as to yeeld to pains , and endure them with a dejected and weak mind , is a great misery , and by that basenesse and weaknesse of spirit , many have uttterly lost their parents , friends , country , and most themselves : so , on the other side , doth a strong and sublime mind make a man free from all care and anguish , insomuch as it contemns death , upon this account , that all who suffer it , are in the same case , as before they were in being ; and is fortified against all pains , as being assured , that the greatest pains are soon determined by death , that small pains have many intervalls of quiet , that mean pains are not above our patience ; that if they be tolerable , they are to be endured with constancy , which much mitigates them ; and if intolerable , he is quietly to depart the world , as a theatre that doth not please him . iv. now , from these considerations it is plain , that timidity and unmanlinesse are not to be dispraised , nor fortitude and patience to be praised , for their own sakes : but those are rejected , because they induce pain ; and these embraced , because they produce pleasure . v. and , as for what we said of the efficacy of fortitude both against fear , and all things that are wont to cause it ; the intent of it is , that we may understand , that they are the very same evills , which torment when they are present , and are feared , when expected as future : and consequently that we learn not to fear those evills , which we either feign to our selves , or any waies apprehend as to come ; and with constancy and patience to endure those that are present . vi. now , among such evills , as we imagine to our selves but are not really future , the chiefest are those which we fear either from the gods , as if they were evill themselves , or could be the authors of any evill to us ; or from death , as if that were evill in it self , or brought us to some eternall evill after it : and among such evills , as are in possibility , and may come , and do somtimes come and affect us with pain and trouble ; they are all such , as inferr either pain upon the body , or discontent upon the mind . vii . those which produce pain , are diseases , scourgings , fire ; sword , &c. and those which induce discontent , are external evills , and either publique , of which sort are tyranny , warrs , destruction of ones country , pestilence , famine , and the like ; or private , of which sort are servitude , banishment , imprisonment , infamy , losse of friends , wife , children , estate , &c. viii . now , the difference betwixt all these things , on the one part , and pain and discontent on the other , is this ; that pain and discontent are absolute evills in themselves : the others are evills onely respectively , or as they may be the causes of pain and discontent ; nor is there any reason , why they should be avoided , unlesse in that respect only . ix . upon the chief of these causes of fear we shall touch , and in order as they are here enumerated . in the mean time be pleased to observe , that fortitude is a disposition of the mind , not ingenerate by nature , but acquired by long consulting with reason . for , fortitude is very much different from audacity , ferocity , inconsiderate temerity , which is found even in the bruit animals : and being proper to man , and to such men onely as act according to prudence , and the advice of right reason ; is not to be measured by the hot temperament aud strength of the body , but by the firmnesse of the mind , constantly adhaering to an honest intention or purpose . chap. xxi . of fortitude , opposed to the fear of the gods. in the first place it seems convenient , that we discusse a certain twofold fear , much transcending all others ; forasmuch as if any thing hath produced the supreme pleasure , and that which is proper to the mind ; doubtlesse , it hath been the expunction of all such opinions , as have impressed the greatest fears upon the mind . for , such is the condition of miserable mortalls , that they are generally led , not by sound opinions , but by some certain affection void of reason : and so , not defining evill by reality , but imagination , they render themselves obnoxious to , and frequently suffer as high perturbations from such things , as they only imagine to themselves , as if they were reall . ii. and that , which is the ground of the greatest fear , and consequently of the greatest perturbation to men , is this ; that conceiving there are certain blissfull and immortall natures ( which they call gods ) in the world , they do yet think them to have such wills , such passions , such operations , as are plainly repugnant to those attributes of beatitude and immortality ; such are perpetuall sollicitude , imployments , fits of anger and kindnesse : and hereupon they infer , that losses and afflictions are by way of punishment , derived to evill men , and protection and benefits , by way of reward and encouragement , derived to good men , from the gods. for , men , being nursed up in their own , i. e. human affections , imagine and admit gods in most things like themselves : and what they find incorrespondent to their own inclinations and passions ; the very same they conclude to be incompetent to the deities . iii. hereupon it cannot be exprest , how great unhappinesse mankind hath drawn upon it self , by ascribing such attributes to the gods , as resemble those of human nature , and especially those of anger and vindictivenesse ; in respect whereof mens minds being made low and abject , as if the gods perpetually threatned to call them to a severe account for their actions , and to inflict punishment upon them : you shal scarcely find a man , who is not appaled and strook with terror , at every clap of thunder , at every earth-quake , at every high wind , at every storm at sea , and the like naturall occurrents . iv. but , so are not those , who being educated in the school of reason , have learned , that the gods live in perptuall security and tranquillity ; and that their blisfull nature is so far removed from us and our affairs , as that they can neither be pleased , nor displeased at our actions . and , unfeignedly , if they were touched with anger at our misdeeds , or heard the prayers of men : the whole race of man would soon be destroyed ; there being not an hour , wherein millions of men do not imprecate mischief and destruction each to other . v. be very cautious , therefore , that when you have conceived god to be an immortall and blissfull nature ( or animal , as the common notion , concerning god , doth suggest ) you do not destroy that conception , by giving any other attribute to him , which may be either inconsistent with , or repugnant to those of his beatitude and immortality . vi. gods , in truth , there are ; for the knowledge of them is evident , as we have elsewhere declared : but , they are not such as men commonly conceive and describe them to be . for , when they have described them to be immormortall and blissfull , they contradict themselves , by affixing other repugnant attributes upon them ; as that they are alwaies taken up with businesse themselves , and create business for others ; that they are affected with pleasure or displeasure at the good or bad actions of men ; that they are delighted with human adoration and sacrifices , &c. all which presuppose great disquiet , imbecillity , fear , and the want of externall assistance . vii . nor need you fear , that this tenent should subject you to the censure of being impious ; because , in truth , he is not impious , who denies and casheirs the vulgar gods of the multitude : but he who ascribes to the gods the opions of the multitude . for , those are not genuine praenotions , but false opinions , which are commonly delivered by men , concerning the gods. viii . by the same reason likewise , he is not the truly pious man , who bows down upon every stone , sacrificeth upon every altar , and besprinkles the doors of every temple with the blood of victims : but , he , who contemplating all things with a serene and quiet mind , frames to himself , out of a genuine praenotions , true and correspondent conceptions concerning the divine nature ; and being thereunto induced , not by hope or reward , but meerly by apprehension of the majesty and supreme excellency of its essence , doth love it , and worship it with the highest reverence and veneration of his mind ; and admitting no such cogitations , as may suggest any opinion repugnant to its attributes , and destructive to the veneration due unto it , doth thereby exempt himself from that base fear , which others suffer , in whose minds that contrariety of attributes doth beget the highest and most lasting of all perturbations . chap. xxii . of fortitude , opposed to the fear of death . the other thing which invades , and strikes the minds of men with extream fear and terror , is death ; and this , because of we know not what everlasting evills , that are expected , immediately to ensue thereupon ( and that 's very strange , you 'l say , that men should fear to suffer evill , then when they shall be deprived of all sense , and utterly cease to be ) they being ignorant , that all those solemn stories , that are commonly told of hell , rhadamanth , the furies , &c. are the meer fictions of poets : and that if they contain any thing of truth in them , they are but cunning allusions to the miseries , which many men suffer during life , since those , who are uncessantly vexed with vain fears , superfluous cares , insatiable desires , and other violent passions , lead lives so truly miserable , as that they may well be said , to suffer the torments of hell. ii. that you may exempt your self , therefore , from these terrors ; accustom your mind to this thought , that death doth nothing concern us ; and upon this argument : whatever of good or evill we are capable of in life , we are capapable thereof onely in respect of our sense ; but , death is a privation of all sense , therefore , &c. that death is a privation of all sense , is consequent from hence , that it is a dissolution ; and what is once dissolved , must henceforth remain without all sense . so that death seems a thing most easily contemptible ; insomuch as it is an ineffectuall agent , and in vain threatens pain , where the patient is destroyed , and so ceaseth to be capable of pain . iii. true it is , indeed , and too true , that men generally abhor death , somtimes because they look upon it as the greatest of pains , somtimes because they apprehend it as the cessation of all their enjoyments , or privation of all things that are dear to them in life ; but in both these respects , altogether without cause : since this thing , not-to-live , or not-to-be , ought to be no occasion of terror ; because when once we come to that , we shall have no faculty left whereby to know , that not-to-live hath any thing of evill in it . iv. hereupon we may conclude that those are great fooles who abhorre to think , that after death their bodies should be torne by wild beasts , burned in the flame of the funerall pile , devoured by wormes , &c. for , they doe not consider , that then they shall not be , and so not feele , nor complaine , that they are torne , burned , devoured by corruption or wormes . and that those are greater fooles , who take it grievously , that they shall no longer enjoy the conversation of their wives , children , friends , no longer doe them good offices , nor afford them their assistance ; for these doe not consider , that then they shall have no longer relation to , nor desire of wife , children , friends , or any thing else . v. we said , that death ( accounted the king of terrors , and most horrid of all evills ) doth nothing concerne us , because , while we are , death is not ; and when death is , we are not ; so that he , who profoundly considers the matter , will soone conclude that death doth concerne neithe living , nor the dead ; not the living , because it yet toucheth them not , not the dead , because they are not . vi. and , as the assurance of this that death nothing concernes us , doth exempt us from the greatest of terrors , so also doth it make us to enjoy life to the most advantage of pleasure , not by adding thereunto any thing of uncertaine time , but by detracting all desire of immortality . for , in life there can be nothing of evil to him , who doth perfectly understand , that there can be nothing of evill in the privation of life . vii . againe , he cannot be excused of folly , who saith , that he feares death , not because of any trouble or anguish that it can bring , when it comes ; but because of the perpetuall griefe , and horror , wherewith it afflicts the minde , till it comes , or while it is expected : forasmuch as that , which can bring no trouble or anguish with it , when it comes , ought not to make us sad before it comes . certainely , if therebe any thing of incommodity , or feare in the businesse of death , it is the fault of him that is dying , not of death it selfe : nor is there any trouble in death , more than there is after it , and it is no lesse folly to feare death , than to feare old age , since as old age followes close upon the heeles of youth , so doth death upon the heeles of old age. viii . further , we are to hope at least , that when we come to the point of death , and are even at the last gaspe , either we shall feele no pain , or such as will be very short ; for as much as no pain that is great , can be long ; and so every man ought to be confident , that though the dissolution of his soul and body be accompanied with some torment ; yet after that 's once past , he shall never feel more . ix . that philosopher was very ridiculous , who admonisheth the young man to live honestly , and the old bodie honestly ; because a good life and a good death are not things to be parted , and the meditation of living honestly and dying honestly , is one and the same : and this in respect that a young man may die immaturely ; and to an old man something of life is remaining , and the last act of his life is a part , yea , and the crown of his whole life . x. and both young and old are to consider this , that though man may provide for his security , as to other things ; yet against death there is no security , the youngest nor strongest cannot promise themselves immunity from it , for so much as one hour ; all men living as it were in a city without walls , without gates , to keep out that common enemy . xi . moreover a young man may die happy , who considers with himself , that should he live a thousand years , yet he could but see and act over the same things again : and an old man may live unhappy , who , like a vessell full of holes , receives the goods of life only to let them run through him , * and so is never full of them , nor as a sober guest of nature , after a plentifull meal of all her best dishes , willing to rise and go take his rest . xii . this considered , we are not to account an old man happy , in that he died full of years , but in that he dyed full of goods , and sated with the world. xiii . finally , most of all foolish and ridiculous is he , who saith , it is good either not to be born at all , or to die as soon as born . for , if he speak this in earnest , why doth he not presently rid himself of life , it being very easie for him so to do , in case he hath well deliberated upon the matter beforehand ? and , if in jest ; he is perfectly mad , because these are things that admit not of jesting . again , in life there is somthing amiable in it self ; and therefore he is as much to be reprehended , who desires death , as he that is afraid of it . for , what can be so ridiculous , as for a man to desire death , when himself makes his life unquiet by the fear of death ? or out of a wearinesse of life , to fly to the sanctuary of death , when his own imprudence and irregular course of life , is the only cause of that wearinesse ? xiv . every man , therefore , ought to make it his care , so to live , as that life may not be ingrate or taedious to him ; & not to be willing to part with life , till either nature , or some intolerable case call upon him to surrender it . and in that respect , we are seriously to perpend whether is the more commodious , for us to stay till death come to us , or to go and meet it . for , though it be an evill , indeed , to live in necessity ; yet is there no necessity for us to live in necessity : since nature hath been so kind as to give us , though but one door into the world , yet many doors out of it . xv. but , albeit , therebe some cases so extream , as that in respect of them we are to hasten and fly to the sanctuary of death , lest some power intervene and rob us of that liberty of quitting life : yet neverthelesse are we not to attempt any thing in that kind , but when it may be attempted conveniently , and opportunely ; and when that time comes , then are we to dispatch and leap over the battlements of life bravely . for , neither is it fit for him , who thinks of flight , to sleep : nor are we to despair of a happy exit even from the greatest difficulties , in case we neither hasten before our time , nor let it slip wh●n it comes . chap. xxiii . of fortitude against pain of the body . corporall pain is that alone , which deserves the name of evill in it self , and which indeed would carry the reason of the greatest of evills , if so be our own delusive opinions had not created and pulled upon our heads another sort of pain , called the pain of the mind ; which many times becoms more grievous and intollerable than any pain of the body whatever , as we have formerly deduced . for , discontent of mind , conceived upon the losse of riches , honours , friends , wife , children , and the like ; doth frequently grow to that height , that it exceeds the sharpest pains of the body : but still that which gives it both being and growth , is our own opinion , which if right and sound , we should never be moved by any such losse whatever ; in regard that all such things are without the circle of our selves , and so cannot touch us but by the intervention of opinion , which we coin to our selves . and thereupon we may infer , that we are not subject to any other reall evill , but only the pain of the body : and that the mind ought to complain of nothing , which is not conjoyned to some pain of the body , either present , or to come , ii. the wise man , therefore , will be very cautious , that he do not wittingly draw upon himself any corporall pain ; nor do any action , whereupon any such pain may be likely to ensue : unlesse it be in order either to the avoydance of some greater pain , that would otherwise certainly invade him ; or the comparation of some greater pleasure dependent thereupon ; as we have formerly inculcated . this considered , we may very well wonder at those [ philosophers ] who accounting health , which is a state of indolency , a very great good , as to all other respects ; do yet , as to this respect , hold it to be a thing meerly indifferent : as if it were not an indecent playing with words , or rather a high piece of folly , to affirm ▪ that to be in pain , and to be free from pain , is one and the same thing . iii. but , in case any necessity either of his native constitution , in respect whereof his body is infirm and obnoxious to diseases ; or of any externall violence done him , which ( so subject to casualties and the injuries of others , is the condition of frail man ) he could not prevent or avoid ; ( for experience attesteth ) that a wise and innocent person may be wounded by his malicious enemies ; or called to the bar , impleaded , condemned , and beaten with rodds , or otherwise cruelly tormented by tyrants ) we say , in case either of these shall have brought pain upon him : then is it his part , to endure that pain with constancy and bravery of mind , and patiently to expect either the solution , or relaxation of it . iv. for , certainly , pain doth never continue long in the body ; but , if it be great and highly intense , it ceaseth in a short time , because either it is determined of its self , and suceeded if not by absolute indolency , yet by very great mitigation ; or is determined by death , in which there can be no pain . and as for that pain , which is lasting ; it is not only gentle and remisse in it self , but also admits many lucid intervalls , so that there are not many daies , nay , not hours , in which the body may enjoy not only ease , but very much pleasure also . v. and may we not observe , that all long or chronique diseases have many more hours of ease and quiet , than of pain and trouble ? for , ( to omit this , that if a disease encrease our thirst , it doth as much encrease our pleasure in drinking ) they give us time for our refection , frequent respits to hold comfortable conferences with our friends , leasure to recreate our selves with some gentle game , and admit many & long intervalls of ease , in which we may apply our selves to our studies and any other necessary affairs . whereupon it is most evident , that great pain cannot be long ; nor long pain great : and so , we may consolate our selves against the violence of pain , by an assurance of the shortnesse of it ; and with the remissnesse against the diuturnity of it . vi. let this , therefore , be our frequent succour , that no pain is either intollerable , or perpetuall ; because , if it be long , it must be light ; if great , short . provided alwaies , that we remember the ends or bounds prescribed to things by nature ; and do not by our own opinion add any thing thereunto , which may make our pain greater , or us to apprehend it to be greater , than really it is . for , the only way to heighten pain to the degree of intollerable , is to exasperate it by impatience , and oppresse and wear out nature by effeminate complainings : wheras , on the other side , nothing doth so much alleviate , mitigate and blunt the edge of any pain , as constancy , and custom of suffering ; since thence it comes , that a wise man , who hath been used to diseases and pains , doth very often rejoyce and smile even in the highest fury of his sicknesse . vii . thus much we can testifie of our friend metrodorus ; who hath at all times born himself undauntedly , and with exemplary constancy ▪ as against death , so against all pain . for concerning our selves , we need not say much ; it being very familiar to us , to suffer such tortures of the bladder & bowels , as none can be greater : and yet , as we find them fully compensated with that alacrity of mind , which redounds to us from the remembrance of our philosophy and former inventions ; so do we entertain them with that constancy and patience , as that we are not destitute of very great delights even in those very daies , wherein we are most tormented with those sharp fits of the stone and colick . viii . and indeed , this is the very reason , why we formerly said , that a wise man , though invaded and surrounded with the cruellest of torments , may yet keep possession of his happiness : because he doth both by his patience soften that necessity , which he cannot break ; and as much as possible , withdraw his mind from being concerned in the sufferings of his body , conversing no more with it , than as with a fragil and complaining part . he reflects the eye of his mind backward , and considers what honest , what generous and magnanimous actions he hath at any time done ; and fixing his cogitations upon those things , which he hath most admired , and which have most delighted him : he recreates his mind with the remembrance of past goods , for which he is very far from shewing himself ungratefull , as unwise men usually are . ix . he considers , that he can do nothing more worthy that virtue and wisdom , which he professeth , than not to yeeld the victory to pain , the most hard to be susteined of all things ; than to hold up his head nobly in so difficult a conflict ; to vanquish so potent and malicious an enemy , and at length to make so perfect a conquest thereof , as that the very remembrance of it will be at all times delightfull , and especially in the time of absolute indolency ; which will be so much the more gratefull , by how much the greater pains shall have praeceded , as a calm , or haven is alwaies most welcome after a tempest . x. now , if a wise man is not without his alleviations and comforts even in the most grievous pain ; what shall we say of him in remiss and gentle pains , or in the loss of some member , or privation of some one of his senses ? truly , it was not without good reason , that we formerly said , that a wise man might still be happy , though deprived of the best of his senses , his sight : for , if the night doth not diminish the happinesse of life ; why should blindnesse , that so neerly resembles night , do it ? and however he may want some pleasures , that depend upon the light : yet are there many others that lie open to his enjoyment , and what is much above all others , the pleasure of contemplation . xi . for , seeing that to a wise man , to live , is to think , certainly his thoughts are not beholding to the assistance of his eyes , in the businesse of investigating truth . and that man , to whose doctrine we somtimes gave up our name , did live long and happy , without being able to distinguish of colours : but , without the notion of things , he could not have lived happy . nay , that great man was of opinion , that the perspicacity of the mind was very much dimmed by the sight of the eyes : and while others could scarcely be said , to see the things , that were before them ; the opticks of his reason flew abroad into all infinity , nor could the acies of his mind be terminated by the extreams of the universe . chap. xxiv . of fortitude , against discontent of mind . you may remember , we said even now , that all discontent of mind is conceived for such things , that are externall evills , and the contraries to those goods that we most love and desire . for , men usually call some things adverse , and others prosperous : and we may generally observe , that the mind , which is elevated and insolent with prosperity , and dejected with adversity ; is low , abject and base . this considered , you may easily collect , that all we should in this place say , concerning evills inducing discontent , and in respect whereof , we have need of fortitude ; may be sufficiently inferred from what we formerly said , concerning those goods , that are the general objects of our desires or cupidities , and in respect whereof we have need of temperance . ii. let this generall axiome , therefore , suffice ; that discontent of mind is not grounded upon nature , but upon meer opinion of evill ; and in respect respect thereof it becomes necessary , that every man be in discontent , who conceives himself to be under some evill , whether only praevised and expected , or already come upon him . for , how comes it , that a father , whose son is killed , is not a whit lesse cheerfull or merry , if he know not of the death of his son , than if he were yet alive and in health ? or , that he , who hath lost much of his good fame abroad , or all his goods and cattell by robbery at home ; is not at all sensible of either losse , till he hears of it ? is it not opinion alone , which makes him sad and discontented thereupon ? certainly , if nature it self were the author of that sadnesse , the fathers mind would be strook with a sense of the losse of his son , in the same moment wherein he was slain : and in like manner , he that hath suffered detraction from his honour , or been robbed of his goods and cattell , would in the same instant receive intelligence of his losse , from the secret regret impressed upon his mind . iii. to the production of discontent , therefore , in the mind , it is absolutely necessary , that opinion ( not nature ) intervene betwixt the supposed evill and the mind . however , that you may be the more confirmed in this truth , be pleased to observe this ; if a man have an opinion , that such a one is his true son , who was indeed begotten by another man ; and again , believe , that such a one is not his son , though himself be the right father of him : let it be told him , that he , whom he accounts not to be his true son , but really is so , is dead ; and he shall never be moved at the sad tidings : but let him hear of the death of the other , whom he took for his true son , but really was not so ; and he shall instantly be moved at the news , and suddainly break forth into sorrow and laments . and this , not from any naturall instinct , or sentiments paternall : but only from the delusive suggestions of opinion , that the one , who was his son , was not so ; and that the other , who was not his son , was so . iv. hence is it a perspicuous truth , that those things , for which the mind becomes male-content and contristate , are not real evills to us ; forasmuch as they are without the orbe of our nature , and can never touch us immediatly or of themselves , but by the mediation of our own opinion . and this was the ground of our former assertion , that it is reason alone which makes life happy and pleasant , by expelling all such false conceptions or opinions , as may any way occasion perturbation of mind . for , it is discontent alone , that perturbs the mind , and wholly subverts the tranquillity , and so the jucundity thereof . v. but , how can reason expell all such erroneous opinions , after they have once taken possession of the mind ? why , truly , only by teaching , the wise man to arm his mind against the blows of fortune . for those very externall things , which perswaded by opinion , we conceive to be good , and for the losse of which we conceive such discontent of mind ; are also justly called the goods of fortune ; because they are not reeally our own , but may be possessed , or taken away , as fortnue pleaseth . vi. this the wise man well knowing , accounts such goods no more his own , than other mens , and doth never so possesse them , as not to be willing and ready at any time to part with them . for , he hath divested his mind of that opinion , which would perswade him , that they are reall goods , that they are his own , that they are permanent and inamissible : and put on that right opinion , which assures him , that they are neither really good , nor absolutely his own , nor inamissible , but transitory and subject to be blown away from him by every gust of adverse fortune . and hereupon he foresees what to do , in case he should be deprived of them ; that is , not to cruciate himself with vain sorrow and fruitless discontent ; but to take it quietly and contentedly , that fortune ha●h redemanded what she did not give , but only lend him . vii . certainly , to those , who account it an evill to be deprived of these externall goods , it cannot but prove of grievous consequence , that praemeditation should encrease those evils which it might very much have diminished at least , if not wholly praevented . for by this they come to be discontented not only at present infortunes , but also at such as they apprehend are likely to befall them but perhaps may never befall them : and so every evill is troub●esom , not only when it comes , but when it is only expected , though it never come . doubtlesse , it is most vain and foolish in a man , to run in●o a voluntary misery ; and he that doth so , shall alwaies be discontented , either by receiving , or thinking of evill : for , who so alwaies thinks , that some evill or adversity may befall him ; this very thought doth prove an eternall evill to him . viii . and , as for the wise man , in case it happen , that by being long accustomed to the possession and use of the goods of fortune , he hath not totally expunged out of his mind that opinion , that they are reall goods , and wholly his own ; and so some little of fortune intervene , and give him a blow , that may put him to some small regret and discontent : in this case , he is for the alleviation of that his discontent , to have recourse to those two things formerly prescribed by us , as the most potent remedies for the mitigation of pain in the body ; viz. avocation of his thoughts from his losse and the causes of it ; and revocation of them to those things , which he knows to be gratefull and pleasant to his mind . ix . for , the mind , of a wise man is instructed to conform to the laws of reason , and precisely follow the conduct thereof ; and reason forbids him to fix his cogitations upon those things , which may advance and foment his discontent , & by that means helps him to abstract his thoughts from all regret , and convert them upon goods either to come , or formerly enjoyed , and especially such as he hath frequently found to be delightfull . x. and , what though sad and importune thoughts are apt frequently to recurre ; yet is he still to insist upon that avocation and revocation of his mind : because the mind , by continuall diversion to other objects , is , brought by little and little to wear out and deface the characters of sorrow imprinted upon it by a misfortune ; nor , indeed , doth time conduce to the cure of discontent , by any other way , but ony by exhibiting various occasions of divertisement , by which the mind being by degrees taken off from the cause of its trouble , is brought at length to almost an absolute forgetfullnesse thereof . chap. xxv . of iustice , in generall . thus far of that part of honesty , which concerns ones-self : we are now come to the other , that relates also to others , and belongs to a man as living in a civill society ; and that is iustice. for most certain it is , tha● justice is as it were the common tye , or ligament , which ho●ds men together in peace , and without which no society can subsist : insomuch as it is a virtue , which gives to every one his due , and provides that injury be done to none . ii. what we have formerly said , of the foundation and benefits of the other virtues , hitherto handled ; doth exactly correspond also to this virtue : for as we have taught , that prudence , temperance and fortitude are inseparably conjoyned to pleasure ; so may wee affirm the very same of justice , which doth not only never cause harm to any man , but on the contrary , alwaies preserve and nourish somthing , that may calm and quiet the minds of men ; and this as well by its own and natures power , as by a constant hope , that none shall ever want any of those things , which pure and depraved nature can desire . iii. and , as temerity , lust , and cowardise do alwaies excruciate the mind , and stir up troubles : so is it impossible , that a mind , which lodgeth injustice , should at any time be quiet and at peace either with it self , or others ; because though such a mind should attempt any unjust action , with the greatest secrecy imaginable ; yet can it not perswade it self , that the injustice thereof shall never be brought to light , and though some may think themselves so great , as to be walled in and fortifyed against all revenge of their injustice , by their riches , honours , power , &c. yet do they still lye open to the revenge of an evill conscience , which whispers them in the ear , every moment , that all those solicitudes and perturbations , wherewith their minds are uncessantly tormented , are inflicted upon them , by the immortall gods , by way of punishment for their improbity . iv. there is no man can propose to himself a diminution of the troubles of life , by any unjust way ; but he must be sure to find them to be highly encreased and aggravated by the remorse of conscience , the penalties of the laws , and the odium of all his fellow-citizens . and yet notwithstanding there are millions of men , who never think they have enough of riches , or honours , or power , or lusts , of riotings , and the like exorbitant cupidities ; which no wealth unjustly gotten can diminish , but doth rather encrease and enflame : so that such men seem fitter to be restrained by severe laws , than to be instructed by the mild precepts of reason . v. all sound judicious men , therefore , & are by right reason invited to justice equity , faith ; and as for impotent persons , and such as in their non-age , neither can unjust actions any way avail them , who can neither easily effect , what they endeavour , nor obtain their ends , when they have effected it : and riches are more convenient to fortune , or liberality of ingeny ; which whoever use , thereby procure to themselves the respect and good-will of others , and ( what is most conducible to quiet living ) render themselves dear and beloved ; especially when there is no cause of offending . vi. for , those desires that arise from simple nature are easily satisfied : and all others , that are derived from vain opinions , are not to be obeyed , but suppressed ; because they incite us to the fruition of nothing that is truly desiderable , and alwaies there is more of detriment accrewing from the injury its self , than there is of emolument or advantage from those things , that are gotten by that injury . vii . neverthelesse , no man can say rightly , that justice is a virtue to be wished for , embraced , and pursued , immediately for it self ; but mediate●y , or for the great pleasure it brings with it . for , to be beloved by , and to be dear to oothers is very pleasant ; why ? only because it conduceth to the greater safety , peace and pleasure of a mans life . this considered , we infer , that improbity is to be avoided , not only in respect of those many and great externall incommodities , which happen to unjust persons ; but also , and much more , in respect of those internall disquiets and perplexities of mind , which it alwaies causeth . viii . now , though these considerations seem sufficient to the endearment of this excellent virtue , justice ; yet we are concerned to enlarge our discourse , partly touching right : or what is just , that so we may come the better to understand the original of justice , among whom it is to be practised , and with what advantages : and partly touching some other virtues , that are nearly allied to justice , as beneficence , gratitude , piety , observance , and friendship . chap. xxvi . of right , or iust ; from whence iustice is named . in the first place , therefore , forasmuch as it is evident , that iustice is denominated from hence , that the right of another man is conconserved , or that what is right or iust , is performed : it is worth our knowing what that is , which ought to be accounted right or just. ii. since justice was excogitated and instituted in order to the common good ; necessary it is , that that right or iust , to which justice hath respect , should be such a certain good , as may be in common to all and every sing●e member of the society . and , because every one , by the direction of nature , desires what is good for h●mself : it is also necessary , that what is right , or just be somthing of natures owne institution , and so may be called naturall . iii. nor is it for nothing that we touch upon this particular ; because it somtimes comes to pass , that in a society that may be prescribed for right and just , which is not really good for the society : and so being not naturall , or according to the dictates of nature , it cannot , but by abuse , be reputed right or just ; since that , which hath the true reason of right or just naturall , is such , as that it is not only prescribed as profitable and good , but is also really so . iv. to speak plainly and properly , therefore ; right or just naturall , is nothing else but tessera utilitatis , the symboll of utility , proposed and agreed upon by the concurrent votes of all in the society , to the end , that they may be kept from mutually harming each other , and that each one may live securely ; which as it is a good , so doth every man , by the direction of nature , desire it . v. here we take profitable and good , for the same thing ; and judge that there are two reasons , that require the preservation of right : the one , that it may be profitable , or respect the common utility , i. e. the common security ; the other , that it be prescribed by the common consent of the society , for nothing is compleatly just , but what the society hath , by common consent , or common pact , decreed to be observed and kept inviolate . vi. and hence it , that the name of right or iust is usually given to each of these two ; since not only what is profitable is said to be just , but also the very paction , or agreement , or prescription of the society ; which is also called law , as being that , which expressly prescribes to every one what is profitable or just. vii . some there are , we know , who conceive and affirm , that all things , that can be said to be iust , are so of their own proper and invariate nature ; and that lawes do not make them to be just , but only declare and prescribe them to be so , in respect of their own nature : but truly the matter is farre otherwise , the case in this point being as in most other things that are usefull and profitable , as in those which concern health , & many others of the like nature ; of which some may be beneficiall to one man , and hurtfull to another , and so being oftentimes misapplyed , they fail of the end proposed , as well in common , as in private . viii . and , certainly , since every thing is every where , alwaies , and by all men , deprehended to be such , as really it is in its own nature ; because that nature is invariate : we may justly demand of the authors of that opinion , whether or no such things as are accounted just at some times , in some places , by some men , are so at all times , in all places , and to all men ? ought not such to have observed , that many of those things , that are constituted by laws , and so accounted lawfull and just ; are not so constituted , nor accounted among all nations : but are partly negected as things indifferent , by many ; and partly rejected as hurtfull , and condemned as absolutely unjust , by as many others ? and are there not some , who accept some things as universally profitable , which really are rather universally destructive ; and accordingly embrace and enact them to be universally accommodate , in case they judge them to be accommodate , and to promise some generall emolument to that particular society , in which they live ? ix . this duly considered , the most that can be said , in favour of that opinion , it only this ; that that is universally iust , which is profitable , or conform to the notion of right or iust , even now described : for , in speciall , indeed , as utility is varied among various nations , so also is right or iust ; so as what may be accounted and really is iust in respect of one nation , may be unjust in respect of another . and , therefore , if it be demanded , whether or no the same thing be right or iust among all men ? our answer must be , that as to the generall , it is the same , as being somwhat that is profitable in mutuall society ; but as to particulars , it may come not to be the same among all men , particular countries , and particular causes in severall nations considered . x. and ( that we may deduce a few observations from hence ) whatever is by experience found to be profitable to mutuall society , or the common participation of such things , as are reputed iust ; that , certainly , hath truly and fully the nature of iust , in case it be such , as that the utility thereof may be extended to all : but , if any man shall determine and establish such a thing for iust , and the same shall notwithstanding happen not to be profitable to mutually society ; in that case , it doth not fulfill the nature of just. xi . again , and though the utility of that , which was accounted iust , and so embraced , doth sometimes fail ; yet neverthelesse , if therebe some utility therein somtimes , so that it respond to the notion , which we have given of what is iust ; it is truly iust , for that time : especially with those , who do not confound themselves with vain loquacity , and look into human affairs with the eye of more generall observation . xii . finally , where , no new circumstance of affairs intervening , those very things , that were accounted and decreed to be iust , concerning the actions of men , are found by experience , not to be fully correspondent or congruous to the notion of iust : there are they in no sort just . but , where , upon the innovation or change of affairs , those things , which were formerly decreed to be just , have ceased to be profitable : there also do they cease to be just ; because , when they cease to be profitable to mutuall society , they at the same time cease to be congruous to the notion of iust. chap. xxvii . of the originall of right and iustice. but , that we may go much higher , and derive right or iust from its first fountain or originall ; it appears that right and iustice are as antient as societies of men . ii. for , in the beginning or first age of the world , men lived wandering up and down , like wild beasts , and suffered many incommodities both from the fury of wild beasts , and the inclemency of the aër ; till , reason advising them theunto , they convened and conjoyned themselves in certain companies or societies , that so they might the better provide against those incommodities , by building themselves huts or cottages , and furnishing themselves with other defensatives against the fury of wild beasts , and against the injuries of weather . but , in this state every one being desirous to have his particular condition better than another , and striving to make it so ; there arose various contentions and clashings among them , about food , women , and other commodities , which the stronger alwaies took from the weaker : untill at length they found , that they could not live secure and commodiously together ; unlesse they made a common agreement , and entred into mutuall obligations not to do harm or injury each to other ; and that in case any one did harme or injure another , the rest would punish him for it accordingly . iii. and this was the first tye , or bond of society ; which , as it supposed , that every one might have somthing peculiar and proper to himself , or that might be called his own , as being his either by primire usurpation , or by gift , or by purchase , or by invention , or by acquisition of his own industry , or otherwise : so did it provide , decree and enact , that the same should continue entirely his own , till he should willingly and freely alienate his propriety therein , by disposing of it to another . and this bond , or generall paction among them , was nothing else but a common law , which all were equally bound to observe , and which did confirm to every man a certain right or faculty of using and disposing of whatever was his own , according as himself thought meet . whereupon that very law also came to be ( as we formerly intimated ) as it were the common right of the society . iv. we need not commemorate , how the whole society , by common consent , transferred their power of coercing or punishing delinquents , upon some few wise and good men ; or upon one single person , who had the reputation of being the wisest and best among them all . that which will be more pertinent and useful for us to observe , is this ; that in a society those only were accounted iust , or favourers and maintainers of iustice , who being content with their own rights , did not invade the rights of any other man , and so did injury to none : and those unjust , or doers of injustice , who being not content with heir own rights , did fly out and invade those of others ; and so doing them harm either by rapine , or personall violence , or some other way , were the authors of an injury . v. and thus , truly , for some time , men lived peaceably and happily , and especially under either many wise and good governours , or one only wise and good prince or king ; who being wholly intent upon the conservation of the publique utility , made , and by the consent of the people , established divers laws , by which they might either prevent dissentions among the people , or , compose them , if any did arise . but , ( such was the corruption of mens manners ) in processe of time ; it came to passe , that the government delapsed into the hands of princes , or kings that were not good , but vicious and tyrannicall : and they being either deposed , or killed , the whole returned again upon the people , who instantly destroying each other , by reason of tumults and the factions of those who affected superiority and aspired to empire ; and being at length weary of living by force and hostility , and exhausted by enmities and dissentions , they became willing again to submit to the government of magistrates , princes , or kings . but , having by sad experience found , that the wills and mandates of princes had formerly passed for absolute laws ; the people enter into certain compacts , or covenants with their governours , about those lawes , according to which they desired to be governed : and thus they again brought themselves under laws , i. e. under strict rights . vi. but , not to descend to latter times ; and that we may touch upon only that chief head , which regards the preservation of mans life , ( as the dearest of things ) whereof speciall care was had from the beginning , that every mans security might be established by common pactions and laws : it appears that those most wise and good founders of laws , fixing their eye of providence upon the society of life , and those things , which men usually do each to other ; did not only declare that it was a wicked act and hainous crime , to kill a man , but also decree that the murderer should be punished with more than common ignominy , and the losse of his head. and to this they seem to have been induced , partly by considering the conciliation of men among themselves ( of which we hinted somwhat even now ) in respect whereof men ought not to be as forward to destroy an animal of the same species with themselves , as to destroy one of another species , over whose life they have a power granted them by nature : and partly by the consideration of this , that men ought to abhor , that from which no emolument or advantage toward the quiet and happy spending of their daies can accrew , but on the contrary , must be wholly destructive thereunto . vii . for , indeed , from the beginning , to those , who fully understood and attended to the utility of that constitution ; there was no need of any other cause or respect , to make them contain themselves from doing any act toward the violation thereof : but , as for those , who could not sufficiently comprehend of what high moment or concern that cause , the common utility , was ; these absteined from committing mutuall slaughters , only upon the account of fear of those sharp punishments , which the laws , in that case made , threaten to inflict upon those who break them . and this we may observe to be frequently exemplified even in our own dayes . and , truly , who so well consider , how great the utility of such a constitution is ; they are sufficiently instructed and comparated to the constant observance thereof , without any other sinister respect : but , such as are not capable of understanding that grand and fundamentall respect , the utility of it , do conform themselves thereunto only out of fear of those punishments , that the lawes threaten them , and which were , by the more prudent sort of men , invented and made against such , as had no regard to the utility of the constitution , the major part of the multitude admitting them as legitimate . viii . for , at first , no one of those laws , which have been either in writing , or by tradition , derived to us , and are to descend down to our posterity , did subsist or depend upon any force or violence whatsoever ; but ( as we touch't before ) upon the meer consent of the people that used it . for , it was not by strength of body , or imperious sway , but only prudence of mind , whereby those transcended the vulgar , who proposed those laws to the suffrage of the people ; and this by inducing some men to consider what would be profitable ( especially , when they did not before so well understand it , as they ought ) and by terrifying others meerly with the greatnesse of the punishments annexed . nor could they , indeed , make use of any other remedy for the cure of the peoples ignorance of the utility of those laws , than that of their own fear of the punishments prescribed by the lawes : because even in our daies , it is fear alone which contains vulgar men within the bounds of their duty , and hinders them from committing any thing against either the publick or private commodity . ix . and , assuredly , if all men could equally both understand , and bear in mind , what is truly profitable ; they would need no lawes at all , but would of their own accord beware of doing such things , as the laws forbid , and do such as the laws prescribe and injoin : since , only to know what is profitable , and what hurtfull , would be more than sufficient to induce them to avoid this , and pursue that . but , as for those , who do not discern what is beneficiall , what hurtfull ; doubtlesse , the commination of punishments against them , is highly necessary : insomuch as the very fear of the punishment impendent doth cause them to suppresse and bridle those heats of their passions , which instigate them to unjust actions ; and in a manner compell them , though against their wills , to do what is right and consentaneous to reason . x. hereupon was it , that the antient law-makers ordained , that even the involuntary and meerly casuall slaughter of a man , should not be free from all mulct , or punishment . not that they might not , to such as affected voluntary manslaughter , give any occasion of praetext or excuse for what they should do of set purpose in that kind : but that they might not seem not to have used sufficient caution and diligence , as to that difficult particular . nor could this course but prove beneficiall , for the same causes , for which men were expresly prohibited to kill each other . so that considering , that of those actions of this kind that are done involuntarily , some happen to human nature from causes that could not be foreseen , nor any waies prevented ; and others again happen meerly through our negligence , want of circumspection , and incogitancy of the danger imminent : therefore , that they might , as much as possible , prevent our negligence and heedfulnesse , that may conduce to the destruction of our neighbours ; they provided , that even an involuntary slaughter of a man should not passe altogether unpunished , and by the very fear of that punishment or mulct , making men more heedfull and circumspect , they most happily diminished the frequency of this crime of homicide . xi . nay , we farther conceive , that even those slaughters of men which were permitted by the law , were made lyable to those accustomed expiations by publique lustrations , for no other cause but only this ; that those , who first introduced the use of those solemn expiations of human blood , had it in their thoughts , to deterre men from involuntary slaughter , which was too too frequent . xii . for the vulgar sort of men stood in need of somthing to restrain even their heedlessnesse , that so they might be kept from doing , out of rashnesse , any action , that should not conduce to the publique utility , or security which the antient sages and first law-makers well understanding , did not only decree severe punishments , but strook also a certain grievous fear into their minds , the reason of which was not equally manifest to common heads , with that of the punishments expressed : and this chiefly by declaring , that such , who had killed a man , by what means or accident soever , should remain impure and polluted , till they had purged themselves of that blood by solemn lustrations . xiii . for , the brutall part of the soul , or that wherein the affections and passions have their residence , being by wholsom laws as it were new moulded & framed , came at length to that mansuetude and gentlenesse , which now adaies so much flourisheth in the world : those arts of taming and civilizing mens minds , which were from the beginning invented and practised by those sages , who first ruled the rash multitude , being applyed as soveraign and effectuall remedies against the violence of their wild and furious affections ; of which this is one chief act among the rest , that men should not indiscriminately destroy each other . chap. xxviii . between whom right and instice is to be exercised . the premisses considered , it may with good reason be enquired of us , between whom aswell right & the violation of it , which is injury , as iustice and what is opposed unto it , injustice , doth properly consist , or is to be found ? and therefore we are to state and explicate the matter , by a comparison betwixt men and other animals . ii. as therefore , there is no reason of right or injury , or just and unjust , betwixt animals that could not make a common agreement , not to hurt , nor be hurt by mutuall invasion : so neither is there between those nations which either would not , or could not enter into a common pact and reciprocall engagement , not to hurt each other , or to suffer hurt each from other . iii. for , just or right , the conservation whereof is justice , hath no being at all , but in mutuall society , and so justice is a good of a society , insomuch as the effect of it is , that every single person of the society may live in security , and voyd of that anxiety , which the continuall feare of harm doth create . whence it evidently followes that whatever animals , or whatever men either cannot or wil not make an association among themselves , upon the condition of mutuall safety , must want that good , or be reciprocally obliged by no bond of right or justice , in oder to their living securely : and so to them there can remaine no other reason of security , but only this , to doe harme to others , that they be not harmed themselves . iv. as , therefore , when one of those bruit animals , among which there hath past no such agreement or pact , doth hurt another ; though it may be said that he doth harme or hurt to the other , yet it cannot be said , that he doth an injury to the other , because he was not bound by any right , compact , or law , not to hurt him : exactly so , if one man of that nation , among which is no paction or society , doth hurt another man ; though it may be said , that he doth hurt him , yet not that he is injurious to him ; or doth him an injury , because he was not obliged by any compact or law , not to hurt him . v. we here speak of bruit animals , not as if there were any even of those , who live in heards or companies , that are capable of entring into agreements or pacts not to harme each other ; and so might be conceived to be just , if they do not hurt each other , and unjust , if they do : but only to the end , that from thence it may be the better understood , that even among men justice of it self is nothing , insomuch as it is found only in the mutuall societies , according to the amplitude of every country , in which the inhabitants may conveniently euter into agreements and covenants of doing nor receiving any hurt ; since otherwise , and in a man considered as solitary , or out of all society , there can be no justice at all ; and what is justice in one society of men , may be , and frequently is , in respect of contrary pactions and covenants , downright injustice in another . vi. but can iustice intervene betwixt men and any other animals ? certainly , not . for , if men could make a covenant with bruit animals , as they can with other men , that they should not kill , nor be indiscreetly killed by them ; then , indeed , might the reason of just or right be founded betwixt them and us , insomuch as the end of that covenant would be the security of both parties : but , because it is impossible , that animals void of reason should be obliged by a law common betwixt them and us , who are endowed with reason ; it must also be impossible for us to obtein more assurance of security from animals , than from things inanimat ; so that there is no other way for us to secure our selves from bruits , but only to execute that power of destroying them , which nature hath given us . vii . and here , perhaps you 'l ask us , by the way ; why is it that we usually kill even such auimals , as are weak and innoxious , and so ought not to be feared ? whereto we answer , that most men destroy such animals , out of intemperance and a certain savagenesse or cruelty in their nature ; as many do , out of immanity or cruelty , commit outrages also upon men living out of their society , though there be no reason why they should fear any harm from them . but , still it is one thing , to offend against the rules of temperance , or any of its subordinate virtues , as sobriety , lenity or mansuetude , or ( if you please ) meer humanity , or goodnesse of nature : and another thing to violate iustice , which presupposeth certain laws and pacts established by mutuall consent and obligation . viii . nor can it be truly said ( what some affirme ) that we have a power granted to us by law , to destroy any such animals , as can be no way offensive or destructive to man-kind : though , to speak freely , there is scarce any kind of living creatures , among all those , which we have a power granted us to destroy , but , being permitted to encrease to infinite multitudes , would prove permicious to mankind ; however , being preserved alive in competent numbers , they are many waies very usefull to our lives . ix . this may be exemplified in sheep , kine and bulls , horses , &c. which being kept alive in a competent number , afford as many necessaries for life ; but , if they were let alone to multiply to excessive numbers , certainly they could not but prove very hurtfull , if not altogether destructive to us ; and this partly in respect of their strength , partly in respect of their consuming or devouring the fruits of the earth , that should serve for our subsistence ; and , for this very cause is it , that we are not prohibited to destroy such animals : and reason adviseth us to preserve so many of them alive , as may be both usefull to us , and easily ruled by us , x. for , as to lions , bears , wolves , and other beasts called wild ( whether little or great ) we cannot take such a certain number of them , as being preserved may afford us any necessary relief , or be of use to us in our lives ; as we may of kine , sheep , horses and the rest that are called tame and gentle animals : and thence is it , that we endeavour wholly to exterminate and destroy those ; & of these to cut off only so many , as are over & above a competent stock . xi . hereupon ( that we may highly touch upon that also ) we may conceive , that even among those nations , who make their choice of certain sorts of animals for their food , the matter was determined and prescribed by certain laws , grounded upon reasons correspondent to those , we have now given : and as for those animals , that were not to be eaten ; there was respect had to their utility , and inutility in other other respects , and for some reason peculiar to each country ; to the constitutions whereof there is no necessity for us to adhere who live not in any of those places . xii . now from these considerations we come to understand , that from the very beginning a difference was put betwixt the killing of men and the killing of all other animals . for , as to other animals , it is manifest , that no one of those antient sages , who have expresly prescribed what we should , and what we should not do , did forbid us to kill them : because that utiity , which is perceived in respect of them , arose from a custom of acting , contrary to that , which we have mentioned concerning men ; nor could it be , that men , living promiscuously among beasts , could preserve themselves in safety otherwise than by expelling , or destroying them . xiii . but , as concerning mankind ; when among those , who lived in the daies of old , there were some more comely and gracefull than the rest ( and likely enough it is , that such were the first perswaders of men to enter into pact , for the common safety ) who remembring how they had somtimes absteined from slaughter , in respect of that utility , which concerned their safety ; had also , when they were congregated into one company , put others in mind of what had then hapned , when they lived promiscuously ; that by absteining from the slaughter of an animal of their own species , they might defend the society of life , which is generally the cause of his proper safety , to every single person ; and that it had been formerly profitable to go apart from the society of other animals , or men flocking together , that so they might not provoke or incense them , that were ready enough of themselves to do harm : hereupon , we say , men came to restrain themselves from laying hands upon an animal of their own species , that came and offered himself into the communion of things necessary to safety of life . xiv . but , in processe of time , their progenies multiplying on each part , and animals of different species being depulsed and kept apart ; men began to make use of their reason ( whereas before that time , they had trusted altogether to memory ) and to enter into consultation , about what was to be done in order to their safety , when they should come together and conjoyn their habitations . for , they mainly endeavoured to coerce those , who rashly and impudently cut each others throats , and thereby made the mutuall assistance , that men were able to afford each other , dayly the weaker ; and this , chiefly because those great incommodities , which had frequently fallen upon their predecessors , in the like cases , were utterly forgotten . and earnestly striving to bring matters to that good passet , hey at length made and introduced those very laws and constitutions , which continue in all cities and nations even to this very day : the multitude of their own accord consenting to them ; forasmuch as the major part were already very sensible , how much greater utility would from thence accrew unto them living in mutuall society . in like manner , it conduceth also to common security , as to destroy whatever is pernicious : so also to preserve whatever is useful to the extermination of what is pernicious . xv. and thus is it profitable ; that upon these conconsiderations , the slaughter of all other animals came to be permitted , and that of men , expresly prohibited , by the law : but we have stay'd too long upon this argument . chap. xxix . with what right iustice is to be exercised . it being certain , then , that justice is founded upon the mutuall agreement , and common paction of men living in society ; it remains that every man , whether native , or stranger admitted , ought , from the time he hath given up his name to a society , to account himself to be a member of that society , upon this condition , either expressly , or tacitly , that he hurt none of his fellow members , nor be hurt by any other . wherefore , let him either stand to this condition of the common paction ; or depart out of the society : because he is not to be tollerated to live in the society , upon any other condition , but the very same , upon which he was incorporated into it . whereupon it necessarily follows , that since , by nature , no man is willing either to receive harm from , or to do ham to another : therefore ought no man to do that to another , which he would not another should do to him . ii. this considered , it may well be thought , that the laws of all societies were made principally , if not solely for the sake of wise men ; though not that wise men should not do unjustly by others : but that others should not do unjustly by them ; who are so well prepared and disposed of themselves , as to need no laws to restrain them from doing harm to any man. for , they have prescribed bounds to their cupidities , and composed their desires to the simple rules of nature , which requires nothing that cannot be obteined but by waies of injustice : nor indeed , is there any of natures pleasures , that doth induce a man to do injury to another ; but that which doth induce him thereunto , must be some such exorbitant cupidity , as is created by vain and unbridled opinion . iii. for , nature having ( for example ) in abundance produced herbs , corn , fruits , for food competent and usefull , and water for drink pleasant and wholsom ; it cannot be the pleasure of satisfying pure hunger and thirst , that should cause a man to robb , spoil , defraud or murder his neighbour , or do any of those injuries to others , which men usually do : but it must be the vain desire of living more opulently , splendidly and wantonly , that so he may acquire wealth enough to discharge the expences of his luxury . the same may be said also of those , who not being content with simple cloaths , simple houses , simple wives , &c. and carried away by ambition , pride , lust and the like enormous passions , desire imfinitely more than what sober and temperate nature either wants or knows how to use . iv. furthermore , seeing that the wise man doth all things for his own sake , or with reflection upon himself ; nothing , certainly can more conduce to his own advantage , than strictly to celebrate and constantly uphold justice . for , in giving to every one his due , and harming no man ; he , to the most of his power , doth keep the society whole and sound , and consequently preserve himself in peace and safety : forasmuch as he cannot be safe , when the peace of the society is disturbed and endangered , nor doth he provoke any man to avenge an injury suffered at his hands , or fear any mulct or punishment to be inflicted upon him by publick decree ; and so , being conscious to himselfe of no evill by him done , he remains free from all perturbations ; from which to be free , is the chiefest of all the fruits of justice , and while he reaps that , what can he do , that should more conduce to his own advantage . v. nor is there why you should conceive , that he , who violates the right of another , though secretly and without the knowledge of any man , can live in the same security and freedom from perturbation , as the just man doth , because as we said afore ) he cannot assure himself , that his injustice shall never be brought to light ; for , crimes , though they may be secret , yet can they never be secure ; nor do●h it avail an offendor , to be concealed from others , while he can never be concealed from himself . vi. and , truly , though his offence be never so much concealed in the present ; yet is it very uncertain , whether or no it will remain so concealed till his death . for , first , there is a kind of jealousie and suspition that alwaies follows close at the heels of improbity : and again , there have been many , who have detected themselves , some in dreams , others in fits of deliriums in fevers , others in their wine , others out of forgetfulnesse for the time . so that a wicked man , though he may for a time deceive even the gods and men ( as they say ) yet ought he not to be confident , that his deceits shall alwaies continue undiscovered . vii . upon these grounds , it is manifest , that notwithstanding injustice be not evill absolutely , or in it self , because , what is reputed injust in one place , may be very just , & legal in another : yet nevertheless it is alwaies an vil in respect of that fear which arising from , & fomented by the horror and stings of an evill conscience , createth a continuall suspect in him , that some time or other his unjust deeds may come to rhe ears of the avengers of unjustice , and so he be called to a severe account for them . and so there is nothing that more conduceth , as to security , so likewise to a quiet and pleasant life , than to live innocently , i. e. upon no occasion to violate the common covenant of peace . viii . wherefore , since the just and unjust have this contrariety between them ; that the just of all men are most free from perturbations , and the unjust , of all men , most obnoxious to perturbations : what can be more profitable than iustice to those ; what more hurtful than injustice to these ? for , can anguish of mind , sollicitudes , and continuall fears be profitable to any man ? ix . iustice , therefore , being so great a good , and injustice so great an evill ; let us alwaies embrace the one , and abhor the other . and if at any time our mind seem to stagger , and incline toward injustice ; let us think upon some grave , wise and good man , and supposing him to be alwaies present with us , and overlooking all our actions : that so we may do nothing , which we would not do , if he were really present . x. hereby we shall not only avoid the doing of any thing openly against iustice , but also of offending in secret against the rules and principles of honesty . for , this wise and good man will be to us instead of a guardian or tutor , whom because we revere , we shall be afraid to offend . following this counsell therefore , thus argue with your self ; if this reverend person were present , i would not do this : why therefore shall i do it in his absence ? he doubtlesse , would check me for doing this , because it is unjust : why therefore shall i not check my self , and not do it ? and if you do all things so , as if some reverend person saw all you did ; you shall soon learn to do nothing amiss : for , if you so fear another man , you wil quickly come to fear your self . chap. xxx . of beneficence , gratitude , piety , observance . having done with the consideratiō of iustice , we come to those virtues that are cousin-germans thereunto , as we formerly intimated ; in that each of them also doth concern others directly , and our selves but by reflection : and though they be not , as iustice is , prescribed by laws and covenants ; yet do they import a certain obligation like that of iustice , and that from decorum , office and use. ii. of these , the first is beneficence , or the doing of good turns to others ; to which all are obliged , who are able either by their assistance , or purse , to help , such as stand in need of their help . forasmuch as if they refuse to afford the needy their assistance , then do they inevitably incur the censure of being barbarous , cruell , inhuman : and if to relieve their wants with their purse , then cannot they escape the opprobrious terms of sordid , tenacious , avaricious persons . whereas , on the contrary , if they assist them in one kind ; then shall they be reputed benigne , officious , good natur'd : and if they relieve them in the other , presently they are cryed up for liberall , munificent , magnificent , and noble-minded persons . so that hence it appears , that all men , who are able , in respect either of power or estate , to assist and relieve others of the society ; are obliged thereunto , ( provided it extend not to prodigence , or the impairing of their own fortunes ) upon the consideration of their own good or utility . iii. for , those , who practise this virtue of beneficence , thereby certainly procure to themselves respect , good-will , and ( what very much conduceth to their quiet living ) a dearnesse or tender estimation from those , upon whom they practise it : as , on the other side , who neglect the exercise of it , gain to themselves the disrespect , ill-will , and ( what very much conduceth to their troublesom living ) the odium and contempt of others . take speciall heed , therefore , that you do not omit to be beneficent at least in small matters ; that so you may not lose the advantage of being accounted ready to gratifie others even in great : iv. it was not without good consideration wee formerly said , that it was not only more honourable , but also more delightfull , to give , than to receive a benefit : because , the giver thereby makes himself superior to the receiver , and reaps moreover the interest of thanks ; and nothing adferrs more joy to a man , than to be heartily thanked for a favour . for , a beneficent person is like a fountain ; to which if you but grant a reasonable soul , or mind : what joy will it not be possessed of , when it shall see how many spacious corn-fields and pastures do flourish and even smile again with plenty and verdure , and all by the diffusion of its streams upon them ? v. the second is gratitude , to which every man is reciprocally obliged , who receives a benefit : at least , unlesse he hath a mind to expose himself to common hatred and the greatest of shames . for ingratitude is worthily hatefull in the eyes of all men ; because seeing nothing can be more according to nature , than to be propense to receive a good ; it must be highly contrary to nature not to be propense to return the tribute of thankfulnesse to the author of that good. vi. but , seeing that no man stands more gratefully affected toward his benefactors , than the wise man ; it may be lawfull for us to assert , that it is the wise man only , who knows how to fulfill , and doth fulfill the duty of gratitude : because he alone stands ready , upon all occasions , to expresse his thankfulnesse to his friends both present and absent ; yea , though they are extinct . vii . others , indeed , many times pay the debt of thanks to their present friends , & this perhaps for their own farther ends , & to encite & encourage them to some new favour : but , how few are there , who gratefully commemorate the beneficence and liberality of their absent benefactors ? where shall we finde him , that honours the memory of his deceased patron ? that doth not in his heart rejoyce , that his benefactor is dead ; as if death had cut off all the bonds of his gratitude , and cancelled all the obligations of his good turns ? that studies all waies of retribution kindnesse , respect , and assistance to the wife , children , friends , family , and kindred of his dead reliever ? viii . the third is piety , the most sacred species of gratitude . this vertue we are to exercise primarily toward our parents , to whom we are more obliged , than to all the world beside : for , we may owe our education , fortune , erudition , &c. to others ; but to our parents we owe even our selves : and therefore if ingratitude to others be hatefull , that which is shewn to our parents must certainly be most hatefull and detestable . ix . we say , primarily to our parents ; because piety is secondarily , and as it were upon consequence , extended to our kindred , and chiefly to our brothers and sisters , to whom we are obliged by the bond of consanguinity , and the intervening interest of our parents : so that we cannot shew our selves disrespectfull and unkinde to any of our blood , but we must be , at the same time , highly ungratefull to our parents , grand-parents , and all the line of our progenitors ; who in the circle of their love and benevolence , comprehended all that were , and should be derived from their loynes . x. nor is this piety distinguishable from that charity or dearnesse , we are to conceive , and constantly bear toward our native country , which comprehends our parents and all our kindred , and doth both receive us when we are born , and nourish and protect us afterward . wherefore , as we are , by the relation of our blood , obliged to bear respect and kindnesse toward those of our kindred ; so are we by the more generall interest of our country , obliged to respect and tender the good of all those of our society ; but more especially the magistrates and princes , or monarch thereof , who by defending our country , and the lawes of it in generall , conferre this benefit upon us in particular ; that under the protection of their care and power , our rights are so preserved , as that we may live securely and peaceably . xi . the fourth is observance , or that veneration we owe to all persons of eminency , in any kind . and this affection af awe and reverence is accompanied partly with gratitude and piety ; insomuch as we cannot any way better expresse the gratefulnesse of our minds , than by giving due veneration and worship to our benefactors , parents , governors , princes , and all men of dignity and power : and partly with honour and respect ; insomuch as it is the best testimony we can give of our internall sentiments of their deservings , who excell in age , wisdome , learning , and especially virtue ; which is the most honourable of all human excellencies . xii . to this observance belongs also that , which men call religion and sanctity toward the gods , whom we ate bound to revere and honour no otherwise than we are our parents ; yet , not in respect to any good either received , or expected at their hands ; but ( as we formerly intimated ) only in respect of the transcendent excellency , majesty , and supremacy of their nature . because , whatever is excellent deserves a just veneration ; and no excellence can equall that of the divine nature , it being immortall and and most blisfull . and thus , understanding that the * gods do neither create troubles to themselves , nor give any occasion of troubles to us ; we shall come to be truly religious , i. e. piously and holily to revere and admire their most excellent nature , without all hope or reward . chap. xxxi . of friendship . to the exercise of this virtue ( the last of all those , that retain to iustice ) all are obliged , who love , and are beloved again by the same persons . and well may we make it the crown of this our discourse upon the virtues , or means to make life happy ; when nothing that lies in the power of wisdom to obtein , doth afford more comfort , more delight , than true friendship : and the same reason that confirms the mind not to fear any lasting or eternall evill ; doth also assure , that during life there is no sanctuary so safe , no protection so secure , as that of true friendship , which together with that security , doth adferr also very great pleasures . ii. for , as enmity , hate , envy , despite , are adverse to , and inconsistent with pleasures ; so are friendships , and amities not only the most faithfull conservers , but also the most effectuall and certain causers of pleasures , and that as wel to ones friend , as to one self : in that thereby men do not only enjoy the good things of the present more fully ; but are erected and animated with hope of such as as are to succeed in the future . and , since solitude and want of friends exposeth a man to dangers and fears ; certainly it must be very highly rationall in us , to procure friendships , whereby the mind may be confirmed in the present , and possessed with lively hopes of enjoing very great pleasures in the future . iii. but , in the choice of our friends , we are to be exceeding cautious and prudent : for , it concerns us to bee more circumspect with whom wee eate ; than about what wee eate : to eat ones meat alone , and spend ones daies in solitude ; indeed , is to live the life of a lion or a woolf : and yet no friend is better than such a one , that is not as well pleasant , as faithfull , so that his conversation may be the best sawce to our meat . such a friend , therefore , is to be sought for , to whom nothing is more in esteem , than candor , simplicity and verity ; and who is not morose , querulous and murmuring at all things , but full of complacency , alacrity , and pleasant hopes , that so his conversation may not sowre ; but sweeten the occurrences of life . iv. friendship , we acknowledge , doth consist in , and is kept alive by the mutuall participation of pleasures , or goods ; and yet we cannot admit it to be therefore necessary , that betwixt friends there should be a community of the goods of fortune : as that philosopher conceived , who was the author of that saying , that among friends all things are common . and our reason is , that community of estates implies mutuall diffidence or distruct of each others constancy , in case of adversity or poverty on one part : and distrust is wholly inconsistent with friendship . then only are friends , who can with full confidence and freedom take and make use of so much of their friends goods or estate , as the necessity of their present condition doth require ; and this no otherwise , than as if it were absolutely their own , though each partly still reserves a propriety in the full of his own estate . v. this , we are assured , will sound strange in the ears of the vulgar ; but , what are the common people to us , seeing that no faith or constancy is to be found in their kindness and friendship ? for , being wholly uncapable of any part of wisdom , that might render their conversation commendable and gratefull ; and as uncapable of either understanding what is privately , what publickly profitable , or what 's the difference betwixt good manners and bad : it is impossible they should have any sentiments of the goods of amity and friendship ; and consequently that they should in any measure fulfill the duties thereof . vi. we speak , therefore , of wise men only , among whom there is as it were a firm covenant and league , not to love their friends lesse than themselves . reason dictating , that it may , and should be so ; and experience assuring that it frequently hath been so . so that it is most evident , as well that such a perfect conjunction ( you may call it union ) may be made betwixt wise men ; as that nothing doth more conduce to the quiet and pleasure of life ; than such a conjunction once made and conserved . vii . for , as it is impossible for us , to conserve the sweetnesse and security of our lives firm and lasting , without the influence of friendship : so is it equally impossible to conserve friendship firm and lasting , without that cement of loving our friends , at the same rate , as we do our selves . this , therefore , and pleasure are the inseparable adjuncts of friendship : and who so doth not hold so full a sympathy with his friend , as to rejoyce at his joy , and condole with him in his sorrow ; doth but pretend to the noble title of a friend . viii . considering this , the wise man will be sure , to stand equally affected toward himself , and his friend ; what labours and pains he undergoes for his own security and pleasures , the same will he undergo for the security and pleasures of hls friend : and as he rejoyceth to think , that he hath one , with whom he may sit , and to whom he may administer in his sicknesse , whom he may visit and assist in case of imprisonment , and whom he may relieve in case of want ; so will it rejoyce him to be confident that he hath one , who will stick close to him , in sicknesse , imprisonment ; want and all other calamities . and not only this ; but his love will be so great to him , as to oblige him to suffer the greatest of torments , nay , if occasion be , even death it self for his friends sake . ix we have known , certainly ( and from our fathers , in whose memories it was fresh ) that many of those wise and good men , who had the happinesse of procuring to themselves full confidence and security in the society of men , living in one and the same opinon , and the self-same affections with themselves ; have lived in a most pleasant and mutually comfortable league of friendship , and been conjoyned with so absolute a neernesse each to other , as that they could heartily , and without the least of reluctancy , wish to suffer death in the place of their friend destined to die . conclvsion . and this is the sum of all we had to say , concerning ethicks or morals , which from the very beginning we asserted to be the noblest and most usefull part of philosophy . we now , therefore , conclude with this admonition to you , whoever you are that aspire to true wisdom ( for , our designe herein was to do a piece of acceptable service to all such ) that you both meditate upon , and earnestly endeavour to put in practise each one of those many rules and axioms of prudence , that we have here laid down : assuring your self , that they are the very elements or fundamentals of the art of living honestly or virtuously , and ( upon consequence ) peaceably and happily . we say , to meditate upon them night and day ; and as well when you are alone , as when you are in company of some faithfull friend , such to whom you may safely and comfortably say : we are ( indeed ) alone : but so much the better , insomuch as we have the greater opportunity of discoursing things sincerely , and making the stricter inquisition for truth : i speak not to many , but to you alone ; and and you speak not to many but to me alone , and that 's enough , since we are an ample theatre each to other . by this time , we presume , you are fully convinced , that he is the only brave and happy man , who hath his mind possessed with true and correspondent conceptions of the nature of the gods : who is at all times prepared to bid death welcom , without the least of fear : who hath so reasoned concerning the end of nature , or the highest of goods , as fully to understand , that it may be attained with the greatest facility imaginable : who stands confirmed , that whatever of evill is to be endured by him , must , if vehement , be short in duration ; if not vehement , easie in tolleration : who doth not emasculate and soften himself with the childish apprehension of any such thing as inevitable necessity , or the vulgar belief of fate ; but well understands , that he hath an absolute freedom of will , in all his actions , and is not subject to the controll of any influence , besides that of his own reason ; and knows also that nothing at all , or ( at most ) very little of fortune can at any time intervene to crosse his designes , defeat his hopes , interrupt his felicity : and , finally , who hath composed all his desires to the sober modell of nature , and the rules of wisdom , by us prescribed in this small treatise . and , assuredly , when you shall come to be such a man as this ; you shall never know a perturbation , day nor night , waking nor sleeping ( for , a well composed mind keeps the same constant tenour of serenity as well in sleep , as waking : and unquiet dreams are but the effects of sollicitude and unquiet thoughts in the day ) and shall live like some diety among men . for , that man hath sublimed himself to a whole sphear above the common condition of mortality , who spends his daies in the possession of immortall goods . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e esse illius philosophi orationem prorsus inanem , quae affectum nullum in homine curat ; quia , ut medicinae usus nullus est , nisi à corpore morbos abigat : sic nec philosophiae , nisi malum ex animo pellat ; inquit stobaeus in sermon . . (a) atqui , non cum vacaveris , philosophandum est : omnia alia negligenda sunt , ut huic assideamus ; cui nullum tempus satis magnum est , etiamsi à pueritia usque ad longissimos humani aevi terminos vita protenditur . seneca , epist. . vide etiam galenum de affect dignoscend . & vitand . cap. . itemque , epictetum , in enchir. lib. . cap. . (b) marcus antoninus [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] notans procrastinationem studii & conatus ad optima enitendi , inquit : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de seipso lib. . sect. . (c) ille potens sui laetusque viget , cui licet in diem dixisse , vixi . flaccus carmin . lib. . ad . . (d) maxima jactura vitae dilatio est . illa primum quemque extrahit diem : illa cripit praesentia , dum ulteriora promittit ; &c. senec. de brevit . vit . cap. . omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum ; graca superveniet , quae non sperabitur hora. hor. lib. . epist. . eadem prorsus ratione cicero ( de finib . bonorum ) finem boni appellat , bonum omnibus numeris absolutum , quod qui sit assequutus , praeterea nihil desideret . * the stoicks * demetrius cydonius , sermonem de epicuri commisitonibus instituens , homines notat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fatiscenteis socordeis , enerveis . * the stoicks . * metrodorus lampsacenus , qui ex quo tempore primùm epicurùm novit , nunquam ab codem discessit , nisi sex tantum menses ; quibus cùm domi abfuisset , ad epicurum reversus est , & per totam deinceps vitam , illi arctiss . necessitudine conjunctus , in iisdem & hortis & studiis convixit . legendus est gassend . cap. . lib. . de vita epicuri . occupavite , fortuna , atque cepi , omnesque aditus tuos interclusi , ut ad me adspirare non posses : fidentèr excl . masse legitur metrodorus , epicuri amicus & discipulus , apud ciceronem , tuscul. . tu poscisvilia ; verùm es dante minor , quávisfers te nullius egentem . horat. epist. . lib. . * qui placidus delicta domat ; nec dentibus unquam , instrepet horrendum , fremitunec verbera poscit . claudian . de macil . * hunc servum epicuri , murem inter philosophantes clarissimum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evasisse testatur laertius , lib. . cap. . neque macrobius ( saturnal . cap. . ) oblivioni dat inter eos , qui philosophis exservis non incelebres evaserunt . quum demetrius obsedit athenas , circa annum epicuri , . quanta autem fames civitatem oppresserit eadem obsidione , describit plutarchus [ in vita demetri ; ] ubi inter caetera inquit : ferunt etiam epic urum philosophum familiares suos sustentasse , partitum cum ipsis ad manerum fabas . scribit plinius [ lib. . cap. . ] epicurum primum instituisie athenis agrorum , villarumque delicias , nomine hortorum in ipsa urbe possidere ; cùm ad usque eum mos non fuisset in oppidis habitari rura . hinc accipi solet pro ipsa secta , seudoctrina , quae ab epicuro , sectatoribusque in horto ejus tradita est : unde & epicurei dicuntur esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex hortis philosophi ; sicut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelliguntur stoici ; apud empirium [ i. advers physic. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 totus in estraenem ne abeas mulieris amorem ; quippe amor haud deus est ; tacita est affectio cuique . phocylid . pythagoras , interrogatus quando ad mulierem foret accedendum ; quando voles , inquit , fieri imbecillior . ex laertio , lib. . res essesaluberrimas [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] citra saturitatem vesci , ad laborem impigrum esse , & substantiam seminis conservare dixit hippocrat . . epidem . sect. . velle , improbi ne peccent , insaniae est : id enim , quod fieri non potest , appetit . tum concedere , ut adversus alios tales sint : sed ne in re peccent postulate , & stolidum est & tyrannicum etiam . marcus antonin . de seipso , lib. ● sect. . quando alterius cujuspiam impudentia offenderis , statim sic percontare teipsum ; fierinè ergo potest , ut impudentes in mundo ne sint ? non potest ; tu itaque quod non potest , ne poscas . idem eodem lib. sect. . optimus injuriam ulciscendi modus est , inferenti ne sis similis : marcus antoninus , in de seipso lib. . s. . minuti semper & infirmi est animi , exiguique voluptas . ultio ; continuò sic collige , quod vindicta nemo magis gaudet , jam foemina . iuvenal sat. nec tu mulum curo ; sepelit natura relictos . nil agis hac ira ; tabesne cadavera solvar , an rogus , haud refert ; placido natura receptat cuncta sinu . lucan . lib. . * mel enim tanta adversus putredinem facultate in signitum est , ut babylonii nebilium cadavera eadem sepelirent ; ut herodotus , in thalia , testis est . nil igitur mors est , ad nos neque pertinet hilum . & mox ; multò igitur mortem minus ad nos esse putandum , si minus esse potest , quàm quod nihil esse videmus ; lucret. lib. . natura sic se habet , ut quomodo initium rerum omnium ortus noster afferat ; sic exitum mors ; quae ut nihil pertinuit ad nos ante ortum , sic nihil post mortem pertinebit . in quo quid potest esse mali , cum mors nec ad vivos pertineat , nec ad mortuos ? alteri nulli sunt ; alteros non attingit . cicero , tuscul. lib. . paratus exire sum ; & ideo fruor vita , quia quamdiu futurum hoc sit , non nimis pendeo . seneca epist. . * cur non ut plenus vitae conviva recedis ? iucret . lib. . rarus , qui exacto contentus tempore vitae . cedit , uti conviva satur . flaccus , satyr . . de jiciat miseram tibi nulla molestia vitā ; si longa est , levis est : si gravis est , brevis est . morus noster . nihil quicquam ad mentem faciunt , quae extra mentem sita sunt . marc. antonin . in lib. de seipso . sect. . non possidemus propria mòrtales bona , sed jus deorum , nostra dispensatio est . et commodata , cùm volunt , repetunt dii . euripid. phaeniss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . marc. anton. lib. . quicquid est hoc , quod circa nos ex adventitio fulget , liberi , honores , opes , ampla atria , nobisis aut formosa conjux , caeteraque ex incerta mobilique sorte pendentia ; alieni commodatique apparatus sunt . nihil horum dono datur : collatitiis & ad dominos redituris scena adornatur . alia ex his primo die , alia secundo referentur . &c. grotius in cap. . marc. sic accipe , ne fastuosus fias ; sic posside , ut dimittere proclivis sis . marc. antonin . de seipso lib. . sect. . in codice gatakeriano . omnia , quae in hoc capite tradita invenies , verbatim desumpta fuerunt , ex porphyrii libro [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] de abstinentia primo . in scriptis epicureis praecipitur , ut in mente ac memoria semper habeamus antiquorum aliquem eorum , qui virtutem coluerint . marc. antonin lib. de seipso . . sect. . consonum plane monito illi pythagorico , in aureis carmi : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tu plus quam cunctos alios te disce reveri . diis acceptum tulit optimus & imperatorum & hominum ille vir , marcus antoninus ; quod , quotiescunque illi animus fuit pauperi alicui , aut aliàs indigo , opem ferre , numquā responderit , non suppetere illi nummos , unde id fieret ; quodque nulla illi unquam talis necessitas obtigerit , ut ab alio sumere cogereti . in de seipso lib. . sub calcem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pluttarch . . advers coloten . conforme plane est sacrae illi sententiae : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beatum magis est dare , quàm accipere . act. . solum sapientem scire gratiam , qualem oportet , referre , affirmat seneca , epist. * dum plus aequo pius in deum esse vult , impius & blasphemus deprehenditur . sapiens uno minor est love . horat. lib. . epist. . sapiens ille , plenus gaudio , hilaris , & placidus , inconcussus , cum diis ex pari vivit . ac rursus : hoc est summum bonum , quod si accupas incipis deorum socius esse , non suppiex . seneca . epist. . cum diis vivendum . hoc autem faciet , qui animum exhibuerit ita jugitèr affectum , ut rebus sibi destinatis acquiescat ; faciatqque quaecunque genius ille voluerit ; quem sui particulam à seavulsam jupiter cuique attribuet , praesidem ducemque eidem futurum . hic autem cujusque mens est & ratio . marc. an●onin . de seipso lib. . sect. . the morals of confucius, a chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and saviour jesus christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. confucius sinarum philosophus. english. selections confucius. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the morals of confucius, a chinese philosopher who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and saviour jesus christ : being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation. confucius sinarum philosophus. english. selections confucius. intorcetta, prospero, - . confucius. lun yu. english. selections. . [ ], p. printed for randal taylor ..., london : . translated and abridged from the latin translation of: three books of confucius / prospero intorcetta, et al. cf. pref. of nd ed. of the morals of confucius; backer-sommervogel. "licensed, feb. , / . f. fraser" advertisement on p. [ ]-[ ]. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng philosophy, chinese. ethics -- china. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - sara gothard text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the morals of confvcivs a chinese philosopher , who flourished above five hundred years before the coming of our lord and savio●r jesus christ. being one of the most choicest pieces of learning remaining of that nation . licensed , feb. . . i. fraser . london : printed for randal taylor near stationers hall. mdcxci . advertisement . the work here publ●sh'd , and wherein , as in epitome , is cont●ined all the morals of confucius the chinese philosopher , is very small , if we respect the number of pages which compose it ; but it is doubtless very great , if consideration be had to the importance of the things therein contain'd . we may say that the morals of this philosopher are infinitely sublime , but 〈◊〉 the same time , pure , sensible , and drawn from the purest fountains of natural reason . certainly , a reason destitute of the lights of divine revelation , has never appear'd with so much ●●umination and power . and as there 〈◊〉 not any duty omitted by confucius , so th●re is not any besides those here m●ntioned . he greatly extends his morals , ●ut not farther than needs must ; his ●udgment ever telling him ho● far he must go , and where he must stop . in which he has a very considerable advantage , not only over a gr●at number of pagan writers , that have treated o● things of this nature , but likewise ove● several christian authors , who aboun● with so many false , or over-subtil● thoughts ; who almost every where surpass the bounds of their duty , and who give themselves up to their own fancy , or ill humour ; who almost always digress from that just mean , wh●re virtue ought to be plac'd ; who , by their false portraitures do render it impossible to our practise , and who consequently make few virtuous men. the author de la maniere de bien p●●ser dans les ouvrages d'espri● , who to a stile extreamly polite and exact , always adds an exquisite iudgment very well remarks the weakness and falsity of these words of a late writer , every one endeavours to possess the most room he can in his own imagination , and promotes and aggrandises himself in the world , only to augment the idea which every one has of himself . behold the end of all the ambitious designs of men. alexander , &c. caesar had no other prospect in all their battels than this . indeed , alexander and caesar might in their battels , not only have meditated o● their interiour image , and altho' the thought then had , might prove true in some occurrence , yet it could not be so in the extent that was given it . there is therefore nothing worse thought than what he vtters , who has compos'd the first treatise of the moral essays , and whose words we have just mention'd . what the author of these essays lays down at first , and which he who composes the excell●nt dial●gues already mention'd , would not take the pains to revive , is al●ost of this stamp ; 't is even somewhat worse , to which very little attention is requir'd . i conceive , saith he , that he who at first stil'd himself , high and mighty lord , look'd upon himself as born upon the head of his vassals , and that it is this that he means by this epithet high , so little suitable to the vileness of men. what signifi●s all this ? or rather , how dares one from a serious and grave air to ●dvance things of this nature ? wha● i● m●ant by these words , i imagine , tha● he who at the first stil'd himself , hig● and mighty lord , look'd upon himse●● as advanc'd over the head of his va●●sals . these words can have but t●● senses ; the one proper , the other figu●rative . the prop●r and natural sens● is , that this lord imagin'd that his f●●● were rested on the head of his vassal● and that he walk'd upon their heads 〈◊〉 higher ; and that to see and comman● them , he was forc'd to look down . th● figurative sense is , that this lor● thought himself advanc'd in authori●● over his vassals , and that his rank an● p●w●r were much more considerable than th●irs . it is ●vident , that unless this lord had lost his wits , he could not imagine what the first sense signifies ; and a● for the second , which is figurative , it is very true : this lord had reason to consider himself as advanc'd above his subjects , it was his right to assume titles which denoted his pow●r and authority , and he did no more than what those , whom god has ordain'd to command others , have always done . god himself , in his scriptures , calls them g●d's , which is much more than high and mighty lords . so these other words , this epithete of high is so unsuitable to the lowness of men , are no more intelligible than the f●rmer . these places , which we have obs●rv'd , are not the only ones of this nature , which are found in the moral essays . there are infinite other such like . and not to go from the first treatise , can these possibly be solid . altho' men should have made great progress therein , ( the author speaks of the knowledge of things ) they would hardly be the mor● estimable ; seeing that these barren sciences are so incapable of bringing any fruit , and solid contentment to them , that one is as happy in rejecting ●hem at first , as in carrying them by long study , to the highest pitch they can be carry'd . we are only capable of knowing one single object , and one single truth at once . the rest remains buried in our memory , as if it was not . behold therefore our knowledge reduc'd to a single object . who is he that is not convinc'd , that 't is a baseness to think himself valuable because he is well clad , well hors'd , that he hath justly directed a ball , and walks with a good grace ? what! do not the scien●es and excellent discoveries render a man more happy , content , and complaisant , when he ●nd●rstands the right vse thereof ? is it not well k●own , that there are many divines , who are of opinion , that one of the things which will comple●t the happin●s● of the saints in heaven , will be a great knowledge of an infinite number of truth● which are unknown to us upon earth ? is it because our spirit can at the same time meditate only upon one ●ingle obje●● , that it thence follows , that all the knowledge of an experienc'd m●n is limited to this single object , that he knows no other . behold th●refore our knowledge reduc'd to a single object . in fine , is it a basenes● for a knight , or co●rtier , to think he shall be the more ●steem'd , if he does what is suitable to his rank ; if among ●ther things , he is properly habited , well hors'd , and walk● with a good 〈◊〉 ? a●d wo●ld ●e not be truly worthy ●f conte●●t wo●●d he not discover a m●anness of mind , if he had unproper habilliments , if he should take no care and pains to be well hors'd , if he should ride without any art , or walk like a paisant . we can aver , that in this abridgement of confucius's morals , nothing will be found like what we have remarkt . we sh●ll here see moral essays , which are master-pieces . ev●ry thing herein is solid ; because that right reason , that inward verity , which is implanted in the soul of al● m●n , and which our philosopher incessantly consulted without prejudice , guided all his words . thus the r●les which he prescrib●s , and the d●ties to ●h●ch he exhorts , are such , that there is no person which does not immedi●tely give his approbation thereunto . there is nothing of falsity in his reasonings , nothing extream , none of those frightful subtilties , which are observ'd in the moral treatises of most modern metaphysitians * , that is to say , in discourses where simpl●city , clearness , and p●rspicuity ought to prevail thro●ghout , and make it s●lf sensible to minds ●f the low●st rank . we shall perhaps find this maxim a little relax'd , where confucius saith , that there are certain persons whom it is lawful to hate . nevertheless , if the thing be closely consider'd , we shall find the thought to be iust and reasonable . virtue , indeed , commands us to do good to all men , as confucius states it ; but it requires not that we should effectually have friendship for all sorts of persons . there are some so odious , that it is absolutely impossible to love them : for af●er all , w● only can love good ; we naturally have an aversion for what appears extreamly wicked and defective . all that charity obliges us to do on this account , is , to shew kindness to a person , when it is in our power , as if w● lov'd him , notwith●tanding the vices , malic● , and great d●fects , which are discover'd in him . seeing that opportunity o●●ers , we shall take notice , that the duty of loving our enemies , which iesus christ so much recommends in his gospel , is generally too much stretched . this duty is v●ry diffi●ult to perform in its just extent , without our render●ng it yet harder , or rather impossible to practise , and capable of casting us into despair , and of making us fall into an entire relaxation . the generality of those that explain this duty , do speak as if we were obliged to retain in our hearts a tender amity for all our enemies , how wicked and abominable so●v●r they be . yet , this is not precisely that which the son of god requires at our hands , because he demands not things absolutely impossible . his aim is to excite us to ●ehave o●r selves towards our enemies , whoever they be , as we do to them that we love. indeed , the scriptures does , in several places , by to love signifies to do good , almost in the same manner as we do to those for whom we have a great a●●ection . if this were a sit occasion , we might verifie this with ●everal passages . we shall satisfie our selves o●ly with alledging the example of god himself , which our saviour proposes ●or our imitation . for , a●ter having said , matth. . . . love your enemies ; bless them that curse you ; do good to them that hate you ; and pray for them which despitefully use you , and persecute you ; ( for these are all as so many synonymous terms , ) he adds , that ye may be the children of your father which is in heaven : for he maketh his sun to rise upon the evil and on the good , and sendeth his rain on the just and on the un-just . now , it is certain , that god loves not the wicked and vnjust , altho' he may do them good : he has had an extream aversion for a caligula , for a nero , and other such like monsters ; altho' he has caus'd his sun to shine , and sent his rain upon them . but he has dealt with them as if he lov'd them ; and 't is after this manner also that we ought to deport our selves towards our enemies . 't is not that we are not bound sincerely to endeavour , what in us lies , to retain in our hearts some sentiments of friendship for them ; but there are certain persons so lew'd , so pros●igate , and so abominable , for whom it is impossible to have these sentiments . and 't is upon this account that the charity is yet greater , more generous , and praise w●rthy , when notwithstanding that aversion which we cannot hinder our selves from bearing to ●ertain persons , we cease not to do them good upon occasion , with the prospect of yielding obedience unto god. as for the rest , by what we have hithirto said it may be judg'd how exceedingly the publick is behold●n to the r. f. incorcetta and couplet , who have translated , out of chinese into latin , the three books of confucius , from which we have extracted this piece of morality● which is now divulg'd . we have selected the most important things , and have let slip several , which , altho' good in themselves , and particularly agreeable to the genius of the persons for whom they have been said and writ , would have seem'd , perhaps , too common and inconsiderable in our europe . and forasmuch , as in the work of the r. f. incorcetta and couplet , a discourse is made concerning the origine of the chinese nation , and of the ancient●st books which this nation enjoys , and which were extant , several ages before that of confucius , we have therefore translated what on ●h●s account is most necessary to be known . it is here requisite , for the reader 's satisfaction , to declare , that the chineses , from the beginning of their origine to the times of confucius , have not been idolaters ; that they have not had neither false gods nor images ; that they have paid adoration only to the creator of the vniverse , whom they have al●ays called xam-ti , and to whom their third emperor nam'd hoam-ti , erected a temple , which was probable the first that was built to god. the name of xam-ti , which they attribute to god , signifies soveraign master , or emperor . it is observable , that there have been a great many of the chinese emperors that have very frequently assum'd the sirname of ti , which imports master , emperor , or that of vam , which signifies king ● that there was one prince of the fourth race , who was called xi hoam ti , the great , or august emperor ; but there is not found any that has dar'd to assume the title of xam , that is to say , soveraign , and that they have always respectfully left it to the absolute iudge of th● vniverse . it is true , that in china , sacrifices have ever been offer'd to diverse tutelary angels : but in the times which preceeded confucius , 't was in respect of honouring them infinitely less than xam-ti , the souveraign lord of the world. the chineses serv'd god with extraordinary pomp and magnificence , but at the same time , with a very modest and very humble behaviour ; and said , that all this external worship was in no wise agreeable to the divinity , if the soul was not inwardly adorn'd with piety and virtue . they highly honour their fathers and mothers , and persons advanc'd in age. the women were very virtuous ; and in their habits and all their fashions great modesty was observ'd . the men and women , nobles and peasants , kings and subjects , did greatly esteem sobriety , frugality , moderation , iustice , and virtue . the religion and piety of the chineses continued almost in this state unto the time of the philosopher li lao kiun , who was contemporary with confucius , and who first declar'd there were several gods. confucius put a stop to the torrent of superstition and idolat●y , which b●gan to overflow . but in fine , when fohi's idol was brought from the indies , that is to say , sixty five years after jesus christ , this torrent so strongly overflow'd , that it made an irruption , the sad effects whereof are still seen . 't were to be wisht that there had from time to time been rais'd of these confucius's . things would not be in the posture wherein they are at china . this great m●n instructed , as well by his manners and example , as by his precepts : and his precepts are so just , so necessary , and propos'd with so much gravity , and at the same time with so much me●kness and ingenuity , that th●y must needs easily insinuate into their hearts , and produce great eff●cts therein . read only this little treatise which is sufficient to give you a very great and plenary satisfaction . the morals of confvcivs the chinese philosopher . the first part . of the antiquity and philosophy of the chineses . although in this little work our design is only to relate what is most remarkable in confucius's books , yet we are obliged to speak of some books which have appear'd in china before this philosopher . but this being not to be done without reflecting a little backward , we will discourse one word concerning the origen and antiquity of the chineses . the chinese chronologers do almost all agree , that fohi , who began to reign years before the birth of jesus christ , was the founder of this monarchy . the chineses that have interpreted these annals , make no difficulty to avow , that whatever is writ concerning china , before the reign of this emperor , is fabulous and suspicious : and one of their most renown'd historians , named taisucum , frankly confesses , that he is ignorant of what passed before the reign of xinum , the successor of fohi . there are only certain annals which the chineses call the great annals , wherein the thing is otherwise read . the author of this prodigious chronology , which contains almost an hundred and fifty volumes , reports that after the creation of the world , there were three emperors : the one of heaven , the other of the earth , and the third of men ; that the progeny of this last succeeded one another for the space of above forty nine thousand years ; after which , thirty five imperial families do successively reign for several ages without interruption . this author likewise adds , that he justifies not what he says , and at last agrees , that it is more certain to begin with fohi , and herein to follow the most famous and best reputed historians . 't is not that in fohi's life they have not inserted an infinite number of fables , which might cause us to question whether this emperor ever was ; for besides that in the great annals it is read , that fohi's mother accidentally stepping into a place where a giant had passed , she was suddenly encompass'd with a rainbow , and that 't was at this very moment , that she perceiv'd her self with child of the founder of the chinese monarchy : where it is also related that this founder had the head of a man , and body of a serpent . 't is true , that these fables being very gross , the generality of the chineses derides them . they report , that the ground of this ridiculous tradition was the colour of fohi's body , which was marked with several spots ; or rather , that it was an hieroglyphick , whereby they intended to represent this prince , as a prince of extraordinary prudence . but although we had not this consideration and prospect , the genealogy of this king is so exact , so circumstantial , and so well prosecuted in the chronological tables of the chineses , that it is not possible to imagine it only a fancy ; so that there is certainly as little reason to deny , or even to question that fohi ever was , as to maintain that saturn , iupiter , hercules and romulus are only names , under pretence that the poets and gravest historians have intermixt the history of their birth with a thousand impertinent fables . nevertheless , these very annals , which contain so many fables upon the account of fohi's birth , do say nothing of his predecessor's , and do speak very imperfectly concerning his country ; which makes us suspect that he was not born in china , and that he came thither from some other place . they only intimate , that he was born in a province called kensi , where he indeed must necessarily arrive , supposing that he came from some other part into china : for after the confusion of tongu●s , and dispersion of the people , he must come from mesopotamia , or from the territory of sennaar , to land at kensi , and afterwards arrive in the heart of the country , viz. in the province of honan , where it is writ that he kept his co●rt . although we cannot exactly know at what time fohi laid the first foundations of his empire , yet it is very probable that it was not long after the deluge : for indeed , if we vigorously follow the computations of the chineses , and chronology of the septuagint , 't was not till about years after , in a time when noah was yet living ; so that we may readily believe that he is descended from this patriarch by sem , who according to the sentiment of the whole world , had asia for his inheritance . and that which more confirms us in our opinion , is , that in the chinese language , sem , which signifies to ingender and produce , imports also life and sacrifice . indeed , 't is from noah's children , that all men since the deluge are descended , and have received life , and have learn't to offer sacrifice unto god. whereunto it might be added , that fohi is by the chineses called pa●hi , which signif●es also a victim , because that he was the first of sem's posterity that introduc'd the service of god and use of sacrifices amongst them . but if we refuse to adhere to th● computations before●ention'd , let us retrench , with their leave , the first six emperors , whose history cannot in every thing be true , and let us begin to compute only from the seventh , viz. from the emperor yao . for from this emperor's reign , so many persons have , by cycles computed and writ , whatever has pass'd in this kingdom , and have done it with so much exactness , and such a general uniformity , that we can no more doubt of the truth of their calculation , than of that of the greek olympiads . for we shall also find , according to that computation , that the origin of the chinese nation was not long after the flood ; for from the time of yao , to the year of this age . it is four thousand forty and eight years . this being so , it must n●c●ssarily follow that the first i●habitants of china had likewise the true knowledge of god , and of the creation of the world ; for the idea of the true god , and the remembrance of the world's creation continued a long time after the deluge , in the minds of men , and even of those that were most corrupted , as the posterity of cham for example . indeed , besides that in the annals of the chineses , a discourse is there made concerning the creation o● the world , although after a different method from moses's history , yet it was not possible that these idea's of the true god , which the creation of the world , and after that the deluge had deeply ingrav'd in their hearts , could be so suddenly effac'd in such a manner , as that they should fall into idolatry , and follow after other gods than he that had created them . but the more throughly to convince us of what we have been discoursing , it is needful only to consider the doctrine , sen●iments and manners of the ancient chineses , the books of their philosophers , and especially those of confucius . certainly we shall throughout observe the excellentest morality ●hat ever was taught , a morality which might be said to proceed from the school of jesus christ. the books which the ancient chineses have writ , are exceeding numerous , but the chief are those which are called vkim ; that is to say , the five volumes , and those intituled su xu , that is to say , the four books . the first and chiefest of these five volumes is called xu kin. it is not necessary very amply to discourse of the antiquity of this work ; 't is sufficient to say , that in perusing it we find , that the author wrote a long time before moses . at first there is seen the history of three great kings , viz. yao , xun , and vu , the last of which was the ●irst and chief of the family hia , the most considerable of all the imperial families ; and the two others have been famous lawgivers , and , as it were , the solon's of china . therein is afterwards found the most important constitutions that were made during the reign of the second family , or imperial house called xam and vu , especially by chimtam , who was the founder thereof , and who arrived at the empire years before the coming of jesus christ. in fine , a discourse is there made of the third family , wherein is chiefly related what was said or done most remarkable under the government of the five first princes , and of the twelfth . there is represented the history of vuvam , who was the chief of this third family , and the lucubrations and instructions of the illustrious cheucum , the brother of this emperor , who was a prince highly esteemed , both for his virtue and extraordinary prudence . this whole volume , not to multiply words , is only an historical relation , and collection of moral maxims , of harangues spoken by princes , of sentences uttered by the mouths of kings , and particular persons , and of precepts and councils given to princes , wherein so much prudence , policy , wisdom and religion is ●et ●orth , that they might be given to all christian princes . the second volume , which is properly a recital of the customs and ordinances of almost twelve kings , is intituled xi ki● . 't is a collection of odes , and several other little poems of this nature : for musick being greatly esteemed , and much used in china , and whatever is published in this volume having respect only to the purity of manners , and practise of virtue , those that wrote it composed it in verse , to the end that every one being enabled to sing the things therein contained , they might be in every one's mouth . virtue is there magnified and extolled to the highest degree , and there are so many things exprest after a method so grave and wise , that 't is impossible not to admire them . it is very true , that therein is contained things very ridiculous , extravagant hyperboles in ●avour of certain princes , and murmurings and repinings against god and heaven : but the most judicious interpreters are of opinion , that all this is suspicious ; that those to whom they are attributed are not the authors ; that they are not to be credited , as being since added . indeed the other ancient odes , they say , contain nothing ridiculous , extravagant , or criminal , as appears by these words of c●nfucius ; the whole doctrine of the three hundred poems is reduced to these few words , su vu si● , which import , that we ought not to think any thing that is wicked or impure . the third volume is called ye kim . in this volume , which is the ancientest , if it may be called a volume , nothing but obscurity and darkness is observed . fohi had no sooner founded his empire , than he gave instructio●s to the chineses ; but the use of characters and writing being unknown , this prince , who could not teach th●m all with his voice , and who was moreover imploy'd in the advancement of his growing monarchy , after a long and serious consideration , thought at last upon making a tabl● , composed of some little lines which it is not necessary to describe . the chineses being as yet dull and rustick , 't is probable that this prince laboured in vain ; and if it is true , that he accomplished his design , by the clear and easie explications which he himself gave for the understanding of these lines , it happen'd , at least insensibly , that this table became useless . for it is certain , that after his death nothing could make use thereof . two thousand years ●rom the foundation of the monarchy were near elaps'd , no one being able any way to decypher this mysterious table , when at last an o●depus was seen to appear : 't was a prince named venvam . this prince endeavoured to penetrate the sense of these lines by a great number of others , which he disposed after different ways ; they were new aenigma's . his son , viz. cheucum , attempted the same thing ; but had not the good fortune better to succeed . in brief , five hundred years after appeared confucius , who endeavoured to untie this gordius's knot . he explain'd , according to his understanding , the little lines of the founder , with the interpretations that had been made before him , and refers all to the nature of beings and elements ; to the manners and discipline of men. it is true , that confucius being arriv'd at a more advanced age , acknowledged his mistake , and designed to make new commentaries on this aenigmatical work : but death hindered him from ful●illing his resolution . to the fourth volume confuciu● has given the title of chun cie● ; words which signifie the spring and autumn . he composed it in his old age. he discourses like an historian of the expeditions of divers princes ; of thei● virtues and vices ; of the fatigues they underwent , with the recompences they received . confucius designed to this fourth volume the title of spring and autumn , which is an emblematical title , because that states flourish when their princes are endowed with virtue and wisdom● which is represented by the spring ; and that on the contrary they fall like the leaves , and are utterly destroyed , when their princes are dispirited , o● are wicked , which is represented by the autumn . the fifth volume entituled li ki , or memoires of ri●es and duties , is composed of two books , the matter of which is extracted by confucius out of several other books , and of various monuments of antiquity . but about three hundred years after , all the copies of this work being burnt , by the command of a cruel emperor , called xihoamti , and this loss being impossible to be repair'd any other way , than by consulting the most aged persons that might have preserv'd any idea's thereof , it is not to be question'd that the work is at present exceedingly defective , even as the interpr●ters themselves acknowledge ; there are indeed several things herein wanting , and a great many others added , which never were in confucius's copies . however , in this whole volume , such as it now is , he treats of the rites as well sacred as prophane , of all sorts of duties , such as were practis'd in the time of the three families of the princes hia , xa● , and che● , but especially of that which reign'd in confucius's time . these duties are those of parents to their children ; those of children to their parents ; the duties of husband and wife ; those of friends , those which respect hospitality , and those which are necessary to be perform'd at home , or abroad , or at feasts . he there discourses likewise of the vessels of the sacrifices , of the victims that were to be offer'd up unto heaven , o● the temples to be chosen for that end , of the respect we ought to have for the dead , and of their obsequies or funeral rites . in a word , he therein treats of the liberal arts , especially of musick , of the military art , of the way of lancing a javelin , and guiding a chariot . behold in brief what the five volumes contain . the four books , the three first o● which are confucius's books , whereof we design to speak , do comprehend the whole philosophy of the chineses , at least , whatever this philosophy has most curious and considerable . they explain and more clearly illustrate what is writ in the five volumes : and although the authority of the five volumes be infinitely greater , by reason of their antiquity , than that of the ●our volumes , yet the four volumes exceed it , for the advantage that may be receiv'd therefrom . indeed , besides that the chineses do thence derive their principal oracles , and what they believe to be eternal verities ; the l●terati , which are philosophers that follow confucius's doctrine , and which have in their own hands all the employments of the nation , cannot arrive at the degree of a philosopher , and consequently to be mandorims or magistrates , without a great knowledge of these four books . they are , in truth , under an obligation , to know one of the five volumes , which they please to choose , according to their fancy and inclination : but as for the ●our books , they are indispensably oblig'd to know them all four by heart , and throughly to understand them ; the principal reasons of which are as follow : the first is , that confucius and memcius , who writ the fourth book , have collected what is best and most exquisite in the works of the ancients . the second is , that they have added several good things to the discoveries and thoughts of their ancestors . the third , that confucius and memcius propose their doctrine after a clearer and politer method than was formerly done . in fine , 't is because that confucius and memcius have , in the four books , avoided the dull and harsh style of the ancients , and that by a smooth style , although without pride and arrogancy , they have added ornaments to the naked simplicity of the golden age. we have nothing to say concerning the fourth book , because that this work of memcius has not as yet appear'd in europe : but before we proceed to speak of confucius , it is necessary to publish the merit of this philosopher , together with the most remarkable passages of his life . confucius was born years before the coming of jesus christ. he was of a most noble extraction ; for , not to mention his mother , who was of an illustrious birth , his father , who had been advanc'd to the first and chiefest offices of the empire , was descended from the last emperor of the second family . dispositions to virtue appearing sometimes in the tenderest years , confucius , at six years old discovered nothing of a child : all his ways were manly . at the age of fifteen years , he apply'd himself to the reading of the ancients , and having selected those which were most esteemed , and which himself judg'd the best , he thence extracted the most excellent instructions , with a design first to profit himself , thereby to make them the rules of his own conduct , and afterwards to propose them to others . at twenty years old he married , and had a son named peyu , who died at fifty . he was the only child he had , but his race extinguish'd not , he had a grandson called cusu , that was an honour to his ancestors . cusu apply'd himself to philosophy , he made commentaries on his grandfather's books , was advanc'd to the highest dignities , and his house is so well supported , and his posterity have always been so considerable both for their promotions and opulency , that this family is at present one of the most illustrious in china . confucius exercis'd the magistracy at divers places with very good success , and with a great reputation ; his greatest aim being the publick good , and the propagation of his doctrine , he ambiciously sought not after vain-glory in these sorts of employs . insomuch , that when he accomplish'd not his end , when he saw himself frustrated in the hopes he had of being enabled more easily to diffuse his lights , from an high place , he descended and renounc'd the office of a magistrate . this philosopher had three thousand disciples , among which , there were five hundred that manag'd the most eminent charges in several kingdoms , and seventy two whose virtue a●d knowledge was so extraordinary , that the annals have preserv'd their names , sirnames , and the names of their country to posterity . he divided his doctrine into four parts ; so that confucius's school was compos'd of four orders of disciples . those of the first order applied themselves to cultivate virtue , and thereby to impress strong dispositions in their heart and mind . those of the second order addicted themselves to the art of ratiocination and rhetorick . the third studied politicks . and the business and employment of the fourth order , was to write in a smooth and neat style , what concern'd morality . amongst these seventy two disciples , there were ten that signalized themselves , and whose names and wri●ings are in great veneration . confucius , throughout his doctrine , had no other intent than to dissipate the mists of the mind , to extirpate vice , and re-establish that integrity which he affirm'd to have been a present from heaven . and the more easily to attain this end , he exhorted all those that heard his instructions , to obey heaven , to fear and serve it , to love his neighbour as himself , to conquer and submit his passions unto reason , to do nothing , say nothing , nor think nothing contrary to it . and what was more remarkable , he recommended nothing to others , either in writing or by word of mouth , which he did not first practise himself . his disciples also had for him a veneration so extraordinary , that they sometimes made no scruple to pay him those honors , which were us'd to be render'd to those only that sat upon the throne : an example of which we will give you . 't was an ancient custom amongst the chineses , to place sick persons beds on the north-side : but because that this situation was the situation of the king's beds ; when a king visited a sick person , the bed was removed to the south-side , and 't was a crime not to do it . confucius had some disciples , that , in their sicknesses , render'd him such an homage . we must not here forget one very remarkable thing which the chineses relate . they report that confucius was us'd continually to say , that the holy man was in the west . whatever his thoughts were , it is certain that sixty and five years after christ's birth , the emperor mimti , excited by the philosopher's words , and much more , as it is said , by the image of the holy hero that appeared to him in a dream , sent two ambassadors into the west , there to find out the saint and holy law. but these ambassadors landing at a certain island not far from the red-sea , and not daring to venture farther , they advised about taking a certain idol they found there , which was the statue of a philosopher called foe kiao , that had appear'd in the indies , about five hundred years before confucius , and brought into china fohi's idol with the doctrine which he had taught . happy had been their embassy , if instead of this doctrine they had returned into their own country with the saving doctrine of jesus christ , which st. thomas then preach'd in the indi●s ; but this divine light had not as yet reach'd thither . from this unhappy time , the generality of the chineses have follow'd after idols ; and superstition and idolatry , daily , making new progress , they by little and little forsook the doctrine of their master , have neglected the excellent instructions of the ancients , and in fine , being grown contemners of all sorts of religion , they are faln headlong into atheism . they could not indeed do otherwise , in following ●he execrable doctrine of that impostor fohi , who taught , that the principle and end of all things was nothing . to return to con●ucius , whose doctrine was so repugnant to that of fohi and his followers ; this illustrious philosopher , who was so necessary and helpful to his country , died in the year of his age ; a little before the sickness which snatch'd him from the c●ineses , he with great bitterness of spirit , lamented the disorders of his time ; and exprest his thoughts and grief , by a verse which may be thus transl●ted , o great mountain ! he meant his doctrine , o great mountain , what art thou become ! this important machine is subverted ! alas ! there are no more wis●men , no more saints ! this reflection so grievously af●licted him , that he presently languish'd ; and seven days before his death , turning towards his disciples , after having testified his regret and trouble to see that kings , whose good conduct was so necessary , and of such great importance , would not observe his maxims and instructio●s , he dolourously subjoyns , seeing that things go thus , nothing more remains than to die . he had no soon●r utter'd these words , but he fell into a lethargy , which ended with his death . confucius was buried in his own country , in the kingdom of lu , whither he was retir'd with his dearest disciples . for his sepulchre they chose a place near the city of k●oseu , on the bank of the river su , in that very academy where he us'd to teach , and which is at present seen environ'd with walls , like a considerable city . it is not possible to express the af●liction which the death of this philosopher caus'd to his disciples . they bitterly bewail'd him ; they put on mourning weeds , and were under such great anguish , that they neglected the care of their nourishment and their life . never was a good father more regretted by dutiful and well-bred children , than confucius was by his disciples . they were all in mourning and tears a whole year , some three years : and there was one who being more truly sensible , than the rest , of the loss they had underwent , stirred not , for six years , from the place where his master had been buried . in all the cities , there are seen magnificent colleges which were built in honour of confucius , with these and other such like inscriptions , written in characters of gold. to the great master . to the illustrious king of the learned . to the saint . or , which is the same thing amongst the chineses . to him that was endow'd with an extraordinary wisdom . and although it be two thousand years since this philosopher's decease , they have so great a veneration fo● his memory , that the magistrates never pass by these colleges , without stopping their stately palankins wherein they are carried for distinction sake . they alight , and after some few moments prostration , do march a little way on foot . there are even emperors and kings who disdain not sometimes to visit these edifices where the titles of this philosopher are engrav'd , and to perform it after a glorious manner . behold , the exceedingly remarkable words of the emperor yumlo , who was the third emperor of the preceding family called mim . he pronounced them on● day when he was dispos'd to go to one of these colleges already mention'd . i adore the mast●r of kings and emperors . emperors and kings are lords and masters of their people ; but confucius has propos'd the true m●thods of governing these very people , and of instructing the ages to come . it is therefore convenient that i go to the great college , and there offer some presents to this great master who is no more , to the end that i may shew how much i honour the learned , and how greatly i esteem their doctrine . these extraordinary marks of veneration do intimate that the virtue and merit of this philosopher have been extraordinary . and certainly this excellent man was also endow'd with admirable qualifications . he had an aspect both grave and modest ; he was faithful , ●ust , chearful , civil , courteous , affable : and a certain serenity , which appear'd in his countenance , gain'd him the hearts and respect of all those that beheld him . he spake little , and meditated much . he eagerly pursued his s●udy , without tiring his spirit . he contemn'd riches and honours when they were obstacles to his designs . his whole delight was in teaching and making his doctrine savoury to many . he was severer to himself than others . he had a continual circumspection over himself , and was a rigid censurer of his own conduct . he blam'd himself for not being assiduous enough in instructing ; for not shewing vigilance enough in correcting his own faults , and for not exercising himself , as he ought , in the practice of virtue . in fine , he had one virtue rarely found in great men , viz. humility : for he not only spake with an extreme modesty of himself , and what concern'd him , but he with a singular sincerity declar'd to the whole world , that he ceased not to learn , and that the doctrine he taught was not his own , but the doctrine of the ancients but his books are his true pourtraicture , which in this place we proceed to expose to view . the second part. a collection out of confucius's works . the first book . the first book of confucius was published by one of his most famous disciples named cemçu ; and this learned disciple writ very excellent commentaries thereon . this book is , as it were , the gate through which it is necessary to pass to arrive at the sublimest wisdom , and most perfect virtue . the philosopher here treats of three considerable things . . of what we ought to do to cultivate our mind , and regulate our manners . . of the method by which it is necessary to instruct and guide others . and , . of the care that every one ought to have to tend to the sovereign good , to adhere thereunto , and as i may so say , to repose himself therein . because the author chiefly design'd to address his instructions to the princes and magistrates that might be called to the regality , this book is intituled , ta-hio , or , the great science . the great secret , says confuci●s , to acquire true knowledge , the knowledge , consequently , worthy of princes , and the most illustrious personages , is to cultivate and polish the reason , which is a present that we have received from heaven . our concupiscence has disordered it , and intermixt several impurities therewith . ta●e away therefore , and remove from it these impurities , to the end that it may reassume its former luster , and enjoy its utmost perfection● this here is the sovereign good. this is not sufficient . 't is moreover requisite , that a prince by his exhortations , and by his own example , make of his people , as it were , a new people . in fine , after being , by great pains , arrived at this sovereign perfection , at this chief good , you must not relax ; 't is here that perseverance is absolutely necessary . whereas men generally pursue not the methods that lead to the possession of the sovereign good , and to a constant and eternal possession , confucius has thought it highly important to give some instructions th●rein . he says , that after we know the end to which we must attain , it is necessary to determine , and incessantly to make towards this end , by walking in the ways which lead thereunto ; by daily confirming in his mind the resolution fixt on for the attaining it , and by establishing it so well , that nothing may in the least shake it . when you shall have thus fixt your mind in this great design , give up your self , adds he , to meditation : reason upon all things within your self : endeavour to have some clear idea's thereof : consider distinctly what presenteth it self to you : pass , without prejudice , solid judgments thereon● examine every thing , and weigh every thing with care . after examinations and reasonings of this nature , you may easily arrive at the end where you must fix , at the end where you ought resolutely to stand , viz● at a perfect conformity of all your actions with what reason suggests . as to the means which a prince ought to use , to purifi● and polish his reason , to the end that it being thus disposed , he may govern his states , and redress and beautifie the reason of his people , the philosopher proposes after what manner the ancient kings governed themselves . that they might at last govern their empire wisely , they endeavoured , saith he , prudently to sway a particular kingdom , and to excite its members to improve their reason , and to act like creatures endow'd with understanding . to produce this reformation in this particular kingdom , they laboured to regulat● their family , to the end that it might serve as a model to all the subjects of this kingdom . to reform their family , they took an extraordinary care to polish their own person , and so well to compose their words and actions , that they might neither say , nor do any thing that might ever so little offend complaicence , and which was not edifying , to the end that they themselve● might be a pattern and example continually exposed to the eyes of their domesticks , and all their courtiers . to obtain this exterior perfection● they strove to rectify their mind● by governing and subduing their passions● because that the passions do , for the most part , remove the mind from its natural rectitude , do abase and incline it to all sorts of vice. to rectify their mind , to rule and subdue their passions , they so acted that their will was always bent to good , and never turn'd towards evil. in fine , thus to dispose their will , they studied to illuminate their understanding , and so well to enlighten it , that , if it was possible , they might ignore nothing : for to will , desire , love and hate , it is necessary to know ; this is the philosophy of right reason . this is what confucius propos'd to the princes , to instruct them how to rectify and polish first their own reason , and a●terwards the reason and person of all their subjects . but to make the greater impression , after having gradually descended from the wise conduct of the whole empire , to the perfect●on of the understanding , he reascends , by the same degrees , from the illuminated understanding to the happy state of the whole empire . if , saith he , the understanding of a prince is well enlighten'd , his will will incline only to good : his will inclining only to good , his soul will be entirely rectified , there will not be any passion that can make him destroy his rectitude : the soul being thus rectified , he will be composed in his exterior , nothing will be observ'd in his person that can offend complaisance . his person being thus perfected , his family forming it self according to this model , will be reform'd and amended . his family being arriv'd at this perfection , 't will serve as an example to all the subjects of the particular kingdom , and the members of the particular kingdom , to all those that compose the body of the empire . thus th● whole empire will be well govern'd ; order and justice will reign there ; we shall there enjoy a profound peace , 't will be an happy and flourishing empire . confucius afterwards certifies , that these admonitions do not less regard the subjects than the princes ; and a●te● having address'd himself to kings , he tells them , that they ought particularly to apply themselves rightly to govern their family , to take care thereof , and reform it : for , he adds , it is impossible that he that knows not how to govern and reform his own family , can rightly govern and reform a people . behold what is most important in confucius's doctrine contained in the first book , and which is the text , as i may say , whereon his commentator cemçu has taken pains . this famous disciple , to explain and enlarge his masters instructions , alledges authorities and examples which he draws from three very ancient books , highly esteemed by the chineses . the first book he mentions , which is of a later date than the rest , is intituled camcao , and makes up a part of the chronicles of the empire of cheu . this book was composed by a prince called vuvam , the son of king venvam . vuvam does therein highly extol his father ; but his principal design , in magnifying the virtues , and admirable qualities of this prince , is to form according to this model one of his brethren● whom he would perfect in virtue : and it is observable , that he ordinarily tells him that their father had the art of being virtuous . venv●m , said he to him , had the art of polishing his reason and his person . the second book from whence cemçu cites his authorities and examples , is called tar-kia . this book , which is a great deal ancienter than the first , was writ by a famous emperor of xam , named y-yin ; 't is therein read , that this y-yin , seeing tar-kia the grandson of the emperor chim-tam degenerate from the virtue of his illustrious ancestors , and carry himself after a manner wholly different from theirs ; he commanded him to live three years in a garden , where was his grandfathers tomb ; that this made so great an impression upon his spirit , that he chang'd his course : and that the same y-yin who had done him so kind an office , having afterwards advanc'd him to the empire , tar-kia govern'd it a long time in great prosperity . king tam , said y-yin to tar-kia , king tam always had his mind disposed to cultivate that precious reason which h●● been given us from heaven . in fine , the third book , which is much ancienter than the two former , is called ti-tien ; and upon the occasion of king ya● it is there read , that this prince could cultivate this sublime virtue , this great and sublime gift which he had receiv'd from heaven , viz. natural reason . it is evident , that confucius's disciple , by these authorities , design'd to shew , or rather supposes that the whole world believes that we have all received from heaven , those lights which most men suffer to extinguish by their negligence , a reason which most men voluntarily slight and suffer to corrupt : and seeing that there were princes which have perfected these lights , which have bettered and improved their reason , we ought to imitate them , and that we as well as they by their endeavours , may attain to such a perfection . we must not here forget a remarkable thing which cemçu relates , touching a bason wherein king tam us'd to bathe and wash himself . he says , that these excellent words were there engrav'd ; wash thy self , renew thy self co●●●nually , renew thy self every day ; r●new thy self from day to day : and that it was to intimate to the king , that if ● prince which governs others has contracted vices and impurities , he ought to labour to cleanse himself therefrom , and to reduce his heart into its first state of purity . as for the rest , it has been an ancient custom amongst the chineses to grave or paint on their domestick vessels some moral sentences , and strong exhortations to virtue : so that when they bath'd themselves , or took their repasts there , they had these sentences and exhortations continually before their eyes . this ancient custom is still preserv'd . there is only this di●ference , says he , that publishes confucius's works , that whereas heretofore the characters were grav'd or painted on the inside of the vessel , in the middle of the interiour face , at present the chineses do most frequently grave or paint them on the outside , satisfy●ng themselves in this age with the outward appearance of virtue . after cemçu has spoken of the two ●irst parts of his masters doctrine , the one of which respects what a prince should do for his own perfection , and the other what he is obliged to do for the perfection and prosperity of others , he proceeds to the third and last part , wherein he discourses of the last end that every one ought to propose as th● sovereign good , and whereat he ought to fix . we must remember that by the last end and sovereign good , confucius understands , as we have already observed , an entire conformity of our action● with right reason . after this , he alledges the example of that venvam , already spoken of : and certainly this prince's conduct was so wise and regular , that we cannot without admiration understand , how by the sole lights of nature , he could have such idea's as he had , and could arrive at so sublime a virtue as that whereunto he attain'd . it will not be unpleasing to see something of it here . venvam , saith the commentator , acknowl●dged that the love which princes bear to their subjects , cannot but greatly contribute rightly to govern and make them happy : and upon this consideration , he made this love his principal business , which he incessantly endeavour'd to perfect . behold the method he took ! because that the principal virtue of a subject is to honour and respect his king , venvam being as yet a subject , fixed himself to render this honour and respect ; and took so great a pleasure in these sorts of obligations , that he always fulfill'd them with great fidelity . as the first and most important virtue of children to their parents , is obedience , venvam , in the relation of a son , adher'd to this obedience ; and incessantly acquitted himself of this duty with an extraordinary piety . the principal virtue of a father , adds confucius's disciple , is a tender love for his children : thus venvam , like a father , stuck close to this love , whereof he conti●nally gave very signal proofs , not by a weak and criminal indulgence , but by the continual cares he took to reform and instruct them . in fine , fidelity is a virtue absolutely necessary to thos● that live in a society : thus venv●m , in speaking and acting with the subjects of his kingdom , kept close to this duty , and so strongly adher'd to it , that he never promis'd any thing which he effected not with an unspeakable promtitude and exactness . this prince , says cemçu , was born of very virtuous parents , who had taken great care of his education , especially his mother taicin , who had been a pattern of virtue ; but he himself had so well improv'd this education , ●hat he render'd himself an accomplish'd prince , and acquitted himself with so much reputation , and such a general esteem , even amongst foreign nations , that forty four kingdoms voluntarily submitted to his empire . nevertheless , adds he , this great honour wherewith he was environ'd , was never capable of eclipsing him : he was endow'd with an inexpressible and unparallel'd modesty and humility : he very severely accus'd himself of not being virtuous enough ; for one day when he was sick , the earth being shook with prodigious earthquakes , he sought the cause of this calamity , and of the wrath of heaven , only in his own sins , although he was of a consummate virtue . that which most appear'd in venvam's actions , was an extraordinary charity ; a proof whereof we will here allege . in the annals of china it is recorded , that this prince having found in the fields the bones of a man , to whom the honours of burying were refus'd , he immediately commanded them to be interr'd ; and some of th● by-standers saying , that the master of the deceased was unknown , and that for this reason he might not concern himself , it being founded perhaps on some custom of the country . what , replies the king , he that holds the reins of the empire , is not he the master of it ? he that reigns , is not he the master of the kingdom ? i am therefore the lord and master of the dead , wherefore then should i refuse him these last offices of piety ? but this is not all ; he had no sooner utter'd these words , but unstripping himself of his royal vestment , he commanded it to be us'd instead of a winding-sheet , to wrap up these bones , and bury them according to the manners and custom of the country ; which his courtiers observing with admiration , they thus cry'd out , if the piety of our prince is so great towards dry bones , how great will it not be towards men that enjoy life . they made some other reflections of this nature . venvam's charity had properly for its object , all sorts of persons , but particularly ancient persons , widows , orphans and the poor , whom he protected and nourish'd as if they had been his own children . it is believ'd , that these charitable actions were the principal cause of the re-establishment of a pious custom of the first emperors , and of a law which is still observed throughout china . this law enacts , that in every city , even in the least , an hundred poor aged persons shall be maintained at the publick charge . but venvam not satisfied with having given , in his life-time , instructions and examples of virtue ; when he felt himself near death , not sufficiently relying on the force of his preceding instructions and examples , and knowing that the last words of dying persons do make a great impression , he likewise gave his son vuvam these three admonitions . . when you see any virtuous action done , be not slack to practise it . . when the opportunity of doing a reasonable thing shall offer , make use of it without hesitating . . cease not thy endeavours to extirpate and suppress vice. these three admonitions which i give you , my son , adds he , do comprehend whatever may produce an exact probity , and excellent conduct . behold doubtless an example which shews , that in this kings life-time , the chineses had very rational sentiments , and that virtue , as i may say , was their passion : for in a word , the people generally conform themselves to the sentiments and manners of their kings . regis ad exemplum , totus componitu● orbis . there is nothing that gives a greater idea of the virtue of the ancient chineses , than what they have writ and practis'd , in respect of their law suits . they teach , that actions ought not to be commenc'd against one ; that frauds , severities , and enmities , which are the general attendants and consequences of law suits , were unbecoming men ; that the whole world ought to live in unity and concord , and that to this end it behoved every one to use their utmost endeavours , either to prevent ●aw suits from arising , or to stifle them in their birth , by reconciling the parties , or inspiring them with the love of peace ; that is to say , by engaging them to renew and improve their reasons : these are cemçu's own words . but that which is most remarkable on this subject , is , the extraordinary precautions which the judges took before any cause was brought before their tribunals . they , with the utmost vigilance and attention , examin'd the outside of the plaintiff , or him that began the suit ; to the end , that by this means they might know whether this man was thereunto excited by good motives ; whether he believ'd his cause good , or whether he acted sincerely : and for this purpose there were five rules . by the first rule , they examin'd the placing of his words , and manner of speaking ; and this was called cutim , that is to say , the obs●rvation of the words . by the second , they consider'd the air of his countenance , and the motion of his lips , and this was called setim , that is to say , the observation of the face . by the third , they observ'd his manner of breathing , when he propos'd his cause ; this rule was called kitim , that is to say , the observation of the respiration . by the fourth , they remark'd whether his reply was quick ; whether he gave not intricate , ill-grounded , uncertain answers , or whether he spake of any other thing than that in question ; or whether his words were not ambiguous ; and this was called vlht●m , that is to say , the observation of the answers . lastly , by the fifth , the judges were carefully to weigh the considerations and respect , to see whether there was no trouble , digression , or confusion ; if there appeared not any sign of a lye and fraud ; and this last rule was called motim , that is to say , the observation of the eyes . 't was by these exteriour marks that this ancient ar●opagite discovered the most hidden thoughts of the heart , render'd an exact justice , diverted a great many persons from law-suits and frauds , and inspir'd in them the love of equity and concord . but a● present these rules are ignor'd in china , or at least wholly neglected . to retur● to con●ucius's doctrine illustrated with the commentaries of cemçu . this disciple set a high value upon a maxim which he had frequently heard his master repeat , and which himself also very strongly inculcated . ' ●was this ; always behave thy self with the same precaution and discretion as you would do , if you were observ'd by t●n eyes , and pointed at by so many hands . to render virtue yet more commendable , and more easily to inspire the sentiments thereof , the same disciple demonstrates , that , whatever is honest and advantagious , being amiable , we are obliged to love virtue , because it includes both these qualities ; that moreover virtue is an ornament which embellishes , as i may say , the whole person of him that possesses it , his interiour and exteriour ; that to the mind it communicates inexpressible beauties and perfections ; that as to the body , it there produces very sensible delights ; that it affords a certain physiognomy , certain transports , certain ways which infinitely please ; and as it is the property of virtue to becalm the heart , and keep peace there , so this inward tranquillity and secret joy do produce a certain serenity in the countenance , a certain joy , and air of goodness , kindness and reason , which attracts the heart and esteem of the whole world. after which he concludes , that the principal business of a man is to rectifie his mind , and so well to rule his heart , that his passions might always be calm ; and if it happen that they be excited , he ought to be mov'd no farther than is necessary ; in a word , that he may regulate them according to right reason . for , as for instance , adds he , if we suffer our selves to be transported with excessive anger , that is to say , if we fall into a rage without any cause , or more than we ought when we have reason , we may thence conclude , that our mind has not the rectitude it ought to have . if we contemn and mortally hate a person , by reason of certain defects that we observe in him , and render not justice to his good and excellent qualities , if endow'd therewith ; if we permit our selves to be troubled by a too great ●ear ; if we abandon our selves to an immoderate joy , or to an excessive sorrow , it cannot be said that our mind is in the state wherein it ought to be , that it has its rectitude and uprightness . cemçu carries this moral a great way further , and gives it a per●ection which , in my opinion , could never be expected from those that have not been honoured with divine revelation . he says , that it is not only necessary to observe moderation in general , as oft as our passions are stirred , but that also in respect of those which are the most lawful , innocent and laudable , we ought not blindly to yield up our selves thereunto , and always to follow their motions ; it is necessary to consult reason . as for example , parents are oblig'd to love one another . nevertheless , as their amity may be too weak , so it may be also too strong ; and as to the on● and the other respect , there is doubtless an irregularity . it is just ●or a child to love his father ; but if a father has any considerable defect , if he has committed any great fault , 't is the duty of a son to acquaint him with it , and tell him what may be for his good , always keeping a due respect , from which he ought not to depart . likewise , if a son is fallen into any sin , 't is the duty of a father to reprove him , and give him his advice thereon . but if their love is blind ; if their love is a mere passion ; if it is flesh and blood which make them to act , this affection is an irregular affection . why ? because it dig●esseth from the rule of right reason . we should injure the reader if we should omit speaking of the emperor yao , whose elogy is recorded in the work that affords the matter of ours . never man has more exactly practis'd all these duties , which have been propos'd by confucius's disciple than he . it may be said , if his portraiture is not flatter'd , that he had a disposition made for virtue . he had a tender , but magnanimous and well-disposed heart . he lov'd those that he was oblig'd to love , but 't was without the least weakness . he , in a word , regulated his love , and all his passions , according to right reason . this prince arriv'd at the empire years before jesus christ , he reign'd an hundred years : but he rul'd with so much prudence , wisdom , and so many demonstrations of clemency and kindness to his subjects , that they we e the happiest people of the earth . yao had all the excellent qualities desireable in a prince : his riches made him not proud ; his extraction , which was so noble and illustrious , puff'd him not up with arrogancy . he was virtucus , sincere , and kind without affec●ation . his palace , table , apparel and furniture discover'd the greatest moderation that ever was seen . he delighted in musick , but it was a grave , modest , and pious musick : he detested nothing so much as songs wherein modesty and civility were blemish● . 't was not a capricious humour that made him dislike these sorts of songs , 't was the desire he had of rendering himself in all things pleasing unto heaven . 't was not avarice that produc'd in him that moderation which he observ'd in his table , apparel , furniture , and every thing else ; it was only the love he bare to those that were in want , for he only designed to relieve them . 't was also his great piety , and that ardent charity wherewith he burn'd , which made him frequently to utter these admirable words . the famine of my people is my own famine . my p●oples sin is my own sin. in the seventy second year of his reign ●e elected xun as a collegue , who govern'd the empire twenty eight years with him : but what is most remarkable , and which deserves the praise and applause of all ages , is , that although he had a son , he declar'd , that he appointed xun , in whom he had seen a great deal of virtue , an exact probity , and judicious conduct , for his successor . and it being told him , that his son complain'd of his excluding him from the succeession to the empire , he made this answer , which alone may be the subject of an excellent panegyrick , and render his memory immortal . i had rather my only son shou'd be wicked , and all my people good , than if my son alone was good , and all my people wicked . confucius's chief aim , as we have declar'd , being to propose his doctrine to kings , and perswade them to it , because he thought , that if he could inspire them with the sentiments of virtue , their subjects would become virtuous after their example ; cemçu explaining this doctrine expatiates largely on the duty of kings . he principally applies himself to three things . . to shew that it is very important that kings behave themselves well in their court and family , because that their ways and actions are certainly imitated . . to perswade them of the necessity there is in general of acquiring the habit of virtue , and of per●orming the duties thereof in all places and upon all accounts . . to engage them not to impoverish the people , but to do all ●or their good and ease . as to the first article , he makes use of several cogitations , which the book of odes affords him . but behold , in two words , the most considerable part of his discourse . if , saith he , a king as a father , testifies love to his children ; if as a son , he is obedient to his father ; if in quality of the eldest son , he is cour●eous to his youn●er brethren , and lives peaceably with them . if , as the youngest , he has a respect and esteem for the eldest ; if he kindly uses those that are in his service ; if he is charitable , especially to widows and orphans : if , i say , a king exactly acquits himself of all this , his people will imitate him , and every one will be seen to practise virtue throughout his kingdom . parents will tenderly love their children , and give them a good education . children will honour their parents , and render them due obedience , the elder will shew kindness to their younger brother , and the younger will have a respect and esteem for their elder , or for other persons for whom good manners requires that they should have respect ; as , for example , for persons advanc'd in age. in fine , those that have estates , will maintain some widows , orphans , and some sick persons : ●or there is nothing that makes a greater impression on the minds of people , than the examples of their kings . as to the second article , where cemçu exhorts in general to the practise of virtue , he alledges for a principle this maxim , to which christ himself seems to refer all his morality , do to another what you would they should do unto you ; and do not unto another what you would not should be done unto you . amongst those in the midst of whom you live , says confucius's disciple , there are some above you , others inferiour to you , and others that are your equals : there are some that preceded you , others that are to be your successors ; you have them on your right hand , and on your left. consider , that all these men have the same passions with you , and that what you desire they should do , or not do , unto you , they desire that you should do , or not do , unto them . what you therefore hate in your superiours , what you blame in them , be sure not to practise towards your inferiours : and what you hate and blame in your inferiours , practise not to your superiours . what displeases you in your predecessors , eschew , to give an example to those that shall come after . and as in case that you should happen to give them such an example , you would desire they should not follow it ; so you should not follow the bad examples of those that have preceded you . in fine , what you blame in those which are on your right hand , practise not to those which are on your left ; and what you reprehend in those on your left hand , be sure not to practise it to those that are on your right . behold , concludes cemçu , after what manner we ought to measure and regulate all our actions ! and if a prince thus exercises himself , it will happen that all his subjects will be of one heart and one mind , and that he will rather be called their father , than their lord and master . this will be the means to draw down the blessings and favours of heaven , not to fear any thing , and to lead a quiet and peaceable life : for in fine , virtue is the basis and foundation of an empire , and the source from whence flows whatever may render it flourishing . 't was upon this consideration that an ambassador of the kingdom of cu returned this excellent answer to a nobleman of the kingdom of cin , who asked him , whether in his masters kingdom there were great riches and precious stones ; nothing i● est●emed precious in the kingdom of cu●ut virtue . a king of ci returned almost the same answer . this prince treating of an alliance with the king of guei , and the king of guei demanding of him , if in his kingdom there were precious stones ; he answered , that there were none . how● reply'd this king all in amaze , is it possible that tho' my kingdom be lesser than yours , yet there is found a carbuncle whose brightness is so great , that it can enlighten sp●ce enough for twelve palanquins ; and that in your kingdom , which is vaster than mine , there are none of these preci●us stones ! i have four ministers , rejoins the king of ci , who with great prudence govern the provinces i have committed to them ; behold my precious stones , th●y can enlighten a thousand stadia . these are not the men alone in china that have esteemed virtue ; there were women that have consider'd it as a jewel of infinite value , and preferable to all treasures . an illustrious queen named kiam , who reign'd two hundred years before confucius , reclaim'd her husband from sensuality and debauchery , by an action which deserves to be immortaliz'd . she seeing that this prince continually resorted to the pastimes of debauchery , and abandon'd himself to all sorts of pleasures , she one day pluckt her pendants from her ears , and laid aside all her jewels , and in his condition went to the king , and spake to him these words with a sensible emotion . sir , is it possible that luxury● and debauchery are so very pleasing to you . you contemn virtue ; but i esteem it infinitely more than the m●st precious stones . she afterwards enlarged upon this subject , and the action and discourse of this princess toucht him so strongly , that he renounc'd his extravagancies , and gave himself up entirely to virtue , and the care of his kingdom , which he govern'd thirteen years with great applause . in fine , as to the last article , cemçu represents to kings , that they ought not to oppress their people , either by impositions , or otherwise ; that to avoid being forc'd thereto , it is necessary to choose wise , faithful , and virtuous ministers , and consequently not to admit into the management of affairs , those that are unworthy , and who by their cruelties , ambition and avarice , can only bring a vast prej●dice to the state. he shews them , that the● ought to lessen , as much as is possible the number of their ministers , and of all those that live at the publick expence ; to endeavour to excite all to work , and so to order it , that those who manage and disburse the treasure , may do it with all the moderation imaginable . princes , adds he , ought never to seek private interest ; they ought only to look after the interests of their people : to be lov'd and faithfully serv'd , they ought to convince their subjects , by their conduct , that they design only to make them happ● ; which they will never do , if they heartily follow their particular interests , if they oppress and impoverish them . a collection out of confucius's works . the second book . this second book of confucius was published by his grand-son cusu . it treats of divers things , but especially of that excellent mediocrity , which must be constantly observ'd in all things , between the too much , and too little . thus this book is entituled , chumyum , that is to say , the perpetual mean , a mean constantly observ'd . confucius . teaches at first , that all men ought to love this mediocrity , which they ought to search after with an extream care. he says , that the perfect man always k●eps a just mean , what●v●r ●e undertakes ; but that the wicked always swerves therefrom , that he does too much , or not enough . when the right reason sent from heaven , adds ●e , has once shew'd a wiseman the mean he ought to keep , he afterwards conforms all his actions thereunto● at all times , as well in adver●●ty as prosperity ; he ●ontinually watches over himself , over his thoughts , over the most secret mo●io●● of hi● h●art , alw●y●●o square h●mself a●●ordi●g to t●is just mean , w●i●h h● will never lose sight of● but ●he wi●ked b●ing not restrain'd , n●ither by fear , modesty , nor th● love o● virtu● , their extrav●gant passion● do always carry them into extreams . this philosopher cannot sufficien●ly admir● this happy mediocrity , he look● on it as the sublimest thing in th● w●●ld , as a thing ●ost worthy of the lov● and employment of the highest minds , as the sole path of virtue . h●●●mplains , that there always hav● been so f●w persons that have kept it ; he ●●lig●ntly enquires after the cause ●her●of . he says , that as for the wis● men of the age , they slight and con●emn it , because they imagine it below th●ir great designs , below their ambitious projects ; and that as for dull persons they very hardly attain it , ●●th●r by reason they understand it not , or b●cause the difficulty in at●aining it astonish●s and discourages them : and all this , adds confucius , happens for want of examination ; ●or if we diligently examin'd what is good in it self , we should find that all ●xtreams are prejudicial , and that the mean alone is always good and gainful . he herein particularly alledges th● example of xun the emperor ; h● cries out , how great was the prudence of the emperor x●n ? he was not satisfied in the administration o● stat●-af●airs , with his single examination , with his own particular judgment and prudence ; he likewise consulted the meanest of his subjects . he ask'd advice upon the least things ; and he made it a duty and delight to weigh the answers that were given him , how common so ever they appear●d . when any thing was propos'd to him , which , after a strict examination , he was convinc'd was repugnant to right reason , he acquiesced not , but with an open heart represented what was amiss in the counsel that was given him . by this means he made his subjects to place a confidence in him , and accustom themselves ●reely to give him advertisements , ●rom time to time . as for the good and judicious counsels , he follow'd , magnified , and extold them ; and thereby every one was encourag'd , joy●ully to declare his opinion . but if , amongst the counsels that were given him , he found that some plainly contradicted others , he attentively consider'd them , and after having examin'd them , he always took ● mean , especially when it concern'd ●he publick interest● , confucius here deplores the false prudence of the men of his time. it had , indeed , very much degenerated from the prudence of the ancient kings . there is not , saith he , any person at present , who declares not , i have prudence , i know what is necessary to be done , and what is not . but because that now , profit and particular advantage are the only objects delighted in , it happens that we think not on the evils which may thence ensue , on the perils to which this gain and profit expose us ; and that the precipice is not perceived by us . there are some that perfectly understand the nature and value of mediocrity , who ch●s● it for their rule , and square their actions thereby , but who afterwards suffering themselves to be overcome by sloath , have not the power to persist . to what end , in these sorts of persons , does the knowledge and resolutions they have formed tend to ? alas ! it was not thus with my disciple h●ri ; he had an exquisite discerning faculty ; he remarkt all the di●ferences that occurred in things ; he always chose a mean , and never forsook it . as for the rest , adds confucius , 't is not a very easie thing to acquire , that medium which i so much commend . alas ! there is nothing so difficult ; 't is an affair which requires great pains and industry . you will find men capable of governing happily the kingdoms of the earth . you will see some that will have magnanimity enough to refuse the most considerable dignities and advantages : there will be some also that will have courage enough to walk on naked swords : but you will find few , that are capable of keeping a just mean ; that to arrive hereat , art , labour , courage and virtue are requir'd . 't was upon the account of this mo●al , that one of his disciples , who was of a warlike and ambitious temper , ask'd him , wherein valour consisted , and what it was necessary to do to obtain the name of valiant ? have you ●e●rd , says confucius , of the valour of those in the south , or those that dwell in the north , or rather of the valour of my disciples , who apply themselves to the study of wisdom ? to act mildly in the education of children and disciples , to be indulgent to them ; patiently to bear their disobediences and defects , is that wherein the valour of the southern people consists . by this valour they conquer their violent temper , and submit their passions , which are generally violent , to right reason . to lie down couragiously in a camp , to repose quietly , in the midst of a terrible army ; to see a thousand deaths before his eyes , without daunting ; not to be disquieted , but make a pleasure of this sort of life : behold what i call the valour of the northern men ! but as generally ther● is a great deal of rashness in all this , and that oftentimes men regulate not themselves according to that mean which every one ought to seek after , 't is not this sort of valour which i require of my disciples . behold what his character ought to be ! a perfect man ( for in short , the perfect men only can have a true valour ) ought always to be busied , in conquering himself . he must suit himself to the manners and tempers of others ; but he ought always to be master of his own heart , and actions ; he must not suffer himself to be corrupted by the conversation , or examples of loose and effeminate persons ; he must never obey , till he has first examined what is commanded him ; he must never imitate others , without judgment . in the midst of so many mad and blind persons , which go at random , he must walk aright , and not incline to any party : this is the true valour . moreover , if this very person is called to the magistracy , in a kingdom where vertue is considered , and he changes not his morals , how great soever the honours be , to which he is advanced ; if he there preserves all the good habits , which he had when only a private man ; if he permit not himself to be lead away with pride and vanity , this man is truly valiant : ah! how great is this valour ? but if on the contrary , he is in a kingdom , where virtue and laws are con●emn'd , and that in the confusion and disorder which there prevail , he himself is depressed with poverty , afflicted , reduc'd even to the loss of life ; but yet , in the midst of so many miseries , he remains constant , preserves all the innocency of his manners , and never changes his opinion : ah! how great and illustrious is this valour ? instead therefore of the valour of the southern or nor●hern countries , i require , and expect from you , my dear disciples , a valour of the nature above-mentioned . behold something which confucius speaks , which is not less remarkable . there are some men , saith he , which surpass the bounds of mediocrity , by affecting to have extraordinary virtues : they covet always to have something marvellous in their actions , to the end that posterity may praise and extol them . certainly , as for my self , i shall never be enamoured with the●e glittering actions , where vanity and self-love have ever a greater sha●e than virtue . i would only know and practise what it is necessary to know and practise every where . there are four rules , according to which the perfect man ought to square himself . . he himself ought to practise in respect of his father , what he requires from his son. . in the service of his prince he is oblig'd to shew the ●ame fidelity which he demands of those that are under him . he must act in respect of his eldest brother , after the same manner that he wou●d that his younger brother should act towards him . . and lastly , he ought to behave himself towards his friends , as he desires that his friends should carry themselves to him . the perfect man continually acquits himself of these duties , how common soever they may appear . if he happen to perceive that he has done amiss in any thing , he is not at rest till he has repair'd his fault : if he finds that he has omitted any ●onsiderable duty , there is not any violence which he does not to himself perfectly to accomplish it . he is moderate and reserved in his discourses ; he speaks with circumspection : if ●o him occurs a great affluence of words , he ●resumes not to expose it , he restr●ins himself . in a word , he is ●o rigorous a censurer of himself , that he is not a● rest when his words correspond not to his actions● and his actions to his words . now the way , cries he , by which a man arrives at this per●ection , is a solid and constant virtue . to this his masters doctrine , cus● here adds a moral worthy of their meditation , who have a desire to perfect themselves . the perfect man , says this worthy disciple of so great a philosopher , the perfect man governs himself according to his present state , and cove●s not●ing beyond it . if he find himself in the midst of riches , he acts like a rich man , but addicts not himself to unlawful pleasures ; he avoid● lu●ury , detests pride , offends no body . if he is in a poor and contemptible state , he acts as a poor and mean man ought to act ; but he does nothing unworthy of a grave and worthy man● if he be remo●e from his own country , he behaves himself as a stranger ought to do ; but he is always like himself . if he is in affliction and adversity , he does not insolently affront his destiny , but has courage and resolution ; nothing can shake his constancy . if he is advanc'd● to the dignities of state , he keeps his rank , but never treats his inferiours with severity ; and if he sees himself below others , ●e is humble , he never departs from the respect he owes to his superiours ; but he never purchases their favour with flattery . he uses his utmost endeavours to perfect himself , and exacts nothing of others with severity : 't is upon this account that he expresses no discontent or anger to any person . if he li●ts up his eyes towards heaven , 't is not to complain , for that it has not sent him prosperity , or to murmur , for that it afflicts him : if he looks down towards the ground , 't is not to reproach men , and attribute the cause of his miseries and necessities unto them ; 't is to testifie his humility , that is to say , that he is always contended with his condition , that he desires nothing beyond , and that with submission , and an even spirit , he expects whatever heaven shall ordain concerning him . thus he rejoyceth in a certain tranquillity , which may well be compar'd to the top of those mountains , which are higher than the region where the thunder and tempests are form'd . in the sequel of this book , he discourses of the profound respect which the ancient chineses , and especially the kings and emperors , had for their parents , and of the exact obedience which they paid them . if a king , said they , honours and obeys his father and mother , certainly he will endeavour to excite his subjects to follow his example ; for brie●ly , a man that loves virtue , desires that all others should likewise esteem it , especially if it is his interest that they should be virtuous : now 't is of great importance to a king , that his subjects do love virtue and practice it . indeed , how can he hope to be obey'd by his subjects , if himself refuses to obey those that gave him life . after all , if a prince desires to bring his subjects to be obedient to their parents , he must shew kindness towards them , and treat them with that tenderness which fathers have for their children ; for we willingly imitate those whom we love , and of whom we think we are belov'd . but if this prince , by his conduct , excites his subjects to give obedience to their parents , and afterwards obey him , as their common father , most certainly they will obey heaven , from whence crowns and empires do come : heaven , which is the soveraign father of all . and what will be the effect of this obedience ? it will happen that heaven will diffuse its blessings on those that shall thus well acquit themselves . it will abundantly recompence so admirable a virtue , it will make peace and concord every where to reign ; so that the king and his subjects will seem as one single family , where the subjects obeying their king , as their father , and the king loving his subjects as his children , they will all lead , as in a single , but rich , magnificent , regular , and convenient house , the happiest and most peaceable life imaginable . to return to confucius , as he knew that the examples of kings made a great impression on mens minds , so he proposes that of the emperor xun , in respect of the obedience which children owe to their parents . oh , how great has the obedience of this emperor been ! crys confucius . thus , continues he , if he has obtain'd from heaven the imperial crown , 't is the recompence of this virtue . 't is this virtue that procured him so many revenues , those immense riches , and vast kingdoms , which are only limited by the ocean . 't is this virtue that has render'd his name so famous throughout the world. in fine , i doubt not but that long and peaceable life , which he enjoy'd , ought to be consider'd as a recompence of this virtue . to hear this philosopher speak , would it not be said , that he had read the decalogue , and understood the promise which god has there made to those that honour their father and mother . but if , by what confucius declares , it seems , that the decalogue was not unknown to him , it will rather seem that he knew the maxims of the gospel , when we shall see what he teaches concerning charity , which he says it is necessary to have for all men. that love , saith he , which it is requisite for all men to have , is not a stranger to man , 't is man himself ; or , if you will , 't is a natural property of man , which dictates unto him , that he ought generally to love all men. nevertheless , above all men to love his father and mother , is his main and principal duty , from the practice of which he afterwards proceeds , as by degrees , to the practise of that universal love , whose object is all mankind . 't is from this universal love that distributive justice comes , that justice , which makes us to render to every one his due , and more especially to cherish and honour wise and upright men , and to advance them to the dignities and offices of state. that difference , which is between the love we have for our parents , and that we have for others , between the love we bear to virtuous and learned men , and that we bear to those which have not so much virtue or ability ; that difference , i say , is as it were a harmony , a symmetry of duties , which the reason of heaven has protected , and in which nothing must be changed . for the conduct of life confucius proposes five rules , which he calls universal . the first regards the justice that ought to be practis'd between a king and his subjects . the second respects the love that ought to be between a father and his children . the third recommends conjugal fidelity to husbands and wives . the fourth concerns the subordination that ought to appear between elder and younger brothers . the fifth obliges friends to live in concord , in great unity , and mutual kindness . behold , adds he , the five general rules , which every one ought to observe ; behold , as it were the five publick roads , by which men ought to pass . but after all we cannot observe these rules , if these three virtues are wanting , prudence , which makes us discern good from evil , vniversal love , which makes us love all men , and that resolution which makes us constantly to persevere in the adhesion to good , and aversion to evil. but for fear least some fearful persons not well verst in morality should imagine , that it is impossible for them to acquire these three virtues , he affirms , that there is no person incapable of acquiring them ; that the impotence of the man is volu●tary . how dull soever a man is , should he , says he , be without any experience , yet if he desires to learn , and grows not weary in the study of virtue , he is not very far from prudence . if a man , although full of self-love , endeavours to perform good actions , behold him already very near that universal love , which engages him to do good to all . in fine , if a man feels a secret shame , when he hears impure and unchast discourses ; if he cannot forbear blushing thereat , he is not far from that resolution of spirit , which makes him constantly to seek after good , and to have an aversion for evil. after that , the chinese philosopher has treated of these five universal rules , he proposes nine particular ones for kings , because that he considers their conduct , as a publick source of happiness or misery . they are these . . a king ought incessantly to labour to adorn his person with all sorts of virtues . . he ought to honour and cherish the wise and virtuous . . he ought to respect and love those that gave him birth . . he ought to honour and esteem those ministers that distinguish themselves by their ability , and those which exercise the principal offices of the magistracy . . he ought to accommodate himself , as much as it is possible , to the sentiments and mind of other ministers , and as for those that have less considerable employs , he ought to consider them as his members . . he ought to love his people , even the meanest as his own children , and to share in the various subjects of joy or sorrow , which they may have . . he ought to use his utmost to bring into his kingdom several able artificers in all sorts of arts , for the advantage and conveniency of his subjects . . he ought kindly and courteously to receive strangers and travellers , and fully to protect them . . lastly , he ought tenderly to love the princes , and great men of his empire , and so heartily to study their interests , that they may love him , and be ever faithful to him . rightly to understand the morals of confucius , it is here necessary to speak one word concerning the distinction which he makes between the saint and wise. to the one and the other he attributes certain things in common : but to the saint he gives some qualities and advantages , which he says , that the wise has not . he says , that reason and innocence have been equally communicated to the wise , and to the saint , and likewise to all other men ; but that the saint has never in the least declin'd from right reason , and has constantly preserv'd his integrity ; whereas the wise has not always preserv'd it , having not always followed the light of reason , because of several obstacles he has met with in the practice of virtue , and especially , by reason of his passions , whereunto he is a slave . so that it is necessary , that he does his utmost , that he use great pains and endeavours , to put his heart in a good posture , and to govern himself according ●o the lights of right reason , and the rules of virtue . cusu reasoning hereon , the better to illustrate his masters doctrine , compares those that have lost their first integrity , and desires to regain it , to those wither'd and almost dead trees , that notwithstanding have in the trunk and roots , a certain juice , a certain principle of life , which makes them cast forth shoots . if , saith he , we take care of these trees , if we cultivate them , water them , and prune off the dead branches , it will happen that this tree will re-assume its former state. after the same manner , although one has lost his first integrity and innocence , he need only ●xcite the good that remains , use pains and industry , and he will infallibly arrive at the highest virtue . this last state , saith cusu , this state of the wise is called giantao , that is to say , the road and the reason of man , or rather , the way which leads to the origine of the first perfection . and the state of the saint is called tientao , that is to say , the reason of heaven , or the first rule which heaven has equally distributed to all men , and which the saints have always observ'd , without turning either on the right hand , or on the left. as rules do in brief contain the principal duties , and that we may easily retain them , confucius gives five to those that desire to chuse the good and adhere thereto . . it is necessary , after an exact and extensive manner , to know the causes , properties , and differences of all things . . because that amongst the things which are known , there may be some which are not perfectly known , it is necessary carefully to examine them , to weigh them minutely and in every circumstance , and thereon to consult wise , intelligent and experienc'd men. . although it seems that we clearly apprehend certain things , yet because it is easie to transgress , through precipitancy , in the too much , or too little , it is necessary to meditate afterwards in particular , on the things we believe we know , and to weigh every thing by the weight of reason , with all the attentiveness of spirit , and with the utmost exactness , whereof we are capable . . it is necessary to endeavour , not to apprehend things , after a confused manner , it is requisite to have some clear ideas thereof , so that we may truly discern the good from the bad , th● true from the false . . lastly , after that we shall have observ'd all these things , we must reduce to action , sincerely and constantly perform and execute , to the utmost of our power , the good resolutions which we have taken . we cannot better conclude this book , than with these excellent words of cu●u : take heed , saith he , how you act , when you are alone . although you should be retired into the most solitary , and most private place of thine house , you ought to do nothing , whereof you would be asham'd if you were in company or in publick . have you a desire , continues he , that i should shew you after what manner he that has acquir'd some perfection governs himself . why , he keeps a continual watch upon himself ; he undertakes nothing , begins nothing , pronounces no word , whereon he has not meditated . before he raises any motion in his heart , he carefully observes himself , he reflects on every thing , he examines every thing , he is in a continual vigilance . before he speaks he is satisfied , that what he is about to utter is true and rational , and he thinks that he cannot reap a more pleasant fruit from his vigilance and examination , than to accustom himself circumspectly and wisely to govern himself in the things which are neither seen nor known by any . a collection out of confucius's works . the third book . confucius's third book is quite of another character than the two former , as to the method and expressions ; but in the ground it contains the same morality . 't is a contexture of several sentences pronounc'd at divers times , and at several places , by confucius and his disciples . therefore it is intituled lun yu , that is to say , discourses of several p●rsons that reason and philosophize together . in the first place there is represented a disciple of this famous philosopher , who declares , that he spent not a day wherein he render'd not an account to himself of these three things . . whether he had not undertaken some affair for another , and whether he manag'd and follow'd it with the same eagerness and fidelity as if it had been his own concern . . if when he has been with his friends , he has discours'd them sincerely , if he has not satisfied himself with shewing them some slight appearance of kindness and esteem . . whether he has meditated on his masters doctrine ; and whether after having meditated on it , he has us'd his utmost endeavours to reduce it to practise . afterwards appears confucius , giving lessons to his disciples . he tells them , that the wise ought to be so occupied with his virtue , that when he is in his house , he ought not to seek his conveniency and delight ; that when he undertakes any affair , he ought to be diligent and exact , prudent and considerate in his words , and that though he have all these qualities , yet he ought to be the person on whom he ought least to confide ; he whom he ought least to please : that in a word , the wise-man always distrus●ing himself , ought always to consult those , whose virtue and wisdom are known unto him , and to regul●te his conduct and actions according to their counsels and examples . what think you of a poor man , says one of his disciples to him , who being able to extenuate and diminish his poverty through flattery , refuses to accept this offer , and couragiously maintains , that none but cowards and low-spirited men do flatter ? what think you of a rich man , who notwithstanding his riches , is not proud ? i say , replies confucius , that they are both praise-worthy , but that they are not to be considered , as if they were arrived at the highest degree of virtue . he that is poor , ought to be chearful , and content in the midst of his indigence : behold wherein the virtue of the poor man consists ; and he that is rich , ought to do good to all : he that is of a poor and abject spirit , does good only to certain persons ; certain passions , certain particular friendships cause him to act , his friendship is interested : he disperses his wealth only with a prospect of reaping more than he sows ; he seeks only his own interest : but the love o● the perfect man is an universal love , a love whose object is all mankind . a souldier of the kingdom of ci , said they unto him , lost his buckler , and having a long time sought after it in vain , he at last comforts himself , upon the loss he had sustained , with this reflection ; a souldier has lost his buckler , but a souldier of our camp has found it , he will use it . it had been much better spoken , replies confucius , if he had said , a man has lost his buckler , but a man will find it ; thereby intimating , that we ought to have an affection for all the men of the world. confucius had a tender spirit , as may be judg'd by what we have said , but ●t was great and sublime . the ancient chineses taught , that there were two gods which presided in their houses , the one called noao , and the other cao . the first was respected as the tutelar god of the whole family , and the last was only the god of the fire-hearth . nevertheless , although the last of these genius's was very much inferiour to the first ; yet to him were render'd greater honours than to him that had all the domestick affairs under his protection : and there was a proverb which imply'd , that it was better to seek the protection of cao , than of noao . as this preference had something very singular , and seem'd , in some measure , even to encounter those which were promoted to grandeurs in princes courts . confucius being in the kingdom of guez , and meeting one day with a praefect , which had great authority in this kingdom , this minister puff'd up with the greatness of his fortune , supposing that the philosopher design'd to procure some favour from the king , demanded of him by way of merriment , the meaning o● this proverb , so frequent in every ones mouth , it is better to seek the protection of cao , than of noao . confucius , who presently perceiv'd , that the praefect gave him to understand , by this question , that he ought to address himself to him , if he would obtain his request from the king his master , and who at the same instant , made this reflection , that to gain the good will of a princes favourite , it is necessary to offer incense even to his d●fects , and to forc● ones self to compliances , unworthy of a philosopher , plainly told him , that he was wholly differing from the maxims of the age ; that he would not address himself to him , with any address he wanted , to shew him that he ought to do it ; and at the same time to advertise him , that though he should answer his question , according to his desire , he could reap no benefit thereby , he told him , that he that had sinn'd against heaven , should address himself only to heaven . for he adds , to whom can he address himself to obtain the pardon of his crime , seeing that there is not any deity above heaven . confucius recommends nothing so much to his disciples as clemency and courtesie ; always grounded upon this maxim , that we ought to love all men. and to make them better to apprehend the truth of what he said , he made an instance of two illustrious princes , that were distinguish'd for this very thing in the kingdom of cucho . these princes , saith he , were so mild and courteous , that they easily forgot the most hainous injuries , and horrible crimes , when the offenders shew'd any sign of repentance . they beheld these criminals , though worthy of the severest punishments , as if they had been innocent ; they not only forgot their faults , but by their carriage , made even those that had committed them , in some measure to forget them , and loose one part of the disgrace , which remains after great lapses , and which can only discourage in the way of virtue . one of this philosophers great designs being to form princes to virtue , and to teach the art of reigning happily , he made no difficulty to addressing himself directly to them , and of giving them counsel . a prince , said he , one day to a king of lu , called timcum , a prince ought to be moderate , he ought not to contemn any of his subjects , he ought to recompence those that deserve it . there are some subjects that he ought to treat with mildness , and others with severity ; there are some on whose fidelity he ought to rely , but there are some also whom he cannot sufficiently distrust . confucius would have princes desire nothing that other men wish for , although they are sometimes good things , which it seems they might desire without offence ; he would have them to trample , as i may say , upon whatever may make the felicity of mortals upon ear●h ; and especially to look upon riches , children , and life it self , as transient advantages , and which consequently cannot make the felicity of a prince . the emperor yao , says this philosopher , govern'd himself by these maxims , and under the conduct of so good a guide , he arriv'd at a perfection , whereunto few mortals can attain ; for it may be said , that he saw nothing above him but heaven , to which he was intirely conformable . this incomparable prince , adds he , from time to time visited the provinces of his empire ; and as he was the delight of his people , being met one day by a troop of his subjects ; these subjects , after having call'd him their emperor and father , and a●ter having testified their exceeding joy at the sight of so great a prince , cry'd out with a loud voice , to joyn their wishes with their acclamations , let heaven heap riches upon thee ! let it grant thee a numerous family ! and let it not snatch thee from thy people , till thou art satisfied with days ! no , replys the emperor , send up other petitions to heaven . great riches produce great cares , and great inquietudes ; a numerous progeny produces great fears ! and a long life is generally a series of misfortunes . there are found few emperors like to yao , crys confucius after this . that which generally occasions trouble to kings , that , which in some measure , redoubles the weight of the burden annext to their crown , is either the few subjects over which they reign , or the little wealth which they possess . for in brief , all kings are not great , all kings have not vast dominions , and excessive rich●s . but confucius is of opinion , that a king is too ingenious to torment himself , when these reflections are capable of causing the least trouble in him . he says , that a king has subjects enough , when his subjects are contented ; and that his kingdom is rich enough , when peace and concord flourish there . peace and concord , saith this philosopher , are the mothers of plenty . in fine , confucius , in speaking of the duties of princes , teaches , that it is so necessary for a prince to be virtuous , that when he is otherwise , a subject is oblig'd by the laws of heaven , voluntarily to banish himself , and to seek another country . he sometimes complains of the disorders of princes ; but the great subject of his complaints , is , the extravagancies of private men. he bewails the morals of his age ; he says , that he sees almost no body that distinguishes himself , either by piety , or some extraordinary quality ; that every one is corrupted , that every one is deprav'd , and that it is amongst the magistrates and courtiers , chiefly , that virtue is neglected . it is true , that confucius seems to extend things beyond reason . indeed , 't was not much for this philosopher , when in a princes court he found but ten or twelve persons of an extraordinary wisdom , to cry out , o tempora , o mores . under vuvam's reigns , there were ten men of a consummate virtue and sufficiency , on whom this emperor might repose all the affairs of the empire : yet confucius exclaims against so small a number , saying , that great endowments , virtue , and the qualities of the spirit , are things very rare in his age. he had made the same complaints in respect of the emperor zun , the first of the family of cheu , although this prince had then five praefects , of whose merit some judgment may be made by the history of one of these ministers , whose name was yu . this wise minister had render'd his memory immortal amongst the chineses , not only because it was he that invented the secret of stopping or diverting the waters that overflow'd the whole kingdom , and which made it almost uninhabitable , but because that being an emperor , he always liv'd like a philosopher . he was of an illustrious family ; for he could name some emperors of his ancestors : but if by the decadency of his house , he was fall'n from the pretensions he might have to the empire , his wisdom and virtue acquir'd him what fortune had refus'd to the nobility of his extraction . the emperor zun so thoroughly understood his desert , that he associated him to the empire : and seventeen years after , he declar'd him his lawful successor , even to the exclusion of his own son. yu refus'd this honour , but as he vainly deny'd it , and that his generosity might not suffer , in the pressing sollicitations that were made him on all hands , he withdrew from the court , and went to seek a retreat in a cell : but not being able so well to conceal himself , as not to remain undiscover'd in the rocks of his solitude , he was forceably advanc'd to the throne of his ancestors . never throne was more easie of access than this princes , never prince was more affable . it is reported , that he one day left his dinner ten times , to peruse the petitions that were presented him , or to hear the complaints of the distressed : and that he ordinarily quitted his bath , when audience was demanded of him . he reigned ten years with so much success , with so much tranquility , and in such great abundance of all things , that of this age it may be truly said , that it was a golden age. yu was an years old when he died ; and he died as he had liv'd : for prefering the interest of the empire before that of his family , he would not let his son succeed him , he gave the crown to one of his subjects , whose virtue was known unto him . a prince , doubtless , is happy , when he can some time discharge himself of the cares which throw and press him on such a minister ; and zun only could be so , seeing that he at one time had five , all worthy of being seated on the throne , but this number was not great enough for confucius , 't is what made him to grieve . confucius says , that a prince ought never to accept the crown to the prejudice of his father , how unworthy soever his father might be thereof ; that it is one of the greatest crimes whereof a prince can be guilty ; and this occasion'd him to relate two little histories , which suit admirably to his subject . limcum , says this philosopher , was a king of guei , who was twic● married . as chastity is not always the portion of princesses , the queen had unlawful familiarities with one of the nobles of his court ; and this not being so privately manag'd , but one of limcum's sons by his ●irst wife came to the knowledge of it , this young prince , jealous of his fathers honour , so highly resented it , that he design'd to kill the queen , which he concealed not . the cunning and guilty princess , who saw her self detected , and who had a great influence over her ancient spouse , alledg'd such plausible reasons , to make him believe her innocency , that this poor prince , shutting his eyes against the truth , banish'd his son : but as children are not culpable for their fathers crimes , he kept che with him : he was the son of this disgraced prince . limcum died soon after . the people recalled the prince whom the queens debaucheries had banisht ; and he went to receive the crown , but his vicious son oppos'd him , alledging that his father was a parricide : he rais'd armies against him , and was proclaim'd king by the people . the sons of a king of cucho , continues he , follow'd not this way : behold a memorable example . this king , whose history we shall relate in two words , had three sons : and as fathers have sometimes more tenderness for their youngest children , than for the rest , he had so much for the last which heaven had given him , that some days before his death , he appointed him for his successor , to th● exclusion of his other brothers . this procedure was so much the more extraordinary , as it was contrary to the laws of the land. the people thought after the king's death , that they might endeavour , without any crime , to advance the eldest of the royal family on the throne . this was executed as the people had projected it ; and this action was generally approved . there wa● none but the new king , who remembering his fathers dying words , refused to consent . this generous prince took the crow● that was presented him , put it on his younger brothers head , and nobly declar'd that he renounc'd it , and thought himself unworthy of it , seeing that he had been excluded by his fathers will , and tha● his father could not retract what h● had done . the brother , touch'd with such an heroick action , conjur'd him the same moment , not to oppose the inclination of all the people , who desir'd him to reign over them . he alledged that it was he alone , that was the lawful successor to the crown , which he contemned ; that their father could not violate the laws of the state ; that this prince was overtaken with a too great fondness , and that in a word , it in some measure belonged to the people to redress the laws of their kings , when they were not just . but nothing could perswade him to act contrary to his fathers will. between these two princes , there was a laudable contestation ; neither would accept the crown : and they seeing , that this contest would continue a long time , withdrew from the court ; and vanquish'd and victorious together , they went to end their days in the repose of a solitude , and left the kingdom to their brother . these princes , adds he , sought after virtue ; but they sought i● not in vain , for they found it . he frequently relates short histories of this nature , wherein an heroick gen●rosity is every where seen to discover it self . the women amongst the people , and even great princesses , are therein observ'd rather to ch●s● death , and ●hat with their own hands , than to be exposed to the violences of their ravishers . the magistrates are there seen to quit the greatest employs , to avoid the disorders of th● court ; philosophers to censure kings upon their throne , and princes who mak● no difficulty to die , to appease the anger of heaven , and procure peac● to their people . after this confucius shews how th● d●ad ought to be buried ; and as this was perform'd in his time with a grea● deal of magnificence , so in funeral pomps he blames whatever seems like ostentation , and reproves it after a severe manner . indeed , one of his disciples being dead , and this disciple being buried with the usual magnificence , he cryed out when he knew it , when my disciple was alive , he respected me as his father , and i look'd upon him as my son : but can i now behold him as my son , since he has been buried like other men ? he prohibits the bewailing the dead with excess ; and if , constrain'd by his own grief , he shed tears for this very disciple , he conf●ssed he ●orgot himself ; that in truth , great griefs have no bounds , but that the wiseman ought not to be overcome with grief ; that it is a weakness , 't is a crime in him . he gives great praises to some of his disciples , who , in the midst of the greatest poverty , were content with their condition ; and accounted as great riches the natural virtues they had received from heaven . he declaims against pride , self-love , indiscretion , and against the ridiculous vanity of those that affect to be masters every where , against those self-conceited men , who momentarily cite their own actions , and against great talkers , and drawing afterwards the portraiture of the wiseman , in opposition to what he has discours'd , he says , that humility , modesty , gravity , and neighbourly affection , are virtues which he cannot one moment neglect , without departing from his character . he says , that a good man never afflicts himself , and fears nothing ; that he contemns injuries , credits not reproaches , and refuses even to ●ear reports . he maintains , that punishments ar● too common ; that if the magistrates were good men , the wicked would conform their life to theirs , and that if princes would only advance to dignities , persons distinguish'd by their honesty , and exemplary life , every one would apply himself unto virtue , because that gra●deur being that which all men naturally desire , every one willing to possess it , would endeavour to render himself worthy thereof . he would have us avoid idleness ; to be serious , and not precipitate in our answers ; and that setting our selves above every thing , we should never be troubled , either that we are contemn'd , or not known in the world. he compares hypocrites to those lewd villains , who the better to conceal their designs from the eyes of men , do appear wise and modest in the day tim● , and who by the favour of the night , do rob houses , and commit the most infamous robberies . he says , that those that make their belly their god , never do any thing worthy of a man ; that they are rather brutes than rational creatures● and r●turning to the conduct of the great ones , he very well remarks , that their crimes are always greater than the crimes of other men. zam , the last emperor of the family of cheu , says , confucius on this occasion , had a very irregular conduct . but how irregular soever his conduct was , the disorder● of this emperor were only the disorders of his age. nevertheless , when any debauch'd , crimi●al , and infamous action is mention'd , they say it is , the crime of zam . the reason whereof is this , zam was wicked and an emperor . confucius relates an infinite number of other things of this nature , which concern the conduct of all sorts of men ; but most of the things that he says , or which his disciples do say , are sentences and maxims , as we have already declar'd , the most considerable of which are these that follow . maxims . i. endeavour to imitate the wise , and never discourage thy self , how laborious soever it may be : if thou canst arrive at thine end , the pleasure you will enjoy will recompence all thy pains . ii. when thou labourest for others , do it with the same zeal as if it were for thy self . iii. virtue which is not supported with gravity , gains no repute amongst men. iv. always remember thou art a man , that human nature is frail , and that thou mayst easily fall , and thou shalt never fall . but , if happening to forget what thou art , thou chancest to fall , be not discourag'd ; remember that thou mayst rise again ; that 't is in thy power to break the bands which joyn thee to thine offence , and to subdue the obstacles which hinder thee from walking in the paths of virtue . v. take heed that thy promises be just , for having once promis'd , it is not lawful to retract ; we ought always to keep our promise . iv. when thou dost homage to any one , see that thy submissions be proportioned to the homage thou owest him : there is stupidity and pride in doing too little ; but in over acting it there is abjection and hypocrisie . vii . eat not for the pleasure thou mayst find therein . eat to increase thy strength ; eat to preserve the life which thou hast receiv'd from heaven . viii . labour to purifie thy thoughts : if thy thoughts are not ill , neither will thy actions be so . ix . the wise-man has an infinity of pleasures ; for virtue has its delights in the midst of the severities that attend it . x. he that in his studies wholly applies himself to labour and exercise , and neglects meditation , loses his time : and he that only applies himself to meditation , and neglects labour and exercise , does only wander and lose himself . the first can never know any thing exactly , his lights will be always intermixt with doubts and obscurities ; and the last will only pursue shadows ; his knowledge will never be certain , it will never be solid . labour , but slight not meditation : meditate , but slight not labour . xi . a prince ought to punish vice , for fear lest he seem to maintain ●t : but yet he ought to keep his people in their duty , rather by the effects of clemency , than by menaces and punishments . xii . never slacken fidelity to thy prince ; conceal nothing from him which it is his interest to know ; and think nothink difficult , when it tends to obey him . xiii . when we cannot apply any remedy to an evil , 't is in vain to seek it . if by thy advices and remonstrances , thou couldst undo , what is already done , thy silence would be criminal ; but there is nothing colder than advice , by which it is impossible to profit . xiv . poverty and human miseries are evils in themselves , but the wicked only resent them . 't is a burden under which they groan , and which makes them at last to sink ; they even distaste the best fortune . 't is the wise-man only who is always pleas'd : virtue renders his spirit quiet : nothing troubles him , nothing disquiets him , because he practises not virtue for a reward . the practise of virtue is the sole recompence he expects . xv. it is only the good man , who can make a right choice ; who can , either love or hate with reason , or as need requires . xvi . he that applies himself to virtue , and strongly addicts himself thereto , never commits any thing unbecoming a man , nor contrary to right reason . xvii . riches and honours are good ; the desire of possessing them is natural to all men : but if these good things agree not with virtue , the wise man ought to co●temn , and generously to renounce them . on the contrary , poverty and ignominy are evils ; man naturally avoids them : if these evils attack the wise man , it is lawful for him to rid himself from them , but it is not lawful to do it by a crime . xviii . i never as yet saw a man that was happy in his virtue , or afflicted with his defects and weaknesses ; but i am not surpriz'd , because i would have h●m that delights in virtue , to find so many charms therein , that for it h● should contemn the pleasures of the world : and on the contrary , that h● who hates vice , should find it so hideous , that he should use all ways to keep himself from falling therein . xix . it is not credible that he who uses his utmost endeavours to acquire virtue , should not obtain it at last , although he should labour but one single day . i never yet saw the man that wanted strength for this purpose . xx. he that in the morning hath heard the voice of virtue , may die at night . this man will not repent of living , and death will not be any pain unto him . xxi . he that seeks pride in his habits , and loves not frugality , is not disposed for the study of wisdom ; thou oughtest not even to hold correspondence with him . xxii . afflict not thy self ●or that thou art not promoted to grandure and publick dignities ; rather grieve for that thou art not , perhaps , adorn'd with those virtues that might render thee worthy of being advanc'd . xxiii . the good man employs himself only with his virtue , the wicked only with his riches . the ●irst continually thinks upon the good and interest of the state ; but the last has other cares , he only thinks on what concerns himself . xxiv . do unto another as thou wouldst be dealt with thy self : thou only needest this law alone ; 't is the foundation and principle of all the rest . xxv . the wise man has no sooner cast his eyes upon a good man , but he endeavours to imitate his virtues : but the same wise man has no sooner fixt his sight upon a man given up to his vices , but mistrusting himself , interrogates himself in a trembling manner , if he be not like that man. xxvi . a child is oblig'd to serve and obey his father . parents have their failures : a child is oblig'd to acquaint them therewith , but he ought to do it with moderation and prudence : and if whatever precautions he takes , he always meets with opposition , he ought to rest a while , but never desist . counsels given to parents do frequently draw punishments and severities upon the child ; but on this account he ought to suffer , not to murmur . xxvii . the wise man never hastens , neither in his studies , nor in his words ; he is sometimes as it were mute ; but when it concerns him to act , and practise virtue , he , as i may say , precipitates all . xxviii . the truly wise man speaks little , he is little eloquent . i see not , that eloquence can be of very great use to him . xxix . a long experience is requir'd to know the heart of man. i imagin'd , when i was young , that all men were sincere ; that they always practis'd what they said ; in a word , that their mouth always agreed with their heart : but now that i behold things with another eye , i am convinc'd that i was mistaken . at present i hear what men say , but i never rely thereon , i will examine whether their words are agreeable to their actions . xxx . in the kingdom of ci there was formerly a praefect that slew his king. another praefect of the same kingdom , beholding with horrour the crime of this parricide , quitted his dignity , for sook his wealth , and retir'd into another kingdom . this wise minister was not so happy as to find at first what he sought after ; in this new kingdom he only found wicked ministers , little devoted to their masters interest . this , saith he , shall not be the place of mine abode , i will elsewhere seek a retreat . but always meeting with men like to that perfidious minister , who by his crime had forc'd him to abandon his country , dignity , and all his estate , he wen● through the whole earth . if thou demandest my thoughts concerning such a man , i cannot refuse telling you , that he deserves great praises , and that he had a very remarkable virtue . this is the judgment that every rational man ought to make thereof . but as we are not the searchers of hearts , and as it is properly in the heart , that true virtue resides , i know not whether his virtue was a true virtue ; we ought not always to judge of men by their outward actions . xxxi . i know a man , who passes for sincere in the peoples mind , who was asked for something that he had not . thou imaginest , perhaps , that he ingeniously confest , that it was not in his power to grant what was ask'd of him . he ought to do it , if his sincerity had answer'd the report it had amongst the people : but behold how he took it . he went directly to a neighbours house ; he borrow'd of him what was requested of himself , and afterwards gave it him . i cannot convince my self that this man can be sincere . xxxii . refuse not what is given thee by thy prince , what riches soever thou possest . give thy supersluities to the poor . xxxiii . the defects of parents ought not to be imputed to their children . because that a father shall , by his crimes , render himself unworthy of being promoted to honour , the son ought not to be excluded , if he renders not himself unworthy . because that a son shall be of an obscure birth , his birth ought not to be his crime , he ought to be called to great employments , as well as the sons of the nobles , if he has the qualifications necessary . our fathers heretofore sacrific'd victims only of a certain colour , and pitch'd upon these colours according to the will of those that sat upon the throne . under the reign of one of our emperors , the red colour was in vogue . think you , that the deities , to which our fathers sacrific'd under this emperors reign , would reject a red bull , because it came from a cow of another colour . xxxiv . prefer poverty and banishment to the most eminent offices of state , when it is a wicked man that offers them , and would constrain thee to accept them . xxxv . the way that leads to virtue is long , but it is thy duty to finish this long race . alledge not for thy excuse , that thou hast not strength enough ; that difficulties discourage thee , and that thou shalt be at last for●'d to stop in the midst of the course . thou knowest nothing , begin to run : 't is a sign thou hast not as yet begun , thou shouldst not use this language . xxxvi . 't is not enough to know virtue , it is necessary to love it ; but it is not sufficient to love it , it is necessary to possess it . xxxvii . he that persecutes a good man , makes war against heaven : heaven created virtue , and protects it ; he that p●rsecutes it , pers●cutes heaven . xxxviii . a magistrate ought to honour his father and mother ; he ought never to faulter in this just duty ; his example ought to instruct the people . he ough● not to contemn old persons , nor persons of merit : the people may imitate him . xxxix . a child ought to be under a continual apprehension of doing something that may displease his father ; this fear ought always to possess him . in a word , he ought to act , in whatever he undertakes , with so much precaution , that he may never offend him , or afflict him . xl. greatness of spirit , power and perseverance , ought to be the portion of the wise. the burden wherewith he is loaded is weighty , his course i● long . xli . the wise man never acts without counsel . he sometimes consults , in the most important affairs , even the least intelligent persons , men that have the least spirit , and the least experience . when counsels are good , we ought not to consider from whence they come . xlii . eschew vanity and pride . although thou hadst all the prudence and ability of the ancients , if thou hast not humility , thou hast nothing , thou art even th● man of the world that deserves to be contemn●d . xliii . learn what thou know'st already , as if thou hadst never learn'd it : things are never so well known but that we may forget them . xliv . do nothing that is unhandsom , although thou shouldst have art enough to make thine action approved : thou mayst easily deceive the eyes of men , but thou canst never deceive heaven , its eyes are too penetrative and clear . xlv . never contract friendship with a man that is not better than thy self . xlvi . the wise man blushes at his faults , but is not ashamed to amend them . xlvii . he that lives without envy and covetousness may aspire at every thing . xlviii . wouldst thou learn to die well ? learn first to live well . xlix . a minister of state never ought to serve his prince in his extravagancies and injustice . he ought rather to renounce his o●●●ce , than to tarnish it by base and criminal actions . l. innocence ceases to be a virtue , most of the great ones are fallen therefrom . but if thou demandest what must be done to recover this virtue . i answer , that it is necessary to conquer thy self . if all mortals could , in one day , gain over themselves this happy victory , the whole universe would , from this very day , re-assume a new form ; we should all be perfect , we should all be innocent . 't is true , the victory is difficult , but it is not impossible ; for in short , to conquer thy self , is only to do what is agreeable to reason . turn away thine eyes , stop thine ears , put a bridle upon thy tongue , and rather remain in an eternal ●naction , than to imploy thine eyes in beholding sights where reason is stifled ; than to give attention thereunto , or to discourse thereon . behold how thou mayst overcome ! the victory depends on thy self alone . li. desire not the d●ath of thine enemy , thou wouldst desire it in vain ; his life is in the hands of heaven . lii . it is easie to obey the wise , he commands nothing impossible ; but it is hard to divert him therefrom : that which often times rejoyces others , makes him to sigh , and forces torrents of tears from his eyes . liii . acknowledge thy benefits by the return of other benefits , but never revenge i●juries . liv. in what part of the world soever thou art forc't to spend thy life , correspond with the wisest , associat● with the best men. lv. to sin and not to repent , is properly to sin. lvi . 't is good to fast som● times , to give thy mind to meditation , and to the study of virtue . the wise man is taken up with other cares , than with the continual cares of his nourishment . the best cultivated earth frustrates the hopes of the labourer , when the seasons are irregular : all the rules of husbandry could not secure him from death , in the time of a hard famine ; but virtue is never fruitless . lvii . the wise man must learn to know the heart of man , to the end ●hat taking every one according to his own inclination , he may not labour in vain , when he shall discourse to him of virtue . all men ought not to be instru●ted after the same way . there are divers paths that lead to virtue , the wise man ought not to ignore them . lviii . combat night and day against thy vi●es ; a●d if by thy cares and vigilance , thou gainst the victory over thy self , couragiously attack the vices of others , but attack them not before this be done : there is nothing more ridiculous than to complain of others defec●● , when we have the very same . lix . the good man sins sometimes , weakness is natural to him : but he ought to watch so diligently over himself , that he never fall twice into the same crime . lx. we have three friends that are useful to us , a sincere friend , a faithful friend , a friend that hears every thing , that examines what is told him , and that speaks little : but we have three also whose friendship is pernicious , a hypocrite , a flatt●rer , and a great talker . lxi . he that applies himself to virtue , has three enemies to conflict , which he must subdue , incontinence when he is as yet in the vigour of his age , and the blood boils in his veins ; contests and disputes when he is arriv'd at a mature age , and covetousness when he is old . lxii . there are three things that the wise man ought to reverence , the laws of heaven , great men , and the words of good men. lxiii . we may have an aversion for an enemy , without desiring revenge . the motions of nature are not always criminal . lxiv . distrust a flatterer , a man affected in his discourses , and who every where boasts of his eloquence . this is not the character of true virtue . lxv . silence is absolutely necessary to the wise man. great discourses , elaborate discourses , pieces of eloquence , ought to be a language unknown to him , his actions ought to be his language . as for me , i would never speak more . heaven speaks , but what language does , it use , to preach to men , that there is a sovereign principle from whence all things depend ; a soveraign principle which makes them to act and move . it s motion is its language , it reduces the seasons to their time , it agitates nature , it makes it produce : this silence is eloquent . lxvi . the wise man ought to hate several sorts of men. he ought to hate those that divulge the defects of others , and take delight in discoursing therein . he ought to hate those that being adorn'd only with very mean qualities , and who being moreover of a low birth , do rev●●e and temerariously murmur against t●ose that are promoted to dignities of state. he ought to hate a valiant man , when his valour is not accompanied with civility , nor prudence . he ought to ha●● those sorts of men that are puff'● 〈◊〉 with self-love ; who being always conceited of their own merit , and idolaters of their own opinions , do assault all , deride all , and never consult reason . he ought to hate those who having very small illuminations , do presume to censure what others do . he ought to hate proud men. in a word , he ought to hate those who make it a custom to spie out others defects to publish them . lxvii . it is very difficult to associate with the populace . these sort of men grow familiar and insolent when we have too much correspondence with them : and because they imagine they are slighted , when never so little neglected , we draw their aversion upon us . lxviii . he that is arriv'd at the fortieth year of his age , and who has , hitherto , been a slave to some criminal habit , is not in a conditio● to subdue it . i hold his malady incurable , he will persevere in his crime un●il death . lxix . afflict not thy self at the death of a brother . death and life are in the power of heaven , to which the wise man is bound to submit . moreover , all the men of the earth are thy brethren ; why then shouldst thou weep for ●ne , at a time when so many others remain alive ? lxx . the natural light is only a perpetual conformity of our soul with the laws of heaven . men can never lose this light. it is true , that the heart of man being inconstant and wavering , it is sometimes covered over with so many clouds , that it seems wholly extinguish'd . the wise man experiences it himself ; ●or he may fall into small errors , and commit light offences : yet the wise man cannot be virtuous , whilst he is in this state , it would be a contradiction to say it . lxxi . it is very difficult , when poor , not to hate poverty : but it is possible to be rich without being proud. lxxii . the men of the first ages applied themselves to learning and knowledge , only for themselves , that is to say , to become virtuous : this was all the praise they expected from their labours and lucubrations . but men at present do only seek praise , they study only out of vanity , and to pass for learned in the esteem of men. lxxiii . the wise man seeks the cause of his defects in himself : but the fool avoiding himself , seeks it in all others besides himself . lxxiv . the wise man ought to have a severe gravity , but it ought not to be fierce and untractable . he ought to love society , but to avoid great assemblies . lxxv . the love of hatred of people , ought not to be the rule of thy love or hatred ; examine whether they have reason . lxxvi . contract friendship with a man whose heart is upright and sincere ; with a man that loves to learn , and who can teach thee something , in his turn . other men are unworthy of thy friendship . lxxvii . he that has faults , and strives not to amend them , ought at least to do his endeavour to conceal them . the wise man's defects are like the eclipses of the sun , they come to every ones knowledge . the wise man ought upon this account to endeavour to cover himself with a cloud . i say the same thing of princes . lxxviii . readily abandon thy country when virtue is there depress'd , and vice encourag'd . but if thou designest not to renounce the maxims of the age , in thy retreat and exile , remain in thy miserable country ; for what reaso● shouldst thou leave it ? lxxix . when thy countries safety is concern'd , stand not to consult , but expos● thy s●lf . lxxx . heaven shortens not the life of man , 't is man that does it by his own crimes . thou mayst avoid the calamities that come from heaven , but thou canst never escape those which thou drawest upon thy self by thy crimes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * voyez le traitte de morale de l'autheur de la reche●che de la verité . miscellanies upon moral subjects by jeremy collier ... collier, jeremy, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) miscellanies upon moral subjects by jeremy collier ... collier, jeremy, - . [ ], p. printed for sam. keeble ... and jo. hindmarsh ..., london : . published in parts. the first pt. was published as: miscellanies, in five essays. . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ethics -- early works to . conduct of life -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - marika ismail sampled and proofread - marika ismail text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miscellanies upon moral subjects . the second part. by ieremy collier , m. a. london : printed for sam. keeble at the turks-head in fleet street , and io. hindmarsh at the golden-ball over against the royal-exchange in cornhill . . the contents . of fame , pag. of musick , p. of the value of life , p. of the spleen , p. of eagerness of desire , p. of friendship , p. of popularity , p. a thought , p. of the entertainment of books , p. of confidence , p. of envy , p. of the aspect , p. against despair , p. of covetousness , p. of liberty , p. of old age , p. of pleasure , p. to the reader . i easily foresee some people will be disobliged with the freedom of these papers , and think themselves treated with too little ceremony ; but unless they can disarm their pretended adversary , and confute his arguments , i would desire them by all means to smother their resentments : for as bad as the world is , to appear in defence of pride , and turn advocate for the devil , looks like an untoward sort of an employment . however , to sweeten this humour as much as may be , they may please to consider that there was no good to be done in this case without plain dealing : this malady of all others must be well examined , otherwise it 's in vain to expect a cure. 't is to no purpose to declaim in general against a proud man , and to give him a great many hard names ; for unless you point directly upon his vice , distinguish its nature , and discover the weakness of that which he builds upon , every one will be sure to avoid the charge , and parry against the application . farther , to abate their censure i think it not improper to acquaint them that here are no particular characters attempted , nor is there the least intention to provoke or expose any person living . besides when a piece like this is drawn from so many different faces ; the mixing of features and complexions , will keep the originals from being discover'd . in short , the design of this small discourse is only to make men more useful and acceptable to society , and more easy to themselves than they generally are : and that those who over-top their neighbours upon any considerable account ; may manage their advantage with that modesty and good humour , that none may have any just occasion to wish them less . of fame . in a dialogue between philalethes and philotimus . philal. your servant . i 'm afraid i may disoblige your business : you seem to sit in a posture of thinking . philot. i am so : and without more ceremony for that reason am glad to see you : for 't is in your power to assist me in the argument i am upon . philal. i dare not say so . but pray what is it ? philot. i was considering the shortness of life , and what ill husbands we are of so slender a fortune . we manage at that rate of sluggishness and neglect , as if we had a thousand years for leisure and improvement . the greater part enter only like mutes , to fill the stage . sure they think themselves born to shew their insignificancy : why else do they make the voyage of life to so little purpose , and spend their taper in smoke and smother ? philal. look you ! all metals will not shine alike . besides , the generality want opportunity to brighten and burnish . they are disabled by labour and indigence , and cannot distinguish themselves with that advantage you seem to expect . philot. however if they would put on , they might be remarkable in their own way . glow-worms will shine though under a hedg ; and when the wine is generous the least drop will sparkle . but , like beggars , people are willing to dissemble their ability , and charge their sloth upon their impotence : whereas if they would rowse their spirits , and awaken their vigour , they might probably in a short time command the force of nature , reduce their business to the art of clock-work , and make it strike of its own accord . for if you observe , the drudging part of life is chiefly owing to clumsiness and ignorance ; which either wants proper tools , or skill to use them . but this is not all : for in my opinion the credit of the improvement would exceed the convenience . philal. if every body did their best , and strain'd to the extent of possibility , i grant you things , and persons , would be really valuable , and admiration an argument of worth : but now , considering the degeneracy of mankind , the common cry signifies not much . if a man does well , let him think so , and reward himself . to creep after applause , is a servile and precarious satisfaction . philot. without reflection ; those who despise fame seldom deserve it . we are apt to undervalue the purchase we cannot reach , to conceal our poverty the better . philal. what if 't is held too high , or i don't need it ; is it any harm to say so ? philot. it argues a tincture of conceit ; for we cannot lessen the common opinion , without preferring our own . philal. you know i am not singular ; but if i were , i might modestly enough appeal from numbers to reason ; for there the cause must be tryed at last . philot. i am willing to cast it upon that issue . and to my thinking the general desire of fame , if we had nothing more for 't , proves it reasonable . people of all conditions have a regard for publick esteem , and are willing to be remember'd as long , and to as much advantage as may be : now nature does not use to spread an inclination so wide but for significant purposes . it seems to be given for an incitement to industry , a ferment thrown into the blood to work it up to action . it reconciles men to labour and hazard , supports their constancy , and helps them to shake off sloth and despair . and as there are few unaffected with it in some measure , so it takes the firmest hold of generous minds . 't is a spark which kindles upon the best fuel , and burns brightest in the bravest breast . wealth and pleasure are vulgar aims , but 't is glory which is the ambition of a hero. and when honour has once gained the affections , they scorn to admit a rival . ease , and luxury , and love and all , must give way to the favorite desire . the man is not to be engaged by any diversions , excepting those which second his passion , and serve him in his design . and it must be granted the world has not been a little obliged this way : the famous generals , historians , poets , and painters of antiquity , whence were they produced but from this generous principle ? this was the passion that pushed on themistocles and brasidas , that raised the stile of thucydides ; that formed the greatness of philip and alexander . this is that which gives the heart and the head their last improvement ; sharpens the invention , and the sword ; and shews us all the wonders of art , of conduct , and courage . had it not been for this noble ardour . men would have stop'd at bare convenience : the growth of science and ingenuity had been check'd , and life not graced with so much ornament and magnificence . the rhodian colossus had been lost ; the carian mausoleum , and the egyptian pyramids unbuilt . now why a quality thus beneficial may not be cherished and admired , is past my understanding . philal. after all your magnifying of fame , i 'm afraid 't will not hold up to your standard . 't is a rich soil i grant you , but oftener cover'd with weeds than grain . you say it produces heroes ; so much the worse . 't was well if there were fewer of them : for i scarcely ever heard of any , excepting hercules , but did more mischief than good. these overgrown mortals commonly use their will with their right hand , and their reason with their left. their pride is their title , and their power puts them in possession . their pomp is furnished from rapine , and their scarlet dyed with human blood. to drive justice , and peace , and plenty before them , is a noble victory ; and the progress of violence goes for extent of empire . to mention some of your own instances : pray how did philip's glorious humour discover it self ? why mostly by debauching , outraging , and murthering his neighbours . 't is true , the man was brave ; and had been severely handled by shewing it . he had fought himself almost to the stumps , but still he went on : and had rather have neither limbs , nor senses , than greece should have any liberty . and am i to admire a man because he will use himself ill , to use me worse ? and as for alexander , what extent of country did he ravage , and how many thousands were sacrificed to his caprice ? what famine , what inundation , what plague , could keep pace with him ? did he not burn the capital of an empire in a frolick ? if his power had been equal to his ambition , god could scarcely have made the world faster than he would have destroyed it . if wrecks , and ruins , and desolations of kingdoms , are marks of greatness ; why don't we worship a tempest , and erect a statue for the plague ? a panegyrick upon an earthquake is every jot as reasonable , as upon such conquests as these . as for the active and pressing industry of these men , and the hardships they submit to ; what is it , in plain english , but indefatigable ill-nature , and laborious malice ? and are we in love with a wolf for his diligence , or a highway-man for being on the road late , and in bad weather ? but they have courage too . what then ? courage , when 't is only a second to injustice , and falls on without provocation , is a disadvantage to a character . is a tyger to be courted for its fierceness ? does the strength of a poyson make it the more glorious ? or is a fire to be commended for being so bold as to burn a house down ? if you say they hazard their persons , let them take what follows ; that will not mend the matter , unless their quarrel was more defensible . he that will venture the cutting his own throat rather than not cut mine , shall ne're be a hero of my making , i promise you . in a word ; this thirst after glory often transports men into very dangerous excesses , and makes them the bane of the age they live in . 't is true , it helps to keep the world from being over-stock'd , and if that be a credit let them make their most on 't . your improvement of arts and sciences i grant deserves commendation , provided they were laboured to oblige the world. but if men beat their brains only to be talk'd of ; i think their skill can hardly exceed their vanity ▪ and as for those magnificent structures you mentioned , i conceive them but small additions to those who built them . for what connexion is there between a great heap of stones , and a great man ? or how can you infer the one from the other ? philot. certainly such a stupendous pile bespeaks the power of him that raised it . philal. yes . it proves a prince had men and money in abundance ; and is that such a wonder ? philot. i thought the nobleness and curiosity of the work had proved something more . philal. it does so . but the credit of that does not belong to the monarch , but the mason . philot. however the prince has the name on 't . now methinks 't is a glorious privilege to have one's memory honorably handed down to after ages ; and to stand upon record to the latest periods of time. to be contented with three or fourscore years of breath , looks like a vulgar satisfaction . philal. as much breath as you please : but pray let it come from my own lungs , not from the trumpet of fame , for that 's too thin to live on . philot. 't is life at second hand , and in some degree preferable to the first ; because 't is freer from envy , and lasts longer into the bargain . philal. a man is longer dead than living ; therefore it seems he had better be the first . this logick won't do . and as for your second hand living , before you depend too much upon it , you would do well to try it in a parallel instance . philot. how is that ? philal. why by second hand eating and drinking , or doing it by proxy . be not surprized , the cases are plainly alike : for if another man 's talking can give me a sort of life , why not his eating too , especially when 't is done upon my account ? now if you please i will act for you in this later business , and then see how you will thrive upon the representation . philot. well! when you have said all ▪ i would not have my name thrown into my coffin , if i could help it . oblivion methinks looks like annihilation : and not be talk'd of , is almost not to be. philal. your name ! a chimerical advantage ! i 'm sorry you are so solicitous to immortalize a sound . what is cesar the better for our knowing he was called so ? was it worth his while to charge in fifty battles , only to leave a few letters of the alphabet behind him ? — si decora novimus vocabula , num scire consumptos datur ? a name is but a weak representation : and if the piece was never so well finished , what signifies that which is never seen ? you mean by him for whom it was drawn ? philal. yes . for supposing a man's memory never so honorably treated at iapan , if he was not to come there , nor receive intelligence of the respect , what could he make on 't ? such an unknown ceremony would signify just as much as adoration to a statue : he that is insensible of the fact , must be insensible of the pleasure . philot. why cannot the presumption of what is done give him some satisfaction ? philal. the certainty of such an advantage cannot be reasonably presumed . many a one dyes and makes a large provision for his memory , and leaves it very rich in tomb-stones , pictures , records , and such other chattels of reputation : but he is no sooner gone , but comes a fire , a deluge , or an earthquake , sweeps away all the distinctions of condition , and buries the great and small in a common obscurity . now the concern , for fear of such an accident , must spoil the pleasure of your presumption . besides , take things at the best , you must expect your memory will be much confined , and as it were banished from the greater part of the world. you are absolutely lost to all the ages before you . and as for the rest , if you were a prince , you would be farther unknown than known ; which makes your obscurity greater than your renown . what tribute of honour had the four empires from china , or america ? how many nations have there been which never so much as heard of the roman name ? alass ! what can a private man expect at this rate ? what a slender portion must fall to his share , and that without security ? the customs of his country may be changed , the notions of honour renversed , and the language which should commend him worn out . thus the conquering goths altered the state of things , defaced the monuments of antiquity , rifled the living and the dead , and suffered no marks of greatness but their own . philot. these casualties must be ventured ; what may be , may be otherwise . let us overshoot the grave as far as we can , and make the most of our materials . philal. what are those ? philot. they are those advantages of person , fortune , or improvement , which every one values himself most upon . philal. let 's see then how durable and shining they are . now take them in general , and you 'll find them no more than some little progress in art , some smatterings in science , some pretensions in figure and station ; something remarkable it may be in eating , dressing , or diversions . these are the inclinations of no small number : these are the qualities they strive to excel in ; and this oftentimes is the true inventory of their glory . and can they think it worth their while to be remember'd by such tokens as these ? i 'm sorry they think their understandings will be no better improved by dying . philot. after all , there must be something more in the matter : for every one is striving to fortify against the assaults of time. you see artificers , men of learning and fortune , get their names wrought into their works , and estates , as far as they can : and for this reason the bulk of the inheritance is cast upon a single person . philal. the vanity of some parents makes them unnatural , and act as if they were of kin to none but the eldest son. 't is true , their project of perpetuating is common and antient too . the scripture ( psal. . ) mentions some who called their lands after their own names , out of the same fanciful prospect : but mark what follows , this is their foolishness , and yet their posterity praise their saying ; that is , they did as foolishly too . not that 't is a folly for a man to leave his name upon his estate : but to imagine that this provision will do him any service when he is dead , there is the weakness . people may talk what they please of titles for ever , and fees simple ; but to speak properly , there is none a tenant longer than for life . if this be not law , 't is sense , and that is as good . to come closer . when people dye , 't is either very well , or very ill with them . if they miscarry they will take but little pleasure in the ceremony and civilities of the living . then they will understand themselves too well to be flattered . pray what would the respect of the company signify to a man stretched upon the rack ? alass ! he is not to be relieved with such fooleries . all the homage and rhetorick in the world can ne're perswade him out of his misery . he that is contemn'd by the wise , and punish'd by the mighty ; what comfort can he receive by the applause of the little and insignificant ? the acclamations of an infant , or a parrot , would be a slender satisfaction to one that lay bleeding under the sentence of his prince ; that was degraded and stigmatiz'd , tortured with pain and ignominy . now this is the fate of those who raise themselves upon the ruins of conscience , wrest their figure from law and justice , and seize a greatness god never meant them . and as for those who land on the right side of the shore ; they will have much bigger company , much better entertainment , than this world affords . they 'll leave their childish fancies behind them , out-grow the stature of mortal desires , and scorn those little amusements which pleased them here . all this is said on supposition that departed spirits have the knowledg of human affairs , which is not very probable . the other world , and this , seem too far asunder to be within hearing . and for the liberty of returning incognito , i believe 't is no common privilege . when we are once dead , in all likelihood the scene of this world is wholly withdrawn : and that we either have not the curiosity , or the power , to recover it . philot. i must repeat , that this earnestness for recommending the memory to posterity , is an unexstinguishable desire . it governs in all places , times , and conditions . and to think a little philosophy can check the force and damm up the current of nature , is a fanciful undertaking . you might as good attempt to lay a storm by reasoning ; and stop a sea-breach by proving the water gets nothing by overflowing . philal. there are several diseases as universal as the desire you mention , and as much fixed in the constitution ; but because they are natural , it seems we must not go about to cure them . — philot. one word and i have done . i say then , to baffle the expectations of fame is to discourage desert . it strikes industry almost dead , damps the spirits , and makes the pulse beat lazily . if your maxims should take place , mens understandings would grow downwards ; their courage and capacity shrink up ; and a little time would return us into the unpolish'd ignorance of the first ages . philal. no. present necessity , and convenience , would prevent that consequence . and to silence your fears more effectually , there are a great many other motives to merit still remaining . a man may affect an excellency for the sake of improvement ; for the satisfaction of significancy . he may do it to excite an emulation in others , to oblige his posterity , to serve his country ; and to furnish out life to the best advantage . discoveries of truth , defence of justice , examples of courage , and such other distinguishing qualities , are allowed to entertain the owner , and reward him for the expence of the practice . we may please our selves by considering that our good deeds will survive us ; and that the world is , and is likely to be , the better for our coming into it . and if this will not satisfy you , as indeed it ought not , you may carry your ambition to a nobler height . i say , to a nobler height ; for i cannot help reminding you that the opinion of poor mortals signifies not much . they pronounce upon imperfect views , shoot their bolt at random ; and want either strength or steadiness to hit the mark. their partialities spoil their judgment , and make them praise and censure without reason or measure . like some spectators in a play , they are apt to laugh and admire in the wrong place : to commend a man for his follies and his faults ; or for that which is not properly his own . but to speak familiarly , there are great people in the other world : for rank , for merit , and sufficiency , extreamly valuable . the respect of these i confess is worth the working for . their commendation is a title indeed ; enough to affect the most mortified humility . but if we expect this honour , we must live as it were under their observation ; and govern our behaviour by their maxims . taking this for a rule , that with them , there is no being great , and good for nothing ; no possessing without purchase ; and nothing current , but honesty and virtue . good night . of musick . i shall say nothing concerning the theory of musick : those who have a mind to inform themselves about it , may consult boethius , glareanus , galtruchius , and others , who have written upon this subject . my business shall only be to touch a little upon the antiquity , the reputation , and the force of this science . the antiquity of musick reaches beyond the flood : iubal , noah's brother , is said to be father , or first teacher , of those who handled the harp , and the organ . and how far a genius which lay that way might improve his invention , in seven or eight hundred years of life and vigour , is not easy to imagine . so that for ought we know , an antediluvian air might as far exceed all the later performances of greece and italy , as that world is supposed to have done the present . and how much soever this , as well as other entertaining arts , might suffer by the flood , by the shortness of life , and the necessity of labour ; it was not long before it emerged again : as we may learn from the song of moses , and the timbrel of miriam . iob likewise , who is supposed no less antient than the other , mentions several sorts of musical instruments , ( cap. . ) and which is observable , neither of these divine authors speak of them as things newly invented . as for the heathen , they did not forget to divert themselves this way in those earlier ages : linus , and amphion , and orpheus , and chiron , who all lived before the trojan war , were famous musicians in their times . some of these heroes were at the head of the argonautick expedition . and therefore i cannot see why the welch harp , if it was dubbed , might not make as honourable a knighthood as the golden fleece ; especially since they would have apollo for the sovereign of their order . to come a little lower : ho●er brings in achilles relieving his melancholy with his lute . and tully tells us , that the antient grecians , the most polished nation at that time , did not think a gentleman well bred , unless he could perform his part at a consort of musick . insomuch that themistocles , though otherwise a great person , was taxed for being defective in this accomplishment . 't is true , he turn'd off the censure with a rough sort of a jest. he knew how to take a town , he said ; but as for thrumming upon a fiddle , he left it to such finical sparks as they were . musick was antiently used in the best company , and upon the greatest occasions . 't was the entertainment of people of quality : it bore a part in the magnificence of triumphs , and in the solemnities of religion . the heathen liturgy consisted partly in hymns , and their sacrifices were offer'd up with musick , as plutarch informs us : the jewish service , though with a proper diversity , was likewise thus regulated . and by the scripture-descriptions seems to be performed with that exquisiteness , as if nothing but the new ierusalem could reach the harmony of the old. the best poets thought this entertainment great enough for the elysian fields . and st. iohn has brought it into heaven , or into the millennial paradisiacal earth , which is next to it . ( rev. . ) indeed musick , when rightly order'd , cannot be prefer'd too much . for it recreates and exalts the mind at the same time . it composes the passions , affords a strong pleasure , and excites a nobleness of thought . but of this more afterwards . the manner of the conveyance of sounds , which is as it were the basis of musick , is unintelligible . for what can be more strange , than that the rubbing of a little hair and cat-gut together , should make such a mighty alteration in a man that sits at a distance ? but this wonder of perception is not peculiar to the ear : for the operations of all the senses are in some respect incomprehensible . the sense of hearing , as well as that of sight , seems to be of a superior order to the rest . it commands a satisfaction at a greater distance , strikes a finer stroke , and makes a single object divide it self without lessening . for instance : a man may see the light of a candle , and hear a voice or instrument , as well if there be ten in the room , as if he was there alone . the stream of sounds , though cut into several rivulets , comes as full to the ear as if it had but one chanel to feed . the taste and touch are , if one may say so , more narrow spirited . they engross an object to themselves , and won't let the company share with them . they take faster hold 't is true , but then they do not salute so ceremoniously . they are , comparatively , a sort of robust , peasantly senses . and those who indulge them are , in reality , of the lowest rank of mankind . the force of musick is more wonderful than the conveyance . how strangely does it awaken the mind ? it infuses an unexpected vigour , makes the impression agreable and sprightly , and seems to furnish a new capacity , as well as a new opportunity of satisfaction . it raises , and falls , and counterchanges the passions at an unaccountable rate . it charms and transports , ruffles and becalms , and governs with an almost arbitrary authority . there is scarcely any constitution so heavy , or any reason so well fortified , as to be absolutely proof against it . ulysses , as much a hero as he was , durst not trust himself with the syrens voices . he knew , if he had not waxed up his ears , they would quickly have spoiled his philosophy . i believe the softer musick may be the more irresistible of the two ; because the soul has a sort of generosity in it , which loves rather to be courted than stormed . however , the rougher sounds are not without their effect . have you not observed a captain at the head of a company , how much he is alter'd at the beat of a drum ? what a vigorous motion , what an erected posture , what an enterprizing visage , all of a suddain ? his blood charges in his veins , his spirits jump like gunpowder , and seem impatient to attack the enemy . the antients were much our superiors in this mystery . they knew how to arm a sound better , and to put more force and conquest in it than we understand . to give an instance or two : timotheus , a grecian , was so great a master , that he could make a man storm and swagger like a tempest . and then , by altering the notes , and the time , he would take him down again , and sweeten his humour in a trice . one time , when alexander was at dinner , this man play'd him a phrygian air : the prince immediately rises , snatches up his lance , and puts himself into a posture of fighting . and the retreat was no sooner sounded by the change of the harmony , but his arms were grounded , and his fire extinct , and he sat down as orderly as if he had come from one of aristotle's lectures . i warrant you demosthenes would have been flourishing about such a business a long hour , and may be not have done it neither . but timotheus had a nearer cut to the soul : he could neck a passion at a stroke , and lay it a asleep . pythagoras once met with a parcel of drunken fellows , who were likely to be troublesom enough . he presently orders the musick to play grave , and chop into a dorion : upon this , they all threw away their garlands , and were as sober and as shame-faced as one would wish . that the musick of the antients could command farther than the modern , is past dispute . whether they were masters of a greater compass of notes , or knew the secret of varying them more artificially : whether they adjusted the intervals of silence more exactly , had their hands or their voices farther improved , or their instruments better contrived : whether they had a deeper in-sight into the philosophy of nature , and understood the laws of the union of the soul and body more throughly ; and from thence were enabled to touch the passions , strengthen the sense , or prepare the medium with greater advantage : whether they excell'd us in all , or in how many of these ways , is not so clear. however this is certain ▪ that our improvements of this kind are little better than alehouse-crowds , with respect to theirs . 't is likely this declension of musick has laid some powers of the soul perfectly asleep , for want of an occasion strong enough to call them up ▪ but possibly we are no great loosers by it : for the heathens often made an ill use of this advantage . the fathers declaim against their theatre musick , as lewd and licentious . no doubt 't was capable of being reformed to manly and religious purposes . and , on the other hand , 't is no less probable we might have misemploy'd it as much as they did . and here it may not be improper to consider , whether there may not be some counter sounds ; which may give the mind as high a disgust , as the other can a pleasure . for the purpose : i believe 't is possible to invent an instrument that shall have a quite contrary effect to those martial ones now in use. an instrument that shall sink the spirits , and shake the nerves , and curdle the blood , and inspire despair , and cowardise , and consternation , at a surprizing rate . 't is probable the roaring of lions , the warbling of cats and schritch-owls , together with a mixture of the howling of dogs , judiciously imitated and compounded , might go a great way in this invention . whether such anti-musick as this might not be of service in a camp , i shall leave to the military men to consider . to return . though the entertainments of musick are very engaging ; though they make a great discovery of the soul ; and shew it capable of strange diversities of pleasure : yet to have our passions lye at the mercy of a little minstrelsy ; to be fiddled out of our reason and sobriety ; to have our courage depend upon a drum , or our devotions on an organ , is a sign we are not so great as we might be . if we were proof against the charming of sounds ; or could we have the satisfaction without the danger ; or raise our minds to what pitch we pleas'd by the strength of thinking , it would be a nobler instance of power and perfection . but such an independency is not to be expected in this world , therefore we must manage wisely and be contented . one word of church-musick , and i have done . the end of church-musick is to relieve the weariness of a long attention ; to make the mind more chearful and composed ; and to endear the offices of religion . it should therefore imitate the perfume of the iewish tabernacle , and have as little of the composition of common use as is possible . there must be no voluntary maggots , no military tattoos , no light and galliardizing notes ; nothing that may make the fancy trifling , or raise an improper thought . this would be to prophane the service , and bring the play-house into the church . religious harmony must be moving , but noble withal ; grave , solemn , and seraphick . fit for a martyr to play , and an angel to hear . it should be contrived so as to warm the best blood within us , and take hold of the finest part of the affections : to transport us with the beauty of holiness ; to raise us above the satisfactions of life , and make us ambitious of the glories of heaven . and without doubt if the morals of the quire were suitable to the design of the musick , it were no more than requisite . to come reeling from a tavern , or a worse place , into a church , is a monstrous incongruity . such irregular people are much fitter for the exercises of penance , than exultation . the use of them disserves the interest of religion : and is in effect little better than singing the praises of god , through the organ of the devil . of the value of life . to quarrel with the present state of mankind , is an ungrateful reflection upon providence . what if the offices of life are not so fine , and great , as we can fancy ; they are certainly much better than we can challenge ▪ what pretence could nothing have to insist upon articles ? as long as the conveniences of being may , if we please , exceed the inconveniences , we ought to be thankful : for the overplus of advantage is pure unmerited favour . he that repines because he is not more than a man , deserves to be less : indeed the very complaint makes him so . but the errours on this hand are not so common : people are not so apt to be too big to live , as too little to dye . they are much more frequently over-fond of the world , than asham'd on 't . not that there is a perfect indifferency required . the laws of self-preservation , the long acquaintance of soul and body , the untry'd condition of a separation , and respect to our friends , are sufficient reasons not to turn our backs upon life out of an humour . the very uneasiness of taking leave , is a fair excuse to stay , when it may be done handsomly : for no-body is bound to put himself to pain to no purpose . now 't is odds but that there will be a pang at parting . for though a man is born into this world with his mothers labour , yet 't is his own that must carry him to the other . besides , he that does not go off with a good conscience , must expect a very bad reception . this consideration was overlooked by most of the heathen philosophers . they thought annihilation was the hardest of the case . that death would make a man caesar aut nullus , happy or nothing . this mistake made their arguments bear up with a more negligent romantick sort of bravery , than otherwise they would have done . but religion , which gives us a prospect of horror beyond the grave , should make us careful how we go thither . life was given for noble purposes ; and therefore we must not part with it foolishly . it must not be thrown up in a pet , nor sacrificed to a quarrel , nor whined away in love. pride , and passion , and discontent , are dangerous diseases to dye of . we are lifted under providence , and must wait till the discharge comes . to desert our colours will be of more than mortal consequence . he that goes into the other world before he is sent for , will meet with no good welcome . on the other side , a man may be too backward , as well as too forward , in resigning . life may be overvalued , as well as other things ; and he that buys it at the expence of duty , purchases too dear . some people seem resolved to spin out life as long as they can : they are for going to the utmost extent of nature : and will not venture a single pulse upon any consideration . but to dote upon breathing ( for 't is little more ) at this rate , is to turn slave to all sorts of meaness and vice. fright such a one but with the fear of death , and you may make him say or do what you please , though never so infamous or ridiculous . and if his cowardize is not tryed thus far , yet this lean principle will be sure to keep him servile and insignificant . he will never touch at a great proposal ; nor run any generous hazards for his friends , or country . and is it worth ones while thus to value life , above the ends and purposes of living ? the resolution of pompey was much more becoming ; who when he was disswaded from embarking because the weather was tempestuous , replied very handsomely , gentlemen , make no more words on 't . my voyage is necessary , my life is not so . the true estimate of being is not to be taken from age , but action . a man , as he manages himself , may dye old at thirty , and a child at fourscore . to nurse up the vital flame as long as the matter will last , is not always good husbandry . 't is much better to cover it with an extinguisher of honour , than let it consume till it burns blew , and lies agonizing within the socket , and at length goes out in no perfume . if the sun were not to rise again , methinks it would look bigger for him to tumble from the sky at noon , with all his light and heat about him , than to gain a course of four or five hours , only to languish and decline in . when a noble occasion presents ; an occasion that will bear a cool debate , and stand the test of reason , and may be pleaded to advantage in the other world ; when a man is called upon to offer up himself to his conscience , and to resign to justice and truth : in such a case , one would think , he should be so far from avoiding the lists , that he should rather enter with inclination , and thank god for the honour of the opportunity . he should then be more solicitous about his behaviour than his life . then , fortem posce animum & mortis terrore carentem . let him pray for resolution to act up to the height of the occasion . that he may discover nothing of meaness , or disorder ; nothing that may discredit the cause , tarnish the glory , and weaken the example of the suffering . there are some opportunities of going out of the world , which are very well worth ones while to come in for . the last act of life , is sometimes like the last number in a sum , ten times greater than all the rest . to slip the market when we are thus fairly offer'd , is great imprudence : especially considering we must part with the thing afterwards for less . but is it not a sad thing to fall thus plumb into the grave ? to be well one minute , and dead the next ? not at all ! if we are prepared , the shorter the voyage is , the better . is it not more eligible to come in with a smooth gale , than to be tossed at sea with a storm , and then throwna shore when the vessel is wrack'd ? is it so desirable a condition to run through a long course of pain , to consume by inches , and loose ones blood by drops ? a death-bed figure is certainly the most humbling sight in the world. to set in so dark a cloud , and to go off with languor , convulsions , and deformity , is a terrible rebuke to the dignity of humane nature . besides , people are frighted by phantoms of their own raising , and imposed on by words and things ill joyned together . a natural death is generally the most violent . an executioner does the business more gently than a disease . he that can conquer his imagination , may possibly dye easier of a faggot than of a fever . and had better chuse to have the fire kindled without , than within him . to say flesh and blood cannot be reconciled to this , is a mistake . people have sometimes too much courage this way : how often does revenge , and poverty , and disappointment , make men force their passage into the other state ? a slave has stomach enough to kill himself : and he that is not master of his liberty , will be master of his life . there is no age nor sex , no passion or condition , so dispirited and low , but affords instances of the contempt of death . the old goths , from whence the saxons are probably descended , were so hardy , that it was part of their discipline and religion to scorn their lives . if they were afraid of any thing , it was of dying in their beds . in alexander's time , the indian philosophers , when they were weary of living , used to lye down upon their funeral pile , without any visible concern . and afterwards , about the reign of adrian , lucian mentions one peregrinus , who jump'd into a fiery furnace at the olympick games , only to shew the company how far his vanity could carry him . at this day , the heathen women under the mogul , offer themselves to the flames at the death of their husbands . 't is true , the mahumetans won't always let them have their will : but they think they are hardly dealt with , when refused ; and make all the interest they have for the honour . i need not mention the primitive christians , whose fortitude was both general and extraordinary . insomuch that lactantius , and others , observe , that the women and children did not shew the least signs of complaint , either in looks , voice , or motion , when they seemed to lye under the extremity of torture . but it may be replied , and that truly , that these were supported by supernatural strength . however , the former instances may suffice to shew , that there is a greatness in humane nature not to be over-awed by death . the way to be possess'd of this quality to purpose , is to live well . there is no such bravery as that of a good christian. he that can look the other world in the face , needs fear nothing . but as for the courage of bullys and town-sparks , who are so hardy as to risque body and soul , upon a point of pretended honour , there is no language can reach their extravagance . they are distempered beyond the lunacy of bedlam , and should be taken care of accordingly . of the spleen . the spleen is oftentimes nothing but a nice and exceptious temper , which takes check at every little disappointment . a tincture of conceit , will make a man subject to this distemper . those who overvalue their pretensions are apt , upon every little occasion , to think they are ill used . that quality should grow thus cheap , and merit be thus over-look'd ! who could have imagined people so strangely stupid and unacknowledging ? well! i 'll lock up my face , and draw in my good humour , and do my self the justice of a private resentment . these expostulations in words would be ridiculous , and therefore they are suppressed ; but they seem to be the thoughts of some persons . you need not provoke their spirits by outrages , either in fame or fortune , or by any injury of a greater size . a careless gesture , a word , or a look , is enough to disconcert them . such a supposed neglect , spreads a gloominess upon their humour , and makes them grow sullen and unconversable . and when they are disturbed only by their own weakness , and doing penance for their vanity , they lay the fault upon their constitution . 't is commonly said the spleen is a wise disease , which i believe makes some fond of catching it . 't is possible it may be the only symptom of sense they have about them . but if a man can show his understanding no better way , than by troubling himself and the company , let him e'en pretend to it no longer ; but rather make it his business to be a fool. however , it must be granted that these fits of chagrin proceed sometimes from natural causes . the fumes of indigestion , insensible abatements of health , sudden changes of weather , affect the brain , though they make no sensible impression elsewhere . this disturbs the imagination , and gives a new and melancholy complexion to the appearances of things . wise thinking and good humour , unless people look to it , are precarious advantages ; a cloud is enough to over-cast them ; they rise and fall with the mercury in the weather-glass . some men can scarcely talk sense , unless the sun shines out . understanding requires a kind climate , as well as plants . and if a man would make nice remarks , he might almost tell in what latitude , season , and circumstances , a book was writ in . generally speaking , northern and southern wit differ almost as much as fruits ; by consequence , summer and winter must have a proportionable influence . ovid de tristibus has nothing of the air of his metamorphosis ; and tully offer'd to prove himself not depressed by a misfortune , by the spirit he wrote with under it . when outward causes concur , the idle , the anxious , and the unfortunate , are soonest seized by this infection . at such a time , a man should awaken himself ; and immediately strike off into business , or innocent diversion . next to religion , there is nothing like a vigorous mind . resolution , and spirit , will quickly repel the malignity , and discuss the humour . now every one is bound in honour , as well as interest , to do his best . for to lye at the command of so many little accidents , can be no pleasing discovery . to lose the comforts of life in a few vapours , and to be smoked and smothered out of ones reason , are far from circumstances of credit . what wise man would bring the night-mare upon his fancy ; and conjure up apparitions to frighten himself ? who would double his misfortunes , and spoil the habit of his body and his mind , if he could help it ? the evils of necessity are numerous enough , without being multiplied by those of choice . and as the spleen has great inconveniences , so the pretence of it is a handsom cover for many imperfections . it often hides a man's temper , and his condition , from breaking out to disadvantage . for the purpose : one man is press'd with unusual poverty , and looks , as he has reason , somewhat odly upon it . what makes this alteration ? why his blood is over-run with melancholy ; whereas if you examine farther , you will find the seat of the distemper lies in the pocket . another is severely mortified by some great disappointment , but this must not be owned : no. the man is impregnable , he has his mind in a string , but no body can command a constitution . he that has dispirited himself by a debauch , drank away his good humour , and it may be raised his conscience a little upon him , has this pretence to guard against censure : a civil guesser will believe him hypocondriacal , and all is well . if he is silent and unentertaining to a visiter , the spleen is his excuse , and conveys his pride or disaffection out of sight . in short , the spleen does a great deal of service in conversation : it makes ill nature pass for ill health , dulness for gravity , and ignorance for reservedness . the way to prevent this distemper , and cure it when it lies in the mind , is not to be over expecting . if we take it amiss that our acquaintance are not always ready to solicit our business , to study our inclinations , and to compliment our humour , we are likely to have work enough . to look for so obliging a world as this comes to , is to miscalculate extreamly . when all 's done , most people will love themselves best . therefore we should not be surprized when we see them prefer their own interest , break a jest at our cost , or raise themselves by our depression . 't is possible they may only make reprizals , and return our own usage upon us . however 't is good not to build too much upon the fairness of others . more especially ; those who would be easy , must not be nice in trivial matters , nor insist on punctualities in behaviour , nor be afflicted at the omission of a little ceremony . all people do not love to be tyed down to forms , nor to walk in trammels . if a man values regard , he needs not ask the company , he may give it himself if he pleases . these disputes commonly disorder none but weak and fantastick minds , who have taken a surfeit of prosperity : and since god has sent them no crosses , they are resolved to make some out of their own indiscretion . to conclude : he that would live at ease , should always put the best construction on business , and conversation . he should not suppose there was malice , or contempt , meant him in every action he does not understand . to interpret up to this rigour , will make him often mistaken , and always upon the fret : and is the way neither to be just to others , nor kind to himself . of eagerness of desire . desire is a conscious emptiness , an unsatisfied capacity : it implies want in the very notion , and supposes the absence of the thing desired . was our power equal to our will , desire would be a short-lived passion ; it would generally begin and end at a single thought . for then we should put our selves in possession , at the first sight , of whatever we believed agreable . every intelligent being , if its force was not limited , would soon be master of all known perfections . and as desires are the consequence of imperfection , so 't is likely they are naturally enlivened to awaken our industry , and make us pursue an advantage . did our wishes keep a due proportion to the goodness of things , and not mount above the probability of success , all were well enough . but men are apt to miscalculate , both upon the value , and the event : and then wrong judgments , and visionary hopes , always produce extravagant desires . and how gay soever the fancy may be made this way , yet there is great reason for caution and reserve . to desire with eagerness is a beggarly condition : it argues a keen sense of want , and makes the mind run strolling after foreign objects , and grow clamorous and importunate . and he that begs hard , is either very poor , or very covetous . a wise man should be satisfied with himself , and live upon the fund of his own sufficiency . he should keep his inclinations within the compass of his power , and wish himself always just what he is . there is freedom , and greatness , and pleasure , in such a management as this . but to over look the entertainment before him , and languish for that which lies out of the way , is sickly and servile . to say , he must have such a thing , is to say , he must be a slave . it lays him at the mercy of chance and humour , and makes his happiness precarious . now he that cannot give himself leave to be easy , will hardly ever be so long together . if we examine these violent pursuits , we shall find they have more of heat than light in them . the object is over-flourished by the fondness of fancy , which usually paints beyond the life , and sticks in the outward varnish , without having either leisure or capacity to discover the coarsness underneath . how happy should i be , crys one , if i had such an estate , such a place at court , or post in the army ? 't would suit my genius , and my humour exactly . give me but that , and i have done wishing for my life time . you have it already , ten times finer than 't is any where else . make much of your imagination , for you 'll scarcely ever pattern it . 't is not possible to build up to the model of the brain : nature does not furnish so fast as we can think . for oftentimes the scenes of fancy are richer than those of creation . gold shines no where so gloriously as in the miser's head : and ambition makes a crown sparkle , more than the jewels of the indies . nothing draws so finely as affection : there must be some colouring extraordinary to justify the ardour , and reconcile the dotage to sense . and thus things are often half spoiled before they are gained , and grow cheap under use and experiment . he that would relish success to purpose , should keep his passion cool , and his expectation low ; and then 't is possible his fortune might exceed his fancy . now an advantage always rises by surprize , and is almost doubled by being unlooked for . farther : strong desires are commonly attended with fears proportionable . the man is kept waking , and solicitous : he starts at the least check in motion ; every cloud over-casts him with the spleen ; and he is equally anxious both how to get and secure . and what can be expected in this region of inconstancy , where accidents are so numerous , where hopes appear and vanish like phantoms , where neither things nor persons continue the same long together ? besides , to wish violently for things , unless we understood our selves and them better , is like running in the dark ; a man may happen to justle a post. however , the hurry of the pursuit will make but a shuffling pace , and spoil the gracefulness of the motion . but the lustre of the surface dazles the sense , and conceals the more inward defects . people don't consider that the best metal is not without alloy , and that there are spots in the sun. to this we may add , that the name of misfortune is often misapplied : there are many adventures would plague more than please , if they were driven home . and yet when men are rescued from the danger of their own choice , they commonly want the discretion to be either easy or thankful . but let the event be never so lucky , the satisfaction will wither , and the appetite wear off in time. diamonds grow dim , by being long look'd on : and musick may play till the ears are almost grated . to proceed : strong desires are temptations to the use of ill means . in the tumults of passion , reason is seldom heard . he that will have a thing , will have it , right or wrong . when covetousness or ambition are in their full career , there is no stopping them with notions . si violandum est jus regnandi causa , violandum est , and there is an end. ahab could neither eat nor drink , till he had the vineyard . and therefore e'en left it to iezebel's conscience to put him in possession . and if the pursuit were never so innocent , the purchase is not tanti : the mind is over-proportioned to the advantages of life ; they will not hold out to the length of desire . and since they are not big enough to satisfy , they should not be big enough to dissatisfy . solomon tells us , all is but vanity , and vexation of spirit . and does any man think to make more of the world than solomon ? can he expect to command , or improve it farther than that wise and mighty prince ? we do but disturb our quiet , and mispend our thoughts , and make our selves mean , by throwing away our inclinations upon these things . to make short work on 't : let a man desire to be wise : and if he has this wish , 't is likely he may ne'er be troubled with another . of friendship . in a dialogue between philander and sophronius . phil. sir , you are welcom to town . methinks 't is almost an age since i saw you last . soph. sir , i thank you : i had been here sooner at your service , had i not been detained by a misfortune . phil. i am sorry for the occasion : pray what is it ? soph. i have lost my old friend , on whose acquaintance you have heard me value my self so much . phil. is he dead ? that is a misfortune indeed ! he was a most admirable person , by the report of all that knew him . soph. yes . his character could scarcely be raised too much . were i not well assured he was removed to advantage , i should pass my time extreamly ill without him . but now i am almost ashamed to grieve , because it looks more like self-love , than friendship . phil. truly , to be sorry a friend is not with us , when he is better from us , is a sign we rate our convenience highest ; and mourn more for the living than the dead . however , 't is customary to do so ; and it passes for affection well enough , and i believe is so in a less perfect degree . soph. i am glad you have made me an excuse ; for i was carried off my philosophy a little at first , do what i could . phil. be not concern'd . a sigh , or a tear , just at parting , is natural and generous . but you have quickly conquer'd the common infirmity , and resign'd your self to the happiness of your friend . i 'm confident , he that acquits himself so handsomly , must have a just idea to form his practice : and i heartily wish you would please to lay it before me . soph. you are resolved to treat people in mourning with ceremony . i thank you for your civility , and for proposing so agreable a subject . were i qualified to describe the offices of friendship , none could undertake it more willingly . such an employment would affect me to that degree , that i should almost fancy my friend alive again . but i think i had better decline the task , than injure the argument . however , if you please to assist , and set me in : i will endeavour to recollect my self for a short conference , as well as i can . phil. to begin then , since you will have it so . i remember t is a famous saying in aristotle , that he who is pleas'd with solitude must be either a wild beast , or a god. this sentence , though it favours what we are upon in the application , yet methinks it is a strange paradox in the position . but for the credit of the author , if it can be made serviceable , i should be glad to see it . soph. i confess it looks somewhat surprizing at first sight ; that two such different natures should agree in any disposition , or branch of life . but with submission , the saying carrys a very significant meaning : and imports , that those beings who can live without a sociable correspondence , are extraordinary either in their defects , or perfections . they must be under the standard of humane nature , or above it : and have something that is either savage , or divine , in their composition . the first is not generous enough to relish such a communication ; the other is above the use of it . that humane friendships are partly founded upon the wants and imperfections of nature , may be said without disparagement to so noble a relation . a man has not every thing growing upon his own soyl ▪ and therefore is willing to barter with his neighbour . this exchange of offices , when 't is managed with frankness and fidelity , excites native generosity , and improves into confidence and affection . but god is all things to himself : he needs no foreign commerce to furnish his happiness . and as he cannot receive an advantage , so neither does his satisfaction depend upon giving one . phil. as to what you remark upon the divine nature , i agree with you . but for the rest , if it is the author 's meaning , i am not over-fond of it . to derive friendship from indigence , is in my opinion to mistake its original , and assign it too mean an extraction . inclination , and esteem , and generosity , seem more creditable and likely causes of so noble a production . 't is worth , and bravery , and good humour , which engages one vertuous person to another . these qualities excite admiration , and admiration improves into love , and love proceeds to intimacy and union . and all this , without any little expectations of advantage . to give interest a share in friendship , is in effect to sell it by inch of candle . he that bids most , shall have it . and when 't is thus mercenary , there is no depending on 't . 't will be always shifting from one point to another , and desert upon danger and distress ; and when a man has most need of his friend , he may go look him . soph. don't mistake me . i am far from giving interest the ascendant . i would have honour and inclination manage the affair , over-rule the choice , and govern in the progress . but after all , i must say a prospect of advantage may come under a lower consideration , without doing either damage or discredit . for why should not a just regard be allow'd to that which betters my condition ? the appearance of good moves the will by natural necessity : and that which excites desire , will have a weight in consultation , and help to determine for the design . phil. if profit is at all concern'd . i wonder those who have least need of it , and seem most above it , should be most forward to engage ? are not the greatest men oftentimes strongly dispos'd for friendship ? do they not invite fairly to it , and reward it liberally ? to give an instance : what occasion had laelius and africanus for assistance ? persons of their fortune and quality could well have stood upon their own legs , and needed not to lay in for countenance and support : and yet none closed more heartily , or carried their friendship to a nobler height . soph. under favour , great men want supporters as well as others , and wise men will provide them . but allowing your instance : i grant you money , or protection , may not be always projected in friendship . a man may engage to entertain himself with a wise and agreable acquaintance . now pleasure is an interest of the highest kind . 't is the last end of action and desire . why does any man take pains , but to live easier either in his mind , or some way else ? why is he fond of wealth , of power , or company , but only to please himself ? now 't is almost impossible to live pleasantly without friendship . humane nature is imperfect . it has not fund enough to furnish out a solitary life . paradise , barr'd from all commerce , would be in●upportable , and make a man run mad with his happiness . but without a friend a man is almost alone in company . reserve , and suspicion , and guarding against misconstruction , cramp the freedom of strangers , and dilute the entertainment . i may add , that vertue it self is not sufficient to attain its end single . a good man often wants an assistant to direct his judgment , and quicken his industry , and fortify his spirits . insomuch that the very inclination to an intimate correspondence , seems contrived for advantage . phil. as i take it , a friend is called , alter idem . from whence i conclude the motives to friendship and self-love should be the same . now a man does not expect to make a penny of himself . 't is not the prospect of reward which makes him affected to his person , but stark love and kindness . and how then can we be just to the relation we are treating , unless our inclinations go upon the same generous ground . soph. with submission , your objection goes upon a mistake . for there is a great deal of interest in self-love . a man is considerably paid for his pains . the case stands thus . every one is more intimately sensible of pleasure or pain , in his own person , than in that of another . for this reason he will find himself extreamly concerned to cherish that , which entertains him so well . and unless he takes care , will give him the greatest disturbance . now interest lies only in a proportion of loss , or gain : and where these run highest , as they do at home , interest is most concern'd . from whence it follows , that self-love , is one of the most mercenary actions in nature . phil. 't is the first time i have heard so . i perceive , you are resolved to stick to your point of interest : but since you have allowed it so moderate a share , refined the notion , and corrected the malignity , i shall e'en let it pass . and before we go any farther , give me leave to add , that conformity of judgment and temper , seems no inconsiderable motive to begin a friendship . soph. right . a resemblance in humour or opinion , a fancy for the same business or diversion , is oftentimes a ground of affection : men love to see their thoughts and inclinations approved . this confirms them in the good opinion of themselves : and therefore they seldom fail of being grateful to the occasion . nature , like narcissus , is strangely taken with its own reflexion . a conformity of opinion and desire , looks like a multiplication of ones self . a man sees his own being , as it were , doubled and extended in his friend ; and then 't is no wonder if he loves him . phil. i think now , we may have accounted for the ri●e of friendship ; i wish you would run over the means of cul●ivating and preserving it , the extent of the offices , and the advantages of the relation . for now i have you engaged , i shall leave you to your self . soph. then briefly to observe your order . there goes a great many qualifications to the compleating this relation . there is no small share of honour , and conscience , and sufficiency , required . there will be occasion for largeness of mind , and agreableness of temper . for prudence of behaviour ; for courage and constancy ; for freedom from passion , and self-conceit . a a man that 's fit to make a friend of , must have conduct to manage the engagement , and resolution to maintain it . he must use freedom without roughness , and oblige without design . cowardise will betray friendship , and covetousness will starve it . folly will be nauseous , passion is apt to ruffle , and pride will fly out into contumely and neglect . pride is so unsociable a vice , and does all things with so ill a grace , that there is no closing with it . a proud man will be sure to challenge more than belongs to him . you must expect him stiff in his conversation , fulsom in commending himself , and bitter in his reproofs . 't is well if his favours are not turn'd into injury and affront ; spoiled either by the contemptuous way of doing , or by upbraiding after they are done . such behaviour as this frights away friendship , and makes it stand off in dislike and aversion . friendship , though not nice and exceptious , yet must not be coarsely treated , nor used with distance or disdain . a correspondence managed at this rate , may be supported by necessity , but never by inclination . the man may be kept for some time , but the friend is lost . friendship , to make it true , must have beauty as well as strength : charms to endear , as well as power to supply . an obliging air is a circumstance of great moment . 't is a good sign of a benevolent mind , which to speak properly gives the whole value to a courtesy . to improve the relation , there must be a willingness to receive a kindness , as well as to do one . he who always refuses , taxes the profferer with indiscretion , and declares his assistance needless . an inoffensive pleasantness is another good quality for the same purpose . this talent enlivens conversation , and relieves melancholy , and conveys advice with better success than naked reprehension . this guilding of the pill , reconciles the palat to the prescription , without weakening the force of the ingredients . and he that can cure by recreation , and make pleasure the vehicle of health , is a doctor at it in good earnest . phil. spare me a word , or i shall lose the opportunity of a question . 't is said , that friendship either finds people equal , or makes them so : do you think it so much a leveller as this comes to ? soph. no. there is no more necessity for an equality of condition , than that their knowledg , or stature , should be of the same proportion . i confess where the difference is considerable , the invitation must be the fairer . a man must stoop his hand for his friend , and raise him up towards his own ground . the advantage must be laid asleep . there must be no challenge of superiority , or discountenancing of freedom , on the one hand : nothing of envy , or repining , on the other . in my opinion , disparity in age , seems a greater obstacle to an intimate friendship than inequality of fortune . for the humours , business , and diversions , of young and old men , are generally very different . so that if they use a full freedom , and let their inclinations strike out , they will displease ; if they balk them , they 'll be uneasy . besides , the occasion of these different thoughts , is not to be removed . a wealthy person may cure the indigence of his friend , and make him as rich as himself , if he pleases . but age and youth cannot be made over , or adjusted . nothing but time can take away years , or give them . however , this impediment does not always take place : socrates and alcibiades may serve for an instance . and old laelius professes he had an extraordinary kindness for several young people . phil. now if you please to the extent of the office. how far is a man obliged to serve his friend ? soph. as far as he is able , and the interest of the other requires it . as far as opportunity , discretion , and former preingagements will give leave . to break upon the score of danger , or expence , is to be mean and narrow spirited . provided always the assistance may be given without undoing a man , or prejudice to a third person ; without violations of conscience , or honour . where the thing is unlawful , we must neither ask , nor comply . all importunities against justice , are feverish desires , and not to be gratified . where vertue is not made the measure of a correspondence , 't is no better than that of thieves and pyrats . 't is a scandalous excuse to say , i murther'd a man , or betray'd my country , at the instance of a friend . when principles and duty lie thus at the mercy of a little ceremony , we are likely to have a good time on 't ! he that would engage me unwarrantably , takes me for an ill person . his motion is an affront , and i ought to renounce him for the injury of his opinion . phil. i am perfectly of your mind ; and shall go on to another question . is it fair to conceal any thing from a friend ? or must the communication be entire , and without limitation ? are not secrets in reserve , ungenerous suspitions ; and inconsistent with the confidences of friendship ? soph. 't is possible some people have strain'd courtesy in this point : and made their good nature over-ballance their caution . my answer , since you are pleased to ask it , is this : whatever my friend is concerned to know , i ought to acquaint him with , and stand the hazard of the discovery . but in other cases , a man may be allowed to keep a corner of his soul to himself . while the secret is lodged at home , it can never hurt me . for 't is certain i shall always be true to my own interest , and have a kindness for my self : but i cannot so well ensure the constancy of another . and why then should i put my self in his power to no purpose ? to dispatch the whole point . as far as prudence and justice will permit , we ought to use a friend with all the frankness and generosity imaginable . there must be no stinting of inclination , no computing upon favours , for fear we should do more than we receive . this is to state accounts , and looks more like merchandize than friendship . exactness , and management , and observation , is a sign of indifferency and distrust . it may do well enough among strangers , but a friend should be treated at a nobler rate ; and used with more confidence and affection . we should examine his occasions , and prevent his desires , and scarce give him time to think he wanted an assistance . a forwardness to oblige , is a great grace upon a kindness , and doubles the intrinsick worth. in these cases , that which is done with pleasure , is always received so . to pass on to the advantages of friendship : now these are so noble , and so necessary , that empire it self is insipid without it . augustus , and tiberius , had loftiness enough in their temper , and affected to make a sovereign figure ; and had their nature been more independent , would have liked a solitary pride very well . but this distance would not do their business . they were glad to part with the singularity of their state in some measure ; to lay their majesty aside , and to purchase freedom and familiarity at the expence of prerogative . where they saw the disposition agreable , they made no scruple to raise mean subjects to the highest honours , to qualify them for intimacy and conversation . they found the satisfactions of greatness imperfect , without the additions of friendship . they thought themselves unsafe without the supports of trust , and uneasy without the permissions of freedom . to appear in their robes always , would be a troublesom piece of state. unless they can be contented with the happiness of a pageant , they must to some persons at least condescend to the habit , and wear the humour of other mortals . 't is somewhat remarkable what commines observes of charles duke of burgundy : this prince was so very reserv'd , that he would impart his secrets to no-body ; especially those which troubled him most . whereupon the historian tells us , that this closeness did impair , and a little perish his understanding . pompey's ambition was as great as cesar's ; his project was the same , but his over-reservedness undid him . he might have been master of the enterprize prize before cesar's competition : but he was so mysterious , that his party knew not what he would be at . and their having no aim to direct and proportion their assistance , was the cause of his miscarriage . but besides the disappointments attending this humour , the uneasiness of it must be almost insupportable ; especially to those who are in business , or trouble . those who have no friend to discharge their cares , and their grievances upon , are ( if one may use so hardy an expression ) a sort of cannibals to themselves , and prey upon their own vitals . a swelling discontent is apt to suffocate and strangle , without passage . whereas those who live within the communication of friendship , have a vent for their misfortunes . they may safely go to the bottom of the matter , report the nicest case , and expose the affected part to cure and compassion . friendship has a noble effect upon all accidents and conditions : it relieves our cares , raises our hopes , and abates our fears . it doubles our joys , and divides our griefs . a friend who relates his success , talks himself into a new pleasure . and by opening his misfortunes , leaves part of them behind him . friendship , like some universal medicine , works contrary ways , but always to the benefit of nature . and as the union of bodies fortifies the action at home , and weakens the impressions of violence , so there is a proportionable improvement from the union of minds . neither is friendship only serviceable to heighten our pleasures , and compose our passions : 't is likewise of sovereign use to the understanding . the benefit of conversation , if there was nothing else in it , would be no inconsiderable improvement . discourse ( without enthusiasm ) creates a light within us , and dispels the gloom and confusion of the mind . a man by tumbling his thoughts , and forming them into expressions , gives them a new kind of fermentation ; which works them into a finer body , and makes them much clearer than they were before . a man is willing to strain a little for entertainment , and to burnish for sight , and approbation . the very presence of a friend , seems to inspire with new vigor . it raises fancy , and reinforces reason ; and gives the productions of the mind better colour and proportion . conversation is like the discipline of drawing out , and mustering ; it acquaints a man with his forces , and makes them fitter for service . besides , there are many awakening hints and rencounters in discourse ; which like the collision of hard bodies , make the soul strike fire , and the imagination sparkle : effects not to be expected from a solitary endeavour . in a word , the advantage of conversation is such , that for want of company a man had better talk to a post , than let his thoughts lie smoking and smothering in his head. another advantage of friendship , is the opportunity of receiving good advice : 't is dangerous relying upon our own opinion . affection is apt to corrupt the judgment . men , like false glasses , generally represent their complexion better than nature has made it . and as they are likely to over flourish their own case , so their flattery is hardest to be discover'd . for who would suspect such treachery at home ? who would imagine his reason suborn'd against his interest , and that himself was guilty of putting tricks upon himself ? now nothing is so effectual to rescue a man out of his own hands , as the plain dealing of a friend . for instruction from books , strikes the imagination more faintly , than that which is delivered viva voce . and observing resembling miscarriages in others , may mislead us by the disparity of the instance . besides , people are not fond of searching after their own faults . to lie poring upon their imperfections , and deformities , is a dull entertainment . a man has no pleasure in proving that he has play'd the fool : and therefore had rather go upon any other discovery . accordingly we may observe , that they who are too big , or too wise , for admonition , do a great many ill , unbecoming , and ridiculous things . as for business , the assistance of of a friend is most useful ; to form the undertaking , and secure the steadiness of the conduct . in matters of moment , our hopes and fears are commonly ill ballanced . a man is apt to be too eagerly engaged , to make just remarks upon the progress and probability of things . nothing so proper as a judicious friend in such a case ; to temper the spirits , and moderate the pursuit : to give the signal for action , to press the advantage , and strike the critical minute . foreign intelligence may have a spy in it , and therefore should be cautiously received . strangers ( i call all such excepting friends ) are often designing in their advice , and make a property of their client . and though their inclinations are hearty , they may give wrong measures , by mistaking the case . an old friend has the whole scheme in his head. he knows the constitution and the disease , the strength and the humour of him he assists : what he can do , and what he can bear . and therefore none so fit to prescribe ; to direct the enterprize , and secure the main chance . farther : friendship is not confined to the consulting part , it comes in likewise at the execution . some cases are so nice that a man cannot appear in them himself , but must leave the soliciting wholly to his friend . for the purpose : a man cannot recommend himself without vanity , nor ask many times without uneasiness . but a kind proxy , will do justice to his merits , and relieve his modesty , and effect his business ; and all without trouble , blushing , or imputation . these considerations ought to make friendship sacred , and guard off all injury and misunderstanding . 't is great folly , as well as injustice , to break off so noble a relation ; especially one which has stood the test of a long experience . for friendship is one of those few things which are the better for the wearing . alphonsus the wise , king of aragon , tells us , that all the acquisitions and pursuits of men , excepting four , were but bawbles ; i. e. old wood to burn , old wine to drink , old books to read , and old friends to converse with . to part with a tryed friend without great provocation , is unreasonable levity . it looks as if a man's spirits were turned eager , and his good humour worn out . such inconstancy of temper , seems to be govern'd by caprice , and curiosity ; and to turn more upon interest than affection . an ambiguous expression , a little chagrin , or a start of passion , is by no means enough to take leave upon . the best people cannot be always even , awake , and entertaining . no person performs at this rate of exactness , and therefore should not require it . the accidents of life , the indispositions of health , the imperfections of reason , ought to be allow'd for . a paradisiacal temper is not to be expected from postdiluvian mortals . the bare inequality of the seasons , is enough to give one the spleen . and therefore your islanders ought to bear with their friends , more than those that live upon the continent . a man that would make the best on 't , must live under the aequator : and in that steady climate , he may possibly find people always in the humour . to be serious : nothing but plain malevolence can justify disunion . malevolence shewn either in a single outrage unretracted , or in habitual ill-nature . such behaviour , i confess , is a notorious breach of articles ; it strikes at the fundamentals , and makes a correspondence impracticable . when the engagement proves thus unlucky , the way is to draw off by degrees , and not come to an open rupture . let the acquaintance be decently buried ; and the flame rather go out , than be smother'd . for as cato well observes , though in the phrase of a taylor , friendship ought not to be unrip'd , but unstitch'd . of popularity . popularity , is a courting the favour of the people by undue practices , or for unwarrantable ends. by the people , i mean those who are under the government of false reasoning , or vitious inclinations , let their condition be what it will. the popular man's designs are power , wealth , reputation , or all together . he that is conscious how much his vanity exceeds his force , and that his merit will never carry up to his ambition ; if he gets but a favourable juncture , and a rising ground , to work he goes . he pretends a great concern for his country , and a more than ordinary insight into matters . now such professions as these , when they are set off with somewhat of gravity and figure , especially when they are recommended by a treat , are very proper to dispose an audience to hear reason . so that now he ventures to acquaint them with the secret of their privileges . that the people are the original of power : that government is always convey'd with an implication of trust , and reservation : that governours are only the executors and administrators of the peoples will : that in strict reasoning , 't is a nobler prerogative to give a crown than to wear it : that the pomp of princes is nothing but the livery of the subjects bounty ; and that the greatness of their wages , ought not to exempt them from the condition of a servant . this , with a little flourish about miscarriages and arbitrary designs , is strangely taking . he that has such a burning zeal , and springs such mighty discoveries , must needs be an admirable patriot . what can a civil people do less than resign themselves up to his conduct , and present him with their understandings ? to come from the state to the church : he that would be an agreable ecclesiastick , must survey the posture of things , examine the ballance of interests , and be well read in the inclinations and aversions of the generality . and then his business will be to follow the loudest cry , and make his tack with the wind. let him never pretend to cure an epidemical distemper , nor fall out with a fashionable vice , nor question the infallible judgment of the multitude . let him rather down with a sinking faction , charge a stragling party , and hang upon a broken rear . let him declaim against a solitary errour , and batter a publick aversion , and press the people upon those extremes , ●o which of themselves they are too inclinable . and when fears and jealousies become clamorous , when discontents run high , and all grows mutinous and mad ; then especial care must be taken not to dilate upon the authority of princes , or the duties of obedience . these are dangerous points , and have ruined many a good man , and are only to be handled when there is least occasion . there are other nice , though inferior cases , in which a man must guard , if he intends to keep fair with the world , and turn the penny. for the purpose : if he is in the city , he must avoid haranguing against circumvention in commerce , and unreasonable imposing upon the ignorance or necessity of the buyer . if you meddle with diana of the ephesians , you must expect to lose demetrius's friendship . the dues will come in but heavily at this rate : but to be sure all the voluntary oblations in presents and respect , are absolutely lost . we are a trading people , ( say some of us ) and must have no interfering between business , and religion . if the pulpits and the exchange will not agree , we must live , and there is an end on 't . to proceed : if his cure lyes among the lawyers . let their be nothing said against entangling property , spinning out of causes , squeezing of clients , and making the laws a greater grievance than those who break them . no rhetorick must be spent against defending a known injustice , against cross-biting a country evidence , and frighting him out of truth , and his senses . 't is granted that touching sometimes upon these heads , is the only way to improve the audience : such plain dealing would either recover , or disarm them : reform the men , or expose the practice . but then you 'll say , this method goes too much to the quick. this divinity may bring the benchers upon the preacher , and make him fall under censure and discountenance . now a person of discretion will take care not to embarras his life , nor expose himself to calumny , nor let his conscience grow too strong for his interest , upon any account . to speak generally . a popular man always swims down the stream : he never crosses upon a prevailing mistake , nor opposes any mischief that has numbers , and prescription on its side . his point is to steal upon the blind side , and apply to the affections : to flatter the vanity , and play upon the weakness of those in power , or interest ; and to make his fortune out of the folly of his neighbours . not that 't is a commendation to be of a morose and cynical behaviour ; to run counter to the innocent humours and customs of mankind ; to be coarse or unseasonable in admonition ; or to avoid the good opinion of people , by rustick incompliance , by peevishness or singularity . but then neither ought a man to please another to his prejudice , to fortify him in an errour by an over-officiousness , and to caress him out of his safety , and discretion . and after all , the success is no such mighty matter . if one considers , he 'll find as little credit as conscience in the purchase . for what sort of reputation must that be , which is gained by methods of infamy ? to debauch men's understandings in order to procure their good word , is a most admirable testimony of our worth ! a blind man must needs be a fit judg of proportions and colour . these patents of honour , which are granted thus by surprize , are always recalled when the party is better advised . the esteem gained this way , like a love-potion , works more by the strength of charm , than nature ; and if ever the person recovers , the hatred will be much greater than the affection . the truth is , if there was no foul play used , or the artifice undiscovered , there would not be much to brag of . for a universal applause , is seldom little less than two thirds of a scandal . a man may almost swear he is in the wrong , when he is generally cryed up . either incapacity or prejudice , negligence or imposture , disorders the judgment of the multitude . their understandings are often too weak , or their passions too strong , to distinguish truth , or pronounce upon the right of the case . if a great man happens to make a false step , and strikes out into a sudden irregularity , he needs not question the respect of a retinne . how is an exploit of this nature celebrated by the crowd , and shouted home with the pomp of a roman triumph ? in fine : to endeavour not to please , is ill-nature ; altogether to neglect it , folly ; and to over-strain for it , vanity and design . a thought . in a dialogue between hylarchus and lucretianus . hyl. i have often thought what it is to think ; and the more i press the enquiry , the farther i am from satisfaction . the operations of the mind are so peculiar , so foreign to all the other appearances of nature , that 't is hard to assign them a proper original . without thinking , we can have no sense of being ; and with it , we are we cannot tell what . so that the same faculty seems to make us acquainted with , and strangers to our selves . luc. i am surpriz'd to find you entangled in so slender a difficulty . thinking every body knows is the work of the brain : that is the forge in which all the speculations of the understanding , and the appetites of the will , are hammer'd out . hyl. i confess possibilities go a great way . but in my opinion , the brain has a very unpromising aspect for such a business . it looks like an odd sort of bog for fancy to paddle in . when i can see people tread sense out of mud , as they do eels , then i may be enclined to believe that brains and reasoning are of kin ; in the mean time i desire to be excused . luc. i 'm sorry your conceptions are so unphilosophical . you seem to forget that the brain has a great many small fibres , or strings in its texture ; which according to the different strokes they receive from the animal spirits , awaken a correspondent idea , and give us those notices of things which we call thoughts . hyl. a little clearer , if you please . luc. you must know then , that the nerves , which have their origin in the brain , are branched into a great many fine subdivisions , and spread upon all the surface of the body . these are the chanels in which the animal spirits move : so that as soon as any foreign object presses upon the sense ; those spirits which are posted upon the out-guards , immediately take the alarm , and scowr off to the brain , which is the head-quarters , or office of intelligence , and there they make their report of what has happen'd . hyl. i suppose they return loaden like bees , and disburthen themselves in the cells much after the same manner ? luc. i have told you the information is convey'd by striking upon the fibres , and giving them a particular bent ; which imprints the character of the object upon the mind . hyl. i should almost as soon imagine , that the striking a viol with the bow , should entertain the instrument with its own musick . but as i remember , some say the spirits tilt so violently , that they make holes where they strike ; which are no sooner open , but the ideas run into them as fast as may be . and after they have lain there a little while , grow as drowsy as dormice , unless they are rowsed by a new summons . by the way , what are animal spirits ; methinks they perform strange things ? luc. they are a kind of little pellets , wrought off the finer parts of the blood. hyl. then i perceive they are bodies all this while . luc. yes . but admirably furnish'd for dispatch and intelligence . hyl. let them be as sleek , and well timber'd , as those atoms epicurus made his soul of ; yet i 'm afraid they are not altogether qualified for that office you have put them in . for supposing a bird sits before me ; these mercurys immediately run up to the center of sensation , to give an account of what is arrived . now in doing this , either every single animal spirit must convey a whole representation , which would multiply the object , if not over-load the carrier ; or else they must divide the image among them ; and so lug off every one his share . this i confess is the more equal way : but then when they have taken the object to pieces , how they will set it toge-again , is hard to imagine . for they cannot strike all upon one point ; and if they could , they would jumble the proportions , and run the object all on heaps ; where the later impression would go near to deface the former . but if they impinge upon different parts , and make every part sensible with the stroke ; 't is true then they have it among them , but which way the whole should emerge , is still incomprehensible . for supposing the image was painted in order , without any dislocation , vacant intervals , or interloping ; yet the parts of the fibres being distinct , and impregnated by distinct spirits , they can account no farther than their share of motion reaches : and therefore how they should club their particular informations into a common idea , is inconceivable . for instance : if a cake is broken among twenty people , though there may be nothing lost in the division , yet 't will be next to impossible for each person , from the view of a single fragment , to understand what relation either in site , or magnitude , his proportion bears to the whole . besides , if any of the returning spirits should happen to fall foul upon others which are outward bound ; ( which is not unlikely : ) these counter-motions would over-set them , or occasion a later arrival ; either of which accidents would maim the image , and make it imperfect . these rubs you see will lie in the way of sensation : but then in the business of imagination , the difficulty is still greater . for here are no external impressions to begin the motion . 't is true , outward objects will make us perceive them , whether we will or no. but the exercises of imagination are oftentimes purely voluntary . when the passions are not violent , we may check or quicken , change or extinguish , the operation as we please . now i would gladly know the main spring of the motion . what power it is which opens the scene , and gives direction to the whole management ; which chalks out the course of the spirits , and limits their commission , both as to time , and other circumstances of action ? luc. i perceive you imagine a mechanical solution impossible . but if you examined the exquisite fineness of the animal spirits , and the exact proportion between them and the fibres , to give and receive impressions , i believe you would alter your opinion : especially considering this hypothesis is supported by matter of fact. hyl. we 'll examine your matter of fact afterwards . at present let me tell you , since both the fibres , and spirits , are material ; i think it impossible for them to produce effects , so much above the vigour of the cause . you may as well expect that two bowls should grow sensible by rubbing , as that the rencounter of any bodies , should awaken them into perception and reasoning . the whole force of mechanism , consists in matter and motion . matter is nothing but extention , that is , length , breadth , and depth . and motion implies no more than a change of situation in the parts of matter . now these two ingredients , though never so well mix'd , will not rise into the composition of a spirit . thoughts , and dimensions , are the most incompatible , unresembling things in nature . to make the first out of the later , is a harder metamorphosis than any is in ovid. who ever heard of an ounce of pain , an inch of desire , or an ell of contemplation . luc. i suppose you fancy if matter and motion can make a thought ; a thought may make matter and motion . hyl. why not ? what should hinder this mercury from being fixed after sublimation , and thrown back into its former state ? but as this won't do , so neither will the other . take a body and run it through all shapes , and changes ; force it into all climates , and b●ndy it through the universe ; yet , like some young travellers , 't will come home as dull , and unthinking , as it went out . for all this bustle amounts to no more than making the parts and motion greater , or lesser , than they were before ; and giving them a new neighbourhood . luc. i should have fancied that when the parts were broken fine , and curiously filed , a brisk touch of motion would have quickned them into thinking . ●●●hyl . motion make them think ! you may as well expect discourse from a tempest , or consgration . and as for the fineness of parts , if that signifies any thing , a mite would have more sense than a man. and to carry on the improvement : one would think we might beat spice till it felt the pestil ; and with a good flint and steel , strike consciousness into a tinder-box . luc. what makes you so positive against the sensibility of matter ? hyl. because 't is nothing but extension variously figured . luc. do you know all the affections of bodies ? if not , why do you confine their operations ? hyl. if you ask me whether i know all the effects which may result from all the possible combinations of matter , and motion : i answer , no ; neither is it necessary . but this i know , that all your transmutations can never hunt a body out of extension . you may divide , or consolidate ; alter the superficies , the bulk , or place ; quicken the motion , or interrupt the quiet ; but after all 't will have longitude , latitude , and profundity , in spight of fate . the consequence is , that all the revolutions in nature , can give it nothing more than different degrees of these dimensions . and what affinity has thinking with such attributes as these ? no more than there is between a syllogism and a yard-wand . in a word : if thinking is essential to matter , than all matter must think ; and if so , stocks and stones will come in for their share of privilege . but if all matter does not think , none can ; for the essence of all matter is the same . luc. does it imply a contradiction for matter to think ? hyl. truly , in my opinion , as much as for a man to be a horse . luc. why so ? does thinking extinguish extension ? hyl. it extinguishes the idea if you will ; and that is sufficient proof it does not belong to the thing . luc. because extension and cogitation are unallied in their ideas , and this later is not implied in the notion of matter , you conclude this faculty does not belong to it . hyl. yes ; and with good reason . for how can the distinction of substances be known , but by the different proprieties and operations which proceed from them ; and which way can these be discovered , but by the distinct notions , and sentiments , we have of them ? luc. are you sure your idea of matter is compleat ? hyl. that the full notion of corporeity is comprized within the three dimensions , is as clear as that two and two makes four. to these dimensions add what dose of motion you please , and then you have raised the whole posse of mechanism . and when you have disciplined it in all postures , and figures , 't will be matter and motion still . for you may better suppose , that a mouse may produce an elephant , than that matter and motion should propagate out of their own species . now these two principles fall vastly short of the notion of consciousness ; and are no more like perception , than colours resemble sound . luc. you take the differences of ideas , for demonstrations of distinction in things ; will that hold ? hyl. yes ; or else we have nothing to trust to . if clear and distinct perception is not the infallible mark of truth , 't is impossible to know any thing . for all reasoning is at last resolved into self-evident principles : now these magisterial propositions don't dispute for belief , but demand it . they flash conviction so powerfully that 〈◊〉 there is no resisting them , unless you will suppose our faculties are false : and then it will be madness to argue about any thing . to return : don't you think the whole is greater than any part of it ? luc. i allow it an indisputable axiom ; what follows ? hyl. why as plain and as primary a truth as it appears , 't is but a consequence of what i mentioned before . luc. what , that a distinction of ideas infers a distinction in things ? hyl. yes . for do but attend , and you 'll find that the reason why you pronounce the whole bigger than a part ; is because the first takes up a greater room in the notion , and includes a more comprehensive reality , than the later . luc. it seems then the functions of life and reasoning , proceed from an immaterial substance ; and that the body and spirit , are perfectly distinct . hyl. nothing more certain . and if a spirit has no extension , it can have no parts ; from hence it becomes indivisible , and thence immortal . luc. i own these consequences are very clear ; but then they are embarrassed with some appendant difficulties which shock a man's understanding . hyl. look you ! we must not let go manifest truths , because we cannot answer all questions about them . objections are no good evidence against positive proofs . this scrupulous way would make us deny our senses : for there is scarcely any thing we meet with , but puts our reason to a stand , in some circumstance or other . but pray where does the pinch lye ? luc. why , by this scheme all communication between soul and body is cut off ; and yet nothing is more certain than that these two maintain a large correspondence . you see we move our limbs at our pleasure , and receive various impressions according to the objects of sense , and the habits of constitution . but how the soul can move the body , or be affected by it , without extension , is past my comprehension . for all motion is perform'd by resistance , and resistance supposes contact , and contact requires a superficies , and this implies extension ; so that where extension is absent , the other requisites must fail of course . at this rate , a soul may as soon push down a church steeple , as stir a single atom . hyl. i confess i can't tell you how this affair is managed . 't is possible the soul does not move the body at all . luc. how then comes it to pass that motion is so perpetually consequent to our will ? for the purpose : when i have a mind to walk , the muscles are immediately put into a posture of travelling , and do their office at the least notice imaginable . hyl. i believe this mysterious correspondence depends on the laws of the union ; which by sovereign appointment are order'd to consist in a certain reciprocation of thoughts and motions , and so vice versa . luc. you mean , when i would move my finger , god directs the organ for such a performance : and on the other hand , gives me ideas suitable to the presence of sensible objects , and to the state of the union . hyl. right . luc. but why do you make use of this supposition ? do you believe the power of exciting motion exceeds the force of the soul ? hyl. 't is not improbable it may . for if this privilege lay within our reach , one would imagine we should know something more of the manner of using it . but i don't pretend to determine any thing . luc. you don't think it impossible for a spirit to move matter ? hyl. by no means : if it were , there would be no such thing as motion . for extension implies no necessity of being moved : it supposes no more than a bare capacity for such an event . now that power which brings this possibility into act , must be something distinct from matter . besides : the regularity of motion , visible in the great variety and curiosity of bodies , and the constant and even revolutions of some of them , is a demonstration that the whole mass of matter is under the conduct of a mighty intelligence . luc. by your reasoning , i conceive you believe that the power of motion , is either an incommunicable perfection of the supreme being , or else a sort of prerogative royal , which he is pleased to keep in his hands , that we may be the more sensible of our dependance . hyl. i think that opinion not improbable . you know the apostle tells us , that in him we live , move , and have our being : which words 't is likely will bear a more literal sense than is usually imagined . luc. may be so . but to return : if matter be so uncapable of thinking , as seems to have been proved ; how comes it about that the operations of sense , and reason , vary so much according to the disposition of the organs ? for if the musick does not depend on the instrument , what 's matter whether 't is in tune , or not ? now you know any considerable degrees of sickness , or age , flat the senses , extinguish the memory , and weaken the understanding : so that the vigour of the mind seems almost stifled under these corporeal oppressions . hyl. i grant the powers of sensation are contracted or enlarged , made keen or languid , according to the temper of the body . but 't is likely these circumstances are no more than occasional causes of this variety . my meaning is , that there is no natural connexion between thought , and matter and motion : or that the soul and body do not act by direct force upon each other . 't is true , sensations and passions , seem to depend upon a particular set of motions : and the body , on the other hand , seems to fall into different postures by the orders of the mind ; yet these effects may not result from any mutual agency , but meerly from the will of a third power . that this supposition is possible , needs no proof . ' that 't is matter of fact , seems likely ; because the two parties are so essentially foreign and dissimilar , that they seem uncapable of entertaining any commerce by virtue of their own strength . luc. if the operations of life have no immediate dependance on the quality of the organ ; why are our senses worn up with age , and decay with the visible parts of the body ? hyl. when the common period of the union is almost expired , 't is likely providence gives us notice of it by such sensible declensions ; that we may disengage from the world by degrees , and prepare the better for so great an alteration . luc. why does pain follow from obstructions , dislocation , discontinuity , &c. and pleasure from those actions which support the frame ? hyl. to encourage us to keep the body in repair , and to prevent dissolution . luc. your answering in the final cause , makes me believe you are at a loss for the efficient . hyl. as to that , 't is probable the divine oeconomy has settled such an interchangeable train of thoughts , and motions , between soul and body ; that as soon as the occasional hints spring out , the other will as constantly follow , as if they were produced by the most immediate causality . for instance : if i cut my finger , i shall as certainly feel pain , as if my soul was co-extended with the limb , and had a piece of it sawn through . so when i am disposed to strike , the action will be performed with the same force and regularity , as if it was conducted , and pushed on by the will , in the most corporeal manner . i mention this both to illustrate the point , and to shew that we ought to guard upon both parts of our composition : that there may be nothing done which is unbecoming , or disagrees with the intendments of providence . luc. if the soul and body have no intrinsick or essential aptness to take or receive impressions from each other ; why is the structure of the later so curiously framed ? why is there such variety of parts , and such admirable proportion ? by your scheme the soul might have the same compass of sentiment and perception , and do every jot as well , if it were united to a clod. hyl. so it might , though it had never an atom belong to it . however your question about the curiosity of the body , may be answer'd by saying , that 't is probably so framed to shew the wisdom and power of the architect , and to heighten the beauty and dignity of the creature . luc. do you say the soul may be as happy without a body , as with it ? hyl. i say 't is possible to be so . though god may order it otherwise , if he pleases ; as in effect he has done with respect to the resurrection . but let this last dispute lie undecided . and before i take my leave , i can't but observe to you , that there are a great many strange appearances in thoughts . methinks , if it might be , i would gladly understand the formation of a soul , run it up to its punctum saliens , and see it beat the first conscious pulse . these thoughts ! whence do they arise ? what stuff are they made of ? and what vigour is it that gives them such an instantaneous production ? they are conceived in full maturity , and step into perfection at first . they scorn the gradations of bodies , and the heavy successions of motion . they gain the race at a start , out-stretch the speed of gunpowder , and distance light and lightning . luc. if they come up in that perfection , why are some thoughts said to be unfinished , and to require the working off with labour and time ? hyl. i grant you projects , harangues , and chains of reasoning , are not so quickly wrought up . they include multitude , and order , and choice ; and therefore must have some leisure for ranging , and invention . but as to single ideas , inconnexions , and slight touches , my observation holds good . for pray what time does it take to raise the notion of a mountain ? or to think from england to iapan ? a man may set both the poles together in his head , without trouble ; and clutch the whole globe at one intellectual grasp , if he pleases . to go on : methinks the conveyance and disposition of things in the mind , is very extraordinary . what faculty is it which takes the model of the largest objects , and draws the picture in little ? that reconciles all disagreing qualities , and lodges sympathy and antipathy , fire and water , together without disturbance ? that contracts the intervals of space , unites the distances of time , and draws past , present , and future , into a single view ? how comes it to pass that such an infinite number of things are placed with such order and distinction in the memory ; notwithstanding the tumults and confusions , marches and counter-marches , of the animal spirits ? what room is there for such variety of characters , and length of records ? what is the reason some remarkable passages will remain fresh and entire for sixty years together ; when all the furniture of the head has been often renewed in that period ? luc. i confess i can't explain the how to you , unless the impregnated fibres , or spirits , at their going off , deposit their charge with those that remain . hyl. they are very just if they do so : but i am afraid this handing of notions from one piece of brain to another , is somewhat unintelligible . in short , if you reflect upon the liberty of thought , the extent , the abstractions , and all the singularities of its operations ; you 'll be obliged to assign it a nobler original than matter , and motion . luc. i am satisfied with what you say ; and upon a through view , i find the system of a mechanical soul , wretchedly ridiculous . hyl. all the branches of scepticism are so . if the success of our hobbists were no better than their reasoning , they would have few disciples . but some people are willing to be imposed upon . for loose practises must have supporting principles , otherwise there will be no quiet . adieu . of the entertainment of books . the diversions of reading , though they are not always of the strongest kind , yet they generally leave a better effect than the grosser satisfactions of sense . for if they are well chosen , they neither dull the appetite , nor strain the capacity . on the contrary , they refresh the inclinations , and strengthen the power , and improve under experiment . and which is best of all , they entertain and perfect at the same time ; and convey wisdom and knowledge through pleasure . by reading a man does as it were antedate his life , and makes himself contemporary with the ages past . and this way of running up beyond ones nativity , is much better than plato's pre-existence ; because here a man knows something of the state , and is the wiser for it , which he is not in the other . in conversing with books we may chuse our company , and disengage without ceremony or exception . here we are free from the formalities of custom , and respect . we need not undergo the penance of a dull story , from a fop of figure ; but may shake off the haughty , the impertinent , and the vain , at pleasure . besides , authors , like women , commonly dress when they make a visit. respect to themselves makes them polish their thoughts , and exert the force of their understanding more than they would , or can do , in ordinary conversation . so that the reader has as it were the spirit and essence in a narrow compass ; which was drawn off from a much larger proportion of time , labour , and expence . like an heir , he is born rather than made rich ; and comes into a stock of sense , with little or no trouble of his own . 't is true , a fortune in knowledg which descends in this manner , as well as an inherited estate , is too often neglected , and squandered away ; because we do not consider the difficulty in raising it . books are a guide in youth , and an entertainment for age. they support us under solitude , and keep us from being a burthen to our selves . they help us to forget the crosness of men and things ; compose our cares , and our passions ; and lay our disappointments asleep . when we are weary of the living , we may repair to the dead ; who have nothing of peevishness , pride , or design , in their conversation . however , to be constantly in the wheel has neither pleasure nor improvement in it . a man may as well expect to grow stronger by always eating , as wiser by always reading . too much over-charges nature , and turns more into disease than nourishment . 't is thought and digestion which makes books serviceable , and gives health and vigour to the mind . neither ought we to be too implicit or resigning to authorities , but to examine before we assent , and preserve our reason in its just liberties . to walk always upon crutches , is the way to lose the use of our limbs . such an absolute submission keeps us in a perpetual minority , breaks the spirits of the understanding , and lays us open to imposture . but books well managed afford direction and discovery . they strengthen the organ , and enlarge the prospect , and give a more universal insight into things , than can be learned from unlettered observation . he who depends only upon his own experience , has but a few materials to work upon . he is confined to narrow limits both of place , and time : and is not fit to draw a large model , and to pronounce upon business which is complicated and unusual . there seems to be much the same difference between a man of meer practise , and another of learning , as there is between an empirick and a physician . the first may have a good receipt , or two ; and if diseases and patients were very scarce , and all alike , he might do tolerably well . but if you enquire concerning the causes of distempers , the constitution of human bodys , the danger of symptoms , and the methods of cure , upon which the success of medicine depends , he knows little of the matter . on the other side : to take measures wholy from books , without looking into men and business , is like travelling in a map ; where though countrys and cities are well enough distinguished , yet villages and private seats are either over-looked , or too generally marked for a stranger to find . and therefore he that would be a master must draw by the life , as well as copy from originals , and joyn theory and experience together . of confidence . confidence as 't is opposed to modesty , and distinguished from decent assurance , proceeds from self-opinion , occasioned by ignorance or flattery . when a man over-rates himself by his own folly , or the knavery of others , he is presently for falling to work with his privileges ; and takes care upon all occasions to do justice to his merit . this extravagance makes him over-forward in business , assuming in conversation , suddain and peremptory in his answers , and afraid of nothing so much as to seem within the possibility of a mistake . 't is true , it sometimes happens that people who have the wit to know they are good for little , set up notwithstanding for men of sufficiency . they are for trying if they can serve a turn upon the weakness of the company . but this trick seldom succeeds long together . for if a man wants a good opinion of himself , and is not sincere in his vanity , he will be apt to want spirits , and presence of mind , to do his business : a diffidence of himself will make the paint fall off , sink his figure , and betray his meaness ; especially when he meets those who are his superiors in quality , or sense . a man must first put a cheat upon himself , before he can expect to do any good with other people : for he that is not conceited in his conscience , is never likely to make a coxcomb worth a groat . but when the mind is throughly tinctured , the face will hold the same colour ; and the man will be proof against all oppositions of sense and difficulty . for as malbranche observes , peoples opinions of themselves , are commonly legible in their countenances . thus a kind imagination , makes a bold man have vigour and enterprize in his air and motion . it stamps value and significancy upon his face , and tells the people he is to go for so much ; who oftentimes being deceived by the wash , never examin the metal , but take him upon content . not that men are bound to look as sheepishly as they can , for fear of an imputation : for sometimes a consciousness of worth ; a nobleness and elevation of mind , together with fineness of constitution , gives lustre and dignity to the aspect ; and makes the soul , as it were , shine through the body . but to return : a man of confidence presseth forward upon every appearance of advantage ; and thinks nothing above his management , or his merit . he is not easily discouraged by the greatness of an attempt , by the quality of rivals , or the frequency of miscarriage . he is ready to rally after a defeat ; and grows more troublesom upon denial . thus where his force is too feeble , he prevails by dint of impudence : thus people are stormed out of their reason and inclinations ; plagued into a compliance ; and forced to yield in their own defence . these men of forehead , are magnificent in their promises , and infallible in their prescriptions . they love to ensure a cause , and seldom talk under certainty and demonstration . this talent makes them often succeed against modest men of much greater sufficiency , where the competition is governed by a popular choice . for though there is reason in many cases to decide controversies by the vote ; yet 't is no less true , on the other hand , that the majority of mankind is seldom the wisest . the multitude are more smitten with appearances , than things . the noise , and glitter , and parade of a pretender , calls up their attention ; and flashes upon their weakness , at an irresistable rate . it surprizes their imagination , and subdues their judgment : so that a bold undertaker gains mightily upon the people , especially at his first setting out . nay , wise men are sometimes over-born , or imposed on this way , when they are taken at a disadvantage . indeed this faculty is of great use to play a prize with , or carry on an imposture ; and therefore your quacks , figure-flingers , petty-foggers , and republican plotters , cannot well live without it . it enables a man to flourish , rail , and romance , to admiration . it makes impertinencies shine , impossibilities seem credible , and turns rats-bane into elixir vitae . and when matters are brought to a pinch , and the crowd drawn out , in expectation of something extraordinary ; then if the mountain will not come to mahumet , he will for once condescend to go to the mountain . and thus by entertaining the company with a jest ; the prophet's disengaged , and the miracle adjourned to a more convenient season . however , these spar●s meet with their mortifications : for when they happen to fall among people of judgment , they are looked through immediately ; and then the discovery spreads apace . for confidence is apt to expose it self ; to over-grasp business ; to talk without thinking ; and to fail in the decencys of conversation . now when a bold man is out of countenance , he makes a very wooden figure on 't . he has no hand at blushing for want of practise : and acts modesty with so ill a grace ; that he is more ridiculous in the habit of vertue , than in that of vice. to go on with him a little farther : one of this character , is like an out-landish show ; most admired at first sight . he has gloss , but without either fineness , or substance . and therefore , like cloath ill made , he looks better in the shop , than he wears in the suit. in a word , he is the jest of wise men , and the idol of fools : and commonly his patent runs for his life-time . of envy . envy is a displeasure for some supposed advantage in another . the object of this passion is something desirable . and though excellency , precisely considered , cannot occasion dislike ; yet excellency misplaced may . the envious believes himself eclipsed by the lustre of his neighbour . that which is good in it self , becomes an evil to him ; which makes him wish it either removed , or extinguished . the discovery of the rise and unreasonableness of envy , and the way to prevent being either active in it , or passive under it , will comprehend the argument . to begin with the first . envy lies mostly between beings equal in nature , though unequal in circumstances . we don't envy brutes , though they exceed us in many respects not inconsiderable . no body is angry with a bird because she can fly. we are not offended with the strength of an elephant , or the speed of a horse ; or with a dog , for having a better nose than his master . these are all foreign commodities , they are not look'd on as the growth of our soil ; which makes them neither expected , nor desired . besides , we excel these creatures in other qualitys more valuable . so that upon the whole comparison , we remain their superiours ; which is sufficient to lay our envy asleep . on the other hand , men are not subject to repine at the higher condition of an angel. they know there is a comparative disadvantage in their first composition : the model of humanity was drawn less . our capacities , if they were all fill'd , are not large enough to hold so much happiness . to this i may add , that the angelick grandeur is seldom seen . by being thus conceal'd , it does not awaken our poverty , nor mortify our littleness so much , as if it was always display'd before us . and lastly , our hopes of rising to this height hereafter , makes us bear our present inferiority well enough . but where the essential properties are alike , pretensions are apt to mount , unless seasonably check'd . " i am ( crys the envious ) of the same nature with the rest , and why then should such a man top me ? where there is an equality of kind , there should be no distinction of privilege . i am as near of kin to god almighty as the best ; and he is certainly the noblest ancestor . i am cast in the same mould , made up of the same matter , and stamp'd with the same impression ; and why should i not pass equally in general esteem ? in taking gold and silver , 't is not enquired what mines they came from , nor how long they have been dig'd ; if they answer the qualities of the metal , that 's enough . why then should one piece of human nature be thought so much worse than another ; since it keeps within the species , and shines true upon the touch-stone ? " in answer to this expostulation ; i shall only say , that though the metal is the same , yet the figure , the quantity , and the fineness , is often different , which makes a difference in the value . to proceed . those antiently possess'd of honour , are apt to envy others newly raised . the reason is , this later promotion takes away the former difference between the persons . the singularity of a man's greatness is in some measure destroy'd . he has fewer to look down upon than he had before : he has lost an inferiour ; which , without being well considered , will make him uneasy , like a prince who has part of his dominions won from him . but this practice how common soever is unreasonable , where the later rise is creditable . for all quality that is good for any thing , is originally founded upon merit . now when a man purchases honour at as great an expence of deserving as my self ; why should not his title be as good ? and if so , why should i grudge him the possession ? to value worth in my self , or my family , and over-look it in another , is plain partiality ; and partiality is always injustice . when two start into the world together , he that is thrown behind , unless his mind proves generous , will be displeased with the other . for the success of the first , seems to press upon the reputation of the later . for what will the world say ? why could not he hold up ? what made him come on so heavily , but that he wanted either management or metal ? with submission , this inference is not good , and therefore one should not grow peevish about it . success does not always attend desert . sometimes favour , and opportunity , and fortune , run most on one side . sometimes a man cracks his conscience as a horse does his wind , by straining up the hill. but if the advantage was fairly gained , 't is unbecoming to complain . if my friend charges in the post of honour , while i am sleeping in my tent , 't is great injustice to envy him the reward of his bravery . in all likelihood i brought all my limbs out of the bed , which 't is probable he has not done off the breach . and if he has , his merit should not be lessen'd by his good fortune . he that hazards his life upon an honourable score , deserves the same regard as if he had lost it . envy among persons of the same trade , is common . the competition of interest occasions this malevolence . they glean up custom from their neighbours ; and so what one gets , the other loses . but why should i grudge a man the common advantage of his employment ? why should i desire more than my share of business , and be sorry to see another thrive by his industry ? here can be nothing but covetousness at the bottom , and that is never to be satisfied . however , it must be granted that all concurrences of this nature , whether for money , favour , or power , are in danger of being displeased with a fortunate rival . the pinch lyes here ; the matter in competition is often indivisible . an office , or a mistress , can't be apportion'd out like common , and shared among distinct proprietors . the case is like a lottery with one prize , a single ticket is only enrich'd , and the rest are all blanks . so that they 'll tell you , 't is not so much ill nature as disappointment , which sowres the humour . where the objects of desire are more communicative , there is no exceptions taken . people don't like a prospect the worse , because others have the pleasure of it . they are seldom disturb'd , because their neighbours hear the same musick , or smell the same perfumes with themselves . for here is enough for them all . the satisfaction is so noble , that it spreads without lessening ; 't is not the thinner for being beaten : but if there was any interfering , if the senses should engross , or balk one another , as in the case of eating and drinking , you would quickly see the tables turn'd . if a fine object should tarnish by having a great many see it ; or the musick should run mostly into one man's ears , these satisfactions would be made inclosure as well as the rest . farther . those advantages , which 't is no discredit to want , are not usually envied in another . for instance : he that does not pretend to painting , is not touched at the commendation of a master in that profession . a woman does not envy a man for fighting courage ; nor a man a woman for her beauty . an old man is not uneasy at the strength and activity of those who are younger ; neither does youth envy the knowledg and experience of age. in these cases , reputation is unconcerned , and the esteem of the person is not sunk by being unfurnish'd . for either the advantage is foreign to the condition of life , or sex ; either we have been possessed already , or have time enough to gain it afterwards . the absurdity of this passion has partly been discover'd already , and may be farther enlarged . envy is an ill-natured vice ; 't is made up of meaness and malice ▪ it wishes the force of goodness restrain'd , and the measure of happiness abated . it laments over prosperity , and sickens at the sight of health . had envy the governing of the creation , we should have a sad world on 't . how would it infect the air , and darken the sun ; make the seas unnavigable , and blast the fruits of the earth ? how would the face of nature be over-cast ? how soon would peace be banish'd , and pleasure languish and expire ? we should see confusion without settlement , madness without intervals , and poyson without antidote . discord , and disappointment , and despair , would then be the only blessings and entertainments of life . could the envious prevail , all noble undertakings would be crush'd , and invention nip'd in the bud. nothing extraordinary in industry , sense , or bravery , would be endured . whatever was shining would soon be eclipsed . beauty would be deform'd , and courage turn'd into cowardize . to excel either in art or nature would be a crime : and none could be safe , but the ill , and the useless . emulation is a handsom passion , 't is enterprizing , but just withall : it keeps a man within the terms of honour , and makes the contest for glory fair and generous . here is nothing malevolent and insidious . the advantage is gained by improvement , not by injury . the man strives to excel , but then 't is by raising himself , not by depressing another . but envy oftentimes wants spirit , as well as good-nature . like a cold poyson , it benumns and stupifies . and thus as it were conscious of its own impotence , it folds its arms in despair , and sits cursing in a corner . when envy conquers , 't is commonly in the dark ; by treachery and undermining , by calumny and detraction . the envious are always ungrateful ; they hate a noble temper , though shewn upon themselves . if you oblige them , 't is at your peril : they 'll fly in the face of a good turn , and out-rage where they ought to reward . has not many a brave man been ruined , by being over-charged with merit ? what banish'd themistocles , and sent belisarius a begging , but doing too much for their country ? the comfort is , envy is no less foolish than detestable ; 't is a vice which they say keeps no holy-days , but is always in the wheel , and working upon its own disquiet . envy , strictly considered , is a mark of inferiority . it supposes some excellency in another which is wanting in it self . this is a cruel mortification ; for the envious are generally proud. 't is a strong desire to be above , which makes people uneasy beneath . now to see a hated person superior , and to lie under the anguish of a disadvantage , is far enough from diversion . envy is of all others the most ungratifying and disconsolate passion . there is power for ambition , and pleasure for luxury , and pelf even for covetousness ; but envy can give nothing but vexation . 't is made up of impotence and malice ; and where these two qualities are well compounded , there needs no other ingredients of misery . envy how carefully does it look ? how meager and ill-complexioned ? it preys upon it self , and exhausts the spirits : 't is a disease in its constitution , and every pulse is a pain . ease must be impracticable to the envious : they lie under a double misfortune ; common calamities , and common blessings , fall heavily upon them : their nature gives them a share in the one , and their ill-nature in the other . and he that has his own troubles , and the happiness of his neighbours , to disturb him , is likely to have work enough . envy looks ill under every aspect . for if a man be good , he ought to be loved ; if bad , to be pitied . to envy a superior , makes the odds more smarting , and the distance more sensible . to envy an inferior , is to lose the higher ground , and to set him upon a level . to grudge any man an advantage in person or fortune , is to censure the liberalities of providence , and be angry at the goodness of god. and since envy is so odious , and every way unlucky ; and does so much mischief to it self , and others , it may not be improper proper to offer something more particular to prevent it . first then let us consider , that providence has given the least of us more than we can pretend to . if we could make out a title to more privilege , to complain were not unreasonable . but i suppose no one is so hardy as to say , god is in his debt ; that he owed him a nobler being , or a better subsistance . for existence must be antecedent to merit . that which was not , could not oblige ; and nothing can claim nothing . you 'll say such a one is much better furnish'd than my self . besides , i want several conveniences which i could mention . and if i must not have them , i wish they had not come in my way . look you ! are we to cry , like ill-managed children , for every thing before us ? if i give a beggar six-pence , has he reason to grumble beause he has seen a shilling , or knows how to spend a crown ? let him give me leave to be master of my charity , and do what i please with my own . if bare knowledge would give possession , and our senses could challenge all they lay hold of ; there would be a strange world quickly . but these are wild and impracticable suppositions . there is neither justice , nor convenience , nor possibility , in such an expectation . let us remember we are well dealt with ; and then we shall not be troubled to see another in a better condition . to consider we have more than we deserve , will help our reason to silence our murmuring , and make us ashamed to repine . just thoughts , and modest expectations , are easily satisfied . if we don't over-rate our pretensions , all will be well . humility disarms envy , and strikes it dead . secondly , we should endeavour to improve our respective abilities . men naturally desire to stand fair in the opinion of others : and to have something of value to support them in their own thoughts . when they are the worst of their way , and fixt in the fag-end of business , they are apt to look not kindly upon those who go before them . he that can be reconciled to the character of an insignificant person , has a mean soul. to be easy , a man should examin his genius , and exert his spirits , and try to make the most of himself . 't is true , every one cannot expect to distinguish himself in the highest posts ; to command an army , or ride admiral in a fleet , or be at the head of iustice , or religion : ( neither is it material to the point . ) notwithstanding there are few but may shine in their own orb , and be remarkable in their station ; so far at least as to guard off contempt , and secure a moderate repute : and those that are easy at home , will not be envious abroad . those that are good for something themselves , will be contented that others should be so too . all things considered , they have their share of regard , and let who will take the rest . thirdly , the proportioning reward to merit , ( which will be done hereafter ) is a sufficient expectation to remove envy . the perswasion of such a regulation of honour , is certainly the most solid principle for this purpose imaginable . for this way all the seeming partialities of birth , and fortune , are set aside . and to speak familiarly , every one has a fair turn to be as great as he pleases . here all people are upon equal terms of advantage : the temple of honour stands open to all comers ; and the peasant has an opportunity of being as great as a prince . thus station and happiness lies in every ones power : the management of the will determines the precedency . a slender share of present advantage , will do no prejudice to future pretensions . for men will not be valued by the size of their understandings , but their honesty . not consider'd by the height of their character , but for the decency of personation . when the scene of life is shut up , the slave will be above his master , if he has acted better . thus nature and condition , are once more brought to a ballance : and as all men were equal at first , so they may be at last ; if they take care. this consideration digs up envy by the roots ; because no man can be less than another , without his own fault . the way to prevent being envied , ( for that should be thought on too , ) in a privilege , is to shew it not undeserved . that 't is either transmitted from worthy ancestors , or acquired by qualities extraordinary . he that rises above a common performance , and goes far in an honorable danger , may be thought to earn the distinction of his circumstances . in such cases , people are more inclined to commend the merit , than repine at the success : especially if the advantage be civilly managed . conceit , and arrogance , and ostentation , spoils all . pride , and ill nature , will be hated in spight of all the worth in the world. but he that is obliging in his exaltation , and makes a modest use of his superiority , may sit secure , and have the odds of good wishes on his side . of the aspect . the countenance seems designed not only for ornament , but information . the passions there displayed make way for commerce and communication ; and help to let one man into the sentiments and affections of another . 't is true , the soul is not altogether discovered . if the thoughts lay open to observation , there would great inconveniences follow . many good designs would be defeated : many improper aversions and desires would appear : the business of life would be disturbed , and conversation made almost impracticable . in such cases , people would chuse to converse in the dark , rather than trust themselves with the sight of each other . however , though the soul can't be all forced into the face , yet there is no small part of it to be seen there ; especially when it comes of its own accord . here the different apprehensions of the mind discover themselves . i grant , they are not always fully distinguished in their causes , and their kind . but though they are not drawn at length , you have something of the colour , and proportion . here joy and grief , resolution and fear , modesty and conceit , inclination , indifferency and disgust , are made legible . the character is fairest and best marked in children , and those who are unpractised in the little hypocrisies of conversation . for when nature has learnt to put on art , and disguise , the forehead is not easily read . now 't is very surprizing to see the image of the mind stamp'd upon the aspect : to see the cheeks take the dye of the passions thus naturally , and appear in all the colours and complexions of thought . why is this variety of changes confined to a single place ? what is the reason a man's arm won't smile and frown , and do all the intellectual postures of the countenance ? the arm seems to have a finer skin than the face : 't is less exposed to the weather ; the veins are larger , and more visible , and the pulse beats stronger . in short , if matter and motion would do the business , the arm , excepting the eye , seems to have the advantage , and might put in for the index and interpreter of the mind . and yet we see 't is strangely uniform and unaffected upon every accident and turn of thought ; and nothing but a blow , or a pinch , can make it change colour . but the face being design'd to be uncloath'd , and in view , god has there fixed the seat and visibility of the passions ; for the better direction of conversation . the suddain alteration of the countenance , is very remarkable . a forcible object will rub out the freshest colours at a stroke , and paint others of a quite different appearance . a vigorous thought , or a surprize of good fortune , dispels the gloom , and brightens the air , immediately . to metamorphose the blood and spirits thus extempore , is not a little strange . it argues an amazing fineness and curiosity in the parts ; that the least touch of the imagination can alter them into almost what appearances it pleases . the strength of the representation , is another circumstance worth considering . the inward motions and temper , are sometimes drawn with wonderful life . the advantages of youth and complexion , the particular force of the mind and occasion , answer to the fineness of the colours , and the skill of the painter . when all these causes meet , the passions are marked with extraordinary clearness , and strength . what can be more significant than the suddain flushing and confusion of a blush ; than the sparklings of rage , and the lightning of a smile ? the soul is as it were visible upon these occasions ; the passions ebb and flow in the cheeks ; and are much better distinguished in their progress , than the change of the air in a weather-glass . some people have an air of dignity and greatness , and an unusual vigour , in their aspect . others have a sweetness and good humour printed upon them , which is very engaging : a face well furnish'd out by nature , and a little disciplined , has a great deal of rhetorick in it . a graceful presence bespeaks acceptance , gives a force to language , and helps to convince by look ; and posture . but this talent must be sparingly used , for fear of falling into affectation ; than which nothing is more nauseous . of all the appearances , methinks a smile is the most extraordinary . it plays with a surprizing agreableness in the eye ; breaks out with the brightest distinction , and sits like a glory upon the countenance . what sun is there within us that shoots his rays with so suddain a vigour ? to see the soul flash in the face at this rate , one would think might convert an atheist . by the way , we may observe that smiles are much more becoming than frowns : this seems a natural encouragement to good humour . as much as to say , if people have a mind to be handsom , they must not be peevish , and untoward . another thing remarkable , is the obsequiousness of the aspect . it goes as true to the mind , when we please , as the dial to the sun. the orders are publish'd as soon as given . 't is but throwing the will into the face , and the inward direction appears immediately . 't is true , a man cannot command the standing features and complexion ; but the diversities of passion are under disposal . the image of pleasure is never seen , when anger was intended . no. the sentiments are painted exactly , and drawn by the life within . and since 't is in our power not to give a wrong sign , we should not pervert the intendments of providence . to wash over a coarse or insignificant meaning , is to counterfeit natures coin. we ought to be just in our looks , as well as in our actions ; for the mind may be declared one way no less than the other . a man might as good break his word , as his face , especially upon some critical occasions . it may so happen that we can converse no other way , for want of an interpreter . but though i cannot tell what a man says , if he will be sincere , i may easily know what he looks . the meaning of sounds are uncertain , and tyed to particular times and places : but the language of the face is fixt , and universal . its consents and refusals , are every where alike . a smile has the same form and sense in china , as with us . if looks were as arbitrary as words , conversation would be more in the dark : and a traveller would be obliged to learn the countenances , as well as the tongues of foreign countries . and as the language of the face is universal , so 't is very comprehensive . no laconism can reach it . 't is the short-hand of the mind , and crowds a great deal in a little room . a man may look a sentence , as soon as speak a word . the strokes are small , but so masterly drawn , that you may easily collect the image and proportions of what they resemble . whether honesty and dishonesty are discernable in the face , is a question which admits of dispute . king charles the second thought he could depend upon these observations . but with submission , i believe an instance might be given in which his rules of physiognomy failed . 't is true , the temper and inward disposition is sometimes visible in the countenance . thus salust tells us , cataline had rage and defiance in his looks , even after he was dead . however , here the impression was partly design'd , and voluntary . he had a mind no question to appear as fierce and formidable as he could . but in insincerity the case is otherwise ; for no man is willing to be known for a knave . whether men , as they say of plants , have signatures to discover their natures by , is hard to determine . some people fancy an honest man looks plain , and open , and all of a piece . and therefore when they see a shy and compounded air , a remote and absconding kind of countenance , they conclude it cain's mark. this , in their opinion , is either a caution given us by providence , or the natural effect of a crafty and suspicious mind . a knave , say they , is apprehensive of being discover'd ; and this habitual concern puts an odness into his looks . but after all , no man's face is actionable . these singularities are interpretable , from more innocent causes . and therefore though there may be ground for caution , there is none for censure . against despair . the trouble of despair always rises in proportion to the evil that is feared . by consequence , the greatest agonies of expectation , are those which relate to another world. but i shall leave this consideration to the pulpits , and proceed upon a lower object . now despair , as it respects the business and events of life , is an uneasy and impolitick passion : it antedates a misfortune , and torments a man before his time. it spreads a gloominess upon the soul , and makes her live in a dungeon beyond the notion of pre-existence . it preys upon the vitals , like prometheus's vultur ; and eats out the heart of all other satisfactions . it cramps the powers of nature , and cuts the sinews of enterprize , and gives being to many cross accidents , which otherwise would never happen . to believe a business impossible , is the way to make it so . how many feasible projects have miscarried by despondency , and been strangled in the birth , by a cowardly imagination ? if things will not do of themselves , they may let it alone ; for he that despairs is resolved not to help them : for who would work upon an impossibility ? such an expectation , crys one , will never come to pass : therefore i 'll e'en give it up , and go and fret my self . how do you know that ? can you see to the utmost limits of nature ? and are you acquainted with all the powers in being ? is it an easy matter to pronounce upon all the alterations of time , and accident ? and to foretell how strangely the ballance of force and inclination may be turned ? pray let us see whether 't will or no , before we grow too positive , and give sentence against our interest . a very pretty device you 'll say ! for at this rate , a man must never despair while he lives ! and pray where is the harm on 't , if it should be so ? is despair so entertaining a companion ? are the pleasures of it so inviting , and rapturous ? is a man bound to look out sharp to plague himself ? and to take care that he slips no opportunity of being unhappy ? as long as there is life , there is hope : and if so , 't is prudence not to desert it . hope is a vigorous principle . 't is furnish'd with light and heat , to advise and execute : it sets the head and the heart on work , and animates a man to do his utmost . and thus by perpetual pushing , and assurance , it puts a difficulty out of countenance , and makes a seeming impossibility give way . at the worst , if the success happens to fail ; 't is clear gains , as long as it lasts . it keeps the mind easy , and expecting ; and fences off anxiety and spleen . 't is sometimes so sprightly and rewarding a quality , that the pleasure of expectation exceeds that of fruition . it refines upon the richness of nature , and paints beyond the life : and when the reality is thus out-shined by the imagination , success is a kind of disappointment ; and to hope , is better than to have . besides , hope has a creditable complexion . it throws a generous contempt upon ill usage , and looks like a handsom defiance of a misfortune . as who should say , you are somewhat troublesome now , but i shall conquer you afterwards . and thus a man makes an honourable exit , if he does nothing farther . his heart beats against the enemy when he is just expiring , and discharges the last pulse in the face of death . but despair makes a despicable figure , and descends from a mean original . 't is the off-spring of fear , of laziness , and impatience . it argues a defect of spirits , and resolution ; and oftentimes of honesty too . after all , the exercise of this passion is so troublesome , that methinks nothing but dint of evidence , and demonstration , should force it upon us . i would not despair unless i knew the irrevocable decree was past . unless i saw my misfortune recorded in the book of fate , and signed and sealed by necessity . indeed where the act is unmanly , or the expectation immoral , or contradictious to the attributes of god ; we ought to drop our hopes or rather never entertain them . and therefore i would neither hope to play the fool , or the knave , or be immortal . but when the object is defensible and fair , i would not quit my hold , as long as it was within the reach of omnipotence . what then , must we hope without means ? yes ; why not ? when we cannot work them out of our own industry . pray what means was there to make the world with ? there was neither timber nor tools to raise the building , and yet you see what a noble pile it is . why should we suppose a miracle so strange a thing , since nature herself was produced this way ? he that made second causes , can as easily work without , as with them . — quicquid dii voluere peractum est . to will , and to do , is the same thing with an almighty power . if we could cure a fever with a wish , decree up a house , and make what we would , consequent upon inclination : in such a case , we need not tye our selves to application , and materials . the bare fiat of our will would give birth to the idea : and make it start out into existence without any more ado . to use the ministrations of subordinate causes , looks like a going about . for where there is matter and motion , there must , in humane apprehension , be succession of parts , and resistance , and time , for the performance . the powers of nature seem too heavy , to keep pace with thought , and to drive out an instantaneous production : so that one would almost imagine , the acting by immediate omnipotence , was the most disencumber'd , as well as the most magnificent method . but is it not extravagant to expect a miracle ? not at all . i believe we are assisted with many more miracles than we are aware of . for the purpose : a man in a storm prays that he may escape being wreckt . i desire to know , whether he thinks it possible for him to be the better for his devotions . if he does not , he is an impertinent atheist for using them : if he does , he must believe that providence will interpose , and disarm nature , or divert her violence . now to check second causes in their career , to change their motion , or lay them asleep before they are spent , is no less a miracle than to act without them . let no man therefore disquiet himself about the future , nor quit a just undertaking , out of despondency . honest people ought to be chearful , if it was only for the credit of their vertue : let us not grow melancholick upon a superficial view of things ; for that is as far as we can discover . 't is a much better way to do our own parts carefully , and rest the event with god almighty . of covetousness . between demeas and mitias . dem. i thought i should have dined with you to day ; what made you fail your usual eating-house ? mit. i ask your excuse . i have been at a miser's feast : i went thither to entertain my curiosity rather than my palat ; for you know that is a sight which is not every day to be met with ? dem. and was it as great as the proverb makes it ? mit. every jot . i have not had my senses so regaled this long time : 't was so inviting , that i 'm afraid the founder has taken a surfeit . dem. you mean of the expence . fear it not , he will have a lent after his carnival ; that will cure him . mit. this fit of feasting comes upon him once a year . if you did not know him , you 'd think it was an ague ; he looks so desperately pale , and thin , for a great while after . and now , as you say , he will go into a course of abstinence , but i wish we could prevent the return of the distemper ; for in my opinion , he is well neither full , nor fasting . in short , the disease lies in his mind , and how to reach it with a recipe , i can't tell ; for covetousness is generally incurable . dem. i own 't is difficulty removed , and uncreditable into the bargain ; and therefore i hope you will not report it upon any person , unless the symptoms are very clear , and undisputed . give me leave to tell you , there are often great mistakes in this matter . some think to screen their own profuseness from censure , by reproaching the frugality of their neighbours . and others pronounce rashly out of ignorance . with their good favour , wise men will look beyond their nose , and take care of the main chance , and provide for accidents and age. they know that poverty is unfashionable , and dependance uneasy , and that a generous mind cannot live upon curtesy , with any great relish . besides some people do not decline expence out of parsimony , but because they do not care for the trouble of a figure . they do not care to be crowded with visitors , to have their table pestered with flies and flatterers , and to be always yoked in ceremony . they don't believe any master the more considerable by keeping a great many idle people about him ; or that any true greatness can be made out of that which is little. and because a man is willing to have his house and his head cool , and to keep his time and his liberty to himself , must he be called covetous upon this account ? mit. i have no intention to condemn a just value for money . and if any man has more sense and sobriety than his neighbours , i think it great injustice to burlesque his prudence , or represent him in any character of disadvantage . but then i must say , that some people have the misfortune to fall into the extremes , and that covetousness does not lie only in satyr , and speculation . dem. i perceive you have a mind to say something upon this argument : with the precautions above-mentioned , i am willing to hear you . take your method , and draw out into what length you please ; you will have no interruption , for at present i am not in the disputing humour . mit. to begin then . there is no need of giving a close definition of this vice ; 't will be sufficiently discovered in the description . covetousness has a relation to wealth , or fortune . whether a man has no more than a just value for this advantage , is seen in his getting , keeping , and using it . a short survey of the mismanagement in these three particulars , will take in the compass of the case . but least you may think this method somewhat too loose , i shall come a little nearer in a word or two ; and affirm , that he is covetous who balks any part of his duty , for fear he should grow the poorer ; and chuses rather to save his money , than his conscience . he that denies himself the conveniences of life , without either necessity or religion . he that is anxious in riches . he that sets his interest above his honour ; and values insignificant gains , which hold no proportion with his fortune , as for the getting part , a covetous man never troubles himself with the niceties of morality . his business is to secure the end , not to distinguish upon the means . let the project be but rich and practicable , and he enquires no farther . honour and conscience are fine things , but they seldom fill the pocket . when they will purchase any thing , a good manager can counterfeit them ; but to be tyed down to a set of notions , is the way to be a begger . he that resolves to thrive , won't be discouraged by a few hard names . his industry is not to be check'd by fancys , and common mistake . he will scarcely believe himself , when it makes against him . inward reluctance , passes for spleen , and vapours ; shame , for an infirm vanity that hangs too servilely upon foreign opinion ; generosity , is nothing but a ceremonious prodigality ; and pity , a foolish tenderness . these maxims remove the difficulties of business , and open the way for expedition and success . reason and religion 't is likely will interpose sometimes , but the covetous man goes on for all that . and though he can't command his principles , he is master of his practise . sometimes a man gets only to spend : in that case , covetousness is but a ministerial vice ; and serves under luxury , or ambition . but here i shall consider it as having the ascendant . now to recount the disorders of life , the knavery , and little practices that flow in upon us from this spring , were almost infinite . whence comes all circumvention in commerce , adulterating of wares , vouching and varnishing against all good faith , and honesty ? 't is covetousness that brews and dashes ; gives you false lights , and false language ; and shews many other dexterities to get your money . now what can be meaner , than to make over-reaching a part of a profession ? and to impose upon the ignorance , or necessity , of a neighbour ? let an apprentice be bound to a miser , and he might as good be becalmed , or besieged ; for he is sure to be put to short allowance . one would think hunger was put in his indentures , he is so constantly held to it . his master will not let him grow to his ioynts , nor set up , with all the flesh and bones which nature design'd him ; but is resolved to put part of his limbs in his pocket . what is the reason of racking of tenants , and rigorous seizures , that the rich oppress the poor , and the poor steal from the rich , but because they are not contented with their own ? whence come souldiers of fortune , and lawyers of fortune ; men that will fight and be fee'd of any side , and sometimes of both ? what makes the courtier supplant his friend , and betray his master , and sell his country ? why 't is oftentimes nothing but the love of money , which makes the court , and the camp , and the bar , thus mean , and mercenary . how many trusts are abused , wills forged , orphans and widows rob'd and ruin'd , upon this score ? where avarice rules and rages , there is nothing of humanity remaining . hence it is that those who recover from the plague dye sometimes of the nurse ; that the shipwreckt are dispatched on shore , that they may not claim their goods ; that travellers are murther'd in the houses of protection and entertainment . things so bloudy and barbarous , that the guilty are sometimes as it were discovered by miracle , prosecuted by apparitions , and pursued by hue and crys from the other world. to leave these extremities of wickedness , and proceed to instances of a lower nature . what can be more ridiculously little , than to see people of figure , and fortune , weigh an interest to the utmost grain ? haggle away time and credit about trifles , and part with a friend to keep a shilling ? 't is not unentertaining to see men how they can make their state truckle to their p●rsimony . how they will draw in their figure upon the road , sink their titles to save their purse , and degrade themselves to lye cheaper at an inn. covetousness is a most obliging leveller ; it mingles the great and small with wonderful condescention ; and makes l — ds , and valets , company for one another . but these are but petty indecencies . covetousness will sink much lower , if there be but any oar at the bottom . it will solicit in the meanest office , and submit to any infamous disguise . it turns lions into jack-calls ; engages honour in the most scandalous intrigues , and makes it under-pull to cheats and sharpers . and as the drudgery of this vice is mean , so 't is constant too . it keeps a man always in the wheel , and makes him a slave for his life-time . his head or his hands are perpetually employ'd : when one project is finish'd , his inclinations roll to another ; so that his rest is only variety of labour . this evil spirit , throws him into the fire , and into the water ; into all sort of hazards , and hardships : and when he has reached the tombs , he sits naked , and out of his right mind . neither the decays of age , nor the approach of death , can bring him to his senses , nor shew him the extravagance of his passion ; on the contrary , his folly commonly encreases with his years . wolves , and other beasts of prey , when they have once sped , can give over and be quiet till the return of appetite . but covetousness never lies down ; but is ever hungry , and hunting . 't is perpetually harrassing others , or it self , without respit , or intermission . the miser enlarges his desires as hell ; he is a gulph without a bottom ; all the success in the world will never fill him . sometimes the eagerness of his appetite makes him snap at a shadow , and drop the substance . thus crassus lost himself , his equipage , and his army , by over-straining for the parthian gold. thus the mareschal balagny was outed of the sovereignty of cambray , by the covetousness of his lady , who sold the spaniards the stores which should have maintained the garison . and thus the bait of a cheap bargain , or a large interest , often helps a man to stolen goods , and crackt titles . and if he has better luck than he deserves , the possibility of a miscarriage keeps him uneasy . the miser is seldom without pain : the shortness of humane foresight , and the uncertainty of accidents , and the knavery of men , haunt his imagination with all the possibilities of danger . he starts at every new appearance , and is always waking and solicitous for fear of a surprize . like a night centinel , the least noise alarms him , and makes him apprehensive of the enemy . and let a man's fright be never so visionary in the cause , the trouble will be real in the effect . but sometimes the anxiety does not lye altogether in a romance , but comes out of life and business . and then you may be sure his fears will encrease with his danger . the loss of a battle , or the revolution of a kingdom , don't affect him half so much , as the news of a goldsmith's , or money scrivener's , going aside . here , though the misfortune is remote , he is not insensible . indeed 't is the only sympathy he seems capable of . but then the agonies he lies under , when he comes to be touched in his own case ! when a bond or a mortgage fails , there is nothing can support his spirits , or keep him within the compass of decency . how passionately does he lament over the parchment carkass , when the soul of the security is departed ? his humour and his face is put into mourning , and so would the rest of his person were it not for the charge . however , a covetous man is not easily baffled : he has a great many tools to work with . if deceit makes for his purpose , he will use it to the best of his skill . if cruelty will save a penny , he will not stick to flay a poor debtor for the price of his skin . no turn either in state or religion can hurt him : he receives any impression ; and runs into any mould the times will cast him . he is a christian at rome , a heathen at iapan , and a turk at constantinople . what you will without , and nothing within . 't is a jest in a miser to pretend to be honest. to resolve against poverty , is in effect to forswear justice and truth . the knavery of such people , is as indisputable as an axiom ; and ought to be supposed as a postulatum in business . they are false by necessity of principle , and want nothing but an occasion to shew it . conscience and covetousness are never to be reconciled : like fire and water , they always destroy each other , according to the predominancy of the element . now one would think he that takes such pains for a fortune , and purchases so dear , should know how to use it . one would think the covetous man had refined upon the satisfactions of life ; and discovered some unheard of mysteries of epicurism . one would imagine his appetites were more keen and lasting ; his capacities enlarged ; and that he could please himself faster , and farther , than his neighbours . for why should we put our selves to an uncommon trouble , for a common advantage ? but how can this be ? how can anxiety and ease stand together ? strong pleasures and strong fears are incompatible . a constant dread of death , makes life insipid . and he that is always afraid of losing , has little leisure to enjoy . besides , a continual load of cares depresses the vigour of the mind , and dulls the inclination , and clouds the chearfulness of the spirits . like a labourer worked down , he is too much tired for entertainment . but alass ! were he never so much dispos'd , he has not the courage to recreate his senses , and reward his industry . no. he has more respect for his wealth , than to take those freedoms . he salutes it at an humble distance , and dares not be too familiar with an object of worship . his gold might as good have stay'd at peru , as come into his custody ; for he gains nothing by possession , excepting the trouble of looking after it . 't is true , he can command the sight on 't this way ; but if seeing an estate would make one rich , there 's few but the blind would be poor . he calls it his own too ; but with great impropriety of language . my own ? what is my own ? why 't is something that i eat , or drink , or put on . something which makes my body , or my mind , the better . something with which i serve my friend , or my country , or relieve the poor . property without application to advantage , is meer cant , and notion . the best metals will rust , by lying under ground , and lose their colour , unless brightned by use. but where covetousness governs , the appetite is tyed up , and nature is put under penance . like a malefactor , a man has just enough to keep him alive in pain ; enough to suffer with , but not to please . the covetous guards against himself , as well as against thieves loves to step short of necessity , and hates convenience no less than a wise man does excess . and he that dares not enjoy , wants that which he has , as well as that which he has not . the encrease of his fortune , is but an addition to his trouble . the more he has , the more he has to take care for ; and an ass is as much enriched by his burthen , as such a one is by his estate . he may , like a sumpter , carry things of value ; but he never wears them . he is only tired , and galled , with his furniture . nothing is more uneasy when 't is on , nor looks more wretchedly when 't is off . if a man lays his meat upon his shoulder instead of putting it in his stomach , the quantity may load him if he will , but never nourish . and as 't is easier , it would be more reputable for the miser to be poor . the pretence of necessity might cover a narrow soul. a coward will pass , when there is little tryal for courage . wealth does but serve to expose covetousness , and make it more ridiculous . for what can be a more wretched sight , than to see a man mortify without religion ? to submit to such voluntary hardships to no purpose , and lose the present , without providing for the future . but thus covetousness revenges the quarrels of others upon itself , and makes a sort of reprizals at home . the truth is , if the covetous did not make their neighbours some amends , by using themselves thus ill , they were scarcely to be endured . but they are generally fair enough to give satisfaction this way . this disease sometimes rises up almost to lunacy and distraction : sometimes it over-casts them with gloom and melancholy ; and sometimes breaks out in the clamours of despair and impatience . they are tortured with raging fears of want ; and the greatest abundance is not able to keep them in tolerable humour . to eat , or wear any thing , till 't is past the best , is luxury and profuseness . they must have their meat tainted , and their bread mouldy , and their cloaths moth eaten , before they dare venture on them . it would be great charity to take them out of their own unmerciful hands , and put them under wardship . but 't is likely the laws leave them to their liberty for a punishment . for as this vice ought to be severely corrected , so there is scarce any discipline sharper than its own . and if the rigour should abate at home , the censures of the neighbourhood would help to do justice . the covetous man is homo illaudatus , a man that you can say no good of . he abuses all his advantages either of person , or fortune . his inclinations are ungenerous , his understanding cheats , and his power oppresses his neighbour . he is not big enough to love , to pity , or assist ? neither bloud , nor honour , nor humanity , can take any hold , where interest comes in competition . so far from doing any good , that he desires none . his wishes are often malevolent ; for blasting and mildew , for rots and murrain , for storms and shipwrecks ; that he may put off his stock , and his stores the better . upon these accounts he generally receives as little kindness as he does , and finds as few friends as he deserves . every one think themselves authorised to execute his credit , to palt and lash him ; and make him either the subject of their anger , or their scorn . to sum up the evidence . a covetous man loves to be boring in the earth , like an insect ; and lives always in a creeping and inglorious posture . his satisfactions are as mean as his figure . he has not the heart to oblige any body , no not himself ; and therefore is both hated and despised . dem. enough said . i think your correction is neither excessive , nor misplaced . if those concerned will not mend their manners , they may e'en take it for their pains . of liberty . by liberty , i mean a latitude of practise within the compass of law , and religion . 't is a standing clear of inferiour dependances , and private jurisdiction . he who is master of his time , and can chuse his business and diversions ; he who can avoid disagreable company , and be alone when his humour or occasions require it ; is as free as he ought to wish himself . 't is true , as the world stands , general liberty is impracticable . if one had nothing but a soul to keep , he need not go to service to maintain it . but a body at present is a very indigent sort of a thing ; it can't subsist upon its own growth , but stands in want of continual supplies . this circumstance of eating , and drinking , is a cruel check upon many a man's dignities ; and makes him hold his life by a servile tenure . however , he that lies under this incumbrance should make his best on 't , and not quarrel with the order of providence . at the worst , death will knock off his chain shortly : in the mean time his business is to play with it . but where the necessaries of life may be had at a cheaper rate , 't is folly to purchase them this way . he that will sacrifice his liberty to his palat , and convey over his person for superfluities , is a slave of his own making , and deserves to be used accordingly . dependance goes somewhat against the grain of a generous mind , and 't is no wonder it should be so , considering the unreasonable advantage which is often taken of the inequality of fortune . the pride of superiors , and the wanton exercises of power , make servitude much more troublesome than nature intended . some people think the life of authority consists in noise and imperiousness , in menacing and executions . to let their servants live easy , is in some measure to make them their equals : therefore they love to be always brandishing their advantage , to part with nothing without a stroke of discipline ; and to qualify their favours with penance , and mortification . but the being enfranchised from arbitrariness and ill humour , is not the only convenience of liberty . this state affords great opportunities for the improvement of reason . it gives leisure for reading and contemplation ; for an acquaintance with men and things ; and for looking into the history of time and nature . he that has the business of life at his own disposal , and has no body to account to for his minutes but god and himself , may if he pleases be happy without drudging for it . he needs not flatter the vain , nor be tired with the impertinent , nor stand to the curtesy of knavery , and folly. he needs not dance after the caprice of an humourist , nor bear a part in the extravagance of another . he is under no anxieties for fear of displeasing , nor has any difficulties of temper to struggle with . his fate does not hang upon any man's face : a smile will not transport him , nor a frown ruin him : for his fortune is better fixed , than to flote upon the pleasure of the nice and changeable . this independance gives easiness to the mind , and vigour for enterprize , and imagination . a man has nothing to strike a damp upon his genius , to over-aw his thoughts , and check the range of his fancy . but he that is embarrassed in his liberty , is apt to be unassured in his actions ; palled and dispirited in his humour and conceptions ; so that one may almost read his condition in his conversation . 't is true , a peculiar greatness of nature , or the expectations of religion , may relieve him ; but then every one is not furnished with these advantages . the reason why parmenio could not rise up to alexander's height of thinking , was possibly because he was under his command . longinus observes , that there were no considerable orators in greece , after their government was altered by the macedonians and romans . according to him , their elocution and their freedom seem'd to languish and expire together . when they were once enslaved , the muses would keep them company no longer . the vein of rhetorick was seared up , the force of demosthenes spent , and no sublime to be had for love , nor money . now though freedom within a rule is very desirable ; yet there is scarcely any one thing has done more mischief than this word misunderstood . absolute liberty is a jest ; 't is a visionary and romantick privilege , and utterly inconsistent with the present state of the world. the generality of mankind must have more understanding , and more honesty too , than they are likely to have as long as they live , before they are fit to be at their own disposal . to tell people they are free , is the common artifice of the factious and seditious . these state-gypsies pick the pockets of the ignorant with this specious cant , and with informing them what mighty fortunes they are all born to . and what is this fine freedom after all that these sparks can help them to ? why they are free to be out of their wits , and to be undone , if they take their advice ; to lose their conscience , their credit and their mony , and to be ten-times more press'd than they were before . there is still a more extravagant notion of liberty behind . some people are for repealing the laws of morality , for throwing open the inclosures of religion , and leaving all in common to licentiousness and violence . they are for making their inclinations the rule , and their power the boundary of their actions . they hate to let any opportunity slip , or any capacity lie idle : but are for grasping at all possibilities of pleasure , and playing their appetites at whatever comes in their way . to tye men up from enjoyment , and cramp them with prohibitions , is an encroachment upon the rights of nature . these ungenerous impositions are it seems the dotages of age , the results of spleen and impotence ; or at best the pretences of designing power , which lays an embargo upon some branches of trade , to engross the advantages to it self . i wonder why these men don't improve their principle farther . why they don't dance upon the battlements of houses , vault down the monument , and jump into a furnace for diversion . to forbear these things are great restraints upon the liberties of motion , and make many of the faculties of nature insignificant . they ought to step in to the rescue of feavers and phrensy , and not let their acquaintance lie under such an ignominious confinement , especially when their spirits are up , and they are so well disposed for satisfaction . why do they not draw up a remonstrance against goals , pillorys , and executions ; what! have they no sense of the grievances of their fellow subjects ? can they see their own generous principle suffer , their very magna charta violated , and do nothing towards a relief ? they ask your pardon ; to embark in such expeditions might endanger their interest , and come home to them at last . and to speak truth , they are for having this arbitrary privilege in no hands but their own . for touch them in their honour or property , and you 'll find them sensible enough . a small injury to themselves seems intolerable , and fires them with a zeal for justice and restitution . then the laws are defective , and give too little damages ; and therefore though they venture their necks for it , they must have a supplemental satisfaction . their own case , one would think , might shew them the unreasonableness of their scheme ; and that a liberty against virtue and law , is only a privilege to be unhappy ; and a license for a man to murther himself . of old age. in a dialogue between philebus and eutropius . phil. your servant , this visit is very obliging . if so good a friend as you are can be more welcom at one time then another , you are so now . i was just going to send to you , to beg a little of your conversation . eutrop. sir i thank you , you are always contriving to give your friends a pleasure , one way or other . but methinks you seem somewhat concern'd . i hope no accident has happen'd ? phil. nothing but what i 'm affraid you 'll smile at ; and yet it sits pretty hard upon my spirits . eutrop. i 'm sorry for that ; pray what 's the matter ? phil. then without any farther preamble , i must challenge you upon your last promise . you may remember we were talking about old age , and the inconveniences attending it . this speculation has hung cruelly in my head ever since . i think my fancy is grown quite grey upon 't . eutrop. if that be your case , 't is somewhat unlucky ; i have no receipt against that distemper . what would you be exempted from the common fate , and have nature alter'd , for your single satisfaction ? phil. with all my heart , if i knew which way . not but that i could wish the advantage was universal , as much as any man. to be plain , i don't think my self over-furnish'd , and should be glad to keep up my person in repair as long as it lasts . in earnest , it troubles me to consider the greatest part of life is no better than a slow consumption ; that we must shortly sink into a state of weakness and insignificancy , and grow unacceptable both to others , and our selves . when our limbs and our memory , and it may be our understanding too , will fail us ; when nothing but a feaver will warm our blood ; and all the lively perceptions are forced out of pain . we begin life with a slender stock , and yet it improves strangly . i wonder when we are well-furnished we can't hold it : what! turn bankrupts when we have more effects to trade with , and more skill to manage ? a flame well kindled and supplied , will burn for ever . when a man is rich , a little care keeps him so . but life , like an ill gotten estate , consumes insensibly , in despight of all imaginable frugality . infancy is a state of hope ; and has the tenderness of parents , or the compassion of strangers , to support it . youth , like a blossom , gives us beauty in hand , and fruit in prospect . but age grows worse and worse upon the progress ; sinks deeper in sorrow and neglect , and has no relief to expect but the grave . eutrop. i think you are too tragical upon the occasion ; health , and vigour , and sense , hold out sometimes to the length of a long journey . plato enjoyed them all at . and so if , you 'll take his word for 't , did cato major ; and reckons you up a great many more . tully was more than when he wrote his famous philippicks : in which his rhetorick is not only more correct , but more moving and tempestuous , than in his younger orations . the poetick fire , which is soonest extinct , sometimes rages beyond that period . of this i could give modern proof , were it necessary . to go on ; old father le moin writes now with all the force , and spirit , and pleasantness of . and a gentleman of our own country , has the same happiness . now those that can entertain others , are never ill entertain'd themselves . phil. one swallow makes no summer . one had need have a body and soul made on purpose , to do these things you talk of . i am sure it is otherwise with the generality : and since age seems a common penance imposed upon mankind , i could almost wish we had it sooner ; and that the sweet morsel of life was left for the last . eutrop. that might engage your appetite too much . what! you would be old when you are young , would you ? phil. no ; it may be i would be young after i am old . eutrop. not in this world if you please ; all old people have had their time , they were young once , let that suffice . phil. were young once ! that is in plain english they have lost the advantage ; a very comfortable reflexion ! were , serves only to trouble what we are. fuimus may make a good motto , but in life it is stark naught . eutrop. if the whole business was as bad as you represent it , there is no help for 't , therefore we should be contented . phil. under favour , therefore we should not be contented . what! is despair an argument for satisfaction ? eutrop. for patience it is , when we have other considerations to support us . besides ; are no favours valuable but those which last a man's life time ? does nothing less than an annuity , deserve thanks ? certainly we ought to be of a more acknowledging temper than this comes to ; especially where we have nothing of merit to plead . upon the whole , i conceive the consequence may be work'd another way to better advantage . phil. how so ? eutrop. why , since we can avoid old age by nothing but death ; our business is to make it as easy as may be . if you ▪ ask me which way ? my answer is , we must guard against those imperfections , to which old age is most liable . by imperfections , i mean , moral ones ; for the other are not to be fenced off . in the second place , let us consider , that age is not altogether burthen and incumbrance . there are several peculiar privileges and dignities annext to this part of life . a short view of the reason of these advantages , will help to relieve us under the decays of the body . phil. i am glad to hear it ; pray go on with your method . eutrop. to begin then with the imperfections . not that they are as unavoidable as grey-heirs ; or to be charged upon age without exception . my meaning only is , that without care people are more in danger of them when they are old , than at any other time . the first i shall mention , is a forwardness to be displeased upon little occasions ; to take things by the wrong handle ; and to put severe constructions upon words and actions . this unhappy temper may be assigned to several causes . st . old persons , may be over-suspitious of being contemn'd . long experience has taught them that the world is generally unbenevolent and narrow-spirited ; that self-love , and ill-nature , are extreamly extreamly common , and that the pleasures of too many are drawn from the misfortunes of their neighbours . these remarks confirmed by repeated instances , make no kind impression . so that when a man is conscious of his own decay , when he grows less active and agreeable , when he can neither oblige , nor punish , with the usual advantage : when this happens , he is apt to fancy younger people are more ready to divert themselves with his declension , than to pity it . this apprehension makes him interpret with rigour , conclude himself injur'd upon a remote appearance , and grow disgusted upon every ambiguity . phil. by the way , is mankind capable of such barbarity as this jealousy supposes ? can they misapply their passions at so scandalous a rate ? can they insult an unavoidable infirmity , and trample upon the venerable ruines of humane nature ? this insolence is foolish , as well as unnatural . he that acts in this manner , does but expose his own future condition , and laugh at himself before-hand . eutrop. you say well . but very ill things are often done . and those who have seen most of them , are most apprehensive . on the other side , those who are less acquainted with the vanity and vices of the world ▪ and have met with fewer disappointments , are inclin'd to a kinder opinion . phil. a very charitable ignorance ! however i think your remark not ill founded , for i have observed an unusual sweetness of temper in children . nature usually makes a very obliging discovery of her self in them . they throw themselves with entire confidence upon conversation . they act without artifice or disguise ; and believe others as kind and undesigning as themselves . but when they once understand what a sort of world they are come into : when they find that easiness of belief betrays them , and that they are losers by the openness of their carriage ; then they begin to be upon their guard , to grow cautious and reserv'd , and to stand off in jealousy and suspition . like birds that are shot at , nature grows wild by ill usage ; and neither loves , nor trusts , so much as before . eutrop. most certainly , unless care be taken . for this reason , if a man does not use to reflect upon his temper ; if he does not shake off his spleen , and check his disgusts ; if he does not strive to sweeten his blood , and refresh his generosity , his esteem of mankind will abate too fast . this humour , unless prevented , will slide into indifferency and disinclination ; and make him have a kindness for nothing but himself . and because odd discoveries , ruffles and discouragements , encrease upon him in his journey , the farther he travels , the less he will like the company . and since the world has lost his good opinion , a slender presumption will be apt to awaken his jealousy , make him suspect hard measure , and put the worst interpretation upon things . phil. may nor this forwardness to be disobliged , proceed from the infirmities of age ? the last part of life is a perpetual indisposition ; you are seldom free from the pain or the weakness of a disease . the feaver of the fit may sometimes intermit , but then your best days are short of health . such uneasy discipline is apt to make the spirits turn eager . when a man is loaden a feather is felt , and the least rub will make him complain . eutrop. i believe the difficulty of some humours may be thus accounted for . and where this reason fails , i think i could assign another . phil. what is that ? eutrop. with submission ; i 'm affraid old persons may sometimes over-rate their own sufficiency . 't is true , generally speaking , knowledge is the consequence of time , and multitude of days are fittest to teach wisdom . but this rule , like others , has its exception . for all that , people are apt to fancy their understandings move upon an ascent , and that they must grow wiser of course , as their grow older . thus they often take their improvement upon content , without examining how they came by it . as if the meer motion of the sun , or the running of an hour-glass , would do the business . now a mistake in this case makes them impatient of contradiction , and imagine themselves always in the right . to argue the point , and debate their opinions is to injure them . younger men ought to believe hard , and take authority for the last proof . to proceed . resting too much upon the privilege of their years , may be the occasion of a second imperfection ; i. e. incompliance with the innocent demands and satisfactions of those who are younger . their opinions are the standard of truth , and their desires the measure of agreeableness . this partiality of thought , this indulging their own inclinations , makes them firm to prepossession , and difficultly removed from those customs which first engaged them . the bare novelty of a thing is enough to cast it : they condemn the prudent alterations of the present age , and are too kind to the errors of the former . phil. under favour , i conceive this method scarcely defensible . 't is true , they are old when they maintain these opinions , but were they not young when they took them them up ? and why should they prefer the judgment of their own youth , to that of a later generation ? is it such an advantage to stand first upon the roll of time ? or does sense and understanding wear out the farther a line is continued ? that a succeeding age is born with the same capacity with the former , that it may use the same industry cannot be deny'd : why then should we be barr'd the privilege of our fore fathers ? why may we not pronounce upon the state of truth , upon the decency of custom , and the oeconomy of life , with the usual liberty ? is humane nature improved to the utmost , or was infallibility the gift of those before us ? if not , what harm is it to chuse for our selves ? why should we be servilely ty'd to their reason , who used the freedom of their own ? those who come last , seem to enter with advantage . they are born to the wealth of antiquity . the materials for judging are prepar'd , and the foundations of knowledge are laid to their hands ; why then may they not be allowed to enlarge the model , and beautifie the sructure ? they view in a better light than their predecessors , and have more leisure to examine , to polish and refine . besides , if the point was try'd by antiquity , antiquity would lose it . for the present age is really the oldest , and has the largest experience to plead . eutrop. if you please i 'll go on to a third misfortune incident to old age , and that is covetousness . this , i confess , looks like so great a paradox , that nothing but matter of fact could force me to believe it . i have less time to stay in the world , and less capacity to enjoy it ; therefore i must love it better than ever : what sort of reasoning is this ? to what purpose should a man grasp so hard when he can take the least hold ? why should he make himself uneasy with so ill a grace ? who could imagine that appetite should thus exceed digestion , and that the age of wisdom should make so preposterous a judgment ? if there were any just fears of poverty , or the provision was moderate , 't was something . fore-sight and frugality are good things . but alas ! covetousness in old people is often unfurnished with these excuses phil. had you thought fit , i could have liked a reason upon the cause , as well as a declamation upon the effect . eutrop. to satisfie you , i 'll give you my conjecture ; you know age is not vigorous enough for business and fatiguing . 't is no time to work up an estate in , or to repair a misadventure . a strain in an old man's fortune , like one in his limbs , is seldom out-grown . and where labour is impracticable , and recovery despaired of , parsimony has the better colour . old persons are apt to dread a misfortune more than others . they have observed how prodigality is punished , and poverty neglected : these instances hang like executions before them , and often fright them into the other extream . they are sensible their strength decays , and their infirmities encrease ; and therefore conclude their supplies should encrease too . they are best acquainted with the uncertainty of things , and the deceitfulness of persons . they know people won't do their duty out of meer good will , that observance must be purchased , and that nothing engages like interest and expectation . now the natural diffidence , and anxiousness of age , is apt to press the reasons of frugality too far , to be over-apprehensive of an accident , and guard with too much concern . their blood grows cool and dispirited ; and unless they relieve themselves by generous thinking , they 'll be in danger of falling into excessive cares , unnecessary provisions , and little management . i have now laid the hardest of the case before you . these are the worst diseases of age ; and yet not so formidable neither , but that prudence and precaution may prevent them . phil. i hope so too . however your inference from the decay of constitution , does not please me ; because , i doubt , there is something more in it than what you mentioned . eutrop. pray what do you mean ? phil. why , i 'm affraid a man may live so long till he wants spirits to maintain his reason , and to face an honourable danger . some people will undertake to bleed , or fast a man into cowardice . now if this may be done , the consequence may be untoward . for the disadvantages of age seem no less than either of these experiments . this thought has sometimes made me uneasy . for what can be more wretched than to survive the best part of our character , and close up our lives in disgrace ? eutrop. a concern so generous as yours needs not fear the event . resolution lies more in the head than in the veins . a brave mind is always impregnable . true courage is the result of reasoning . a just sense of honour , and infamy , of duty and religion , will carry us farther than all the force of mechanism . the strength of the muscles , and the ferment of the humours , are nothing to it . innocence of life , and consciousness of worth , and great expectations , will do the business alone . these ingredients make a richer cordial than youth can prepare . they warm the heart at , and seldom fail in the operation . socrates was advanced to the common period of life at his tryal . but the chilness of his blood did not make him shrink from his notions . he acted up to the height of his philosophy , and drank off his hemlock without the least concern . eleazar , a jewish scribe , was an older man than he , and yet behav'd himself with admirable fortitude under extremity of torture . ( maccab. ) st. ignatius and polycarp were martyrs after , and as fearless as lions . in military men instances of this kind are numerous ; though i don't think courage altogether so well try'd in a field , as at a stake . phil. the reason of your opinion . eutrop. because in a battle , the encouraging musick , the examples of resolution , the universal tumult , will scarcely give a man leave or leisure to be a coward . besides , the hopes of escaping are no ordinary support . of this we have a famous instance in mareschal biron . no person living could be braver in the field than he. and when he was afterwards tryed for treason , his spirit seem'd rather too big than otherwise . he used the king roughly , and out-raged his judges , and appear'd fortified at a wonderful rate . but when death came near him , and he saw the blow was not to be avoided , he sunk into abjection ; and dyed much to the disadvantage of his character . now as to outward appearance , the case of martyrdom is the same with that of the duke of biron's , and oftentimes much harder . here is the certainty of death , the terror of the execution , and the ignominy of the punishment . and besides all this , leisure and cool thoughts to contemplate the melancholy scene . in earnest , these are all trying circumstances , and make the disparity of the proof very visible . phil. i can't deny what you say . but tho' a soldier can't distinguish himself so well as a martyr , he may do enough to shew himself no coward . if you please , let us have an instance or two from the camp , to the point in hand . eutrop. that you may a hundred , were it necessary . i shall mention a few . to come to our own times . the basha of buda , when it was last taken , was upwards of . but this did not hinder him from any military function : like aetna , he was snow a top , but all fire within , for after a noble defence he dy'd fighting upon the breach . the late prince of conde , the duke of luxemburgh , and mareschal schombergh , were old generals . for all that , upon occasion , they would charge at the head of the army with all the heat and forwardness of the youngest cavalier . in short , courage is at no time impracticable . providence has dealt more liberally with mankind , than to make any action necessary , which is mean. phil. i am glad to hear it ; you have reconciled me to age much better than i was before . to deal freely , cowardise makes a man so insignificant , and betrays him to such wretched practises , that i dreaded the thoughts of it . if you please now , let 's go on to the privileges of honour , and examine how the claim is made out . eutrop. that age has a peculiar right to regard , is past dispute : nature teaches it , religion enjoins it , and custom has made it good . and in my opinion , the reasons of the privilege are very satisfactory . for first , old age is most remarkable for knowledge and wisdom . when we first come into the world , we are unimproved in both parts of our nature : neither our limbs , nor understandings , are born at their full length , but grow up to their stature by gradual advances . — phil. so much the better : for if we were infants in our bodies , and men in our souls , at the same time , we should not like it . the weakness , the restraints , the entertainment , and the discipline of the first years , would relish but indifferently : a spirit of age could hardly bear such usage . methinks i should be loath to transmigrate into a child , or lie in a cradle , with those few things i have in my head. eutrop. you are safe enough . but to return : for the reasons above-mentioned ; those who have had the longest time to furnish and improve in , must be the wisest people : i mean , generally speaking , where care and other advantages are equal . men of years have seen greater variety of events ; have more opportunities of remarking humours and interests . who then can be so proper to draw the model of practise , and strike out the lines of business and conversation ? the history of themselves is not unserviceable . the revolutions at home will open the scene in a great measure . thus they may trace their actions to the first exercises of reason . this will shew them the distinctions of life , and the complexion of every period : how novelty pleases , and inclinations vary with the progress of age. and thus with some regard to the diversities of circumstance ; with some allowance for custom and government , for fortune and education , for sex and temper ; they may give probable guesses at the workings of humane nature : they may reach the meaning , and enterpret the behaviour , and calculate the passions of those they converse with . these lights will almost force a prospect into the heart , and bring the thoughts into view . this advantage is of great use , it helps us to discover , and to please ; it directs us in our application , and often prevents us from doing , or receiving an injury . farther ; old persons have the best opportunities for reviewing their opinions , and bringing their thoughts to a second test. for trying what they took upon trust , and correcting the errors of education . and thus their judgment becomes more exact : they may know more things , and know them better , and more usefully than others . this will appear farther by considering a second advantage of old age ; and that is , freedom from violent passions . this advantage is partly the effect of conviction and experience . the danger is consider'd better , and the indecency more discover'd than formerly . the constitution likewise contributes its share . the current of the blood moves more gently , and the heat of the spirits abate . this change makes the mind more absolute , and the counsels of reason better regarded . the object and the faculty are easier parted . and thus the excesses of anger and desire grow less intemperate . whereas younger people , as they are apt to contrive amiss , so they often fail in the execution . their prospect is too short for the one , and their passions too strong for the other . either they are impatient to wait , or pursue too far , or divert too soon : and thus the design often miscarries . but age views the undertaking on all sides , and makes fewer omissions in the scheme : it computes more exactly upon hopes and fears , and weighs difficulty and success with better judgment . now men have temper to stay for the ripeness of things ; they don't over-drive their business , nor fly off to unseasonable pleasure . they can attend with patience , and hold on with constancy . in short , this is the time in which the mind is most discerning and dispassionate ; furnished with the best materials for wisdom , and best disposed to use them . for these reasons men of years have generally been thought the most proper to preside in councils , and to have the direction of affairs . aristotle , as i remember , observes , that odds in understanding seems to give a natural right to command . corporal force is a ministerial talent , and ought to be under government . if this privilege needed prescription ; we have all the advantage of time and place . age has set at the helm so long , that the name of office and authority is derived from thence ; witness the jewish elders , the spartan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the roman senate , and the saxon aldermen . not , but that younger people were sometimes join'd in the commission . this favour was sometimes earlier bestowed , either as a reward to extraordinary merit , or indulged to quality , for discipline and improvement . matters of moment especially should be managed with conduct and temper ; brought under the best regulation ; and put into the wisest hands . 't is true , order and right must not be disturb'd ; but where there is liberty to chuse , age has the clearest pretences , and stands fairest for the honour . there is a great deference due to the judgment of years ; their bare affirmation and authority should have its weight ; especially when they pronounce upon their own experience and employment . here the incompliance of our reason ought to be suspected , and nothing but evidence should make us dissent . ly . old persons deserve a more than ordinary regard , because their performances are supposed to have been more than ordinary : when nothing to the contrary appears , justice as well as charity will report kindly , and conclude in favour of another . in such cases we should presume people have understood their opportunities , and managed their talent , and their time to advantage . upon this equitable supposition 't will follow , that those who have lived longest , have done most good. and is it not reasonable that returns and benefits should keep a proportion ; and that those who have obliged most , should receive the fairest acknowledgment ? old persons have been upon duty a great while , and served the publick upon many occasions . they are the veterans of the state , and should be particularly consider'd . the reasons of order and discipline , and merit , require no less . and since power must be kept in a few hands : since property won't reach a general distribution ; since they can't be all gratified with offices and estates , let them be paid with honour . methinks their very infirmities look not unhandsomly . they carry something of dignity in them , when well understood . they are not to be wholly attributed to the force of time : but partly to their generous labours , to that constant fatigue of business , to that expence of thought and spirits , for the publick advantage . let not the alterations in their person be meerly thrown upon age , and resolved into decay . let 's rather consider them as honourable scars , marks of hardship and repeated action , in the service of their country . under this notion they 'll shine upon the understanding , and move more for respect than pity . i might now assign a reason of a lower kind to the same purpose . and that is , meer decency and breeding , and good nature , should make us respectful to age. an old man must shortly take his final leave , and imbark for a foreign country ; and therefore should be treated with the ceremony of a departing friend . we should do something to shew that we are loath to lose him , and wish him happy in his removal . besides , something of regard is due to his condition : we should divert the sense of his declension , support his spirits by observance , and keep him easy by obliging behaviour . phil. i confess , i think you have done some justice to age : you have proved its privileges , and settled the preference , upon grounds not unsatisfactory . but supposing the young people should not do us right , can't we relieve our selves without standing to their courtesy ? eutrop. yes ; there are two things will do us a kindness . first we may consider , that the declensions of age are commonly very gradual . like the shadow of a dial , the motion is too slow for the eye to take notice of . could the decays in us be mark'd through all their progress , life would be more uneasy . but a man looks at night , as he did in the morning . he does not see that when he is past his prime ; his vigour is perpetually wearing off , that the blood grows less florid , and the spirits abate : that no day comes but pairs the strength , and cramps the motion , and tarnishes the colour , and makes us worse for service and satisfaction than we were before . but our senses are not fine enough to perceive the lessening , and so all goes tolerably well . if we were thrown out of our youth , as we are sometimes out of our fortune , all at once ; it would sensibly touch us . to go to bed at thirty , and rise with all the marks of eighty , would try one's patience pretty severely . but we walk down the hill so very gently , that the change of situation is scarcely perceiv'd , till we are near the bottom . this advantage lies ready to our hands , and wants little improvement . but the other which remains , and is the most considerable , depends upon conduct . phil. pray let 's hear it . eutrop. why , if we would enter upon age with advantage , we must take care to be regular and significant in our youth . this is the way to make both the mind and the body more easy . i say the body , for intemperance antedates infirmities , and doubles them . it revenges its own excesses , and plunges us sooner and deeper in the mire , than otherwise we should fall . he that would have his health hold out , must not live too fast . a man should husband his constitution , and not throw away till he has done living , if he can help it . not to provide thus far is to betray our senses , and prove false to the interest of ease and pleasure . and as to the mind , a well managed life will be of great service . such a person will be more disengag'd from the entertainments of sense , and not miss his youth so much as another . he won't be troubled with impracticable wishes , but strength and desire will fall off together . the powers of reason will improve by exercise ; and he that has govern'd a stronger appetite , will easily govern a weaker . in short , if we would be well provided we must begin betimes . habits of virtue , and handsom performances , are the best preparatives . le ts lay in a stock of good actions before-hand . these will secure our credit without , and our peace within . are the spaces of life not ill fill'd up ? is the world the better for us ? have we any ways answer'd the bounties of providence , and the dignity of our nature ? these questions well answer'd , will be a strong support to age ; they 'll keep off a great part of the weight of it ; and make a man's years sit easy upon him . the mind has a mighty influence upon the body ; and operates either way , according to the quality of reflexion . the disorders of passion or guilt , enflame a distemper , envenom a wound , and boil up the blood to a feaver . they often baffle the vertue of drugs and the prescriptions of art. on the other-hand ; when the review pleases , when we can look backward and forward with delight ; to be thus satisfied and composed , is almost a cure of it self . 't is true , a good conscience won't make a man immortal . but yet the quiet of his mind often keeps him from wearing out so fast . it smooths his passage to the other world , and makes him slide into the grave by a more gentle and insensible motion . and when the body is shaken with diseases , when it bends under time or accident , and appears just sinking into ruine ; 't is sometimes strangely supported from within . the man is prop'd up by the strength of thought ; and lives upon the chearfulness and vigour of his spirit . even vanity , when strongly impress'd , and luckily directed , will go a great way . thus epicurus in tully tells us , that the pleasure of his writings , and the hopes of his memory , abated the sharpness of his pains , and made the gout , and the stone , almost sleep upon him . phil. epicurus had a strong fancy : though i must own that pleasant retrospections , and easy thoughts , and comfortable presages , are admirable opiates : they help to asswage the anguish , and disarm the distemper ; and almost make a man despise his misery . however i 'm still a little concern'd that i must go less and less every day , and do the same things over again with abatements of satisfaction . to live only to nurse up decays , to feel pain , and wait upon diseases , is somewhat troublesom and insignificant . eutrop. pardon me there ! not insignificant , if it should happen so . to bear sickness with decency , is a noble instance of fortitude . he that charges an enemy does not shew himself more brave , than he that grapples handsomly with a disease . to do this without abject complaints ; without rage , and expostulation , is a glorious combat . to be proof against pain , is the clearest mark of greatness : it sets a man above the dread of accidents . 't is a state of liberty and credit . he that 's thus fenced , needs not fear nor flatter any thing . he that distinguishes himself upon these occasions , and keeps up the superiority of his mind , is a conqueror , though he dyes for 't ; and rides in triumph into the other world. and when we are engag'd in these honourable exercises , and proving the most formidable evils to be tolerable ; are we insignificant all this while ? thus to teach resignation and greatness , and appear in the heights of passive glory , is , i hope , to live to some purpose . other performances , i grant , are more agreeable ; but possibly none more useful . besides every one has not this tryal . sometimes the senses are worn up , and the materials for pain are spent , and the body is grown uncapable of being pleased , or troubled in any great degree . to relieve you a little farther ; give me leave to add , that the more we sink into the infirmities of age , the nearer we are to immortal youth . all people are young in the other world. that state is an eternal spring , ever fresh and flourishing . now to pass from midnight into noon on the sudden : to be decrepid one minute , and all spirit and activity the next , must be an entertaining change. call you this dying ? the abuse of language ! to fly thus swiftly from one extream to another ; to have life flow in like a torrent , at the lowest ebb , and fill all the chanels at once ; this must be a service to the case in hand . for this reason old people will go off with advantage . at their first arrival they seem likely to bemore sensible of the difference . they seem better prepar'd to relish liberty , and vigour , and indolence , than others . the hardship of their former condition rewards its own trouble . it burnishes their happiness , and awakens the mind to take hold of it . health after sickness , and plenty upon poverty , gives double pleasure . in short , philebus to be affraid of growing old , is to be affraid of growing wise , and being immortal . as if we could be happy too soon ! pray what is there in this world to make us fond of ? none yet were ever fully pleased with it . if the the publick interest was generally pursued , and men did their best to make each other happy , it would not do . our ideas of satisfaction can meet with nothing to answer them . and as long as fancy out-shines nature , and thoughts are too big for things , we shall always be craving . i could draw up a scheme of happiness , if i could have it as easily , that should mortifie the most fortunate ambition ; kill alexander with envy , and make caesar pine away at his own littleness and do we imagine god would make an appetite without an object ? must we be always wishing for impossibilities , and languish after an everlasting nothing ? no , philebus , the being of happiness is more than a dream . there are entertainments which will carry up to desire , and fill up all the vacancies of the mind . but these things are not to be met with here . one would think we should be glad to go upon a farther discovery ; and that curiosity should almost carry us into the other world. happiness is sure well worth our enquiry . who would not try the most unknown paths in search of so noble an object ? who would not look into all the regions of nature ; travel over the sky , and make the tour of the universe ? and can we then be sorry to see our voyage fixt , and start back when we are just embarking ? this is to be over-fond of our native country , and to hang about life a little too meanly . phil. i thank you . i perceive my apprehensions were unreasonable . age has no such formidable aspect , as i supposed . i am now convinced , that if the other parts of life have been well managed , this will prove tolerable enough . of pleasure . that pleasure , precisely consider'd , is an advantage , must be granted by the most severe philosophy : 't is the principal intendment of nature , and the sole object of inclination . every thing good , is so far desirable . and why is it so ? because it affords a satisfaction to him that has it . the only reason why being , is better than not being ; is because of the agreeable perceptions we have in the first , which are impossible in the latter . without pleasure either in hand , or in remainder , life is no blessing , nor existence worth the owning . were i sure never to be pleased , my next business should be to unwish my self , and pray for annihilation . for if i have nothing which delights me in my being , the very sense of it must be unacceptable ; and then i had better be without it . he that can prove himself something , by no other argument than pain , will be glad to be rid of the conclusion . for the suppose that misery is preferable to not being , is , i believe , the wildest thought that ever entred the imagination . a very short fit of torture , and despair , would convince the most obstinate : now though there are degrees of happiness or misery , there is no middle between them . a man must feel one or the other . that which some philosophers call indolence , is properly a state of pleasure . for though the satisfaction may be somewhat drowsy , yet , like the first approaches of sleep , it strikes smooth and gently upon the sense . to return ; 't is pleasure , which is the last and farthest meaning of every reasonable action . 't is upon this score that the husband-man labours , and the soldier fights ; and all the hazards and difficulties of life are undergone . wealth and honour , and power , as topping as they seem , are but ministerial to satisfaction . they are supposed to furnish a man's person , and fix him in a place of advantage . they feed his appetites , and execute his will , and make him valuable in his own opinion , and in that of his neighbour's . these services they promise at least , which makes them so earnestly desired : 't is pleasure which reconciles us to pain . who would submit to the nauseousness of medicine , or the torture of the surgeon ; were it not for the satisfaction of receiving our limbs , and our health ? pleasure is pursued where it seems most renounced , and aimed at even in self-denial . all voluntary poverty , all the discipline of pennance , and the mortifications of religion , are undertaken upon this view . a good man is contented with hard usage at present , that he may take his pleasure in the other world. in short , to dispute the goodness of pleasure , is to deny experiment , and contradict sensation , which is the highest evidence . but there needs no more to be said in recommendation of pleasure . the greatest danger is , least we should value it too much . the season , the object , ahd the proportion , are all circumstances of importance : a failure in any of them spoils the entertainment . he that buys his satisfaction at the expence of duty and discretion , is sure to over purchase . when virtue is sacrificed to appetite , repentance must follow , and that is an uneasy passion . all unwarrantable delights have an ill farewel , and destroy those that are greater . the main reason why we have restraints clap'd upon us , is because an unbounded liberty would undo us . if we examine religion , we shall find few actions forbidden , but but such as are naturally prejudicial to health , to reason , or society . the heathen philosophers , excepting some few of the cyrenaicks , and epicureans , were all agreed in the folly of forbidden pleasure . they thought the very question scandalous ; and that it was in effect to dispute , whether 't were better to be a man , or a beast . the general division of pleasure , is into that of the mind , and the other of the body . the former is the more valuable upon several accounts . i shall mention some of them . st . the causes of these satisfactions are more reputable than the other . corporeal pleasures are comparatively ignoble . they seem founded in want and imperfection . there must be something of uneasiness to introduce them , and make them welcom . when the pain of hunger is once over , eating is but a heavy entertainment . the senses are some of them so mean that they scarce relish any thing , but what they beg for . but rational delights have a better original . they spring from noble speculations , or generous actions ; from enlargements of knowledge , or instances of virtue ; from something which argues worth , and greatness , and improvement . ly . the satisfactions of the mind are more at command . a man may think of of a handsom performance , or a notion , which pleases him at his leisure . this entertainment is ready with little warning or expence . a short recollection brings it upon the stage , brightens the idea , and makes it shine as much as when 't was first stamp'd upon the memory . thoughts , take up no room . when they are right , they afford a portable pleasure . one may travel with it without any trouble , or incumbrance . the case with the body is much otherwise . here the satisfaction is more confin'd to circumstance of place , and moves in a narrower compass . we cannot have a pleasant taste or smell , unless the object and the sense , are near together . a little distance makes the delight withdraw , and vanish like a phantosm . there is no perfuming of the memory , or regaling the palate with the fancy . 't is true , we have some faint confused notices of these absent delights , but then 't is imagination , and not sense , which giveth it . i grant the eye and ear command farther , but still these have their limits . and besides , they can only reach an object present , but not make it so . whereas the mind , by a sort of natural magick , raises the ghost of a departed pleasure , and makes it appear without any dependence upon space , or time. now the almost omnipresence of an advantage , is a circumstance of value ; it gives opportunity for use and repetition , and makes it so much the more one's own . dly . intellectual delights are of a nobler kind than the other . they belong to beings of the highest order . they are the inclination of heaven , and the entertainments of the deity . now god knows the choicest ingredients of happiness ; he can command them without difficulty , and compound them to advantage . omnipotence and wisdom , will certainly furnish out the richest materials for its own contentment . 't is natural for every being to grasp at perfection , and to give it self all the satisfactions within thought and power , since therefore contemplation is the delight of the deity , we may be assured the flower and exaltation of bliss , lies in the operation of the mind . to go no higher than the standard of humanity . methinks the satisfactions of the mind are of a brighter complexion , and appear with a distinguishing greatness . there is a nothing of hurry and mistiness in them . the perceptions are all clear , and stay for perusal and admiration . the scene is dress'd up like a triumph , the fancy is illuminated , and the show marches on with dignity and state. if the senses have any advantage , it lies in the strength of the impression . but this point may be fairly disputed . when the mind is well awaken'd , and grown up to the pleasures of reason , they are strangly affecting . the luxury of thought , seems no less than that of the palate : the discovery of a great invention , may be as moving as epicurism . the entertainments of plato were as high-season'd , as those of apicius . and archimedes , by his behaviour , seems to have passed his time as pleasantly , as sardanapalus . the charms of authority , made cato aver , that old age was none of the most undiverting periods of life . and in all likelihood the victory at pharsalia , transported caesar beyond all the delights of the roman court. the senses seem not to be built strong enough for any great force of pleasure . a sudden excess of joy has sometimes prov'd mortal . 't is as dangerous as gun-powder , charge too high , and you split the barrel . it flashes too hard upon the tender organ , and stupifies more than pleases . to look upon the sun strikes us blind . thus a glorious appearance from the other world , has often over-set the best men. nature sunk under the correspondence , and was too weak to bear the lustre of the object . the body was not made to be master in this affair . this may appear from self-denial , which has a mixture of something agreeable . 't is a pleasure to refuse one . to arrest an importunate appetite , to silence the clamour of a passion ; and repel an assault upon our virtue , is a noble instance of force , a handsom proof of temper and discretion . a brave mind must be entertain'd by surveying its conquests , and being conscious of its soveraignty . and thus by frequent resistance , and generous thinking , the forbearance grows an equivalent to fruition . and that which at first was almost too big for opposition , is at last too little for notice . these satisfactions of restraint , are a fair proof of the distinction of soul and body . and that we are made up of something greater than matter and motion . for that atomes should discipline themselves at this rate , check their own agreeable progress , and clap one another under hatches ; is very unconceiveable . atomes don't use to be so cross as this comes to . pleasure , of what kind soever , is nothing but an agreement between the object and the faculty . this description well applied , will give us the true height of our selves , and tell us what size we are of . if little things will please us , we may conclude we are none of the biggest people . children are as well known by their diversions , as their stature . those satisfactions which require capacity and understanding to relish them , which either suppose improvement , or promote it , are of the better sort . on the other side : to be pleased with gawdiness in habit , with gingles and false ornament in discourse , with antick motions and postures , is a sign that the inclinations are trifling , and the judgment vulgar and unpolish'd . there should be some what of greatness and proportion , and curiosity in things , to justifie our appetite . to be gain'd by every little pretending entertainment , does but shew our meaness . 't is some what surprising to observe how easily we are some times engag'd , and one would think , when we were least in humour . for the purpose . here 's a man that has lately buried his only son , and is embarrass'd with debts and disputes in his fortune : how comes it about that he is so airy and unconcern'd on the sudden ? no longer ago than this morning , he was extreamly sensible of his misfortune ; what has made him forget it in so short a time ? why nothing , but he is just chop'd in with a pack of dogs , who are hunting down a hare , and all opening upon the view . the man needs no more to change his passions . this noise has drown'd all his grief : he is cured and made happy extempore . and if it would last , 't was something . but alas , 't is quickly over . 't is a happiness without a fond : 't is no more than a little mantling of the spirits upon stirring : a childish exultation at the harmony of a rattle . it proceeds not from any thing rich or solid in nature : 't is meer levity of mind , which snatches him a little from his misery . the cause of the intermission is uncreditable . the entertainment is not big enough for the occasion . 't is true , the trouble is remov'd , and so far the point is gain'd . but then the satisfaction is so fantastick and feaverish , that the cure it self is an ill symptom , and almost worse than the disease . upon the whole , i think , we ought to be concern'd , that such trifles can provoke our appetite . and that we may be toss'd from one state to another , by so weak a motion . the truth is , as we manage the matter , our diversions are oftentimes more uncreditable than our troubles . however , since health is kept up , and melancholy discharg'd by these amusements , they may be tolerable enough within a rule . but to pursue them with application , to make them our profession , and boast of our skill in these little mysteries , is the way to be useless and ridiculous . certaine conceptions, or, considerations of sir percy herbert, upon the strange change of peoples dispositions and actions in these latter times directed to his sonne. herbert, percy, sir. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) certaine conceptions, or, considerations of sir percy herbert, upon the strange change of peoples dispositions and actions in these latter times directed to his sonne. herbert, percy, sir. [ ], p. printed by e. g. and are to be sold by richard tomlins ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ethics -- england -- early works to . moral education -- england -- early works to . conduct of life -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine conceptions , or , considerations of sir percy herbert , upon the strange change of peoples dispositions and actions in these latter times . directed to his sonne . deus primum bonos proximé . london , printed by e.g. and are to be sold by richard tomlins at the sun and bible neer piecorner . . for my sonne mr. william herbert . having compiled this small treatise , chiefly for the entertainment of my selfe and private family , consisting of morall and divine principles , collected according to my severall conceptions , answerable to the distractions of these times , that neither gave me conveniency of books or liberty for conversation , i thought it most proper to direct the reading of these writings more particularly to your selfe then to any other : not onely in regard you are the appearing person , that probably must give continuance and succession to our house , which i heartily wish may be in vertue , or not at all : but also , for that part of the booke was written whilst my imagination was imployed in doubts and fears , concerning your late dangerous sicknesse , which i must confesse did not a little heighten my troubled apprehension with the consideration of all humane uncertainties , resolving then your losse , should have buried my principall felicities in a retired obscurity , that now for your good i am partly determined shall be further enlarged , according to conveniency and occasion : to which purpose upon the same score of consideration i must conjure you to reflect often upon the extraordinary mercies of almighty god , shewed in your behalfe , not onely in raising you unexpectedly from so hazzardable and desperate a condition of weaknesse , to a competent if not a perfect degree of health and strength of body , but also that he hath been pleased to afford you many other plentifull favours , in some kinds beyond the ordinary sort of men . wherefore as you appear by discourse sensible of these blessings i must advise you to carry alwaies about with you , those very thoughts you were enspired with all , ( according to your own relation ) in the greatest extremity of your sickness , as being freest from earthly passions , and those vaine ambitions , that use to corrupt the manners , if not the very understandings of most people . however i would have you believe , that i goe not about by these expressions to entangle , muchlesse to compell you to a monasticall severity of life , but onely i endeavour by my writings and directions , to perswade and confirm you , in such a religious morality in your conversation and affairs ( necessary to all christians ) that may the better secure your condition both in this life and the next . and although i am confident that these generall admonitions might serve for sufficient instructions to your youth , in regard i have been so wel acquainted with your nature and education , yet for that i may be thought something large in my writings , concerning the extravagancies and vices of this age , i wil not let you passe in this epistle , without some distinct advertisments directed unto your selfe ; however do not thinke i point personally at you in any of these particulars , onely my intention and aimes are , by setting before your consideration the inconveniencies of these passions and absurdities , you may become the more distasted with the practises of them in others ; since most pittifull examples of all sorts are daily presented to your eares or eyes , especially of childrens disobedience to their parents . truly will : if i should have any just occasion given me , to suspect your intentionall duty or filiall love , i should have cause sufficient , not onely to esteem my endeavours most unfortunate , but exceedingly to doubt of your discretion , as wel as to blame your ingratitude ; since , as you cannot but know how much your mother and my selfe have strived in your behalfe , to the uttermost of our powers : so is it unpossible in that regard , you can finde more confiding persons then our selves , whereon to place your chiefe trust and confidence , either in difficulties or inconveniencies . if at all god almighty had not added a temporall curse , to that commandement , and to no other , which obligeth the duty of children to their parents , besides many other fearful testimonies , i could bring , to shew a necessity of performing with all honour and respect , those filialties of nature : which i onely tell you , because many young people ( as i said before ) in these dayes , are grown so extravagantly preposterous in their courses , that scarce is there family , but hath some cause to complain in this nature , with more then ordinary grief ; whereas in times past children thought it not onely a reputation to their own persons , to bear a respectful honour to their parents , but even with a certain kinde of admiring duty , were most careful and diligent , to imitate their very actions , as well as to receive their instructions . next i must minde you , of that dangerous and swelling disease of vain-glory , that useth to intoxicate in this age , so much the brains of young people , that as they become altogether void of any good nature at all , so not seldom being transported with this vanity , they appeare in some sort deprived of their wits ; however i am perswaded that you have contracted such an experience by your being abroad , and having conversed without flattery , that if at any time by accident you fall into the like errours , you will be soon able to put a bridle to the humour by some temper and diseretion . but as this inclination floweth from too great an indulgency of nature , wanting a competent judgement to discern , so is it the occasion often times , not onely of unnecessary and distastful contentions , but also of most desperate quarrels , proceeding from dispositions too furious , which in this place , i shall example by one short story not to be questioned for the truth thereof . two entirely loving brothers upon occasion of recreation , walking one evening within the precints of their ordinary dwelling , and beholding the skie bespotted all over with stars , one of them of a sudden wished as many fat oxen of his own , as there appeared little lights in the firmament ; the other again , not to be behind hand with his brother as he thought in invention , also desired pastorage as large as the whole element , and then demanded how his cattel would be fed ? the first apprehending belike indiscreetly some intention of affront to his vain ▪ glorious conceits ; in heat and choler told his brother , that they should feed in his pasture , whether he would or no : wherefore the other being also moved with passion , at this seeming intention of compulsion , hastily replyed , that as by right he could not claim any interest in his field or medow , so was he fully resolved to debar him from all benefit and commodity therein . but in conclusion , from words they went to blowes , until at last both drawing out their weapons , which they had unfortunately about them , they soon became each others murtherer , before any of the house could come to their rescue , notwithstanding there wanted not good store of company in that noble family . which in my opinion may be taken for a most remarkable example of transported natures , either by vain glory or anger , especially to be prevented in matters of gaming , since persons for the most part in losse , are so far from bridling their passions , that oftentimes they challenge to themselves certain priviledges to be offensive , as reflecting more upon the injurie fortune doth them , then at the equality of them that played with them , who will finde hardly temper or civility to be abused by reason of such indulgent conceits , when there is no other obligation to perswade them to the supposed compliance . the desire or itching appetite of flattery , may be said also to be a property of vaine-glory , as well as a base effect of that lunacy , which in regard it is of a dangerous consequence , especially to youth , i thinke it somewhat convenient in this place to be remembred : for who are addicted thus to be delighted , or rather to be laid asleepe by such enchantments , must not onely still resolve to converse with fooles and knaves , that either for ends , or out of ignorance , will be ever subject to each fantasticall humour of theirs , but for the most part they shall be kept out of all eminent company , in regard that those who have gained a powerfull influence over their weaknesse , are obliged to procure them the greatest distance may be with worth and knowledge , since indifferent people without any partiality , would be apt to discover true or false lights . be assured that this inclination proceeds from a kind of low disposition , though extreamly swoln up with a preposterous and ignorant pride , that wants sufficient courage to gain estimation by industrie ; such people at last will be forced to entertaine fearce any thing else but sloth and sensuality : which is the worst condition man possibly can fall into . to avoid all these inconveniences , nothing is more proper , then to keepe alwaies the mind and the body imployed with some noble activity ; however it is not sufficient to be continually busied , but it will be found most necessary also to have some designe or period in the imagination ; as well to know when to end , as what to begin ; neither to be wearied by difficulties , or altered through inconstancy , and so by consequence not to leave any prosecution , unlesse the judgement upon serious deliberation give a willing and knowing consent : for no doubt as the word is most composed of craft and ignorance , so will there not want perpetually aboundance of alluring diversions : in that people for the most part cannot well brook worth in another , since they are resolved not to take the pains for it themselves , and therefore will endeavour rather to undermine reputations by detraction , then hope to equall vertues by industry . if you doe well , you must look rather to be spighted then commended ; and if you doe ill , you may onely purchase some little compliance with your perdition . last of all , i would not have you too much either to reflect upon our past felicities , or too feelingly apprehend our present misforfortunes ; since both the one and the other may seem past recovery ; yet as we have suffered something injuriously , though perhaps but equal with others of the same quality and prosperity , so aparantly have we beheld in all our sufferings , evident signes of gods mercies towards us , not onely in delivering us from many hazards and dangers , with a convenient supply alwayes when our necessities were most pressing ; but also hath formed your education , out of these troubles ; which i dare be bold to say ( in your own thoughts ) you value more then a great deal of worldly fortune . however , it is not sufficient onely to have these conceits and opinions , but with industry and discretion , you are to make use of both what you have , and what you have not , by pitching upon some laudable settlement for your future conveniencie and subsistence , in which course , in despight of all malice and enticements , i would have you to be resolute , and so little ashamed of the profession and practice of religion and honour , that boldly you are not onely to love and cherish those vertues in your self , but publikely to countenance them wheresoever you shall finde them in others , in so doing , you shall ever oblige me to rest , your most affectionate father percie herbert . to the reader . i muste confesse , when first i fell upon the determination , to exercise my pen in a subject of this nature , i never thought my endeavours should have past further then the bounds of my own family ; but being since perswaded by some reasons ( which i need not expresse ) to make my writings more publique ; as also not well knowing what certaine habitation i shall be master of in these distracted times , when as oppression already hath dealt so hardly with me , i have caused these conceptions of mine to be printed , that they may also ( if there be occasion ) seeke their own fortune in the world , though i feare they will not finde competent entertainment , in regard they seem not much ( perhaps not at all ) to suit with the constitution of the age ; at least they appeare not any way ambitious , after the customes now chiefly in fashion ; although i can confidently assure the reader , that as they are not any way painted and flourished , whereby to procure the better acceptance , so in the inside are they purely without hypocrisie and ostentation , having no plot at all to deceive the world. whereupon i must take so much boldnesse , as to require those who at any time shall cast their eyes , if not their intentions upon these lines with some curious appetite , that they will yet doe me so much right ( though they should want thereby their own satisfaction ) as to proceed in a methodicall way , in their passing over the chapters , lest what i intend for something may prove nothing to their apprehensions , for want of sufficient order and patience to consider ; and the rather may i expect this curtesie ( if you will let it be a charity ) for that the book it selfe is so extreame short , that if i did not intend to enlarge it by a second part , i might be something ashamed that the presse under my name and solicitation , hath been employed with so small a pamphlet , and therefore consequently can give the reader no excessive trouble , to take the more deliberation in the truer understanding of my intentions , which may prove far more satisfactory to us both if this course be observed : and also do desire that he will be pleased to excuse and rectifie those faults that have escaped in the printing , by his own judgement , which the sense will sufficiently direct him unto , without any great difficulty . the introduction , or inducement of the whole book . as most people in our age do furiously complain of their own sufferings , rather quarrelling with the times , then with their vices : so the late act of confinement , contributing very little benefit or opportunity to the delight of conversation , gives me leasure and conveniency enough , not onely to exercise my several imaginations in many extravagant fancies , as well concerning my own crosses , as other mens actions ; but other whiles more seriously to recollect together those cogitations in a method , whereby i might pick out of them some advantages towards my particular use and comodity . and to this purpose , although i would not have any think , that i intend presumptuously to be an instructor of others ( it neither being proper for my profession , or within the compass of my ability , however i must confess my desires therein are competently charitable ; ) yet i conceive it most agreeing with my intentions in some orderly way to put down my conceptions in writing , that they be the better sixt in my memory when i shall have occasion to put in execution the effects of this necessary contemplation . wherefore if any shall demand either why i write at all , or make election of no meaner a subject , as it may be thought , beyond the reach of my seeming capacity : my reply must be , that as the first part of the question is already answered , by my not having for the present any passable imployment , either at home or abroad ; so the latter will quickly finde this reply , by reason of one principal , grounded strongly in my minde , that slight and impertinent discourses are most unfit for this intemperate and licentious season ; which being allowed me , i must take leave to say , as well as to think , that notwithstanding there are very many , as i intimated before , extream sensible of their sufferings in these days of tribulation , because they feel the smart of their green wounds newly made ; yet i am confident there are very few that do absolutely believe the inflammation proceeds from a secret poyson long time ago ingendered in the heart of this nation ; wherefore if men would but look back upon the posture of this kingdom in the beginning of these wars , at what time i may bodly affirm , scarse any vertue was practiced with confidence and assurance , those thoughts perhaps would soon finde a way to judge from what original these misfortunes have proceeded : again , of the otherside if we can open our eyes for the present , at the continuance , if not increase of sin and vice , not to be paraleld perchance by former stories , we may without over much difficulty be perswaded that in a manner it is unpossible , god almighty should yet withdraw his heavy hand of punishment from off our countrey ; for as in the general we had experience , the nobility were degenerated , the gentry corrupted , women grown impudent , and the common people atheistical ; so may we perceive now , by a strict enquiry , that at present the very natures and dispositions of most persons are changed into a certain kinde of strange lunacy , or preposterous madness in their actions , as if some ominous revolution were yet to be made in this nation : which i must confess hath not onely oftentimes amazed my own private thoughts , but makes me conclude , that as these wonderful insensibilities and impieties , proceed from some fatal displeasure of heaven , so of necessity must the causes of these ills arise , either from the believing there is no god , that jesus christ was not the true saviour of the world ; from some high and peremptory presumption of his mercies , or from too much stupidity in peoples apprehensions , proceeding from the inchantment of fleshly appetites . to all which we will speak somthing in particular , since my intentions are by this discourse to remember the imperfections of the times , for my own and families admonition . against atheism . in the first place , if any do suppose , that there is no god , or omnipotent disposer of all things , with a certain kinde of order , but as if by chance every creature did produce and suffer increase and diminution , without any further design and intention , the opinion is not onely most ridiculous , but even repugnant to nature it self , which seems to pretend an orderly rule in all her actions and effects ; for that besides the general confusion it would soon bring upon each production , in regard seeds in every species , could not in a short time but jar amongst themselves , wanting the true mixture , by the application of those helps necessary for increase and continuance , as sun and rain with the like , without which all generations would quickly perish , it is evident the ancient philosophers meerly by the compulsion of reason , without any manner of revelation from heaven , were forced against their wills and appetites not onely to confess some supernatural and divine operatour , that made the world and commanded at first the course of the heavens , with the influence of the planets , that they might be proportionable to the commodity and subsistence of lower motions ; but also acknowledged one single essence and deity , as master of every creation , since they knew divided powers could not be omnipotent , in respect they might have several wills which must needs produce diverse effects tending to confusion , by which means things would not be conveniently governed and ordered to subsistence and increase : besides , we may fall upon this consideration , that there was never yet any people upon earth , how barbarous soever in their understanding , and rude and ignorant in their conversations , though separated from all possibility of instruction , but by the very documents of nature it self , did use a formal sacrifice , or exteriour worship to some god or other , whom they did in a sort fear and reverence , though they had not knowledge sufficient by education , to distinguish rightly who he was , or what were his attributes : again , it hath been observed that scarce any atheist , how wilde and blasphemous soever , in his discourses , and infamous and dissolute in his course of life , but at the sudden apprehension of death or some other imminent danger , would seem to cast up his eyes to heaven , as demanding a kind of assistance in his necessity , being induced thereunto , onely by a natural instinct of feare , though perhaps in perfect safty , he would be either of another opinion , or of a different comportment ; which shews there is somthing supernatural , that compelleth man to acknowledge and reverence his creator , let his will be never so perverse , who must be honoured in spight of all wickedness : further let us but cast our looks upon the plants of the earth , with their wonderful effects , and we shall see every where , such diversity of kinds , both in shew and operation , and yet proceeding but from one womb , that it would amaze our consideration to learn to know how they could be distinguished in their growth , not having any relation at all to each other , which certainly cannot be without some divine providence : in like manner we may behold every little bird naturally to have a several way of building its nest , according to the same species he is of , which form constantly he maintains though he be never so far distant from others of that kinde , however he is not capable , either of art or imitation , and with all as soon as the young are out of the shell , they can readily without instruction , provide for their own safety and commodity , without practice or information , whether it be to defend themselves , against the violence of ravenous creatures , though they never saw the like before , or to seek those nutriments which their welfare requires : as for example ducks presently after they are hatched will covet the water , though chickings cannot by any means be induced to enter into a pool , for fear of being drowned , for that nature teacheth them they may not swim , having no other experience for that science , then what their omnipotent creator hath divinely infused into them for their preservation : whereas of the contrary man is not endued with such timely foresight ( though he be of a far more noble making ) because his wise god sees it not necessary for his present being , in that he hath ordained him reasonable creatures for his defence , and to take care of him whilest he is young , which i say shews a high providence beyond all dispute : again , who is it hath placed so admirable a property in the loadstone , and keeps the sea within his bounds ? notwithstanding the continual course of so many rivers , which else would exceede according to the rule of other waters , to the destruction of the whole world , but he that hath designed all things to work convenient effects , by his omnipotency towards preservation , since no schollership or learning is able to give convincing testimonies of either : and last of all it may be considered , that man being the noblest of creatures visible , if there were not somthing above him , he himself should be the orderer of nature , since all things else we see want sence or reason , and man also not knowing its uttermost bounds , we must conclude he was created by a more excellent essence ; as for example , we see this huge ball of the earth hangs in the ayre , without any support , contrary to the nature of all solid bodies that ever fall downwards , by the meer compulsion of their weight ; so that of necessity there is somthing more powerful then nature , that commands it against its course , which cannot be man , because he is not onely ignorant of this , but many other misteries . again , it is unpossible that nature can be this omnipotent eternity , for that we see her in most things subject to accident , and apparantly decays dayly in her productions , which shews she is not perfect and independant , and therefore can be no god ; for man being her best piece , is born infirm , lives a time with trouble , and at last dyes by violence or age , all which seems to be to little purpose , for the being of the world , without any other designe or end : wherefore we may conclude , that somthing above either man or nature must needs order all things according to his pleasure , for some use more then ordinary , since certainly his works can be no more in vain , then himself can be without eternity , and how his intensions can be less then to an eternal end : i cannot see the least reason , that ought to administer any occasion of dispute , however for orders sake , we may discourse in this manner . that as this mighty omnipotent and all powerful god , hath here created a most large and beautiful world , full of all kinde of useful varieties , so must this world be created to some other effects , then onely to produce and consume , without any other purpose or designe : and what could the intention of this creation be , but to preserve some immortal thing , ordained for gods own proper and particular use and service , which can never end ? neither is it possible that this thing , or subject of gods intention , can be any other , then mans reasonable soul , in which he hath placed so clear an understanding , differing from all creatures else in a most high measure , since beasts , birds , and the like , are endued onely with life and sense , whereas man alone enjoys the fruition of reason , by which he comes to know , the very nature almost of all other things : but here perhaps may be alledged , that we give too great a prerogative to mans soul , since he doth no more exceed other creatures in knowledge , then one creature seems to pass another in subtilty , which shews degrees , as they say , of excellency in ordination , though not perfection in mans creation : unto which objection , i shall briefly make this answer , that as it had been an needless or impertinent thing ( as i intimated before ) for god almighty , to have made the world with its beauties , meerly for mans subsistence ( as being held the best of creatures ) and himself to be created to no other end , but onely to live and dye , and others to succeed him , which is nothing else , but to go round in a circle , without either design , intention or purpose ; which certainly as this cannot stand with the nature of gods wisdom , so of the other side , it may easily be determined , by any reasonable judgement , how far the capacity of mans soul goes beyond the understanding of all other creatures , that were ever yet made in the world , since he is able , a knowing way by the very strength of reason , not onely in times of danger and necessity , to call upon his maker with some confidence for assistance , ( which no other living thing will be able to do , by all the instruction can be infused into him by humane art whatsoever ) but even in some sort , can define his creators very nature and essence , by those rules given him by divinity and philosophy , allowing and disproving them if there be occasion , by his own natural reason and apprehension : which is a difference of so high a prerogative , that by it we resemble gods own image , in foreseeing , judging , and distinguishing of good and evil , right and wrong , as also between ignorance and science , whereas other creatures carry about with them only sense and memory , that serves them but for subsistence and preservation , being all they need for the end they were made , which was alone for mans use and commodity : for no person in his right wits will tell me that an elephant , or a fox ( they being esteemed the wisest , and most intelligible of creatures ) can be instructed by all the learning in the world , for never so many years together , to govern a kingdom , lead an army , or give convenient counsel in matters of difficulty , much less to know the orderly course of the planets : wherefore i must conclude , that as there is no comparison between mans understanding , and other animals , of what excellency soever , so god almighty having given mans reasonable soul , so principal a preheminency above other creatures , it must be that if any thing ordained for eternity , and eternal somthing must be ( as i said before ) for which this great world was made , since his wisdom , goodness , and omnipotency , could not act any thing in vain , which of necessity must follow , if man should onely live to dye after a while , without injoying any further happiness or end : as for example , it would be esteemed a very great madness ( or at leastwise a palpable indiscretion in humane actions ) for any person to breed and nourish living creatures , without some intention , either to supply his necessities or please his senses : much more ridiculous to think god almighty ( that is not subject at all to error ) should create and preserve what , he did not intend for some purpose : wherefore i say this divine essence , as he cannot be capable of these or any other passions and defects , so would he not have made this world , without an intention conducing to eternity for their sakes , to whose use the earth was ordained at the first : since all his operations can tend to no lower an end in every of his works , which must be infinite like to himself : of the other side , certainly this object of his , can be no other then the soul of man ; he onely of all other creatures , being indued with a reasonable and noble understanding , and therefore pleased it should participate of a glory ( out of his infinite mercy ) that could not be created , because his sublime goodness never intended any thing directly for destruction , but by way of accident , or rather provoked thereunto by his necessary justice for his eternal honour : but if mans reasonable soul should be mortal , as some fools perhaps may ridiculously suppose , what priviledge hath his excellent creation above other inferiour creatures , over whom he is ordained lord and master , nay rather i may say apparent disadvantages , since not onely most living things exceed him in the faculties , and use of their senses , but also in not being subject to the unhappiness of the perturbation of the minde , upon the arival of worldly accidents , which may be esteemed the greatest afflictions of this life : for that foreknowledge and apprehension of death , or miseries before they come , are a continual discomforture to all present delights , and an interruption to that content , which should render him happy and pleased within himself ; whereas unreasonable creatures want those perturbations of thought and apprehension , to afflict them : so that if man had not immortality to expect , in lieu of such sufferings , i might truly affirm his creator had done him much injury in giving him a reasonable soul , to his further disquiet and vexation , and might justly conclude him more unfortunate in his creation , then all those creatures , over whom he is designed to govern ; which certainly his good and wise god never intended him , since he was pleased to make him so excellent in his understanding : and so i end with atheism , though i must again fall upon a new dispute , concerning infidelity , which is no other , then to doubt something of the person or passion of our saviour . that our saviour was the true messias . we shall begin with the time of christs coming in the flesh , which apparently was foretold , should be when the jews scepter was to be taken away from the right line , and a general peace proclaimed over the face of the earth : both these , i say , were punctually fulfilled at his blessed birth ; insomuch as not onely herod who then wore the diadem of jury , was a meer stranger as well by extraction as by nation , but also the temple of ianus , was then shut up in rome , the accustomed ceremony belonging to such a iubily of pacification : next it was plainly prophesied by many places in holy scripture , that the iews in time to come , should be discarded for their impiety , and the gentiles to be elected in their rooms : all which we see at this day so exactly performed , that they are not onely scattered over the earth without honour or dominion ( being a scandal and reproach to all other countries ) but have not so much , as either temple or priest , to offer their sacrifice or exercise their rights , whilst of the contrary , we behold the christian religion , most gloriously to flourish amongst the gentiles , almost over the whole world , to the absolute abolishing of all the ancient idols , which in the primitive times were so generally esteemed and worshipped , that whosoever refused their adorations , were to undergo the worst of torments , for their contempt ; however , this faith of ours had no visible encouragement to humane eyes ; but of the contrary , was frighted by horrid terrours received from the blood of martyrs , and yet these people were onely perswaded to their constant and admirable belief , by the poor and simple preaching of a few unlearned and contemptible fishermen , insomuch , as great and wise doctors in a manner in an instant , gave up their lives willingly , to most exasperated and cruel tyranny , in witness and confirmation of that blessed truth , notwithstanding the opinions themselves that they were taught , were against all appetites , and sense of man , which of necessity must imply , that these strange and suddain opperationses , could proceed from no other thing but divine instigation : besides , we see according to many predictions of the prophets , that kings and queens , are become nursing fathers and mothers to this holy faith , with so much alacrity , that they are not onely content to submit to the churches jurisdiction , but in a manner lay down their glorious crowns and scepters , ( with the more humility ) to prostrate their persons , at the steps of this tribunal : which certainly is beyond all humane apprehension to conceive ; since neither honour , profit , nor worldly felicity , seems to attend the intention of their practices : neither had the doctrine at the first , ( as i say ) any probability to be believed ; for that it taught such strange and unheard of mysteries , that could not come almost within the compass of any brain to invent . and surely if man onely had been the author of this change , he would have devised some more easie way to have pleased flesh and blood , or to have better satisfied peoples understandings : much less would jesus christ in the very infancy of this belief , have subjected not onely himself , but all his disciples , to such penurions want , and most intolerable torments ; accompanyed with nothing else but contempt and scorn , without any hope at all , either of benefit , honour , or reward , if as an impostor onely , he had intended the deceiving of the people , for his own vain glory . next , if we consider , the most woful and lamentable destruction of ierusalem , to happen so directly according to our saviours saying , though that city was then at the present , in an extraordinary flourishing condition ; and in a perfect subjection to the romans , whose emperour the inhabitants professed to serve , love , and honour , before all the world , we may easily perceive , that no less then a divine spirit could have uttered those prophesies , as also hapning immediately after his death and passion , it was most apparant , a heavenly hand onely punished their impiety , both for the cruelty used towards his person , as in regard of their obstinacy in refusing his doctrine , denying him to be their spiritual king : which curse also hath continued ever since upon their condition as a remarkable plague for their ingratitude ; whilst of the contrary ( as we see ) god almighty hath advanced his own glory every where , by striking dumb all the oracles of the divel , notwithstanding they have been violently supported , by the art and power of tyrannical princes over the world : until at last , we may behold these great monarchs of the the earth , forced to submit themselves to the belief and jurisdiction of that seeming contemptible church in the beginning , which they had most maliciously persecuted ; insomuch , as at this present , there is not to be found any nation or persons , of the pagan religion any where ; however that opinion was wont to entertain the pens and actions of multitudes of great and learned philosophers , for many hundreds of yeers together , accompanyed with the delusions of their false gods ; which now are all vanished into smoak ; and the christian faith alone dilated amongst the gentiles everywhere , to the wonder of all humane consideration ; again , we may reflect upon that saying of holy scripture , as a further testimony to this truth , against the jewes : i have no will in your offerings , nor gifts will i receive at your hands , for from the rising of the sun to the going down of the same , my name is great among the gentiles ; and in every place there shall be sacrificing , and a pure offering offered to my name : which intimates no other , then that the jewes were to be despised and turned off , and the gentiles introduced into their places . a prophecie so plainly verified in these dayes , that we do not onely see , the jewes and their religion laid aside , with the general calling of the gentiles , but also this oblation every where offered by the christians , consisting onely in one thing , and performed after one manner , though in many places ; whereas the sacrifices and ceremonies of the jews were divers , both in matter and form , as well as the performing thereof was confined to one place : besides , we might bring not onely the confessions of the heathen oracles themselves , for the divinity and godhead of our saviour , but the ancient prophecies of the sibyls , allowed , approved , and preserved ; with a great deal of veneration by the roman monarchy and other commonwealths , if there were any need either to strengthen our testimonies , or confute other opinions ; to which we may adde these considerations , that it is not probable that so poor a beginning as had first the christian religion , against the sense and appetite of humane nature , persecuted with violence in the very infancy of the church , countenanced by none but despicable people , and the belief of it self grounded only on imaginable fruition , her mysteries in a manner not being conceiveable almost by the highest capacity , should so suddainly increase , and so long continue , notwithstanding all the oppositions from time to time sustained , both from craft and tyranny ; if this sacred truth were not supported by an omnipotencie , not to be contended against by all the power of earth and hell : wherefore i must conclude , that as these proofs are sufficient to any indifferent understanding , whereby to convince all men of infidelity , touching the divinity of our saviour , and the truth of his suffering for our offences ; so are we obliged to observe his precepts in particular , if we hope to receive benefit by his death , as they are declared in the same holy scriptures . and consequently ought , under the pain of a most terrible condemnation to abate in us , if not the appetites , yet at leastwise the practice and violence of sin , that seems in this corrupt age , to take so much possession of our persons and actions , as if religion were turned , onely to a vast chaos of confused liberty , without temper or morality . in which wild exercise of preposterous sensuality , perhaps many are confirmed out of some presumptuous hope , that god almighty doth not readily look upon the transgressions of guilty offenders . the punishment of the angels against all vain presumption . against which pernicious fancie , may be brought this discourse , first we will begin with the angels before the creation of the world , as it may be believed according to some opinions , who were the perfectest of all creatures , & in whom god intended not only to shew his power & goodness , but his justice and hate of sin , for as he made them in the highest degree of happiness , to express his majesty ; so he punished their single offence , to shew his equity , not in any kinde pardoning them , in regard of the sublimity of their making , since knowing him best in doing any thing against his divinity , they could not but offend him most ; wherefore he , as i say , neither put limitation nor condition to their punishments ; for as his omnipotency was by them more cleerly discerned , by reason of their excellent nature , so was the eternity of their unhappiness to be without redemption , for abusing so much that knowledge , the more justly inflicted upon them , both for our future examples , that we might not too much presume and for the declaration of his own glory , who will be always just : each appearing as well in the blasphemies of the damned , as in the adoration of the blessed ; since all creatures actions are alike to his godhead , neither rendring him more nor less then he is : for as by the participation onely of his goodness , we receive benefit according to that obedience we shew in performing his commandments , so of the contrary , if we do not fullfil his will , we must not think to escape correction , because he never goes from himself ; for he can no more comply with sin , then he can lay down his divinity ; being both attributes of his eternal essence : and therefore , as he spared not these excellent spirits , meerly out of his justice , though it were but onely in one single thought of pride , we must not think to be protected by his mercy , committing dayly so many crimes . in the next place we must reflect upon the punishment of man for his transgression , who as he had less knowledge of his creator in his sinning , so was he more gently used in gods indignation ; for notwithstanding he deserved also a perpetual condemnation for his offence , in regard of the eternal majesty against whom he rebelled , yet by reason of the natural frailty of his condition , by which he was more subject to erre in being made of earth , god was pleased to annex certain conditions , and provisoes to the sentence ; nevertheless , with so high a consideration of his own justice , that he would no otherwise give him any hope of pardon , then by the assurance of the death of his onely son ; having decreed in his eternal wisdome , that no lower a price could make satisfaction , to appease his divine wrath conceived against man , for having broken his commandments , then an omnipotent pawn , since as man had offended his creator , no less then a creator was to redeem the offence ; by reason of his heavenly justice , that necessarily seemed to exact so high a condition : wherefore , as i say , there was no other way left , but for the son of god to take upon him our flesh and blood , because as god in his own nature could not suffer , so our nature onely could not satisfie , without some divine conjunction ; which are most convincing arguments to shew the extream severity of god almighties justice , when he would not fall upon any other means for our redemption : however , we see that although the son of god was designed to perform this mysterious service to his father , for our benefit ; which goodness is not to be comprehended by all the mortal thoughts in the world , much less to be requited by any humane action or endeavour ; yet for all this excessive love expressed to mankind , god was not pleased presently to bring him into heaven , or place him again in his earthly paradise , but on the contrary , enjoyned him a continual penance , which was , to get his living all the days of his life by the sweat of his brows , and withal ordained his wife to bring forth children with pain and travail , as temporal punishments designed to each , whereby they might also in their own persons satisfie gods justice , in regard of their own first disobedience , over and besides the sufferings of our saviour : which playnly demonstrateth , that this great god of ours will not be so easily pacified , however the presumption and lunatick fancies of many , may suggest to their overweening appetites , a hope to enter into heaven , accompanied with all the delights of the world ; as if we were here only for our pleasures , and not for the necessary maintenance of a pilgrimage upon earth , which is to work forth our salvation with industry , care and trembling . again , we may consider cain , the first man that was born of a woman , who however his sin was extraordinary , yet the original proceeded from a kind of penuriousness in his nature , onely to preserve his best things from the consuming fire of sacrifice , which notwithstanding was so resented by his lord and maker , that he not onely permitted him to fall into those horrid crimes of envy and murther , but presently chased him from the society of all good people , with a kinde of a loathing terrour to himself , laying a general curse upon his whole posterity , who after were totally destroyed in the universal stood , with those they had corrupted , for whose punishment that deluge was sent upon the face of the earth , as an apparant mark of gods indignation against wicked persons , who are not alwayes alone chastised for the offences they commit , but also oftentimes in their posterity ; since it is not to be doubted , but some of those that perished in the general destruction pleased god in their actions , as is intimated by the second epistle of st. peter . next we will remember cham , the unfortunate son of noah , who onely for his irreverence to his fathers frailty , was eternally punished ; upon which occasion receiving his curse , he was instantly banished from his presence , and for his offence became the father of a most impious and rebellious nation , both against god and man : insomuch as tyrannical nimrod his grandchild , after he had presumptuously made war against heaven , in the building of that stupendious tower of babel , where his proud works were confounded by the diversity of languages , he set up the first idolatry , causing himself to be worshipped as a god : from whence hath proceeded errour , wickedness and damnation ever since to people , until the force of our blessed saviours bitter passion absolutely destroyed all those lying oracles , that so long deluded the earth , with the false opinions of that pretended true religion . here we must introduce the story of the jewes : a people particularly elected out of mankinde , to be the objects of gods love and care , as another example of his justice : for , however their punishments were but proportionable to their knowledge of his divine essence , in regard they were not so perfect as adam , to understand his will and pleasure , who in paradise had absolute power to forbear sin , and do good ; so were their chastisements for the most part but temporary and worldly ; not imposed upon them and their posterity eternally as his was : yet if we look upon their many sufferings and captivities , we shall finde , notwithstanding that god almighty did not forget their offences , permitting but two of all that numerous army , that came out of aegypt , to enter into the land of promise , the onely hope and desired period of all their tedious travels ; in which number moses that most excellent servant of god , and indefatigable captain , also was included , by reason of some small defect , in the execution of his office , which not onely shews the impartiality of god almighties justice , as well towards those he loves , as to them he hates , but may very cleerly admonish us against the fancy of presumption , in that our creator can no more comply with sin , or pardon it without our repentance and satisfaction , then he can leave off the attributes of his own divinity and omnipotency . again , we may consider the rigid severity of his justice , in the further progresse of this story , however to avoid prolixity , we shall onely name a few examples of those particular persons , he seemed most to favour : and to this purpose , passing by many others most exemplar : we will begin with eli , samuels master , who was a man neither of an ill inclination , or visibly much defective in his office : yet we read , that by reason of that remissnesse , he used in not punishing and reforming his children , and those priests under his charge ( being admonished thereunto ) he not onely was chastised with the lamentable news of the death of both his sons , & the taking of the ark by the philistins , according as it was foretold , but suddenly broke his neck , falling from his seat , as the report was made unto him of those misfortunes : next we may reflect upon king saul , whom god almighty had onely pickt out to be the prince of his people , though afterwards he became the subject of his wrath : for not enduring to hear the praises of david , whom he seemed to envy , preferring his own vain-glory before the will of god , in a short time he fell to be such a ●● wards became a also monument of destruction , in only looking back upon that dreadful spectacle contrary to gods commandment , perhaps with some repining appetites , in regard of those pleasures she was unwillingly forced to foregoe . again , it is to be noted , that the children of israel having freed themselves from their intolerable slavery of egypt , by their miraculous passing the red sea , under the conduct of moses : yet because in their journey ( with too much sensuality ) they called to minde the flesh pots they had left behinde , were not onely continued wandring in the desarts of arabia , for forty yeers together , bitten with serpents , and often times pined with hunger , but at last lost their lives , and wasted out their dayes , in that peregrination , insomuch , as but two persons onely of the whole numerous company ( as i said before ) born in egypt , were permitted by the just judgement of almighty god , to enter into the land of promise , which flowed with milk and honey , notwithstanding god almighty had designed them to be his elected people ; and whose posterity afterward , accordingly did supplant other nations . from this discourse , we will proceed to the consideration , of the several fates of the four great empires of the world , since they are so largely mentioned in holy scripture , to be prophetically figured by divine revelation . to which purpose , we may begin with the assyrians , in order to ancient histories , as well humane as sacred , wherein it is recorded , that when as balthazar the last king , perceived the judgement of god pronounced both against his life and dominion , by the dreadful hand-writing upon the wall , which none could interpret but daniel ; himself and his concubines , were then riotously feasting without care or trouble , in the mighty city of babylon , which according to the foresaid prediction , cyrus that very night took by surprize , not onely to their confused amazement , but in confirmation of gods indignation against such sensual stupidity , that leaves not men any apprehension of their own danger : wherein may be also noted , that as the fall of this great empire was probably a stupid sensuality , since the monarch himself did not sufficiently apprehend his danger , whereby to be careful enough , to provide resistance against his enemy , being so neer him ; so of the other side , it pleased almighty god to demonstrate unto him his own terrible fate , when he was acting the highest expressions of his luxuries and insensibility , as a more remarkable judgement against that horrid and beastly sin . but however the persians by this fatal and sudden conquest , made themselves masters of the assyrian monarchy , which they continued with property for some generations , yet it was not long , before they also fell into extream riots , and carelesness both of their persons and honours ; insomuch , as we reade , that certain embassadours being sent from persia into greece , and there feasted by a king of macedon , they became so insolently debauched , contrary to the customes of that more temperate country , that they peremptorily demanded , to have the conversation , and company of the grecian ladies at their entertainment , which they supposed durst not be denyed them with a liberal freedom , as a right appertaining as they thought , to the prerogative of their calling , in being messengers , sent from the greatest monarch in the world ; but the young prince , ( though his father at the present was something afraid , to contradict their humours ) disdaining their carriage and insolent demands , caused both himself , and some other noble men of the court , to be disguised in womens apparel ; and in this posture again entring the room , when the embassadours began to be rude and lascivious , they suddenly drew out certain weapons , which to that purpose they had secretly hid under their garments , and fell upon these companies with so much fury , that their lives quickly payed the price of their inhumanity ; which notwithstanding , ingendred such a quarrel between the two nations , that never ended until alexander the great became absolute master of both , by the overthrow of the last darius , who also came to battle against him triumphing , with all his concubines in a most profuse way of sensuality ; which presently after was punished , not onely in the absolute losse of all his vast dominions , but by a most lamentable and ignominious death in his own person . which conquest brought the monarchy of the world to the grecian power , until their licentiousness also lost it to the romans : for percius their last king , having by his unworthy and false disposition , exasperated the senate of rome , they sent the consul paulus aemylius into greece , with a strong army to chastise him for his basenesse ; whom being overcome and brought with some intention of honour ( in regard of his quality ) to the presence of the general : yet behaving himself most poorly and ignominiously , unbecoming his person , though in his prosperity he was both proud and sensual , he was so disdained by the consul , and hated by the souldiers , that presently after the triumph , he was put to a most cruel death in prison by his keepers , who could not endure his person : whilst in the interim his eldest son and heir , became a common register in rome , the onely means left him to gain his subsistence . and thus ended also that great and sometimes famous empire , which continued in the romans the last of the four , until that empire became in process of time also drowned in luxury , according to the report of many authentical authors , who affirm that brutus and cassius were held to be the last of the romans , or onely brave persons of the age , endued with noble spirits , and free from sloathful sensuality , insomuch , as that once gallant people within some yeers , were absolutely captivated again , under a base & slavish tyranny , as they had been formerly by licentious tarquin , though some gallant men now and then appeared amongst them : which dominion remained uncertainly flowing , from one tyrant to another , till the unlearned turks ( that at present enjoy the fruitfullest of their dominions ) became masters of their chief country ( as namely greece ) that in past ages was esteemed mistress of the world , both for art and valour , whilst temperance governed her actions : though now it be become of so base a production , that the people thereof have left them neither science nor courage , but of the contrary , are wrought at present into so unworthy a stupidity , with their continual excesses , that ( as 't is observed in their dispositions ) they would not be delivered from their slavery if they might , lest they might be put to the exercise of any laborious industry in the world , according to the custom of other free nations ; and in this condition are content to see their children taken from them by force , to be used at the pleasure of their lords ; either to be sold in the common markets , or reserved for the vilest offices . as these examples are convincing enough , to shew the judgements of god upon sensual and luxurious countries in the general , so may we turn our eyes of consideration upon our own kingdome , which no doubt ( as i have said before ) abounded with all manner of vice , before these late troubles began ; insomuch as i am most confident , that the sins of the nation without limitation , have been the chiefest causes of our misfortune and present miseries ; which certainly requires rather an acknowledgement by sack-cloth and ashes , then an indulgent fancy to flatter our hopes , with amendment of the times . to this purpose we may call to minde , the flourishing state of our country not many yeers since ; when every man seemed in peace with a most quiet security , to sit under his own vine-tree ; whereas now we enjoy nothing certain but troubles and vexations : the nobility possessed priviledges of princes , that now are scarce equal to shoo-makers : the gentry living in their brave houses furnished with all kinde of varieties both for pleasure and profit , and now those that are yet left standing , serve them but for more convenient prisons : the commonalty that were accustomed to pay nothing out of their estates , are now constrained to defray the expences of many armies , that scarce will let suffer them one night to lie in their beds quietly : the clergy that bore jurisdiction in their several parishes and provinces , are now forced to quit their habitations and livings ; the lawyers that commanded respect and money from clyents , know not at present what law is to be observed : the universities filled every where with dainty wits and learning , are derided for their over much knowledge : and last of all may be considered the rich city of london , that seemed to rule over the ocean , and arbitrate the trade of the world , is now so much impoverished , that it dares not set ships to sea for fear of being robbed ; all which being confessed , we may very well conceive some divine anger and revenge hath caused this sudden change , especially the issue being not yet determined . but if these representations be not of sufficient force to move our considerations in a convenient sense of our own danger , and by consequence to stir us up to some moderation in our courses , yet let us see whether there be left any spark of religious hónour in our dispositions ; so far as to be perswaded by the extraordinary love of almighty god alwayes shewed to mankinde from his first creation to more goodness , since it may be supposed no reasonable creature can be so unworthy , as not by way of humane gratitude , to be willing to repay some requital for benefits received : at leastwise to expresse desires of acknowledgement , though we may want an absolute power to do what we would in regard of our own frailty : and the rather do i use these just perswasions , for that it shall appear by the following discourse , that god almighty hath taken more care in the preservation and salvation of mankinde , then in conserving the very angels in heaven . considerations of gratitude in regard of gods goodness and love shewed to man-kinde . certainly , however we must confess , that those spirits were created to enjoy a perpetual and a most sublime blessedness , yet were they not the ordained in so certain a condition of continuance , but that they were subject to fall , as afterwards multitudes of them did , and the rest were constrained to confirm their establishment by a most sharp encounter with lucifer , and his ateendants , over whom at last they got a most glorious and heavenly victory , through the constancy of their wills to serve their lord and creator by an intire spiritual obedience . wherein as i may say , gods justice appeared something severe to their adversaries , if we reflect but upon the extraordinary mercies shewed unto our selves upon all occasions : for that he imposed upon the fallen angels an eternal condemnation and punishment without revocation or hope of redemption by the observation of any new injunction : whereas he did not alone at the first make man with an intention to bestow upon him that happiness which they had lost , but implyed an infinity of love and care to preserve him still in the same capacity : for when he had placed him in that delitious garden with an absolute power and free-will to do good or evil , which was plentifully furnished with all the ornaments of nature , for the commodity of his being and subsistence , he onely imposed upon him one single commandment no way seeming difficult to be observed : and notwithstanding he soon broke this easie precept by the peevish frailty of his nature that overcame his grace ; yet god almighty neverthelesse , was so far from not having compassion of his person , and taking commiseration of his offence , that immediately he promised him redemption by the death of his son ; as also the more to honour the contemptible substance of his creation , being nothing but earth , he obliged our blessed saviour to take upon him the very cloathing of our flesh and blood , because all man might also be capable of a perfect felicity , and enjoy a priviledge and prerogative beyond all the quires of angels in heaven : who not onely stood most stupendiously amazed at the favour bestowed upon mankinde , but the very devils themselvs , that then were also angels , foreseeing the mystery in regard of the excellency of their knowledg , became perpetually damned , onely for endeavouring to resist gods will and pleasure in that intention : which exprest above so much beyond all humane apprehension , that the consideration of it onely is able to confound all our actions , and astonish our thoughts to the day of judgement , if this dull sensuality of our natures did not so much intangle our senses , with worldly concernments , that the cleer faculties of our soul , cannot operate at all nobly to our advantage . and yet further to shew the continuance of god almighties affection towards man ; although his just wrath had chased adam out of paradise , as from a place onely intended for his innocency , yet he did not presently commit his person to some dark and horrid prison , there to be deservedly punished according to the nature of his offence , for the breach of his former injunction , in part of satisfaction until his salvation could be effected , by the passion and death of his dear and onely son , as his mercy had determined ; but put him into a world created with all manner of convenient varieties , for his necessary recreations , though to be injoyned with labour and pains to keep down the stubborn rebellions of his flesh ; and in the interim comforted him with continual hopes of his speedy redemption with many promises , to make his posterity by grace a most glorious nation above others , until more particularly abraham setled both a church and people in his own family : so that iacob his grand-childe having many sons , from whence proceeded the twelve tribes , though they were by accident brought into egypt , where they were forced to confess their sin against their brother ioseph , for which fact , as it may be supposed , their posterity were detained captives for some hundred of yeers , to shew that god had not altogether forgot the offence : yet being afterwards released , by the religious and painful conduct of that great and good captain moses , whom god almighty had specially chosen to put an end to his peoples miseries , he established them as a particular nation of his own , whereby to be worshipped with some form and order , from whence his own son also and their messias was to come in the flesh ; notwithstanding they never left murmuring in their journey , not onely against their commanders , but even at god himself , which shewed , they carryed still with them the former corruptions of nature , and ingratitude with augmentation : however , he neverthelesse bare with their peevish disobedience , until he brought their posterity into that land promised to abraham & his seed , as if his whole thoughts had been imployed onely in their consideration , since the like rebellious proceeding from such multitudes of preservations could not probably be imagined , to have almost come from the damned themselves . and there as i say being arrived , he never left their protection , until they had absolutely subdued all their enemies to their mercy , they possessing in the interim their territories , with so many signal victories , that those parts of the world began to be terrifyed with their fame : insomuch , as at last becoming so prosperous in their peace and tranquillity , that needs they would have a king to govern them , according to the custom of other nations : which also being granted them by god almighty , he gave them one amongst the rest , the most glorious and wisest prince that then lived upon earth , according to the relation of his greatnesse and wisdom , particularized in holy scripture : who was not onely visited and courted by forraign powers at a very great distance , but built also such a temple for the jewes seruice by the presence and assistance of other kings , as an additional honour to his own extraordinary riches and splendour , that the like fabrick was not again to be seen in the whole world : and thus they continued their reign and glory , until solomons idolatry and their own sins divided the kingdom into two parts , by which means they suffered many captivities ; however their gracious god never totally forsook them , still interviewing their chastisements with multitudes of consolations by holy prophets and other revelations concerning his pleasure and their own salvation : sometimes sending them home to build up again their temple , and other while scourging them for their wickednesse ; intermixing , alwayes blessings with punishments , as if his own glory had chiefly consisted in their good , until at last finding their stubbornness was incorrigible by ordinary means , he sent amongst them his own son our most dear saviour , not onely to redeem all mankinde , but to teach them new lawes both of morality and divinity ; but they now being come to the uttermost period of all wickedness and ingratitude , were so far from entertaining this sweet guest with love and wisdom , that they handled him with so much cruelty , that if all the barbarous tyrants in the world , had been assembled together in councel , to have performed acts of inhumanity , they could not have invented more transcendent cruelties against innocency : so that we may say even god almighty , was forced to cast these people out of his favour , who were not to be reformed by any means he could use ; however , because he would not yet forget man , whom he had bought with the precious pawn of his own blood , according to his gracious assurance given to adam after he had chased him out of paradise , he chose to himself a new church of the gentiles , not in one place , but dispersed over the face the earth , to render his goodnesse more general , though much against his will by reason of those promises he had made to abraham concerning his paticular seed , which is most plainly verified in those sayings of holy scripture , where it is affirmed , that often he would have gathered them together , as a hen inviteth her chickens under her wings and protection , but they would not : but to come yet more neer to our apprehensions , if not to procure in our souls both love and amazement , let us but consider in particular what our saviour christ personally suffered for man kinde ; which certainly he might have forborn , if it had not been in regard of his unmeasurable and infinite goodnesse , since our salvation cannot any way benefit his majesty , or increase his honour ; wherefore it was meerly for our sakes , that he hath been willing to do these wonderful things , to prevent our perpetual damnation , which his divine justice must otherwise have inflicted necessarily upon our unhappy persons : by which considerations let us unpartially weigh , what gratitude we owe such a redeemer , especially when we are to receive the onely good by it our selves . christs particular persecution . to this purpose we may begin , first with the persecution of his very infancy , by that bloody and proud tyrant herod , to preserve with greater security ( as he thought ) that kingdom which he had unjustly usurped by the romans power from anothers right ; notwithstanding his own conscience told him ( by the inquiry he made of the wise men , and the resolution of the doctors thereupon ) that he was the true messias long expected : which not onely caused his most long and tedious journey into egypt with his mother , not sufficiently provided , as it may be believed , of convenient necessaries , but was a cause after their return that he was constrained a long season to obscure himself to prevent the like danger , having heard of the murther of so many children , in regard , herods son then reigned in his fathers place : wherein ( as it may be supposed ) jesus onely took upon him the ordinary helps of humanity , since it was not needful to make use of the demonstrates of his divine power towards the conversion of those people whom he came in the flesh to save : in which affliction it may be imagined , or rather considered , that he not onely underwent the sufferings of the body , but in some sort the passions of the minde belonging to man , and so consequently was grieved at exteriour accidents , with the rest of his friends , living in this poor , contemptible and needy manner about thirty yeers together ; all that while performing such ordinary labours as belonged to the meannesse of that condition , which for our sakes he was pleased to enter into , whereby the better to conceale or shade the bright rayes of his divinity from humane eyes , until the time should come for the declaration of his glory : but at last being called by the secret decrees of his almighty father to preach to the jewes , he continued at least three yeers , doing such stupendious miracles , and shewing forth such acts of austerity and penance , as were able almost to convert the divels to goodnesse : however , his own people were so far from hearing and believing him , that instead of following his doctrine , and obeying his jurisdiction , that they brought him to a most shameful condemnation before a heathen judge , with all the spight , malice , and ingratitude could be imagined ; in the circumstances of which persecution , may be considered these particulars following . first , that he was betrayed by no other , then one of his own chosen disciples , with whose losse he could not be but extreamly grieved in his thoughts : by whom , as i say , he was delivered into the cruel hands of his worst enemies , though until then esteemed his onely people ; and in whose company he had conversed for some yeers , with all the sweetness of behaviour could be practised , in the interim performing so many acts of charity , both by his miraculous cures and continual instructions , that it might have taught a new humanity to al the monsters upon earth , if they had been capable of reason ; but these wretches , notwithstanding , brought him before pilate , fast bound by strong cords , with such derision and scorn , as almost could not be exampled , where they accused him with so much violence , that the pagan himself was constrained in regard of their preposterous importunity , finding him altogether guiltless , furiously to scourge him before their faces , with an intention onely to save his innocency from death , thinking these torments , would have procured some compassion in their stony hearts : however , they persisting still in their devilish malice against his person , for no other cause , as i say , but that he had preached against their luxuries and pride , cryed out violently to the judge , that unless he crucified him for making himself a king , contrary to the lawes , he could be no friend to caesar , which words of theirs so terrified the unjust and fearful president , that he delivered barrabas a most notorious malefactor , and sent our saviour with a company of barbarous souldiers , wearing a crown of sharp thorns upon his sacred head , to the common place of execution ; as also bearing his own cross upon his bloody shoulders , for his greater contempt and indignity , where at last being arrived with many a weary and painful step , he was fastned with rough nayles to that tree , that was ordained , though for his torment , yet for our comfort , and being after a time lifted up into the ayre between two thieves , excessively heated by his intollerable sufferings , he called for something to allay the outragiousness of his thirst : but their unexampled and most cruel inhumanity , could afford him no sweeter a mixture , but vinegar and gall , to give him any refreshment , as the uttermost and last period of all their wickedness and ingratitude : which several torments certainly being put together by our consideration , cannot be thought but to exceed the affliction , of all the people that ever suffered persecution : for as he was more pure and perfect in his constitution then other creatures , so by consequence must it be thought , those pains he endured were sharper and livelier tasted by his senses , in regard of the excellency of his making , then by other men , since obstructions as we know in the organs & vital parts cause sometimes a kind of stupefaction or insensibility in the flesh & apprehension , which he was not subject unto either by nature or accident : besides we may ad , that as he was free from all the passions of vain glory or any manner of hope of future reward for his sufferings , being both god and man , so could he not be eased in his torments by those hopes which do use oftentimes to abate much of the torture in other people ; and on the other side his grief was increased all the time of his life by his omnipotent foresight , knowing before hand that he should not onely die in the general , but also what particular cruelies he was to endure , so that as i say , his imagination was alwayes full of such grievous considerations , both in regard of himself that was personally to suffer them , as also out of a dear compassion to his most beloved mother , that he knew would be present at his passion , mournfully accompanyed with his disciples and the rest of his kindred and friends . secondly , if we further reflect upon the parties that used him in this manner , and the principal occasion of their malice , we shall finde ever causes still for the augmentation of his afflictions in many other particulars . and to this purpose we must consider , that those who were his chief persecutors , were his own particular people , chosen above all other nations in the world by himself to be cherished and loved , and from whom in the flesh he was naturally descended , so that it was no other then their own blood into his veynes , which they sought most lavishly and maliciously to spill , upon no other reason , but that in a sweet and mild way of conversation , accompanied with miracles and benefits , he laboured to perswade them to their own salvation , that the gentiles might not bereave them of their ancient inheritance , possessing themselves of those places in heaven that he wished them before others . next what a corrasive was it to his gentle heart and divine soule , to see them make use of no other creature to betray his innocent person , but his own disciple , instructed with his domestick affairs and expences , which made him most bitterly to complain , that he that eat his bread , for a little money had both unnaturally lifted up his hand against him , and had been won to undertake so great a treason , contrary to all the rules of friendship , duty , and fidelity , which almost no heathen would have performed , for any reward could have been promised . thirdly , after he had at his last supper bequeathed unto his apostles the pretious legacie of his body and blood to remain ever amongst them as a most admirable token of his love , presently going into the garden , to pray , and there being in an excessive agony at the remembrance of his approaching passion , sufficiently demonstrated by those distilling drops of blood and sweat that plentifully fell upon the ground from his most blessed body , he could not obtain from his three chief disciples , to watch one hour with him , notwithstanding his earnest entreaty , and the great gift he had a little before bestowed upon them , which cannot again but be thought extraordinary troubles to his already afflicted minde . fourthly , when he was apprehended by the cruel souldiers with violence and fury , certainly it could not be but some present horrour to his confused imagination as he was man , to see himself suddenly left by all his friends , who fled fearfully away to prevent the like danger to their persons ; however they should have rather chosen to have dyed with him , according to their several professions when he was yet safe amongst them . and most of all that his chief apostle , upon whom he had conferred so high a dignity , and in whose special friendship it is to be supposed , he imposed trust and confidence , should not onely timerously amongst the rest leave him with his enemies ; but most cowardly deny him before a few contemptible servants , with oathes and protestations , being so transported with the sense of his own danger , that he would not so much as own his masters acquaintance , in that assembly , to his further disgrace , he being at the instant most disdainfully used by all the spectators , that were present at his examination before the high priest : which may be added to the rest of his afflictions . fiftly , we may remember that when he was brought before king herod , who was inflamed with an earnest desire to see him in regard of the general fame that was spread abroad of his wonders and miracles , and to this purpose had an intention no doubt to have honoured his person ; of the contrary to be sent back again from his presence , with all the scorn and contempt in the world , cloathed in a white garment , either like a mad man , or a fool , which opinion the rude and barbarous souldiers prosecuted in so violent a manner , that it was one of the chiefest causes of his being crowned with thornes , whereby in derision they might the more properly salute him as a mock king of the jewes ; putting in the interim a contemptible reed in his hand in lieu of a scepter , with other ornaments of spight and disgrace over his blessed shoulders ; which instruments also they made subjects for the further augmentation of his torments , in striking him often with the reeds upon his already wounded head , that the sharp and pricking thorns might make the greater impressions , whereby the more to increase his anguish and pain . and last of all , we may call to minde , that when he was upon the cross ready to yield up the ghost , he most sorrowfully beheld his ever dear beloved and honoured mother , who never could finde in her heart to leave him in all his miseries , though those cruel spectacles abundantly augmented her inward afflictions , with eyes of no small compassion and grief standing neer him , with heavy looks and most desperate passions , bewailing her own losse and his suffering , neither being in a condition to assist one another , but by condoling language and perplexed soules , since our saviour would not make any use at all of the prerogative of his divinity , to moderate the sufferings of his humanity : for as man had offended the majesty of his father , that great god could not be satisfied without an extraordinary pacification : all which , i say , may put a full period to every consideration that can possibly be imagined by any mortal apprehension ; wherein i must confesse , i do not more wonder at his goodnesse , then at his enemies cruelties and his friends forgetfulnesse , wherein would be increased my admiration , if our hearts should not be touched with something more then ordinary gratitude , and the rather for that we our are to receive the onely benefit of this due and needful consideration . for let any man take apart these infinite sufferings , setting aside the multitudes of his other mercies , and but indifferently weigh the natures of them in every particular circumstance , and i dare be bold to say , all the stories in the world cannot paint forth the like examples of cruelty , indignation and spight , either done to , or endured by what martyrs or wicked persons soever ; much lesse should it be thought after the believing of these passions , that we were created for nothing but to be delighted with ease , quiet , and all the sensual pleasures ; our roving and wild fancies can invent or covet : but that we may not be without all humane testimonies to confirm god almighties expectation concerning our duties in suffering , though i intend not to make any comparison : i shall instance the examples , of some few of his good servants , who as it should seem , held it necessary upon occasions offered , to sacrifice all they had to his blessed will and pleasure . the vertues of abraham . vve shall first speak of abraham , who was , as i may say , the miraculous father of all the jewish nation , a man exercising so many vertues , that it is a question , whether his piety , valour , humility , obedience , faith , or good nature most exceeded : for after that by god almighties special command he had quitted his native country , and all his friends and acquaintance , but his nephew , lot , whom he brought along with him in his pilgrimage , amongst strangers and barbarous people , when both their flocks increased so exceedingly , that they could not possibly longer live together by reason of the dayly contention of their herdsmen , abraham bad his nephew chuse the best part of the country for himself ; and by that means lot inhabited in the towns , whereas his uncle still kept the fields , dwelling onely in tents , wherein appeared both love and humility . again , when he had heard that lot unfortunately was taken prisoner , with al his substance , he presently with a world of courage and resolution , armed all his domestick servants for his speedy rescue , and fighting with his enemies , he delivered his nephew , and made all his opposers with their wealth captives to his mercy ; however , after this conquest he was so far from enriching himself by the spoyls , or being elated by the victory , that he not onely returned the goods back again to the owners , but with a great deal of humility presented the tenth part of his own to melchizedeck the priest , as a testimony of his obedience and gratitude to god almighty ; to whose honour also in every place where he came , he built altars , circumcising himself and all his family , according to his commandment . but now growing old , and finding he was not like to have any posterity by his wife , he was induced by her importunity to take her handmaid into his bed , by whom he had issue : neverthelesse , when it was the will of god to make him the happy father of his legitimate son isaac , in whom all nations were to be blest , he drove both hagar and her son absolutely out of his dominions and protection ; which however , as it may be believed , strook the old man to the heart with a most passionate grief , yet he was so far from being disobedient , that he resolved with a ready willingnesse rather to endure any discontent inwardly , then outwardly to displease his wife , whom he knew had received a particular blessing from god. and now we must come to the grand master-piece both of his faith and resignation , when god almighty enjoyned him to sacrifice the life of his onely son and heir , both spiritually and temporally : the first , in that he was promised to be made the father of the people of the jewes ; and the other , for that abraham had no more issue to inherit his worldly substance : here it will be convenient to reflect upon his many supposed humane passions , in the prosecution of this action ; however as it appeared he overcame them all by his ready obedience and abundant confidence in god , in regard of his extraordinary desire to fulfil his will and pleasure in every thing ; first therefore , it may be believed , that he could not but apprehend greatly the horrid and amazed discontents he should give his wife , whom he was alwayes so willing to please , when the first report should be made unto her , not onely of the death of her sole childe , in whose promising towardlinesse , she received dayly so much comfort , besides her divine assurance , of his hopeful prosperity , but to consider him slaughtered by the cruel hands of his own father , for no known cause could be imagined . next , what a perplexity was there amongst his own thoughts , sometimes perhaps a little staggering in the right understanding of gods promises , when he supposed it was unpossible for him to have any more children by reason of her extraordinary age , and so by consequence had little hope left him of peopling of nations out of his loynes , much less to propagate the church of god by his issue ; which until then he never doubted . thirdly , may be imagined the natural and divine strife that was within his bosome , by reason of the passions of love , pitty , faith , confidence , obedience , and improbability , joyned also with worldly interests , of which he could not chuse out of humanity but be sensible : and yet notwithstanding all these furious torments and combustions in his minde , this great and most confident servant of god ( as it is related in holy scripture ) went on to this strange sacrifice , with a quiet and gentle demeanour , talking with his innocent son , to the place designed for his execution , where after some circumstances , and as it may be thought other discourses of patience and consolation , being ready to lift up his fatal , though pious , hand for the slaughter , he was suddainly hindred by the administration of an angel from heaven , that not onely gladded his heart , but approved his faith by the shewing him another acceptable sacrifice , ready prepared for the offering . and last of all , to make a full period of his glorious and most pious life , being prepared to rest his bones in his wives sepulcher , constrained thereunto by the extremity of age , he called his trusty servant unto him , and there taking his oath between his thighes , conjured him , never to take a wife for his son , but from his own kindred , however he might have advanced his fortunes with huge sums of mony , as it may be supposed in the place where he then remained , in the land of strangers , by reason of the general fame he had personally purchased in their country ; however , as i say , this good man chose rather to send the hope of his house far from home , with the losse of all his worldly substance , then that he should be in danger to mixe with the gentiles , or contract marriage amongst uncircumcised people : all which testimonies evidently shew , how much abraham preferred the service of his creator , before all other considerations ; besides , it is to be noted in his whole life , he never ended or begun any of his important actions , as is recorded for the most part in holy scripture , but either with thanks , prayers , obediences , or other pious devotions performed to his great and omnipotent creator , who remains certainly still the same god in heaven and earth , and therefore cannot but expect the like duty from our actions and endeavours , though our corrupt manners , and most slow intentions , seem at present to put a difference between our own condition and this holy mans . the patience and sufferings of job . now that we have in some sort past over the perfections of abraham ; for it is unpossible by humane art sufficiently to describe his excellency , we must remember iob , the true patient , as i may say , of god almightie since he gave the devil full power to try his goodnesse , by the very force of all his malice . t is true , we cannot well know his extraction , onely we are assured , he was a great prince dwelling in the land of huz , abounding in every worldly prosperity ; however , none of those entisements could any way withdraw his heart from the service and love of his creator : for notwithstanding his sons and daughters continually feasted with delight and satisfaction , yet in the interim , he offered sacrifice , and made prayers , that his children might not commit sin in their jovialty , until his goodnesse not onely flew up with swift wings before his maker into heaven : but his perfections became objects of envy , as i said before , to hell itself , in so much as god almighty was induced for the further demonstration of his own glory , by reason of the devils insolent challenge to heap all earthly afflictions upon him , and to this purpose in one day received intelligence of the losse of all he possest , with the lamentable destruction and death of his numerous children ; yet these afflictions only procured this mild reply from his sad apprehension , that as god had given him the use of abundance , so might he again dispose of them as he pleased ; for not coming into the world , as he said , with any thing , he could not expect to go out of it otherwise then naked . but in this patience was not alone shewed his confidence and humility : for being struck with a most loathsome leprosie all over his body , which forced him for something his better ease to sit upon a base and vile dunghil , where he was upbraided for his too much mildness and patience , by his insulting , though perhaps compassionate wife , who bid him , curse god and die , rather then endure such ignominy , shame , and sorrow , in falling from the estate and dignity of a prince to so low and miserable a condition : however , he made her no other answer then this , that she was a foolish woman ; for if good things they had received from gods hands , why should they not also participate of bad if it were his will and pleasure ? until at last there came to his reproof as well as his consolation , his neerest and dearest friends , though at the first sight they knew not perfectly his person , by reason of his extraordinary change and deformity , which caused them for some time with pittiful eys to stand amazed without opening their mouths to speak one word according to their first intention : whereupon the good man himself finding their perplexity , began to make a large discourse not onely of his own miseries , but gods justice ; wherein however he seemed to comon understandings , to have uttered some speeches of too much passion , bitterly complaining of his creators dealing with him , and in that particular perhaps over-justifying his own actions and innocency , yet were his words and discourses all seasoned with such high mysteries , having such an absolute reference to gods honour , that by the sequel of the story we finde , he erred not ; but of the contrary , confounded all the athiestical arguments of his friends , by his discourses , who in the end were compelled to beg his prayers to god , for the pardon of their provocation . the vertues of moses . next we shal mention moses , that great charitable and indefatigable captain of god almighties , who however he was preserved by pharoahs daughter , and by that means adopted her son , and so consequently as it may be believed , made the heir of most , if not all her wealth and substance , yet was he so far from forgetting the distressed condition of his miserable country men , being in a manner consumed with their hard labour of the egyptian slavery , that he not onely kept them daily company , whereby the better to honour them with his presence , but most passionately revenged their injuries upon all just occasions ; insomuch , as to that purpose , he slew an insolent enemy of theirs , with his own hands , to the provocation of pharoah , and all his court , for which fact he was forced to flie from all his prosperity and dignity , into a strange country , where he remained not onely a poor shepheard , but a most diligent servant to his surly father-in law for a long season ; defending in the mean time , with his personal valour the causes and rights of simple virgins , that wanted other assistance , until god almighty was pleased to call him to the deliverance of his people with strong conjurations , since his humility was unwilling to accept of so great an office , professing himself to be rude of speech , and therefore not capable of such an imployment : but being , as i say , both commanded , and strengthned by gods divine illumination , he went with a bold courage to the king of aegypt , notwithstanding those multitudes of pernitious magicians about his throne , and resolutely demanded the restoration of the jewes ; however , being denyed his just , and charitable request by the proud tyrant , after many miracles shewed in confirmation of his absolute commission from god almighty , he invited and perswaded the people to follow him into a land of freedom , though their jelousies and feares , a long space resisted his intentions , to his no small vexation and grief , for whose safeties in prosecution of the intended journey and promised prosperity , he divided the red-sea , to make their passage . but neverthelesse this stubborn and perverse people , were so little grateful to him for his wise conduct and most painful endeavour , enduring now and then some penury in the desarts , that they never forbore murmuring against his actions , as upbraibing him , that for his own ambition , he had brought them from the flesh pots of egypt , to endure hunger and thirst in the wildernesse , which affronts and contumelies , he alwayes bore with so admirable a patience , that instead of punishing them for their wild and preposterous disobedience , he comforted and incouraged them with mild language and good principles , praying to god upon all occasions for their forgivenesse and prosperity ; insomuch , as his two hands were sometimes underpropped by others , to strengthen them towards the continuance of his supplication , he being altogether weary and tired , by those devout exercises , which his heart willingly could never let him give over for his peoples benefit : and when their impious idolatry and peevish impatiency , had notwithstanding inflamed the wrath of god , against their wicked proceedings , insomuch as he seemed to put on an absolute resolution to destroy them ; the charity of moses was so great , and his love so intire to that ungrateful multitude , that desired god almighty also , to blot him out of the book of life , that he might perish together with his country-men , if he would not be pleased to change his determination : o admirable constancy and goodnesse ! beyond the capacity of humane nature to apprehend ; and the rather for that it may be conceived , the chief cause of his affection had reference to gods honour , in that he supposed those people were ordained , to establish his more real and formal worship in the land of promise . again , if we look at his unwearied justice from morning till night in hearing law suits between party and party , we shall finde such an unparalell'd fortitude as cannot be imagined , wherein notwithstanding his humility was so great , that he submitted himself to the counsel of his father in law a plain man , who told him he did unwisely , to over burthen his strength and ability , with multitudes of intricated businesses ; and to that purpose wished him to chuse able and inferiour judges , to take off from his care some part of the trouble concerning those causes depending before him , referring the most weightiest onely to his own judgement , and censure ; whereas until then he sat alone upon the tribunal , both for morality belonging to his subjects more civil conversation towards the government of their persons and goods , and also to judge those more divine things , that belonged particularly to the service of almighty god , according to those revelations , and precepts he had immediately received from heaven , whose infallible oracle he seemed dayly to consult , and with such a wonderful fervour and diligence , that as he never attempted matter of consequence , without seeking and knowing first the will & pleasure of god , so did he never return from those extraordinary extasies , but with fear horrour and trembling both to himself and people . but as i shall not need , here to number more of his excellencies , since they are so largely recorded in holy scripture ; so may it also be considered , that most of those admirable books were written by his own hand , that treated of the jewes actions in the beginning , for example , to the stupid world , to learn what they ought to do according to their capacities in endeavouring the service of god from the bottom of their hearts ; since certainly he cannot be pleased with lukewarm affection , much lesse for people onely to comply with their own affections , as if for no other end they had been created , specially when his best servants could not , by what hath been said , expect that priviledge and liberty . the wonderful magnanimity of jephthe and his daughter . but now we will come to iephthe that valiant righteous and just judge of almighty god in israel , whose story in short is onely thus : he was a bastard born , though highly legitimated by grace and the favour of his creator ; for although he was cast out from having any share amongst his brethren in his fathers possessions , which made him for a while enter into the company of thieves for his subsistence , yet being presently for his personal valour chosen their prince and governour , he managed his authority with so much successe , tending to the service of god and his country , that when israel was fallen into most desperate necessity by the prevailing power of their inveterate enemies , he not only freed them from those dangers by his own courage and his subjects assistance , but afterward when he was judge of the country , recovered them by his many victories , their ancient honour ; however , as it is written , one time amongst the rest returning with extraordinary joy and triumph to his own house , having won a most signal battail against the ammonites , after he had pleaded with them the right and justice of his countries cause , wherein they would not be satisfied , he vowed in gratitude to god almighty to sacrifice the first thing he should encounter : which proved unfortunately to be his onely daughter , a young and most beautiful virgin , having no more children in all the world , who out of duty and gladnesse came out with hast before others to salute her victorious father : by which means , suddenly these triumphs were turned into mournings , for presently iephthe tore his garments instead of more joyful congratulations , beginning to repent himself of his over rash vow , since either as he thought , he must displease god , or absolutely confound all his felicity and hopes in destroying of her that was deerer to him , then every earthly happinesse . but the pious virgin perceiving her fathers perplexity by reason of his oath , onely with a lovely and obedient countenance told him , since he had sworn to god , it was most convenient he should perform his vow ; and therefore wished him , that the consideration of her life might neither hinder his intention , nor trouble his thoughts ; and withal desired two months time , accompanied with other virgins of her acquaintance to go privately into the mountains , there the better to bewail her virginity ; it being the custome of the jewes so to do by reason of their expectance of the messias , which being accordingly performed , she returned into the city , and her sad father in prosecution of his promise and resolution , acted this unwilling and lamentable part , both to the grief and astonishment of all israel . now having related this story , i shal wish any man but to consider , how it was possible to expresse a more higher zeal towards the service of god , in iephthe himself , or a more sweet & comfortable obedience expressed by his noble & religious daughter ; wherefore we must conclude , that although there be made some doubt , concerning the lawfulnesse of the fact in this just and magnanimous person , in regard of the rashnesse of his vow , which however proceeded from the extraordinary gratitude he desired to shew towards almighty god , for those favours he had received by his divine assistance ; and especially for that most signal victory , granted him against the ammonites , who were cruel and spightful enemies to his country and religion : yet he declared thereby without all question , a most constant and firm resolution to be ingraffed in his pious soul , not to forbear , if there were occasion , the exact performance of god almighties service in every thing , according to his best skill and knowledge , although he might lose thereby never so many worldly honours , pleasures , preferments , or what hopes or comfort could possible delight nature , or destroy sadness in his condition . as appeared by this act of rigid conformity , according to the vow he had made after his victory ; which in my opinion are most lively examples to instruct our endeavours , at leastwise , not to be too passionate in our own concernments , when they may any way indanger our love to god. the extraordinary goodness of king david . and now we must fall to consider the actions of david , that great and good king of israel ; who however he fell into some grievous sins by reason of humane frailty , yet he kept his heart still right in the pure sight of his omnipotent creator , as appeared , not onely by his extraordinary pennances , mortifications and continual complaints declared in his prophetical writings , but by the very testimonies of god himself , who approved him to be a man according to his own heart ; so that boldly we may affirm his perfections , which in this manner we shall particularize . first , we may reflect upon his constant valour alwayes shewed against the enemies of his religion and country , as well in the death of goliath that furious and blasphemous gyant , as in the multitude of victories gotten against the wicked philistins , and other tyrannical nations , wherein the true service and worship of god was the onely object of his thoughts , as appeared by his bringing home again the ark with such joy and gladnesse , that he was even derided and contemned by his own wife , for those publique expressions , for that his gestures seemed ridiculous to her eyes and apprehension , being performed in the person of a king. next , we may remember not onely his wonderful goodnesse towards his lord and master saul , though with an envious malice he most wickedly prosecuted his life , but the extraordinary love and reverence he shewed to his person when he had him twice in his power , onely blaming his own presumption , for having cut off so much as one small piece of his garment , as a cleerer testimony of his intended fidelity . again , when the news was brought him of his unfortunate death , as he conceived , with too much insultation by an officious messenger , although by that accident he entred presently into the possession of the kingdom , yet he punished the author of the intelligence for his too much want of duty , in rejoycing at the destruction of his king , being his natural subject ; wherein , i must say , appeared a double vertue , the one , in conquering his own affections , the other , in being just to his dead master , though alwayes a bitter enemy to his subsistence . here also i must remember the constant affection he shewed to the posterity of ionathan his friend ; however , it may be supposed he never wanted instigations of jealousie from others , that in time his race might aspire to the crown in the right of their father , and when this proved real in his own son absolon , who not onely most trayterously rebelled against all the rules of duty , good nature , and gratitude , but most wickedly abused his bed in publik , to take off from the people the apprehension of all hopes of reconciliation . this pious and indulgent prince , was so far from revenge in his nature , especially against his own flesh and blood , that he most grievously complained at the newes of absolons death , wishing his own life had payed the ransome of his misfortune : where by the way , it may be also remembred , that after his quiet restauration to his kingdom , he would never suffer that man to be punished , that not onely in his adversity upbraided him with most spightful language , calling him dog and the like , but maliciously flung stones at his person , in testimony of his inveterate hatred conceived against his condition ; neither must be forgotten the tendernesse of his affection he bore to all his children , yet still joyned with such a confidence in gods mercies , and so much fear to displease or to offend him , that when his child was sick , he continued in sadnesse and mourning for many dayes together , alwayes hoping to obtain his recovery . but when he found it was gods pleasure , he should die , and none almost durst bring him the newes , for fear of his further vexation , yet when he was told it by way of necessity , he presently rose up from the ground with a seeming joyful countenance , onely saying , gods will be done ; withal declaring by words that as long as the childe was living , he hoped by his supplications to obtain gods favour . but being dead , he found it was his pleasure to deprive him of the blessing ; and therefore , might offend more in too much afflicting himself : so called for water and meat according to the custom of other people : which certainly shewes that in all his actions , he intended alwayes to conform his will to the honour and glory of almighty god , against what worldly appetites soever . again , may we consider , his extraordinary pious magnanimity , that when water was brought him from the well of bethlehem , by those three valiant souldiers , that so manfully ventured their lives to quench the kings thirst , he refused to drink of it ; saying , he would not buy the satisfaction of his senses at so dear a price , and so ordained it as a sacrifice for gods service , notwithstanding at the present , he endured most excessive pain , by reason of his extraordinary drought : however , prophane authors have mentioned some such examples in alexander the great , and others , yet certainly this most vertuous prince onely performed this act of magnanimity , out of the consideration of a religious end , and not induced thereunto , by any fancy of vain-glory whatsoever ; which for the most part accompanyed all the actions of the heathens . amongst the number of his heroical deeds and heavenly resolutions , may also be remembred this one , that when god almighty had resolved to chastise him for numbring the people , for that he seemed not sufficiently to rely upon the power of heaven , without joyning thereunto humane assistance and confidence in his thoughts ; he chose that plague that was most general because his own particular person might not seem freer from danger then the rest of the people ; which shewed a most excellent indifferency and justice in his nature , against the ordinary affections of man , that use to carry us too violently to our own concernments and particular interests ; and was the more to be admired , in regard that god almighty had chosen him from a poor shepheard to be a most great and glorious king , and so by consequence allowed him to enjoy what felicities could possibly be lawful in this world ; as a testimony to other nations , that he not onely intended him private favours , but also to honour his fame in strange countries amongst the gentiles , for the greater majesty of his own power ; and yet i say , this good prince had alwayes so much care to please god , and such a continual remembrance of his own condition , that as he declareth himself , his pennances were exceeding great , and his afflictions in minde in a manner perpetual , insomuch , as according to his true writings , he washed by night his couch with tears , and eat his bread by day mingled with ashes ; professing himself to resemble a sparrow solitary upon the house top , or a sad pelican in the desart . in fine , if we consider those vast volums which he wrote of his own sorrowes , cares , and troubles in spirit , though darkly figuring therein , our saviours passion , sufferings , and eternal kingdom , we may easily believe , he spent not much time in the pleasures and delights of this world ; however , his youth , condition , and opportunities , were sufficient enticements to all earthly vanities ; and onely his wisdome , temper and goodnesse , withheld him from those unnecessary and vain passions , which he knew entertained , would neither secure his own salvation , or satisfie gods justice . the constant martyrdome of old eleazer . next we will come to eleazer , one of the chief of the scribes , being fourscore and ten yeers old in the time of antiochus , who was not onely excellently learned in holy scriptures , but extraordinarily versed in all divine and humane knowledge , and in the cruel persecution of this wicked tyrant against the jewish religion , suffered a most glorious martyrdom , because he would not prejudice his profession , by any manner of seeming hypocrisie : for being apprehended and brought before the judge , he absolutely denyed to obey that peremptory command or injunction of eating swines-flesh ; rather choosing to undergo the worst of torments , then to displease his god either by act or example ; however , being loved and favoured by some of those bloody executioners , by reason of his age , nobility , and commendable conversation , they promised him , that if in private he would but seem to comply with the kings desire , they would bring him other lawful flesh to eat , instead of that which was so strictl y enjoyned by publique edicts ; and by that means if he would , he should not onely save his life , but obtain honour and reward ; unto which motion he quickly replyed , that he would rather chuse to suffer death , since he held it not convenient for a man of his age to dissemble , for a little time of a corruptible life , whereby many young people might come to be scandalized and deceived ; for although at the present , i may said he , be delivered from the punishments of men , yet neither alive nor dead , shall i escape the hand of the almighty , but in departing manfully out of this life , i shall appear worthy of my old age , and leave a constant example to youth , if with a ready and stout minde i suffer an honest death for the most grave and most holy law , which being said , he was forthwith drawn to execution , and they that led him ( who had been before more milde and courteous ) were turned into wrath , by reason of those words he had uttered , which they thought proceeded out of arrogancy : so that when he was a killing with strokes , he groaned and said , o lord , who hath the holy knowledge , thou knowest manifestly , that whereas i might have been delivered from death , i do sustain sore pains of the body , but according to the soul for thy fear , i do willingly suffer these things : this man certainly in this manner departed this life , leaving not only to young men , but also to the whole nation , the memory of his death for an example of vertue and fortitude . and thus have we the cleer relation of this glorious martyrdome , drawn out of the second book of the machabees ; which in some sort may teach duty and resolution to all manner of conditions , since neither age nor honour can be priviledged : much less ought any to give up their faith , or corrupt their manners , under what pretence soever , either of pleasure , or conveniency , those being nothing else but the divels golden bait , to draw people to hell in luxurious chariots ; in testimony of which , we will relate one of the most remarkable martyrdoms that ever was recorded either by divine or prophane writer , since not onely sex●s , but very nature it self seemed to contend for a prerogative in the service of almighty god , in despight of horrour and all the appetites of flesh , blood , affection , and any other humane inclination or worldly satisfaction whatsoever , and with so high and religious a magnanimity , that my own thoughts i must confesse are confounded in the relation , with wonder and admiration : however , i know the same duty of suffering belongs to every person , if god be pleased to call such to the tryal ; though of the otherside , i am again comforted and encouraged with these sayings , that he will at no time tempt any beyond his strength , and therefore we may be confident by his divine grace , we shall be able to do all things , though this grace cannot be procured unlesse our selves diligently comply with our best endeavours ; which made one say , it was harder for god almighty to save a soul , then to create a new world ; for man himself must concur in the one , and god alone could perfect the other by his omnipotency . strange sufferings of a woman and her seven sons . there was as the holy scripture saith , seven brethren with their mother apprehended by the commandment of king antiochus to be compelled to eat swines flesh , by whips , scourges , and other torments . but the first of them said , what seekest thou , or what wilt thou learn of us ; we are ready to dye rather then to transgresse the lawes of god coming from our fathers ; wherewith the king being inraged , appointed frying pans and brazen pots to be heated , and the tongue of him that had spoken first , to be cut out , as also the skin of his head to be drawn of ; with his hands and feet to be chopped off , the rest of his brethren and mother looking on . and now when he was made in all parts unprofitable , he commanded fire to be put to him ; that breathing as yet he might be fryed in the frying-pan : wherein when he was long tormented , the rest together with their mother exhorted one another to die manfully , saying , our lord god wil behold the truth , & wil take pleasure in us , as moses declared in the profession of the canticle . the first therfore being dead , they brought the next to make him a mocking stock , where the skin of his head being also drawn off with the haires , they asked him if he would yet eat before he were punished through the whole body in every member . but he answered in his country language , that he would not do it , so receiving the torments of the first , and being at the last gasp said , thou indeed a most wicked man in this present life destroys us : but the king of the world w●ll raise up those that dyed for his laws in the resurrection of eternal life . after him the third is had in derision , and being demanded his tongue , he quickly put it forth , and constantly stretched out his hands saying with confidence : [ from god do i possesse these members , but for the lawes of god i do now contemn the same , because i hope i shall again receive them of him , ] to the amazement both of the king and standers by , by by reason of the young mans courage , that seemed to esteem the torments as nothing ; who being dead , the fourth they vexed in the same manner , with tormenting him , and now when he was also ready to die , he said , it is better for them that are put to death by men to expect hope of god , that they shall be raised up again by him , for to thee there shall not be resurrection unto life : so bringing the fifth , they tormented him ; but he looking upon the king said , thou having power amongst men , whereas thou art corruptible , doest what thou wilt , but think not that our stock is forsaken of god : wherefore do thou patiently abide , and thou shalt see his great power , in what sort he will torment thee and thy seed . after him they brought the sixth , who being ready to dye said thus , be not deceived vainly , for we suffer this for our own sakes , sinning against our god , and things worthy of admiration are done in us : for that thou hast attempted to sight against god. but the mother above measure marvellous and worthy of good mens memorie , which beholding her seven sons perishing in one dayes space , bare it with a good heart for the hope that she had in god , exhorting every one in their country , language manfully being replenished with wisdom , and joyning a mans heart to a womans cogitation , she said unto them , i know not how you appeared in my womb , for neither did i give you spirit , soule or life , and the members of every one i framed not : but indeed the creator of the world , that hath formed the nativity of man , and that invented the original of all , he will again restore with mercy unto you spirit and life , as now you despise your selves for his lawes . but antiochus by these actions thinking himself contemned , and withal disdaining the voice of the upbraider ; when the youngest was yet alive , he did not onely exhort with words , but also withal affirmed , that he would make him rich and happy , and being turned from the lawes of his fathers , he would account him a friend . but the young man being not inclined to these things , the king called the mother and counselled her to deal with her son for the saving of his life ; wherupon she promised him to advise her child ; so bending towards him as mocking the cruel tyrant , she said thus in her country language , my son have pitty of me that have born thee in my womb nine moneths , and gave thee milk for three yeers , nourishing thee and bringing thee to this age ; i beseech thee my son look to heaven and earth , and all things that are in them ; and understand that god of nothing made them and mankinde : so it shall come to passe , that thou wilt not fear this tormenter , but being made a worthy partaker with thy brethren , take thou death that i may again receive thee with them : when she was yet delivering these things , the yong man said , for whom stay you , i obey not the commandment of the king , but the ordination of the law which was given by moses , but thou that art become the inventer of al malice against the hebrews , shalt not escape the hand of god , though we for our sins do suffer those things : and if the lord our god hath been angry with us a little for rebuke and correction , yet he will be reconciled again to his servants ; but thou o wicked , and of all men most flagitious , be not idly extolled with vain hopes , for thou hast not escaped the judgements of almighty god , who beholdeth all things : my brethren having sustained short pains , are become under the testament of eternal life : but thou by the judgement of almighty god , shalt receive punishment for thy pride ; and i also as my brethren , do yeeld my life and my body for the lawes of our fathers , invocating god to be propitious to our nation quickly , and that thou with torments and stripes mayest confesse that he is onely god ; but in me and my brethren shall the wrath of the almighty cease , which hath justly been brought upon all our stock . then the king incensed with anger raged against him more cruelly above all the rest , taking it grievously that he was mocked , so this also dyed unspotted , wholly trusting in the lord : where last of all , after the sons the mother was consumed , and thus ended these most glorious sufferings , wherein may be considered these following particulars . that seven goodly young men , in the very flower of their age should with such courage and fortitude , not onely willingly deprive themselves of all worldly honour , meerly for the love of god , since the tyrant offered them what preferments they could almost desire , quitting their law , but to endure with such admirable constancy , the cruellest of torments personally , whilest in the interim their vettuous and most magnanimous mother , with religious , though grieved eyes , stood by like a heavenly rock , to behold her children dismembred and torn in pieces by the violence of stripes , scourges , and other exquisite devised tortures , never almost invented before by humane malice and subtility ; wherein appeared not the least signe of wavering or vain-glory : but of the contrary , were so far from justifying either their actions , deservings , or sanctity , that they professed openly , they suffered those punishments justly for their own sins ; as they hoped in expiation of the general faults of the whole nation of the jews , and to that purpose comforted and confirmed each other with godly , pious , and valiant exhortations , full of comfortable assurances in the mercies and goodnesse of almighty god , who would raise them up at the last day , to the comfort of themselves , and the absolute confounding of all his enemies ; where also may be remembred the pathetical , grave , and wise conjurations of their most brave and holy mother , that however she did not know , how she had framed their members in her natural womb , yet she was assured , that their supernatural father , if they continued constant to the end , would again give them new spirit and life , to his honour , and their abundant felicity , not seeming at all to desire their comfort and conversation in this world , since that satisfaction could endure but a short time , but onely wished to possesse their companies in an eternal and heavenly mansion , where they might enjoy one another , for ever before the face of god , by way of an infinite blessednesse , and to this purpose , after she had joyfully beheld the last catastrophe of her sons constancy and most violent sufferings , their dead bodies being exposed to her view , as bloody sacrifices of humane cruelty , she offered up her own life most couragiously to be consumed also by torments , as a full period to the hecatomb , in confirmation of her own faith , and as a worthy example for her nation to all eternity ; which heavenly tragedy , i hope , is more then a sufficient testimony to shew , that these people could not have been drawn away contrary to their duties , by the fond and idle vanities of these times , that renders so many now carelesse either of belief or manners . neither can we say these onely have given patterns to the world of their holy and admirable constancy , since the primitive church , after our saviours passion , hath produced some stories of the same nature , that were acted also by heroical persons of the female sexe . the wonderful life of saint john the baptist. last of all , we shall mention saint iohn the baptist , whose sins certainly could no way make him deservedly liable to those austerities he exercised upon himself , though it should seem god almighty neverthelesse thought it necessary , that the forerunner of his dear son , should make plain the steps of his saviours passion , with wonderful examples of penance in his person , as a cleerer testimony that it is unpossible but by such means to please god , or at leastwise to have an absolute intention so to do , if the occasion be presented in this humane life ; for we must be assured this world was not created for a paradise , but for our pilgrimage ; neither did ever yet any person go to heaven , but either through the fire of tribulation , or by the practice of mortification , exampled by jesus christ himself upon earth , and imitated by all the glorious saints and martyrs of his church from the very first beginning of times , and must so continue unto the end of the world ; however , lesse and more according to the blessed pleasure of almighty god , who will have such testimonies from his servants , for more assured marks of their own interiour affection to himself , in regard of the benefits they have received from his eternal majesty , not onely for their creation , but preservation and redemption . to which purpose as i say , we may consider the life of this great prophet , who as it should seem , notwithstanding his supream priviledge of being the greatest , that was ever born of a woman , could not be exempted from the mortifications belonging to humane condition , which in his own person , he performed most rigorously , not onely in debarring himself from all youthful delights , but in abstaining from his necessary acquaintance that should have administred to his conveniency and subsistence : for as we reade , he went at seven yeers old into the desart , where he could not have lived , but that he was supported , and relieved by the special grace and assistance of almighty god , beyond the ordinary course of nature . besides , he was onely cloathed in camels haire , and fed upon locusts and wild honey , neither drinking wine nor strong drink ; which being in my opinion the highest expressions of a mortified life , are sufficient examples to shew , that this very course was ordained him from heaven , to teach the world pregnant documents of voluntary affliction , towards the fulfilling of that new law , that was to be established shortly after by our saviour : since neither his senses nor his understanding seemed to entertain any earthly satisfaction , according to the custom of other people ; which manner of living notwithstanding he continued many yeers , wherin was spent and wasted the chief flower of his age , as being by a prophetical spirit ( no doubt ) foretold , before he came to any seeming or competent yeers of discretion , that it was not onely most necessary , for his masters service , but absolutely agreeing with gods will , that he should exercise the same authority , which jesus christ determined both to teach and practice in his conversation amongst men ; and to this purpose our saviour was never mentioned by holy scripture to laugh in all the time of his being here , though frequently he shed teares for the sins and miseries of the world ; most plain and evident testimonies , that at leastwise he expects from us a convenient suppression of all inordinate passions and appetites . furthermore , when this great saint came to the full period of that time for what he was designed , he not onely instructed the people without any manner of flattery or connivency , in those high mysteries belonging to his calling , but most earnestly preached still penance to their cares and considerations , as if nothing but a proportionable measure of that wholesom salve , was to be applyed . and did neverthelesse maintain his own profound humility in such an excellent nature , that notwithstanding the largenesse of his commission and dignity of his office , he would not be brought by all the admiration , and almost adoration of such persons as came to hear him in the wildernesse , to confesse any power or good belonging to himself ; though his words and actions seemed to the vulgar and rude multitude most miraculous , but alwayes referred the honour and praise to him which was to follow . and to that purpose sent his own disciples to be instructed by our blessed saviour , whom also in the flesh he would not have baptized , meerly out of a trembling reverence at the deep consideration of his divine person , though he was onely sent into the world for that effect , if he had not been urged thereunto by an absolute necessity , as fearing further to offend , by reason his obedience might have been brought in question . and last of all may be considered , that whereas he might probably have received what honour he had pleased from herod , if he would any way have complyed with his wifes unlawful ambition , and his own violent lust ; yet he was so far from giving of any manner of countenance to either , that he told the incestuous king publiquely , with a most bold courage , and zealous intention , that he could not by the lawes of god keep his brothers wife . in prosecution of which admonition , he willingly laid down his life , for the exact maintenance of religion and justice . and thus ended that most glorious champion and herald of christ his happy dayes , to our example and benefit , if we concur also with the same supernatural grace offered from heaven , to suppresse inordinate passions and fleshly appetites ; which onely keep the soul from acting nobly according to the intention of our creation . the small satisfaction of earthly pleasures considered . now we have done with these holy men , we will a little fall upon the consideration of the small satisfaction or prerogative of earthly felicities or ambitions , that appear so exceedingly to bewitch our understanding , in so much as they seem to take from our very hearts all manner of effectual desire to prosecute not onely this obligation of a noble gratitude to god , but hinder us from procuring the least security to our selves , contrary to the example of these godly people , mentioned in my discourse ; who certainly enjoyed the same faculties of nature as we do , and therefore might have possest the like appetites of humanity , if grace had not predominated . in demonstration of which i am perswaded , nay i am assured , that if all the exquisite epicures in the world , and wisest statesmen , were gathered together in one councel , to consult and devise a way for a person to enjoy a perfection of happinesse upon earth , and a full power were given to all his senses in each faculty , to tast every delight of nature in the superlative degree , not being subject to any natural restriction , or could be interrupted by accident , yet he would finde some defects in the possession , not answering his expectation ; if not otherwhile a kinde of wearisomnesse in the very fruition , by over much satiety ; which apparantly would be demonstrated by his coveting something else , which he supposed he had not , to the new perturbation of his unsatisfied minde . and this plainly shews , that mans true and perfect content , must be fixed in a higher region then in this world , to afford his thoughts rest and quiet . of the other side we see , ambition consists wholly upon the matter in nothing but expectation and opinion , since it is evident , we are more taken with hopes of honours to come , then absolutely satisfied with those that are present . as for example , what boy is there at school , that doth not heartily desire to be a man , though youth be esteemed the darling of nature , because he apprehends to want something of his perfection in his boyish estate ? again , what man is there , that is arrived to that period of yeers , that doth not as earnestly wish to be in his former condition ? apprehending the too fast coming on of old age as a defect , which seems not onely to be a vexation , but some horror to his thoughts if he carry about with him nothing but humane considerations . also if we reflect upon the many chances of mans life , we shall finde , that the pains and care we take to pamper our selves , and nourish our ambition , do more then weigh down the pleasures we can any way hope to obtain ; for that all our delights are most commonly interrupted either by infirmities , or some other crosse accidents , use any industry we may to the contrary . neither is there any person of what happy calling or degree soever , but seems oftentimes even weary of his own time ; insomuch , as when day comes , he wisheth for night , and in the night he longs passionately for day ; and so from one posture to another , still hoping to enjoy new felicity , as if he had not yet tasted sufficiently towards the fruition of a perfect settlement ; being carryed onely thereunto by his roving fancy and unsatisfied nature : which argues , that the very disposition of man cannot be made happy with this world , in what degree soever obtained . and to this purpose we see , new inventions and delights must be sought hourely , or multitudes of divertisements of all kindes , the more insensibly to passe away the houres and dayes of our life , and yet nothing seems so terrible to our apprehensions , as to think our time should ever come to an end . so that we neither can be content to think of leaving this world in any manner , but of the contrary , hate all remembrance of it ; and yet , in effect we do not take any real pleasure to possesse life . wherefore , i must conclude with this principle ; that since earthly concernments are but at the best mortifications as we make them , how much better were it , and more agreeing with reason , the contrary being no other then an impious madnesse , not to make use of such vexations ( which will come upon us do what we can ) towards the obtaining of such a happy state , as neither admits of defect or suffers termination . so that since it is apparant , that our thoughts have no circle to walk in but that of religion to finde out not onely divine security , but as i may say humane satisfaction , according to the very words of the holy scripture , that bids us first seek the kingdom of god , and all other things shall be given unto us ; it must needs be an intire lunacy , to involve our actions and desires in too many sensualities , and much more to nourish our pride and torment our thoughts , with inconvenient and violent ambitions , by ayming at that which in a manner nothing can arrive unto , but vain imaginations , whilst in the mean time we leave the essential point of our happinesse altogether unregarded . o madnesse of man-kinde ! and yet we are so foolishly transported beyond all reason , with this violent desire of earthly satisfaction , that if at any time we enjoy but a smackering of worldly vanities , we become so passionate to make a further progresse therein , that we cannot rest day nor night without afflicting our mindes , as it were destroying in our selves those very comforts that god almighty intends barely for humane consolation . however , i do not say this to take away absolutely from a man , the appetite of all conscionable and noble affections , for that were totally to overthrow honest industry and lawful endeavours ; seeing it is little lesse evil to do it , then ayme at nothing ; especially for that we are not able alwayes , to employ our thoughts and actions intirely in the effecting of divine things , or conversing inwardly with angels ; but my intentions hereby are , to have a body so to square and regulate his passions , by a discreet rule of moderation in all his desires and undertakings ( considering what any can go about of worldly concernments , are not onely in every respect subject to diversity of accidents , but in themselves never so wel obtained , not worth our chief consideration ) as not to be confounded or overmuch distasted , either by needlesse vexation , if they may not be purchased , or to fall into too much desperation , being again lost after they are once had . and a great deal lesse ought we to be afflicted when such transitory things are taken away from our possession , by the immediate hand of almighty god , who knows best what diet we need in the whole course of our frail life . for as we desire earthly acquisitions ( especially superfluities ) more out of a vain opinion to be said or thought we have them in our power , then out of any real benefit we hope for , or enjoy by the possession ; since for the most part our servants are partakers with us alike , if not oftentimes in a greater measure in the sensual use of them ; so of the other side , if we look onely upon the point of reputation and estimation , in being thought to possesse much beyond the capacitie of other people , which as i said before depends meerly upon an airy opinion , we may have the same honour by letting them go patiently , or losing them gallantly ; and a great deal more if no personal fault by carelesse neglect , be laid deservedly to our charge , then if we should have possessed them to our selves and heires for many lasting generations ; witnesse the late king , who will be more glorious in after times ( according to many mens judgements ) for the extraordinary conquests his constancy and courage got over his oppressions , then if he had quietly and peaceably dyed in his bed a natural way , after a long and flourishing reign , possest of all his humane honours and dominions . truly the effect of vertue is of such a property , that it cannot be taken from us either by time or power ; whereas riches and worldly preferments , are for the most part , more belonging to fortune and accident then to our selves . neverthelesse i say , this vertuous benefit cannot be obtained , without some absolute or signal victory purchased over all base and earthly passions and affections . and to shew how much god almighty hath been ever pleased to honour , and in a manner to eternize in this world such endeavours , especially when grounded upon religion and good intentions ; there have been many persons that onely have sought caves and desarts for their habitations , to avoid all kinde of remembrance , as divers holy saints and martyrs , who indured in their particulars , as much scorn , contempt , and neglect , as humane malice could invent , or their own humility desire ; yet both their names and fame live now amongst us with that eminency , as if their actions had been continually recorded ( whilst they were living ) by multitudes of writers , according to the custom of the meads and persians ; when as most of those great and glorious kings ( with many other monarchs of latter times ) i may confidently aver , have wanted monuments , or at leastwise a true relation of their actions , notwithstanding the onely heaven they desired after their deaths was , to be continued fresh in the memory of posterity . so that we may boldly affirm , there is neither real felicity or certain content to be hoped for in this world , depending upon any manner of sensuality or ambition , since all things desired without doubt are but either surfeits or opinion , although a man should every day in the yeer , be furnished with varieties according to his own wishes , and each houre in the day , could gain strength and vigour to enjoy them ; insomuch as it is unpossible a mans minde can be ever satisfied , without prescribing to himself a moderation in affections : which truly will not be had unlesse he place his thoughts chiefly upon the intention of his creation ; and by that means resolve to use the things of this life with temper , since as i must say often , they are onely given us for our recreation , and not for our heaven : which determination and no other , will soon render all accidents , not onely conveniently indifferent and necessary to our present and future being , but even by such resolutions , accompanied with some proportion of grace , ( not to be compassed but by this means ) we shall be able to make extream advantages of crosses and misfortunes , that do what we can with all the endeavours and power of this world , will still come upon us , and to our further vexations , if we prevent not the apprehension of such accidents by higher designes . in conclusion , whosoever can put himself in this happy condition , whereby he may be master of a discreet temperance in all his actions , probably in a short time may finde out a passage to other vertues , until at last they bring him to that content , which he can never obtain by his inordinate passions ; since the world will not afford what it was not made for . and therefore it may be esteemed a maxime of the wisest philosophy to think , there is no happinesse so great in this life , as to be well able to disgest all unhappinesse . whether or no when we have gained this victory , there must not be something to direct us in gods worship , of an infallible nature . but now when we have gained this noble victory over our passions , though we may esteem the greatest part of our work effected , in regard that naturally flesh and blood are the chiefest obstacles against divine resolutions and self content ; yet neverthelesse , we may fail in the observations of those duties , belonging to the necessary worship of god , whereby our happinesse will come also to be destroyed ; if we submit not our selves to som infallible directions , which certainly can be no where found but in the church of christ , framed by his own hands , and ordained to be the tribunal of the conscience , placed here upon earth , not onely to instruct and chastice , but to afford us true consolation . so that i suppose , it will not be altogether impertinent , to discourse a little concerning the properties thereof , in that its jurisdiction and authority , seemeth to be the very bases and foundation of all our belief . to this purpose it must be first considered , whether such an assembly hath been established or no. certainly humane experience teacheth us , that there was never yet any law given to a nation or a people , but a tribunal also was ordained to be a judge of that law , as well to inform the subjects concerning the doubts of the right interpretation of the injunctions prescribed , as to determine the due execution of them , that people might neither pretend ignorance or use malice , without being instructed in the one , and punished for the other ; much lesse may it be thought that god almighty , who is wisdom and justice it self , would have imposed observations of a mystical nature upon his established subjects , without having instituted as well a way how they might be instructed in their ignorance , as corrected in their stubbornnesse : especially when the truth of those heavenly principles given were impossible to be known to proceed from him , but by some ordinary information , agreeing with their capacities and understandings . for however in the beginning those documents , might be confirmed by miraculous inducements , to some few particularly instructed to that purpose , yet could they not well be continued to posterity , but by usual wayes , since every person was not ordained to be a prophet , or to talk with god face to face as moses did , who gave our ancestors the first methodical rules , which ever since have been maintained amongst men by tradition from hand to hand . neither is it likely that this omnipotent , and as i may say , most affectionate providence , would have lesse care for the preservation of the unity of religion with the christians , that are a people gathered and extracted from all the parts of the world , differing in tongues and kindred ; and so by consequence have more need of his assistance , then he had to conserve it in the twelve tribes of israel , that were a generation onely confined to one country , and therefore could not so easily differ in points of faith , or be corrupted in manners for want of due information ; yet neverthelesse we see god almighty held it so necessary a thing with those few people , though united and circumscribed , as i say , into a most narrow and small circuit of ground and territorie , that he had alwayes his church and high priest amongst them , unto whose decrees our saviour christ himself commanded the jewes to be obedient ( however the men at that present that governed were most corrupt and wicked ) onely because they sat in moses chair , and enjoyed of right a supernatural prerogative , by way of an orderly succession which he intended should onely continue until after his passion , that he might establish his more lasting and holy church , which by his own promise is to indure without interruption , until the end of the world , being invisibly to be alwayes governed by the holy ghost , for the more assuredness of infallibility , which plainly shewes that such a thing must be upon earth ; whereunto are annexed also these marks of power and perspicuity , since it is said , he would not onely place his tabernacle in the son figuratively , meaning his church , but we are admonished in holy scripture from our saviours own mouth , that whosoever will not hear his church shall be esteemed no better then a heathen and a publican ; which truly would seem to any man a most impertinent saying , if there were no such assembly upon earth to be heard and listened unto : for it is not to be supposed , we should upon all occasions mount into heaven , either to be instructed in our doubts , or to give information against our neighbour erring , so that of necessity , there must be some congregation or tribunal on earth established to that purpose ; besides , by the very articles of our creed , we are to believe the holy catholick church ; which implies a certainty of there being such a thing , before we can believe what it sayes . so that we may conclude it a most ridiculous madnesse , to think there is no visible and real place or chair upon earth , where men may go to receive true and undoubted information concerning matters of religion ; especially when it is not credible that every particular person should have sufficient direction by revelation , since the greatest prophets that were ever sent into the world , were constrained to fetch their instructions oftentimes from others . in the next place it is as necessary to believe , that this established assembly must be infallible , as that it is at all ; since if it should be otherwise , our directions would sometimes misse , and so consequently we might ignorantly contract errours in our wayes and endeavours , instead of running surely in the direct path of almighty gods principles and commandments towards our future salvation : for it is evident by the rules of reason , upon all intended certainties , there ought to be some means prescribed us , whereby we may be sure we are right . as for the purpose in all humane matters , we are accustomed , to use the benefit of weight , measure , or some other experience , before we have sufficient assurance any thing is just according to our intention : much more are we to believe , that our saviour jesus christ , after having shewed such a mystical love in our redemption , would not have carelesly exposed us to a dark labyrinth of confusion and incertainty concerning the knowledge of his law , of such a consequence to be observed ; nay , rather it is to be supposed , he would have written it in brasse for our better instruction , if he had not ordained an assembly onely for that effect ; but for a greater confirmation of our purpose , we may remember what the holy scriptures tell us ; that the church is the pillar of truth , and therefore consequently cannot be false ; neither could gods revealed will and pleasure in an ordinary way and without miracle , come to be known to our humane understandings , but by the records delivered unto us , by the unquestionable authority of the churches tradition , that renders them authentical to our belief , without which they have no seal of exemplification or testimony , since it is not enough to say , that one place of scripture , is perfectly able to interpret another , without a more assured rule , when as we do not know by our own reading and particular science , what places are true scripture and which not , having onely the letter of the book to look upon ; and as little can we be assured that we do expound those writings right as they were intended ; because it belongs not to any private spirit so to do : of the contrary , it may be feared according to the words of saint peter ( especially if we use too much presumption ) that being unlearned and unstable , we may wrest the text to our own damnation . so that of necessity there must be something above our selves , not onely to be the interpreter of this law , but also to tell and shew us the law it self that was ordained , so that i must leave it to any common understanding to consider what can be more proper for this then the church of god , that he hath promised to be withal until the consummation of the world . we may also extract another assurance , out of the old testament , which is that god almighty said , in time to come he would chuse such an assembly by orderly succession , whose spirits as it is written should conserve knowledge , and the true spirit should be put into their mouths , from generation to generation for ever . wherefore i say , as this must needs be meant onely by the universal church , so of the other side , such persons cannot be but esteemed most ridiculous in their opinions , that will not allow this assembly , the prerogative of knowledge and interpretation , and yet do assume to themselves , perhaps being ignorant in a high nature , a most infallible way of understanding , as well what books are divine scripture , as also what interpretation ought truly to be given to every text , though they are plainly forewarned of the danger , by those very epistles that they themselves have judged to be true scripture ; but as these few proofes may be sufficient , as i said before , to perswade any reasonable and competent understanding , concerning the infallibility of this assembly , instituted by our saviour , and governed by the holy ghost ; this being granted , that of necessity we must believe the assembly , we cannot by any reason deny our obedience to the authority . but here perhaps may come a new question , according to some athiestical tenents of these times , whether or no god almighty have appointed man any other rules , then the law of nature , measured out only by his own private judgement ? which certainly are most grosse and absurd opinions ; for by these maxims , there should be no difference between men and beasts in their course of living , since the latter have a kinde of order allowed them to use by the meer instinct of nature , though they want reason . as for example , they ingender seasonably , procure to themselves competent food and rest , with a certain care also of their own preservation , and in like manner will defend those of their kinde ; sometimes with the desperate hazard of their lives . and man by this rule should do no more , which not onely seems repugnant to gods wisdome , but is against the dignity of mans creation ; in his not receiving or enjoying some prerogative in his employment whilst he is here , by reason of his eternal condition hereafter ; so that without doubt god almighty intended man , some extraordinary work in this world beyond other creatures that were ordained meerly for his use and subsistence , having placed in him a reasonable and understanding soul. and certainly this employment can be no other then some immediate and particular service belonging to his own worship , which other creatures are not able to perform , as being no way needful for their condition , since they can neither know god , or are to expect any thing after this life is ended . whereas man being capable of both , his creator hath placed him here for some time , that he may make use of his own faculties , either for his benefit or condemnation ; but for a further confirmation of this reason , there never was yet any people so rude and ignorant in their conversation , but used a reverence , if not a real worship or sacrifice to some supposed deity or other , which they not onely counted most sacred , but themselves particularly with a kinde of a wonderful awe were restrained from offending in their conceived rights , as fearing otherwise they might be punished by a supernatural power ; which either shewes that nature it self teacheth all people to observe such principles , or that they had in the general received by tradition some documents to that purpose , from the very infancy of the world , though they had lost the perfect use of them . for it is not to be supposed , that men ever living amongst rocks and mountains , could without any manner of information or instruction , have invented so much of divinity as we have declared , without some inducements , since no mystical profession doth seem to agree with their rough kinde of conversation , or wilde appetites ; and therefore such people could not but desire to be at the most liberty . so that as it is evident , by all the grounds of nature , and arguments of reason , that god almighty hath designed himself a particular worship upon earth , so hath he revealed the manner how to be performed from time to time to his church , which for the most part put it down in writing , conserving such records inviolably without corruption , and delivered them in that manner to posterity with many other truths , by way of verbal tradition , as the articles of our creed , and the like , amongst which precepts we have the ten commandments , that in effect contain the whole law both divine and moral ; wherefore since it is apparant , that our great creator , hath appointed his godhead a real worship in this world from man , answerable to the dignity of his creation ; and that he hath revealed the particulars of his pleasure by scripture , the truth of which records , being to be tryed and approved by the church , having onely the spirit of right interpretation , we are by an infallible consequence not onely to obey , but relye upon this assembly . some general instructions concerning the practice of gods own proper and immediate worship . but now that we have found out that god almighty must have a real worship , we are as well to be instrcted how it must be effected , which may be reduced to these particulars . first , that there must be used a holy and divine sacrifice , that was instituted by our saviour jesus christ , as an essential duty belonging to his majesty and godhead , which cannot appertain by any means to any creature . next we are taught also , that it be performed with an outward reverence and an inward intention , accompanied with love and attentivenesse ; however , more particularly to be observed and put in practice , at those times when we are obliged by the orders and rules of the church , to give our personal attendance at this grand duty commanded . and so by consequence not to entermix our devotions willingly , with any vain or idle cogitations , since if such distractions be frequent , they are apparant demonstrations , that although god almighty hath our body in point of ceremony , yet he doth not possesse the heart in matter of love . for when we are transported by diversity of objects , it is unpossible but that there must be some defect in affection ; to prevent which , when we perceive such distempers , to steal upon our deceived senses and wandering appetites , by reason of the frailty of our nature , that ever seeks the lowest center , according to the base matter of which our bodies were first framed , we are obliged by a speedy and discreet correction ( upon the least apprehension ) to call in question our omissions , before a religious judgement . and this principally , to prevent an ill custome growing upon us , lest it may soon take so great footing in our manners , that if not resisted within a short time , will absolutely , though unawares , destroy that grace in our souls that is necessary , as well to keep us from being overcome by dangerous temptations , as to make up capable of doing good instead of evil . 't is true , such a contention at the first , may prove something irksome to many ; especially to youthful dispositions , that commonly take delight in varieties , who naturally are distasted and wearied with setled objects ; yet certainly the more such a vertue is practised with courage and resolution , the greater ease shall a person finde daily in his devotions , untill it bring him in the end , not onely to obtain an absolute victory over most of his passions , but even to entertain a singular delight in every exercise of religion ; which once made a mans chief businesse , i am perswaded , their is neither honours , sensualities , or any worldly pleasure can afford so much content ; but for the better obtaining of which benefit , we ought not at any time to pretermit our daily and ordinary customes of devout exercises , whether in reading or praying , without urgent occasion , upon any flatt●ring pretensions of conveniency & necessity , that the devil and the flesh do often suggest to our wavering imaginations , as baits onely laid for diversion , lest by such omissions we contract more slothful inclinations in our selves concerning the performance of any vertue ; when as of the contrary , in observing punctually times and seasons for our devotions , we shall apparantly finde a kinde of hearty zeal in our soules towards gods service in most things . as for the purpose , there be some people , that will sit in a manner continually day and night at cards or the like , without ever seeming to be tyred , when as the least time spent in holy exercises , is a vexation to their thoughts : whilst of the other side , such employment to a truely religious man , in a monastery , to be enjoyned him as a penance , would appear perhaps to be a mortification of some extraordinary nature . the reason being onely this , that the one hath procured such a proportion of grace , by his frequent and diligent observation of his duty , that it renders the contrary distastful unto him ; whereas worldly persons have so benummed their zeal , and deaded their understanding by giveing way upon all occasions to sensualities , that nothing seems delightful to their thoughts , that is mixed with any religious observation . also many new converts in their first entrance into religion , appear wonderful zealous in their profession , because for the most part , they employ their whole time concerning the businesse they are about , by reason of the need they have of instruction in forms and customs ; whereas others of a longer standing not seldom are wearied out with knowing too much , and practising too little ; and so by degrees begin to slack in their daily and ordinary devotions , until at last they make what is or ought to be a duty , a meer formal ceremony and no more ; which shews that intentional diligence procures fervour , and fervour obtains grace . but certainly as no cold way of devotion can possibly please god , since he hath declared to spue them out of his mouth , who are onely lukewarm in his service ; so have we multitudes of testimonies even amongst the barbarous gentiles , as if nature it self taught a man a fervour should be used in his religion , without any other instruction . in testimony of which we read , that when agamemnon and the other princes of greece were to take their journey toward the city of troy , it was thought a necessary duty , whereby to make their voyage prosperous , and to appease the anger of the goddess diana , that their captain & general should sacrifice his own daughter ; which truely was a sufficient expression of fear to offend those false deities , as also a most evident argument of the care those people had , diligently to perform their rites , and observe those principles commanded them . in like manner the romans never came home with victory obtained against their enemies , but the first thing they did when they entred the town , was to visit the temple of iupiter in the capitol with triumph , whereby to render thanks to the gods for their successe , and this ceremony was not to be performed by themselves in person , but being accompanied with their whole army , that all might be partakers and joyn in the common duty and sacrifice . in holy scripture we finde that the priests of the dumb idol baal , performed their impious devotions in their contentions with righteous elias , by strange and wonderful cuttings and mangling of their bodies , to render the god propitious to their prayers ; which truly were effectual signs of their earnest thoughts , though pernicious actions . again , with what extraordinary want of compassion both to themselves and posterity , did the deluded people sacrifice thier own children by fire to molech , accompanied with the noise and sound of many instruments , because their ears should not be won to any manner of pity , by reason of their fearful shrikes and cries , whilst their bodies were burning , and consuming in that terrible manner . all which no doubt could not be done without a great deal of fervour and confidence in their horrid and barbarous rights , that at least may serve to reprove the cold practices and customes of these times . besides if we seriously reflect upon the intentional devotion of the tyrannical turks , we may finde perhaps occasion enough ( by reason of their frequent example ) to condemn our extravagant thoughts and loose actions in the performance both of our exterior and interior duties in our sacred and commanded religion : since as it is confidently reported , there are many santons or saints , as they call them , living in that country , who having made a pilgrimage to the tomb of their false prophet mahomet , have put out their own eyes , because they would be no more obliged to behold any earthly things ; as esteeming all other sights ( after this supposed holy journey ) most vile and prophane , and in this manner resolve ; to die cloystered up in some dark dungeon , excluded from the conversation of mankinde . o god , if the devil have such power , to infuse these resolutions into the stony hearts of ignorant infidels , what infernal madnesse is it , that not onely obstructs so much divine cogitations of christians , being present at those sacred mysteries , but , when they are absent , involves all their thoughts and actions in a thousand fantastical and dangerous sensualities : to whom i must proclaim , that their condition in the day of judgement , will be a million of times worse , then the state of those that ignorantly worship any false deity , with a hearty zeal : for certainly god almighty more looks at the intention of man , then at the capacity he hath to do him service , since no humane employment whatsoever can in its own nature , any way be beneficial to his godhead or divinity , but meerly by accident as it tends to our own salvation , wherein his mercy and goodnesse doth more abundantly appear . wherefore as we see , not onely by the direction of the church , but by the examples of all other people in the world , there is a necessity of a certain kinde of fervour in all manner of acts of devotion ; however , more especially in the essential part of gods worship ; so ought it be esteemed the most highest treason against the majesty of god to deny him publiquely , when there is occasion of such confession , or hypocritically to use this service as a stall only to compasse wordly ends by a seeming though not hearty compliance : and to this purpose often-times perhaps many people come to the sacraments , bespotted inwardly with divers hidden crimes , without having made due examination of their own consciences , or putting on any resolution to mend either for the present , or perchance to quit their sins till they leave them . in which posture they neither make true confessions , or resolve upon any charitable satisfaction ; whereas we are obliged by the declared principles of this infallible church , i have so often mentioned ( the very conduit that conveys unto us , if not the grace of god , yet at leastwise the knowledge how we may obtain it ) to cleer our consciences from all fraud and deceit ; and with a most humble and sorrowful reverence , to approach those high and dreadful mysteries , ordained for mans salvation . which being impiously perverted , turn into the worst corruption concerning our manners ; however , it self being intirely pure , can receive no detriment at all . wherefore i say , let those fantastical spirits , that either make ends or humour a parcel , if not oftentimes the chief part of their religion , take heed , lest not onely the judgement of god punish with rigour their hypocrisies in the next world , which will not be prevented , but also shew some marks of his indignation in this life , against their impious dissemblings ; since many terrible examples might be produced to that effect out of very approved authors , if there were any need to strengthen this certainty by humane relations . for it is sufficient we have admonitions and instructions out of very scripture it self , the best warrant of all others , which saith , omitting divers others , that the flesh profiteth nothing ; to be understood in my opinion , that the receiving of the blessed sacrament availeth not one jot in outward ceremonie , unlesse it be accompanied by a real and pure intention of the receiver . which was also apparantly verifyed in the last supper our saviour made with his apostles , when as the eleven were strongly confirmed in their faith and vertue , by their good intentions in that holy institution and exercise , as bringing love to accompany their duty and service , whereas iudas that wicked traytor eat christs body with a false heart and a corrupt soule , which made him not onely at that very instant go go forth hastily to perform his horrible intention , without seeming at all to reflect upon the hainousnesse of his crime , but afterwards it took from him the least appearance of any grace , insomuch as he neither could not repent , or have any confidence in gods forgivenesse ; and therefore , onely in a desperate manner returned the money he had taken , and presently went and hanged himself , who else might have found as much mercy as the thief did upon the crosse ; since gods goodnesse is beyond all transgressions of man , provided there be a fitting compliance on his part ; which however as i say , cannot be obtained , being accompanyed with any manner of hypocrisie and dissimulation , in regard god almighty is onely the god of truth , and not of deceit , as himself hath often declared . besides , saint paul tells us , that he that takes the sacrament unworthily , decerneth not the lords body , to his further guilt and condemnation . so that we may confidently conclude , who doth not prepare himself as he should , in the entertaining of this admirable benefit intended for mans preservation and salvation , doth fit his person the readier for the devils service and possession ; since ( as i said before ) god almighty doth chiefly aym at the heart and intention , without which he will not be pleased , by what formality soever ; neither can his omnipotent justice be cousened by any humane hypocrisie , since his divine science was able , as you have heard , to sift the subtile thoughts of the very angels before they fell ; wherefore it is a most ridiculous chymera to think , that the grosse craft of man can cover or conceal anything from his infinite knowledge , and as much simplicity accompanied with impiety , to believe , that man hath power to prevent his own punishment , if he offend this omnipotent science in this nature . which being granted , the onely way to make this necessary preparation is , exactly to follow the rules and directions of the church ; that is , intirely to be sorrowful for our faults , to confesse them truly without any manner of guile or affectation ; and lastly ( though not least of all ) to make full and willing satisfaction to any we have injured , without all which conditions , as no seeming absolution that is given , can be valid , so shall the receiving not onely be most horrid , but the greatest sacriledge can be committed upon earth , since neither long prayers , exact fastings , or frequent almes deeds can profit anything to purpose , without these punctual or intentional observations : for it s said that god almighty is a jealous god , and will not be satisfied without our whole heart and best actions , which being freely bestowed upon him , he is not onely most easie to be pleased , but ready in every occasion to cover and forgive the frailty of our nature , that at the best hath sufficient need of the assistance of his heavenly grace , being else able to do nothing . these considerations may serve to put us in minde as well of our own duty that we owe our creator , by an exterior and interior sacrifice , with other observations contained ( upon the matter ) in the first three commandments belonging immediately to the proper and particular worship of god ; as also ought bring in like manner into our remembrance other duties , appertaining to humanity and conversation , numbred , as i may say , in the last seven injunctions delivered to moses . where it may be noted , that god almighty was pleased to shew a most admirable goodnesse , in that he took but three commandments to himself , and left the rest for our neighbours benefit , whereby the better to conserve charity in all our intentions . but for that the suppressing of our passions and appetites is the only way to begin these common duties , without which they cannot well be performed , i shall discourse chiefly upon two capital sins , namely pride and sensuality , which in truth contain or occasion all other vices ; the one seeming to bear greatest domination in the soul , as the other doth in the body . and first i will speak of pride , in regard it maketh war with the noblest part , that we have immediately received from god by way of infusion , though joyned with our earthly substance , or over-powred by it , it becometh lesse able to act towards the intention of our creation . of pride beeng the chief vice belonging to the soule . pride , i may say , not onely fools the understanding to errour , but involves our actions with injustice . being composed of partial self-love , and extraordinary false opinion , not suffering us to know our selves rightly , or behold others with indifferency . and was so odious to almighty god in the beginning , that he punished the first demonstration thereof in the angels , by the greatest effects of his wrath , as of the contrary , he redeemed mankinde by the highest example of humility , condemning them without revocation , because they had so offended against the majesty of his glory , with a kinde of a knowing presumption , and saved us by the passion of his onely son , for that our frailty seemed something to plead our pardon before the throne of his mercy . pride confounded pharoah and all his host in the red sea , when as the humility of moses conducted the children of israel safely to the land of promise . in fine , the meeknesse of the blessed virgin made her the mother of god , the greatest prerogative could be bestowed upon mortality : and insolency turned the mightiest monarch of the earth into the nature of a beast , onely to feed upon the herbs of the field . this violent lunacy , i say , is the more hard to be perceived , for that however it be lofty in its own proper quality , yet it doth not alone appertain to persons of the highest conditions , which shewes it claims a hidden and secret interest in the soule , not alwayes appearing visible ; for that there must be some certain concurrency of power to make it shew it self to others ; however , it proves to be of a most dangerous consequence , when it gains too great a liberty of working amongst the common people , that lack both education and discretion to temper their own rude appetites ; as being not so sensible as nobler persons of honour and humanity , which renders them altogether barbarous , when eminency as an object of their envy , comes within the compasse of their power and spight , which might be demonstrated by many sad , bloody , and terrible examples . but as it is unpossible to judge rightly of this humour in the disposition of any man , because it consists in so many several expressions , and appears upon divers and multitudes of occasions , so is there no better a way to finde the disease in a bodies own person , then strictly to sift the conscience by the rules of reason and religion , with a kinde of equal consideration , free from all partiality ; that is to say , whether or no he intend all the honour and esteem he desireth , chiefly for the service of god , accompanied with a due consideration of the intention of his creation , whereby he may not exact from another in his mind some unlawful due , more then appertains unto himself , to some others losse or derogation ; for otherwise i will not call any manner of respect that is desired pride . since as naturally we can but covet our own good , and so consequently to attempt esteem . so when it is demanded and required with moderation , as an indubitable right belonging to our fortune , merit , and condition , there is no injury at all done , either to god or a third person . for no doubt every man may as well conserve his honour as his estate , both being inherent rights to him and his posterity . and certainly those that deny us those national dues , are not onely themselves injurious , but may be justly taxed of pride , if not of rude insolency ; which i rather say , because in these days there may be noted a strange kinde of injurious intention in most of the inferior sort of people , to withdraw themselves from observing all ancient decorum in this nature . an appetite in my opinion that hath not onely lately distracted exceedingly the government of this kingdom , but hath destroyed already much of the glory of the nation , since convenient degrees must be observed to render any commonwealth happy , lest confusion at last take away what is necessary for magistracy and obedience towards peace and unity . but of the contrary , if we perceive our inclinations only given to study vaingloriously our own private esteem , without having either due consideration of others rights , or charitably being willing to reflect upon meaner conditions , in that they are subordinate to us in the worlds eye , though equal with us in creation ; without doubt we may conclude , that some dangerous inflammations doth possess our inward parts that will not long want a subject to work upon . neverthelesse the humour of it self for the most part is ridiculous , since it is not the vain opinion of our own personal deserts , that can render us more worthy in the thoughts of others , if we deserve not the consideration , and if we do merit a particular regard in some few things , we destroy that estimation we covet oftentimes by expressing too much violence in the desire . there is another kinde of ignoble pride , proceeding from low and poore thoughts , and not from the inflammation of honour and courage , which makes people , though insolent in posterity , yet most base and dejected in adversity , rather courting respect and esteem by way of flattery , from contemptible persons upon any false tearms of injustice , then industriously endeavouring brave and gallant designs to gain commendations . this i know to be the custome of many , who seem to desire vulgar peoples applause , when they appear carelesse of the knowing approbation of religious and worthy men , either being perhaps confident of the number of the commenders , or not having a sufficient capacity to judge of the right value of both . however , to compasse which the better , they will professe a kinde of equality in their actions , with the worst of their companions , as if neither birth nor vertue were to be esteemed : pretending this to be done out of good nature and some humility extraordinary in their dispositions , so to level themselves with others , when i am confident often times , is proceeds from the quintescence of pride , as not knowing else how to be so well observed . thus much i have said , because i would not have these low humours of the age be taken for humility , or a constant and laudable bravery in mens thoughts and actions , to be interpreted pride , since the custome of the one , and the want of practice of the other , not onely made our ancestors glorious , but have rendred our selves most unhappy . for where stations are not kept to measure out to people their desert , it is unpossible with any confidence or alacrity to prosecute to the end the course of vertue ; which rome , however a commonwealth , observed most punctually , or else could never have come to that greatnesse ; and to this purpose all degrees had their places , to distinguish worth and merit , as marks of political reward , though now that rule and order , as i may say , is esteemed either folly or presumption . 't is true , i cannot deny , but there hath been shewed often times in the actions of great monarchs , too great an insolence concerning their deportments ; ignorance certainly being the cause at any time , why pride appears too much to outward view . but withal , we finde nero the very worst of humane monsters , was more then besotted in his disposition , with a vain and foolish ambition of popular praise , that rendered him not onely ridiculous to all men of a noble and worthy conversation , but made him really cruel to all such as opposed that humour , not being willing to see a mighty emperour contend with common fidlers in the open theatre , for vulgar applause , and in that posture to wipe away the sweat with his own hand , because the people were delighted with his observation of their ordinary customs ; which certainly he did only because he was transported with a mad and preposterous desire of praise , proceeding no doubt , from the highest instigation of pride . and yet this proud man was so base in his disposition , though foolish in his thoughts , that when his wickednesse had deservedly tumbled him from his empire , his deluded fancy was yet bewitched with a ridiculous vain-glory , insomuch , as he aymed at nothing but to be consined into the country of egypt , there to exercise his trade of singing amongst the common people , whose applause he violently coveted ( as it may be imagined ) beyond all other greatnesse . so that we may conclude , as pride often times is accompanied with the worst cruelty , so not seldom is it joyned with a contemptible want of courage : witnesse also the ordinary people of holland , who are insolent without measure , and yet cowardly beyond other nations ; however , they have had alwayes that good fortune , to make other countries to fight for their pride , which themselves personally durst not maintain . certainly , a noble disposition either hates pride , or tempers it with humanity , which at least renders it sufferable , whereas the contrary makes it barbarous . but for that the effects are divers , according to accidents and natures , we shall discourse a little of several parts of this humor . many dependencies belonging to this infernal lady pride . there is no doubt but pride may be without envy , though envy cannot be without pride ; therefore may be likened to extracted poyson from a dangerous plant , for that pride is not deadly of it self , but by way of use and application , retaining the capacity , though not always working the effect . but envy of the contrary , ever hurts either a mans self or others ; and remains like a concealed flame , at the best seeking occasion to burst forth to the destruction of some good thing , and in the interim consumes where it lies hid . neither can it at all be satisfied , because it ayms not onely at unreasonable , but unpossible periods ; that is , to darken the sun-shine of vertue , which will now and then appear in spight of what black clouds soever of malice , for that it is of a pure and prevailing substance by nature ; whereas those of grosser and more ignoble composures are dispersed by every winde or little rain of discovery ; for although false and counterfeit stones , sometimes with false and sophisticated art , may shew fair to the view of ignorant persons , yet when the diamond is produced in competition , they soon lose their luster and belief . most commonly this appetite is ingendred in those persons , who are defective in themselves , though they do not sufficiently perceive their own infirmity , and lesse the capacity of others to discern ; and by that means in a wrong posture go about to set up their particular esteem , or violently seek to pull down others to their own level . this humour truly is so much practised in this age , as i have heard some say , that shortly it would be esteemed a crime to laugh , for fear of being held to enjoy too much innocent content , though without other eminency . which makes me in my thoughts to cry out for academies , to instruct youth in vertue and morality . for if people would but strive by a noble industry , to render themselves deserved patterns of emulation , and not examples of envy to others , there would be no time left them , to entertain so unprofitable a disposition , from whence proceeds nothing but falsenesse in conversation , distraction in absence , and revenge in actions , without any benefit at all purchased therby , either to present content , or future satisfaction . as envy may be said to be a corroding mineral , drawn from that huge mountain pride , so revenge may be compared to hot and firy vapours , that often break from thence , to a kinde of ominous destruction . or rather may be termed prides worst executioner & bloody servant . but however , it aims always at dangerous and unhappy periods , yet certainly the progresse it makes for the most part is sweet and pleasant to depraved natures , since it affords not onely delight by reason of that victory it alwayes hopes for , but prove extreamly pleased and satisfied , being obtained ; however , i must confesse , the joy indures not long ; for most commonly some kinde of despair followes soon after ; yet neverthelesse , in the interim during the prosecution , a wicked man is not much tormented in his thoughts , for that the passion of revenge , doth alwayes transcend the apprehension of danger , which is the reason that so unhappy a resolution is continued ; for notwithstanding it proceeds no further then intention , wanting time and conveniency to execute , yet the determination all the while is so strongly accompanyed , with hope of effecting , and so busied in seeking the best opportunity , that it never gives a person of a malicious nature , leasure to be sad or melancholly : whereas of the contrary , envy seems still to oppresse with a cold despair , that never affords any manner of content or satisfaction . although envy be the less dangerous properly , yet certainly revenge is the more noble humour , for that it is still accompanyed with some hazard , whereas the other seems ever to bark afar off , or whisper privately in the dark ; though perchance neither have hearts good enough to forgive , or great enough to forget ; revenge is justifiable in none but in the supreme power , who is pleased to call his divine justice by that name ; for he may onely revenge injuries with rutribution , whilst we alone can but consider them with an intention of prevention , since if we go further , we do but usurp his office and condemn our selves . neverthelesse , we may safely punish , having lawful commission , derived from his heavenly sword of justice , established here upon earth for our more honest and regular conversation ; though this too must be put in execution without all partiality , lest revenge happen to be encreased by hypocrisie under the pretence of justice . the next imperfection of the soul i will mention shall be vain-glory , which in truth is no other then a certain kind of weak lunacy or fantastical madnesse , ingendred between pride and want of judgement , for that instead of perswading our actions to be esteemed by others , thereby we make our own persons become ridiculous ; since for the most part we dream that every extravagancy , should procure belief and opinion in those , that have no cause to be partial . besides , the humour or vanity is accompanied with some species of ill nature , as well as folly ; for they that possesse these fancies in their dispositions , look so much upon thir own passions , that they altogether passe by anothers deserts , by which means they fall oftentimes to be hated by all , instead of being valued by any ; as it were never seeing but through a perspective glasse , at both ends , where they either behold too much , or apprehend too little ; not being able to judge rightly of their own wants or others perfections . by which means they appeare most commonly like men half drunk , that are readier for expression , though unfitter for action . which i may say again , is a passion so much in fashion in these times , that people seem to be transported with certain thoughts , as if they had been onely their own creators ▪ scarce allowing god almighty any share at all in their being and fortunes . to cure this disease , men ought to look upon god not onely as the author of every good , but also to conceive each reasonable creature to be framed by the same hand , wherein no difference hath been made and intended , but by accident or grace . for as the diamond and the flint are not of equal vertues in every respect ; so each is profitable in its kinde : the one bearing price , as the other produceth fire ; wherein the latter seemes notwithstanding better to comply with mans commodity , though the former rather procures admiration . so that if we have parts above others in our own apprehensions , let us make use of them with modesty , and they will appear more illustrious to the eye of the world ; if we want such abilities , though we may ( in some sort ) cover our defects , we ought rather make them up with our goodnesse , then render our selves worse by assuming what is none of our own , to the injury of others . disobedience is not onely another effect of pride , but was the first sin that ever was committed upon earth by humanity , wherein god almighty was so displeased against man , that nothing but the death of his own son could asswage his wrath . besides , the contrary is so necessary a property to be continued ed in all conditions , that the world cannot subsist without it . however , i may boldly say , this latter age hath not onely created strange thoughts concerning this duty , but almost hourely produceth wonderful examples against the maxime : however we shall set down only three common duties of this kinde , proceeding from the first infancy of the world , which have been made good eversince , both by the commandments of god , and all moral documents . we will first begin with that obedience that is due from children to their parents , which ( setting aside gods own immediate precepts ) is an obligation challenged by way of natural right , for having brought us into the world , that else should have been nothing ; children are bound to afford their parents , at all times , and upon every fitting occasion , an obsequious reverence , though never so much under anothers jurisdiction ; as also another duty of gratitude for their education and preservation in their infancy , which neverthelesse is to be esteemed more or lesse , according to the care was had of their persons , when they were not able to provide for themselves ; insomuch , as no deficiency of the parents part ( in my opinion ) can take away altogether that humane respect and honour that is due by nature . as for example , when a daughter is bestowed in marriage , although by that means she becometh under anothers jurisdiction , and in that regard , cannot dispose of her self without her husbands leave , towards their service , yet certainly she is still obliged to afford them upon all convenient occasions , a dutiful reverence ; neverthelesse , i must confesse in these times , we hold it sufficient satisfaction , if children become not wholly reprobates to their own destruction , without having any consideration of their parents particular . the next obligation of obedience is due from servants to their masters , which however it be limited to time and contract , is not onely to be observed in conscience according to the conditions agreed upon ; but also there is a civil duty of respect to be observed , after the time is expired , unlesse some just cause hath been given to the contrary . but , for that i intend to speak something more hereof in another place , i shall mention onely now the last obedience , which is due from the subjects to their prince , instituted , as i may say , in the beginning of the world , which may be divided into three kinds . the first was that purchased by nimrod , being wholly usurped and therefore might have been cast off again , upon the first opportunity : however , the continuance did perhaps render it lawful to posterity . the second was domestick or voluntary , verified in the person af abraham , over his pious and godly family , which was approved no doubt by god almighty , when he commanded them to fight with those who had taken unjustly lot prisoner ; again , abrahams dominion was justified , when he tyed his servant ▪ by an oath to provide a wife for his son : and the last is that of compact and agreement , which makes subjects by their own consent become under the power of rule , as may be testified by pharoah and his people ; which work was brought about by ioseph , when his subjects changed their liberty for subsistence and livelihood . and this being contracted for , and afterward confirmed by proscription , could not again be cast off , without incurring the penalties belonging to rebellion . for the jews could not have avoided the lawfulnesse of the jurisdiction ( notwithstanding their cruel persecution and slavery ) but that it was the declared will of god , revealed particularly to moses , this by that means they should be freed from their misery , under whose power are rightly contained , all the governments of the earth . ingratitude is not onely another effect of pride , but may be said to be a most ignoble property , since it doth not onely defraud goodnesse of its due , but seems not willingly to encourage vertue in any kind which was the reason that the wise and brave romans , ranked it amongst the worst of vices , and to that purpose appointed punishments for the offehders . god almighty first fell out with cain for his ingratitude , though he afterwards condemned him for his hypocrisie . truly i may affirm , this vice appears to have gotten a particular jurisdiction in this nation at present , since many of those most obliged prove the greatest traytors to their benefactors ; neither is this done covertly and in the dark , but most commonly is owned as a piece of excellent wit ; and so consequently esteemed a kinde of vertue , for servants to be unfaithful in their duty , or friends to deceive trusts committed unto them : and so far hath private interest taken possession of honour , good nature , and conscience , that every person that walks according to these old maxims , is either esteemed a fool or a heretick . certainly god punished the devils with the greater indignation , for that in their thoughts they were unwilling to be thankful for his benefits ; whereas man had a condition annexed to his condemnation , because it was frailty rather then an intention of ingratitude , that caused him to offend ; however , he seemed more really and punctually to have broken his commandment . for my part i hold those as worthy that raise monuments to vertue , as those which good fortune hath made famous ; since however they may have wanted the opportunity and conveniency of acting , yet neverthelesse they retain in their minds a certain intention of honour . the next appetite of pride is ambition , however it is onely it but by accident or intention , since nothing renders that name unlawful , but either too much passion in the prosecution , or over much desire by way of private interest ; yet some perhaps will quarrel with the name onely , which i cannot but except against ; for as the too much coveting of honour and preferment out of a personal respect , renders the desire unjustifiable : and so by consequence proves to be a meer ambition ; so of the other side , a moderate seeking of a just esteem , is no more then a natural indulgency , warrantable in our humane condition , since without this hope for the most part , our noble endeavours should want recompence , whereby mens vertuous intentions would cool in the prosecution , before they could come to a ripenesse fit for use or example . for if our frail natures had no other object to behold , then barely that reward we are to expect in the next world , it is to be much feared , that people would grow so slack in endeavouring of laudable ( nay i may say ) necessary things , that at last all honour and vertue would be in danger to be wholly neglected , by which means unworthy persons should com to be of equal authority with the best , and no priviledge at all given to industry . as for example ; what souldier would expose himself willingly to the hazard of the cannon , without some expectation of recompence from his general ; or if a baser man then he were to be esteemed alike . nay let us but consider , how many great schollers or grave clergy-men , notwithstanding they are sufficiently acquainted with the depth of conscionable rules and maximes , would with so much violence follow their studies to gain learning , unlesse they thought their science should advance them above other men in estimation ? though some few may be found altogether mortified in their worldly passions . we see also children and youths are induced to learn , by promised honour and preferment in their studies during their being at school . and certainly their pious and religious masters , would not ingraft in their tender yeers such principles , if every kinde of ambition in its own nature were unlawful ; for most commonly what inclinations we take when we are young , do very seldom quit us in our age ; and more especially those thoughts , that tast either of ambition or covetousnesse . wherefore we may be satisfied , that it is not the desiring of any lawful thing that creates an ambition in our mindes , but the over desiring onely ; and truly in doing so , we do but resemble a bedlam , who violently catcheth at a handful of ayre , supposing he hath something in his hand , which being opened , proves but imagination . for the too much desire increaseth opinion , and that is made lesse by experience , until at last it falls into nothing at all , agreeing with our imaginary expectation . lastly , we will come to the covetousnesse of the age , a mad effect also of the minde , wherein for the most part little reality appears , in that we desire to be owners more of wealth , then to have the sruition thereof ; since commonly in our own persons we make use but of a small portion of what we covet ; it seems to have the neerest affinity with ambition , for as the extream aspiring man gives his thoughts no repose , by reason of his over aiming desires ; so cannot the avaritious person scarce afford his necessities sufficient , in regard of that craving and unsatisfied humour . wherefore properly , they may both be esteemed brothers in folly , as well as in sin . since alike they onely please the fancy , not reflecting at all , upon the impossibility of compassing what is desired ; for the period will still be behinde do what we can , if there be either a greater or a richer man in the world then our selves ; and though there should not be any to exceed us , yet certainly our thoughts would run at new chymera's , either above the clouds , or under the earth . however , i do not say , that either of these appetites are unlawful , but in the handling ; for as we may desire honour , so may we purchase wealth ; provided it be with the conditions of justice and moderation . but o the infernal covetousnesse of the times ! when neither kindred , friendship , gratitude or religion , are considerations to be put in competition with self interest . to get wealth we deny our blood ; to get wealth we violently break the strongest bonds of trust : to get wealth we forget all courtesies ; to get wealth we forbear no sacriledge , in justice , or hypocrisie ; in conclusion , to obtain this troublesome we know not what ; we slight our parents , we disobey our magistrates , we rob churches , we commit murthers , and live in communication more like ravenous beasts then humane creatures , laughing in wardly at all considerations of charity , as onely a vain and ridiculous opinion ; however ordained as a sacred tye from above , to unite affections in the service of our great creator , without which it is unpossible to please him or save our selves . and thus have i in some sort run through these few passions of the minde , as representations onely of the things we ought to avoid , that properly belonging to pride ; which is the chief mother of mischief that disquieteth the soul , and hinders it from placing her principal felicity in another sphere , where there is absolute honour , content , and security to be had ; the fruition of which , as i say , for the most part , are hindred by the extraordinary inflammations of this fantastical humour , being kindled and set on fire by the devils craft , and nourished and fed by the worlds vanities . so that now we must fall upon a new discourse , concerning the imperfections of the body , which however , they are of a more grosse and dull nature ; yet are they of little lesse power then the former to destroy in us , not onely the effects , but the very appetites of vertue . for however perhaps they do not raise our thoughts to the forementioned whimsies and chymera's , yet they blunt and stupifie our apprehensions in such a manner , that we become in time wholly drowned in a sea of sense and stupidity , not much caring , and lesse knowing what we do however it must be granted , that this lady and generall queen called luxurie , hath in like manner as well as pride , many attendants , that operate according to severall inclinations and dispositions in our fleshly and more ignoble parts , which in order we shall briefly touch as we have occasion . some kinde of description of sensuality . sensuality may be esteemed either one generall corruption proceeding from a poisoned education , or a whole magazin of imperfections , demonstrated according to accidents and opportunity , that for the most part are increased by custome , & continued in age , which seldome admits of any thought of repentance in a man untill the very last houre ; and then too perhaps with so little efficacy , that it proves more formall then beneficiall . in this progresse and journey of luxury , the noble soule appeares so to be imprisoned with aboundance of confused obstructions , that it hath not sufficient liberty given it to produce any thing worthy of its dignity and creation , as i may say , like some learned philosopher , captivated amongst boores and clownes , that are neither sensible of honour , or capable of instruction : as the angels fels fell by pride which is no other then a lunacy of the minde , so man offended in sensuality that is an inchantment of the flesh ; and god almighty seemed to ballance these two sinnes by a certaine kind of equality in his heavenly determination ; for that , as he punished the divels for their presumption , with an irrevocable decree , not at all admitting any condition or hope of satisfaction ; so did he redeem man by so admirable a way , as it seemed to exceed the others condemnation and losse : this vice of all others in my opinion , proceeds from the poornesse of mens spirits , either that they would not take education when they might have had it , whereby to have been able better to have imployed their minds in noble cogitations , and honourable actions , or else being overcome by the predomination of their senses , have sloathfully lost that courage that was necessary to maintaine vertue in their thoughts and intentions . truly we see it is the very propertie of most unreasonable creatures , to conserve with some care and industry the beauty of their being , though not made for eternity , since they to that purpose doe daily order their naturall cloathing to the best advantage , avoyding in the interim all occasions to doe themselves injury and disgrace , lest they might become unusefull in their severall kinds ; and yet a sensuall man is not ashamed to sully his soule , and bespot his reputation , not only with wicked , but preposterous vices , almost of all natures and conditions , to gaine a little satisfaction to his appetites , however in effect he continues still unsatisfied : for i will be bold to say , most commonly such people are so opprest either with sad and heavy thoughts , or overviolent longings , as they are constrained to drive out one vexation after another with new excesses , which serve for no other end but the more to inflame their desires , untill at last they are brought to such a stupidity , that every appetite whatsoever becomes even unpleasant . thus consuming their discontented houres in fancies instead of realities , like men in dangerous and desperate dropsies , the more they drink to satisfie their thirst , the lesse have they ease of their paine : but however it be not supposed , that all esteemed sensuall people are thus buried alive in a stupidity of viciousnesse , yet neverthelesse give me leave to say , that i have known some eminent persons in these times , that in their youth were famed beyond measure , for the excellency both of their naturall and artificiall parts and abilities , as well for learning and eloquence , as spirit and courage : yet at last falling into sensuality , according to the custome of the age , they did not onely cast off from their thoughts all manner of seeming apprehension of these noble vertues , but in a short space became also most cowardly and base in their dispositions , in so much as they were content upon all occasions to submit unto the poorest , fearfullest , and lowest kind of submission could almost possibly be put upon them , rather then move any way to action or vertue : which in my conceipt are admirable effects of this sordid and inglorious imperfection , when it getteth so great a prerogative in mans nature , that the soule hath lost absolutely her priviledge and honour : witnesse marke anthony , that once noble roman , who most contemptuously lost both his empire and life , by reason of his sensualities ; for in his last expedition that was to determine the monarchy of the world , he left his souldiers fighting , and shamefully followed cleopatra to her regall city of alexandria , where they were accustomed to spend whole nights and daies in severall luxuries : as another example of basenesse by reason of this ignoble inclination , we may look upon the emperour vitelius , who having gained the dominion from otho by the sword , he lost it againe to vespasian in sensuality ; for which his subjects did so extreamly contemne his person , that being at last taken prisoner in regard of his adversaries prevailing power , he was so shamefully used by the rabble and common people , that a noble man of honour passing by at the same time , was forced ( though not out of compassion to his person , yet out of a respect to that dignity he had once enjoyed ) to runne him through with his weapon , because he should not endure more disgrace of that miserable nature . and in this manner did this luxurious prince , ( who in his youth notwithstanding was a gallant man , as appeared by his deportment in germany ) end his wretched daies , as a just reward for his so much degenerating from his former vertues , by his frequent sensualities and debaucheries ; whilst his parcimonious and abstonious enemy in the mean time raigned with all prosperity and glory could be imagined , not onely accompanied with multitudes of famous conquests , but also left after him for his eternall memory , most wonderfull buildings and monuments ; a great part of which being extant to the amazement of the beholders . wherefore i must conclude , that sensuality takes away from a man the noble & reasonable property of the soule , that should not onely cleare his understanding , to the discerning of reputation , but to the practising of vertue ; which being stupefied and obstructed , as i say , by continuall ease and pleasure , the spirit at last becomes so adulterated , that it is unpossible to entertaine any thing in the disposition , but some base pride or envy , which for the most part never leaves such people as long as they live ; being alwaies maintained and nourished by those flatteries , that accident or rather a kinde of necessity hath cast upon such men , to keepe them waking with some entertainments of recreation : and this is the reason , that no discourses in a manner are heard in their mouths , but detraction proceeding from the very spirit of malice , because they cannot be at all confident of any goodnesse in themselves , whereby to commend laudable vertues in others . besides , there may be alwaies noted a kinde of cruelty in their natures , proceeding from that they are apt to suspect every thing but flattery : notwithstanding that deceives them most of all , being in truth the greatest sensuality of all others ; for that clawes the soule with such a bewitching harmony , that people who are so inclined , become metamorphosed like vlysses companions , till at last they become even hoggs instead of men . for another testimony of what i say , concerning the nature and corruption of sensuality , let us but looke backe at the actions of alexander , who in the first entrance into his conquest , was mercifull , active , and faithfull , and yet after when he began to tast too much of the persian luxuries , he became cruell , suspitious and proud , in so much as he neither spared his best friends , nor regarded the wisest philosophers , who proved in the end to be so overcome and inchanted by flattery , that he not only esteemed those people his mortall enemies , that would not adore him for a god , but destroyed their persons with as much spight and malice as could be imagined , untill he rendered himselfe to his own native country hatefull , if not in some sort ridiculous ; which truly amongst others are most pregnant examples to shew how much a man goes from himselfe , when he falls too precipitatly into sensuality ; as of the contrary what noble thoughts and gallant actions people are capable of , as long as they keepe their soules cleare from obstructions of this nature . for according to my observation , i never read of a temperate person , that was not attended upon with many other eminent vertues , that made him both happy and famous , whilest of the other side i have observed for the most part , all noted tyrants to be branded with a kind of an infamous opinion of luxury , in the whole course of their lives . certainly temperance and activity , are the badges of nobility and wisdome , when as sloath and sensuality , are onely inchantments of flesh and bloud , that worke men out of their wits , goodnesse and honour , to make them slaves to the devill and misery : but however in some sort this may serve for a generall demonstration of this naturall imperfection , or rather deprivation of grace , by reason of a mans own selfe , wanting a necessary courage to resist both weake and strong temptations of this life ; yet for that , as i said before , there are severall distempers arising or belonging to this grand stupidity , though not all appertaining alike to each person and disposition , we shall mention now the quality and practice of some particular vices , as i conceive , now adaies most in fashion and use , which may be counted meer dependencies upon sensuality . gluttony a chiefe effect of sensuality , with other vices also belonging thereunto . and first we will begin with gluttony , as seeming to have the next affinity with it . truly , in this vice man doth not onely come neerest to the nature of a beast , since procuring of food is its chiefe pleasure and property , but by way of intemperance ; when practised inordinately in this particular , he seems to exceed unreasonable creatures in dishonour ; for however they appeare to take their chiefe felicity in eating , yet neverthelesse they feed with some order , by instinct and the direction of their kind , thereby to render themselves more fit for the use they were created ; and to that purpose will scarce at any time goe beyond their bounds by any manner of excesse , if they be left to their owne dispose ; also procuring to themselves being diseased , remedies of nature : witnesse the gallant falcon , that takes frequently stones for casting and clensing of her body , whereby to avoyd all superstuities , to be the better able to make use of her wings for flight , when she hath occasion to shew her courage ; neither ordinarily will she covet meat , but when she findes her gorge absolutely emptied of other food : in like manner , every little and contemptible cur , after he hath sufficiently eaten to fill his belly , with a certain kind of temperate providence wil endeavor to hide the rest , to be reserved for another repast , without any signe at all of gluttony , as if nature had taught him what was best to be done for his own preservation ; whilst an intemperate man , of all other creatures , seems by his continuall excesses , neither to be governed by reason nor nature : insomuch i have heard many say , that provided they had good meat , they did not care if they were alwaies obliged to eate it in a hogs-stie , or any other contemptible or dishonourable place ; as if the very delight and happinesse of their soules consisted in nothing but eating and drinking : nay further , in these latter times this dull satisfaction of mens appetites hath been so taken up by custome , that not onely women of the best quality , have not been ashamed ordinarily to frequent most impudent and confused entertainments , in base and obscure tavernes , but also to shew the greater and more extraordinary profusenesse in those meetings ; feasts of no small expence have been made without table-cloathes or any other convenient furniture , where nothing for the most part was to be heard , but a certaine confused noise , with the exercise of burning of dublets , and drinking healths out of shooes , instead of distinct discourses and commendable recreations : so that i may boldly say , that god almighty hath found us out in these follies ; and certainly will never leave punishing us untill we become more moderate , since in my opinion it is not to be doubted , but these kinds of debaucheries so frequently practised have been the greatest cause of our present miseries that we so much complaine of ; for by such courses the noble men not onely lost their honours , but the gentry spent their estates , not leaving themselves sufficient interest in the country to govern the people , with any advantage tending to peace and unity ; and so by degrees their own tenants necessarily began to stand more peremptorily upon their own feet , by which meane men of smallest quality came in play , to the overthrow of those of the better sort . besides this generall intemperancy , most violently raigning amongst the commanders in the late kings warres , proved of such an unfortunate consequence to his affaires , by reason of that wilde liberty that every man took to himselfe , that probably it lost him his kingdome : for , by this means order and rule in his army was turned into confusion , whereby duties became neglected , trusts corrupted , and mens courages adulterated , in so much as his officers instead of giving testimonies of their valour and conduct , they brought their reputations into nothing but scorn and contempt , untill at last they lost both themselves and cause , to those their thoughts never esteemed before . the next attendant that seems to wait upon this swoln lump of sensuality is lascivious love , that seeks onely to satisfie sense , without having the intention of prosecuting the end of society , according to the ordination of god almighty in paradise . which appetite i say , although it be most agreeing with the nature of humanity , and in that regard many brave persons have erred , yet certainly lust doth not onely sympathize with the condition of a beast , that is carryed on to that act by a fleshly delight without other design , but seemeth in us to taste something more of wild concupiscence ; for however they ingender by kinde without any regard of mixture , because they have no rule prescribed for their actions , yet providence hath ordained such a temper in their proceedings , that for the most part they observe times and seasons for their copulation . which shewes that nature in them onely intends procreation , that is all the marriage they are appointed to make , whereby their kinde or species may be preserved upon earth , when as man involved in this sin , doth not appeare to be restrained either by nature or grace , but runs on violently in the prosecution of his appetites with a more raging madnesse then those animals , that have but two things enjoyned them by god and nature , which is procreation and food . when i reflect upon these considerations , i cannot but wonder at some people , who having been reproved for their excessivenesse in this vice , and to this purpose were demanded , why they having such noble and beautiful wives , did not content themselves rather with their companies and conversations , then with base women of a far inferiour degree to them in all manner of perfections , they presently returned this answer , that as they could no way deny the comparison , so was there no other reason to be given , but that they were their wives , and the other not ; wherein may be noted , the strong temptation and power of the devil in this one vice onely , when he is able so to infatuate our understanding , that we must chuse the lesse worthy subject for the delight of our senses , rather then the better , for no other reason , but because sin belongeth to the one and not to the other . which belike made marke anthony being of the same disposition , leave his gallant wife octavia , and cast himself violently into the armes and embracements of that proud strumpet cleopatra , notwithstanding she apparantly contemned his person , as she did afterwards undo his fortune . but setting aside these presidents , we may consider many young people of our times , who spend in a manner their whole lives , in nothing but making of foolish love , and sitting in womens chambers at unseasonable houres , without any kinde of intention of marriage , which at the best are high provocations of lust , besides other inconveniences in nourishing of sloath and creating of jealousies . but for that idlenesse for the most part not onely affords the opportunity , but is the general employment of the age ( if properly doing of nothing may be termed an employment ) as another dependant belonging to sensuality , i shall particular the nature and prejudice thereof . idlenesse hath been esteemed by religious and wisest judgements the ground-work and bases of all inconveniencies in mans vocation , since want of some designed employment in resolutions , not onely brings a certain kinde of lazie inclination upon the body , but also gives too much leasure to the minde , to dwell upon diversities , of chymera's , profitable no way but to breed fancies instead of acting nobly . so that it being unpossible to continue always in imagination without some diversions and recreations , to sweeten again the over tired spirits , we must of necessity be satisfied with some delight or other , though never so unlawful for refreshment , wherein for the most part affections belonging to flesh and blood , will have the chief interest in our corupt natures . wherfore nothing being neerer at hand to please sense , then eating , drinking , lust , with other softnesses of the body , as lying in a warm bed , sitting by a fire side , flattering discourses and the like , necessarily man in a short time must take his principal fruition in some or all of these ; for , that as i said before , he doth not constantly employ himself and thoughts , towards the accomplishing of any setled thing worthy his consideration . which may be very well verified by this common saying , that it is better for a person to rip his garment and sow it again then to be idle . as much to say , that a man ought ever to have some designe a foot , to employ either his mind or body , and is held so unnecessary a thing amongst the unlearned turks , as we esteem them , that there is none of what quality soever ( the emperour not excepted ) but hath some certain trade or other put upon his condition . we finde that god almighty even challenged this duty from man in his first creation , when he ordained him to prune and dresse the garden of paradise . as also being driven from thence he continued him still that injunction , declaring not onely by his works that the earth should not bring forth fruits , but by mans labour and industry , but also let him know that he was to gain his living by the sweat of his brows , as also that his wife with all other women descending from her , were designed to bear children by trouble and pain . nay , we may say , that nature her self seemeth in all things to have such an intention , when not onely every living creature , but the plants of the field have an industrious intention to labour and yeerly to renew their cloathing , as if they went in a circle of travail and employment , though to my no small amazement , i have heard many in this corrupt age , not ashamed to brag openly , that they were good for nothing , intimating as though industry and intention were an apparant dishonour . amongst which number , i have known some so supinely negligent and lazie , that they could not finde a time to perform any necessary businesse , by reason of their confused resolutions , that never designed any certain time when to begin , and so from one hour to another , deferred the things they were to do , until at last perhaps they lost wholly the opportunity , though ever had the determination . in fine , i cannot but conclude with this opinion , that as idlenesse is a most dishonourable and unprofitable vice , since it seems to pervert the very intention both of god and nature , either by false apprehensions or too much sensuality , so for the most part doth it still ingender in mens bosomes not only distracted but discontented thoughts , by reason it drives us from one imagination to another , without any manner of reall satisfaction in any thing we either long for or desire ▪ however self-interest and extraordinary passion to be contented , is the true cause of the disease in mens minds and dispositions . but as idlenesse may be said to be the bawd that inticeth the virgin-soule to all manner of sensuality : so sloath must be esteemed the soft bed , whereon whoredomes of that nature are daily committed . slothfull persons may be compared to those dead bodies which the divels are accustomed to carry in the ayre full of all putrefaction , that however they be not capable of acting themselves , yet by accident become instruments of horrid inchantments : such a creature cannot be better likened , then to a huge mountaine of earth , that containes hid in its bowels rich mines of gold , which will not appeare but by the violent agitation of some extraordinary earthquakes that display the concealed treasure . in like manner , the bright faculties of a mans soule doe never appeare in a slothfull body , but when strange and unexpected chances cause them to remove by force . confounded with this inclination , man seemeth to have no further a journey to make but to his grave , since he is not onely altogether uselesse to others , but wholy buried in himselfe , not seeming any way to parcipitate of any of the active elements , but of clay onely , that is the last refuge for mortality . if god almighty had not intended man for motion and exercise , according to his naturall capacity , it was to little purpose to have created a world for his dwelling , furnished with so many diversities of varieties for the practice of his reason ; but might have cast him in some obscure place of small extent , there to have remained quiet untill the day of judgement , without either trouble or consideration . certainly the heathens were so out of love with this disposition , that the fortunate and wise commonwealth of rome not onely appointed a censor to enquire after mens actions , that they should be good , but also to seeke into their vocations , that the● might be alwaies conveniently imployed . truly i may say this is an humor of a most unhappy nature , since it is not onely of all others most unprofitable , but wonderfully unsafe to a mans future condition , for that every day it drawes him further off from vertue and religion , though it seems to give the best opportunity for contemplation . if we look at the practise of the age , we shall finde it abounds in most persons , being now the generall custome for women , not as in former times to prevent the sunne rising in their early activity ; but rather to observe his setting , before they can be got out of their beds : and for young men , they are scarce carried in their thoughts to any manner of intention at all of activity , but where some perswasion of luxury and sensuality leads them . the next imperfection i shall speake of , is inconstancy , that rather proceeds from the weaknesse of nature , then either from malice or custome . and however it may be thought onely to belong to mans deceived and embroyled judgement , that makes him so often vary determinations , according to severall objects presented before his fancy ; yet we may say it comes also by reason of a kind of fearfulnesse in a mans disposition , wanting a sufficient fortitude to be confirmed against doubts , rising from too much apprehension ; wherein for the most part the divell and the world are principall actors , for as the one strives to unsettle the understanding , by confused and bewitching fancies , so the other doth intangle peoples imaginations with too many representations of painted delights , so that oftentimes they make choice of white fo● funerals , and black for triumphs . wherefore i say , it is most necessary for any person , that either pretends to honour or religion , not onely to be constant ( provided his counsels be grounded upon profitable deliberations , without obstinacy or precipitation ) but to put on such a noble fortitude in his resolutions , that he may be able to resist all temptations that are ready daily to make warre against his piety and reputation . yet truly , i know many so flexible and inconstant in their natures , that they are not onely upon all occasions subject to be changed in their opinions ( without any grounds or reason ) by such as speak last with them , but for the most part are sottishly led by the counsels and perswasions of people of a far lesse capacity then their own . insomuch as in regard of this imperfection , they seem not at all to have any power over themselves and actions : when of the other side , perhaps persons of honour and religion , whose love they have sufficiently tried , cannot procure the least confidence and beliefe in their thoughts : which i can attribute but to the strange influence of the planets in this unfortunate age , that makes people doe what is most against their own good , as it were by a certaine kind of inchantment of their senses and understandings , towards depraved and preposterous actions . last of all , i shall mention impatiency an imperfection also in my opinion which may be said to belong to sensuality , for that it proceeds from not being able sufficiently to suffer what he cannot help . the actions of an impatient person may be likened to those of a drunken man , that in his insensibilities hath conceived some intention of opposition to this humour , and therefore in the high way begins to quarrell with a bush of thornes ; in which foolish contention he receives many pricks and scratches in his face and hands , without other revenge or satisfaction ; or rather may be resembled to some barking cur , that greedily runs after the stone that was cast at him , whereon by reason of his preposterous violence he prejudiceth his teeth , instead of doing any injury at all to the subject or motive of his choler . but however this defect of nature may be charactered and esteemed , yet it is an imperfection of a most prejudiciall condition , since as it advanceth no mans profit and advantage : so of the contrary , it augments and increaseth every mans sufferings , leaving him for the most part unrelieved in his extremities , by rendring him incapable of counsell . besides it is unpossible for any man to live with conveniency and safety in any ordinary conversation of this world , without a competent proportion of patience ; since as the minde is subject to perturbation upon every slight occasion , so are new accidents and objects daily presented in this life , whereby there will be necessary occasions given to make use of temper ; since both joy and sorrow are most commonly entertained in our apprehensions naturally with too much passion . for whosoever is in prosperity , seldome resteth without new ambitions ; and they that are in adversity , most commonly make themselves worse , by not bearing their crosses with sufficient pacification . however there are not only several degrees in this imperfection , but divers kinds of impatiency : as for example , there are some wise and religious persons , that notwithstanding they would constantly and resolutely undergoe what martyrdome soever , yet are they so above measure precipitate in their studies , that they can scarce afford themselves leisure for any recreations , and by that means bring their bodies ( if not their minds ) into a most desperate condition of health ; which can be interpreted no other then a want of patience in their natures , in not being able to waite with temper an ordinary conveniency , by reason of their over violent desire of accomplishing what they intend . of the contrary again , there be others of a more inferiour courage , that having entred upon any designe in their resolutions , give it over in the halfe way , meerly because they have not a competent patience to prosecute it to the end or period : which truly oftentimes proves extream prejudiciall to a mans affaires and reputation , since a man in so doing must be thought either to have begun unwisely , or to have left off inconstantly . but as these briefe descriptions may be sufficient to bring into our remembrances the unruly and most dangerous passions of the mind , as well as the more grosse and disdainfull appetites of the flesh ; from both which not onely proceeds the depravation of heavenly grace , that should keep reasonable man in the whole course of his life , but also takes from him in a manner all sense of honour and humanity : so must i again begin a new discourse concerning the nature and duty of morall conversation , not yet spoken of which seems to be so much neglected and adulterated in this unfortunate age , that men endeavour nothing but a false and deceiptfull kind of way in all their words and actions ; as if truth were to be esteemed but a needlesse and contemptible decorum , onely to be observed by fooles living upon earth , or penitents shut up in monasteries . against the pernicious and ignoble custome of dissimulation . the first generall corruption i will name shall be dissimulation ; unto which as i may say people are so inclined , that it is unpossible almost in any communication to know what another meanes , by reason whereof there is scarce any content at all left in society , or almost a necessary confidence to be had in any thing that is said or done the first war that the divel made with god almighty upon earth after his fall , was by dissimulation , whereby he endeavoured to corrupt man , to become a rebell like himselfe ; and prevailed so farre in this designe , that the sonne of god was constrained to sacrifice his own person , to make up againe that great and unfortunate breach , whilst in the mean time , the serpent had a temporall curse laid upon his condition , which was to creepe all the daies of his life on his belly , and to eate dust from the ground , to signifie ever after , he was to be esteemed the worst of creatures , onely because the divell had assumed his shape , to practice and put in execution his deceipt . wicked cain in the very infancy of the world used dissimulation in his accustomed sacrifices , that drew down gods anger upon him : which afterward made him become so impudent a reprobate , that he not onely against the rules of nature and humanity shed the blood of his innocent and vertuous brother , but was so unfortunately mistaken , that he even thought to have couzened god himselfe by his dissimulation , however he was invited to the acknowledgment of his offence . whereupon wee may conclude , that scarce can there be any crime of a high nature committed , but for the most part something of deceipt must accompany the action ; and to shew how much god almighty doth abhor all manner of falsification , he would not prosper the jewes army , or grant them any more victories against their enemies , untill deceiptfull achan was brought forth before the people to be stoned to death , and his goods consumed with fire ; because he had concealed part of the riches gotten in the city of iericho , contrary to his commandement . we may also remember what desperate impieties saul contracted to himselfe , after he practised those deceipts against david , untill at last they brought him to be his own murtherer , whilst in the interim he possest his kingdom whom he most hated and feared of all others . the scribes and pharisees , who were designed instruments for christs death and passion ( as we read ) came to st. iohns preaching with false and dissembling hearts , amongst the rest of the multitude , which was the cause why he called them a generation of vipers . our saviour himselfe most earnestly warned the people to take heed of the leaven of the pharisees , as foreseeing they would prosecute him to the very end , in the spirit of dissimulation and hypocrisie , not onely by often tempting him with deceiptfull questions , but at the last act of his condemnation , in professing themselves servants of caesars , to obtaine greater credit and beliefe , when as it was well known , they hated nothing more in the world , then to be under that jurisdiction ; which was afterwards verified in their many rebellions . iudas also began his wicked purpose in dissembling , when he murmured amongst the rest at the losse of the sweet oyntment that was poured upon our saviours head ; pretending hypocritically , the cost had been better bestowed on the poore ; though his intention was onely , to have had the money at his own dispose , being purs-bearer ; which covetous disposition of his sufficiently appeared , by betraying of his master for so small a summe : and yet this man was so transported by the opinion of his own craft and subtilty , that when he was told particularly he had resolved in his minde to be the traytor , he had neither wisdom nor grace to repent or be admonished ; but of the contrary , went presently out of the room to execute his determination ; to which purpose , a while after ( being accompanied with a troop of souldiers ) he bestowed upon his master a trayterous kisse by way of salutation , the chiefe signe agreed between them , as a distinction for his more certaine and easie apprehension : which shews that god almighty in detestation of this manner of sinne , is oftentimes pleased to give over such people to their own perdition , in the very spirit of ridiculous folly ; not suffering them in any kind to reflect upon their own misery and impiety ; as it were being drunke and infatuated by a certain overweening conceit , that they are by cunning and dissimmulation , able to deceive not onely men , but heaven it selfe : which no doubt was also the opinion of ananias and saphira , when they concealed part of the money from the apostles ; wherein appeared a most remarkable judgement of god upon their persons : yet not because they had no mind to have bestowed so much to charitable uses , but for that after they had seemed to have given before the multitude ' , they endeavoured again a dissembling way , to have couzened the expectation of their gift . for it was plainly told them , that they might have chosen at the first , whether they would have contributed or no , but they were undoubtedly punished in that they had lied to the holy ghost , wherein they committed sacriledge , by reason of their intentionall deceipt . truly if we reflect but upon the constancy and suffering of old eleazer in the machabees , we may have by that martyrdome a sufficient example to instruct our beliefe concerning this duty ; who rather then he would consent to the seeming onely of eating swines-flesh ( though in act he should not have been obliged thereunto ) he chose to die a most cruell and violent death ; as fearing else the scandall that might have risen thereby to young people of his nation , to whom he desired to be a worthy and memorable testimony of goodnesse and piety . muchlesse certainly ought we to premeditate dissimulation , as an introduction to all our actions and designes , which is a custome now adaies so much in fashion , that i have observed it sometimes affected , without any intention at all of compassing benefits ; but as it were onely to be esteemed wiser then other persons in worldly affaires ; neverthelesse oftentimes it doth of the contrary , destroy what is most coveted and desired , since it ingenders so much distrust between parties treating , that it is unpossible to have sufficient confidence of one another to conclude almost in any thing to purpose ; which is the reason generally , that there are so few differences of law and contention compremised ; for each person according to his own secret intention of deceipt , believes the same thoughts are in his adversarie , and so consequently feares to be couzened . o horrid custome , as i may say , and as much bewitched imagination , that thus perverts the institution of common society , to the depriving us of the greatest delight of mankind upon earth , in regard we cannot conveniently make use of our reason and naturall knowledge , but must be forced to live with one another like ravenous beasts , alwaies watching either occasions to entrap , or seeking out waies to prevent : whilst in the interim sweetnesse , affability , and security , are not to be expected by the good , and as little intended by the bad . but perhaps it may be thought , that notwithstanding these scripture examples , abraham who was one of god almighties chiefe servants , seemed not onely intentionally , but actually to dissemble , when he affirmed sarah to be his sister , whereas she was really his wife ; unto which i answer , that as he was not bound to discover himselfe so farre to his enemies , whereby an eminent prejudice might have befallen his person , so of the other side , i am of opinion , that if the thing had not been also true which he averred , in regard ( according to the jewes custome ) she might be held his sister by reason of the neere kindred and affinity between them , he could not have been altogether freed from the sin of dissimulation . for if the text be considered , he did not deny her to be his wife , onely tacitely concealing it , but affirmed her to be his sister , because she was so to be esteemed also by his country lawes ; which priviledge he was content to make use of to saye his life , being in the hands of barbarous tyrants . besides there appeared no intention in him to injure a third person , and therefore was at the more liberty to use his own discretion , without declaring an apparent untruth , which certainly he could not have done lawfully , though it had been to have saved his own life . there is no doubt but a man may in some sort deceive and couzen the expectation of thieves , and murtherers , by seeming sometimes one thing and doing another , in cases of necessity or conveniency , without any manner of danger to his religion and honesty : however the common practice thereof in triviall things in my opinion is naught ; and not to be used for feare of the habit , that at last may render a man too insensible of failings in this nature , whereby his nature is in danger to be brought by degrees to a kinde of falsnesse in conversation ; that as i said before is a means to destroy all civill society , or confidence necessary to be expected in matters of greatest weight and consequence ; and at the best it diminisheth love , abates charity , and destroyes friendship , which i may say are the chiefe ties belonging to humanity : since there can be no indifferency in communication , where one party takes upon him a liberty to dissemble , and the other professeth all manner of freedome and integrity , both in words and intentions . but much more is this falshood to be abhorred , when it is practised with a trayterous heart to the ruine and destruction of innocency . of the breaches in conversation proceeding from the falsifying of words and promises . as i have sufficiently demonstrated the inconvenience of this custome of dissimulation , i must speak of those breaches in conversation , that proceed from engagements by word ; which as i may say are certaine religious ties belonging to honour , whereupon depend for the most part the entrance into leagues and contracts , before they come to more absolute obligations ; however without them it is unpossible to proceed to periods and conclusions , since words and promises must first passe , before intended agreements can any way be finished , depending meerly upon a noble faith ; which is the reason that the word of a prince and a gentleman , hath been held in all ages in a manner sacred , and far more binding then prisons or writings ; in regard it is to be supposed , that penalties belong unto the one , and nothing but a mans own honour obligeth him to the other , which makes a difference between us and inferiour creatures , who have chaines and other means ordained to keep them in order ; whereas we ought to have no constraint but reason , and the freedom of the soule : wherein holy king david was so punctuall , that he would not himself put to death shimei , who had most wickedly cursed him in his adversity , because he had promised the contrary ; however no doubt by some propheticall inducement , he advised his son solomon to bring him to his grave with blood for his offences after his death . we finde that ionathan observed his promises so inviolably to david before he was king , that neither regarding his fathers present anger , or the losse of his own inheritance , he could not be brought to falsifie the least word that had passed between them . if we consider the wonderfull magnanimity of iepthes daughter , we may behold an admirable example left to posterity concerning this duty ; for perceiving her most loving father had engaged himselfe ( though rashly ) to her destruction , whereat he seemed excessively afflicted , she bid him with constancy perform the execution , since ( as she said ) having opened his mouth to god , it was meet he should punctually fulfill his promise , without any consideration of her particular ; and the more was this invitation to be admired , in regard it was unpossible she should be any way weary of her own life , being a beautifull young virgin , and the onely childe of the chiefe prince of the countrey : neither doe i believe the people of that age would have suffered iepthe so lamentably to have sacrificed his sole daughter , without they had conceived it a most necessary thing to have all solemne promises & words given to be performed in every particular ; and however this may be thought a vow , and therefore the more strictly to be observed , yet neverthelesse it was but meerely voluntary at the first , without any obligation exacted either by right or command : which made it differ no further from a bare promise , but that it was better attested , in regard it was made before the face of all the people ; by which meanes it could not be concealed ( in respect of the ceremoniall part ) though inwardly i conceive it no more binding to iepthe , then if he had resolved upon such an action in his private chamber . but however it may be esteemed a greater obligation , what we promise to god , then what we assure to men , yet certainly among the very heathens themselves , we shall finde a most punctuall observation of this common duty , which in a manner doth unite and tie together all morall and humane society ; as may appeare by many examples in prophane authors . however i doe not believe their actions in this point were regulated by any of our rules of religion , but rather were carried on to the maintenance of their honour , and the conservation of their faith by a certain gallantry and noblenesse ingrafted in their natures and dispositions , by those principles given them in their education and breeding , amongst the rest . there was a roman generall being taken prisoner by the carthaginians , and having formerly promised all fidelity to the senate of rome , concerning the execution of his office and charge , for their best advantage : who continuing thus a captive for some time amongst his enemies , at last they began to thinke his good usage and releasment might produce some beneficiall effects towards a peace , which they earnestly desired to make with their adversaries , by reason the warres had exhausted their treasure , and drawn their commonwealth low in many other particulars ; however they could not conceal it from the knowledge of their prisoner . to which purpose having first conjured him to be their friend towards the obtaining of their wishes , they set him at liberty to return again to rome with some embassadours they intended to send with certain propositions of amity and friendship ; though with this proviso , that if they should not obtain their desires , he was to promise them upon his honour , to render himself as before into their hands . the conditions being accepted , he went along with their messengers , and being there arrived , contrary to their expectation , instead of perswading the senate to hearken to any agreement , he declared it to be their disadvantage and dishonour , to make any peace at all with the carthaginians , in regard of their enemies disabilitie to make longer war , assuring them he was sufficienlty informed of his relation , by many reasons and circumstances . so that this oration absolutely broke off all manner of treaty between the two commonwealths , whereby either insued a new war , or at leastwise the continuance of the old ; yet nevertelesse this brave and honest general , though he had exasperated and enflamed his enemies , by the faithful and profitable counsel he had given his friends in rome , returned again to carthage according to his promise and word given , there to be used at their discretion , which he was certain could produce no other effect , then to the taking away of his life in a most cruel manner : wherefore being arrived , and a full relation of all the passages made in the open senate by their embassadours , he was presently not onely seized upon with as much violence as their transported spleens could hasten their officers to execution , but presently put to death , with all the exquisite torments could be devised by inraged and mercilesse people , that were deceived and cousened in their expectation . this act certainly exprest not only a world of magnanimity in his person , but an intire noblenesse and truth in his disposition ; as well concerning that faithful counsel he gave his friends and country , to whom he conceived himself obliged for his birth and employment , as in the punctuall observation of his words & promise , which he had given and made to his enemies , who he knew would revenge it to the uttermost of their power . in this manner did this brave roman give a remarkable testimony to all posterity , what obligations are due in point of honour to words and promises . now if this part of morality , was accustomed to be so strictly observed amongst the pagans , having little or no religion to regulate their actions , what may we conjecture of the duty of christians , whose professions are to serve the onely god of truth , that without doubt can never be pleased , with any manner of falsifications ; neverthelesse we see this miserable age , is so far corrupted in this nature , as i may say , without any kind of apprehension of honor , that it is almost grown a maxime never to speak what a man thinks , or do what he sayes . but as i have mentioned this one example of a heathen , i must also remember in this place another of a christian , not onely of a memorable consequence , but the more to be regarded , for that it was chiefly grounded upon a religious duty . which was that of lewis king of france , surnamed the saint , when he made war in the holy land , who being in the like manner as the former taken prisoner by the infidels , with most of his nobility , at last by hard labour and with much difficulty , he made shift to contract for his ransome and liberty , though at an excessive rate , yet esteemed better then to end his dayes in a miserable and horrid captivity . but when according to the agreement the mony came to be tendred , which was procured with difficulty from the estates and fortunes of his people , the commissioners whom he employed in the service , used such dexterity in their office and employment , that they over-reached the enemy in the account ( though by no fraudulent deceit ) whereby they reserved a considerable sum to the kings use , of capacity perhaps sufficient , to have defrayed a great part of the journey homewards ; which being related to the pious prince , with all the circumstances thereunto belonging . however , he was upon his departure , yet considering it might prove some scandal to his religion , he resolved not to put to sea until the full of the contract was performed in every particular . and to that purpose , he not onely sent the residue of the mony to his adversaries , but withal commanded his treasurers in his name to excuse the act , as done without his order and privity . which being exactly effected , & the pagans fully satisfied , he joyfully took shipping with the rest of his company . now though this pious deed i must confesse , was beyond any obligation , yet in regard the contrary might have bred some jealousie and suspicion in the thoughts of the saracens , concerning the actions and intentions of this good king , whereby his religion might have been dishonoured , certainly it may seem a most pious and laudable resolution ; and truly cannot be but a worthy and admirable exemple , not onely to teach other princes their duty , but also may serve in some sort to instruct all people , what considerations ought to be had in performance of promises ; especially when they are made upon equal and just confidence of both sides . for if this tye be not observed after a strict manner , there is no possibility left to be assured , either in contracts or conversation . which is the reason that in the accidents and chances of war , souldiers after they are taken , oftentimes are let go upon their words ; however in prisons , the same persons are perhaps kept by strong guards . gamesters , who for the most part are men not to be secured by any bonds and writings , concerning the payment of debts , yet when they borrow mony of their companions upon their words onely , for the most part will be sure never to break , as esteeming it a point of honor belonging to society and conversation , not to be violated by any means . nay , very thieves are so punctual in this observation , that they will scarse deceive a person , whom they had determined to rob , if they have made any engagement to that purpose ; and yet our poor country , that was one famed beyond all other nations in this particular , is now grown to that infamy , by reason of this false way of conversation , that the people can neither be trusted by others abroad , or be at all confident of themselves at home . concerning the breaches of trusts upon special confidence and obligation . the next and last falshood i shall mention , is breach of trusts , when others put confidence in our truth and integrity ; which was the crime of architophel king david's esteemed counsellour , who betrayed his masters secrets to his unnatural son absolon , in which wickednesse and rebellion , they both miserably perished by the just judgement of almighty god. again , we read that as sampson was deceived by his wife , whom the philistians had craftily put upon him for that effect ; so themselves were most remarkably punished by reason of their being authors of the treason ; insomuch , as he destroyed most of the nobility in his last end : and this was effected no doubt by the meer instigation of heaven , as a just reward for so unnatural a trechery , though withal i cannot deny , but that they were most pernicious people , and enemies to gods worship . king david did so abhor this infidelity and breach of trust , that he put to death the young man , that brought him word of saul's destruction , only for that he seemed to rejoyce in his kings fall , notwithstanding he himself was to enjoy thereby the kingdome , without obstacle and hinderance . also he slew the two thieves buana and rechab , because they had killed trecherously ishbosheth , however he was not alone his mortal enemy , but sought the crown from off his head ; which justice he rather executed upon them , because they had been both saul's servants . these certainly were not only religious demonstrations of a noble disposition , but testimonies of his opinion of this duty , when as he would not seem to countenance acts of so unworthy a nature , though himself was to reap the onely benefit . moreover , he was so far in his own person from being unfaithful to saul when he lived , that notwithstanding he alwayes persecuted him most spightfully for his life , he thought it a kinde of impiety to have cut a piece of his garment , though it were but to let him know he had him in his power , without doing him any other prejudice . but however scripture examples are of best authority for our instructions , yet we may reflect a little upon heathen practises , as farther testimonies of morality . amongst which number , we may consider that alexander the great was so just and noble in his disposition , concerning this duty of trust , that when he understood darius after his defeat was cruelly murthered by his chief commander bessus , he never left prosecuting of the wicked traytor until he delivered him bound to the brother of the king , who executed him with many torments according to his deserts . when of the contrary , this generous prince used those with all manner of honour and repect , who had proved faithful and constant to their dead master until his last end . for example , there was an old nobleman of special trust about darius person , who being brought to his presence , and not able to light off his horse , by reason of his age and many infirmities , he himself walked a foot conferring courteously with him in the sight of his whole army , until perceiving the man something out of countenance to see the king in that posture , whilst himself rid , presently alexander called for his horse to accompany him with more freedome and conveniency . another act of magnanimity and justice , i shall mention of a roman consul , who having besieged a great town in italy , whereupon a trayterous and false schoole-master , that had most of the noble youths of the city under his charge and care , thinking to make a benefit to himself of their persons , in that necessity one day leading the boyes into the fields , according to his custom , pretending onely their recreation ; when he had them at a convenient distance for an escape , he suddainly ( contrary to their expectation ) brought them into the enemies camp , and presented them with great joy unto the general as an acceptable service , deserving as he thought , both reward and commendation . but the noble commander reflecting upon the wickednesse of the fact , and false intention of the master , as also noting the dejectednesse of the countenances of so many youths of principal families , instantly gave order to have the fellow stript of his cloaths in his presence , causing also his hands to be bound behind him ; and being in this posture , he willed a good rod to be delivered to every one of the scholars , commanding them to drive again their trayterous master into the city with whips and scourges , there to receive further punishment , according to the discretion of their injured parents . this truly was an act both of extraordinary justice and courage , since as he was willing to punish treason , notwithstanding the benefit might have redounded to himself if he had pleased , so of the other side , did he shew a bravery in his own disposition , that he would not darken the glory of his actions , by any such base wayes and means , though the opportunity was offered unto him . i shall remember one act more of justice , done by a person of the same nation , not differing much from the former in nature and manner . there was a certain young woman of birth and quality , who living in a town that was besieged by the romans , promised for a competent sum of gold , to deliver the place without any further trouble , into the possession of the enemy , which being effected without any condition in the bargain made for her own life , she presently went to the general to demand the performance of the contract , whereupon he commanded so much mony and other rich jewels to be brought into the place , as had been promised for her recompence , where when she was ready to receive the possession of the wealth , according to the greedinesse of her appetite , who for such a gain had sold her friends , kindred , and country , he suddainly caused the souldiers of his guard , and to cast it all upon her at an instant , whereby instead of enjoying the benefit of the riches answerable to her covetous expectation ; she became intombed for her wickednesse and treason , as a memorable sacrifice offered to right and equity . in this single act appeared a double justice , the one in bestowing upon her what was promised , punctually to perform the agreement . the other in putting her to death for her crime , she not being priviledged by the law of arms from slaughter , in regard there was no condition made for her safety . these stories i mention to shew how hateful breaches of trust have been alwayes esteemed by heathens and infidels , when as the greatest and worst tyrants were never willing to countenance acts of this nature . witnesse in part , our richard the third of england , who however he promised the reward of a thousand pounds , to that person that should bring forth the duke of buckingham , his esteemed mortal enemy , yet when he understood he was betrayed by banister , one whose obligations to his lord , should have made him trusty against all provokements by way of gratitude , if not fidelity , he not onely refused him the reward promised , but delivered this opinion of the action ; that he that could dispence with his conscience , to deceive his trust concerning the protection of so good a master , flying to his assistance in his necessity , it was unpossible but he would do the like with his king if it were in his power . neither did god almighty himself forbear the punishment of this unworthy wretch , as appeared by most remarkable judgements not long after . for presently his eldest son fell mad , his second was drowned in a puddle of water , his onely daughter was strook with a most loathsome leprosie , and himself in his declining age , was arraigned and condemned for felony ; thouh with much ado he was saved by his clergy . all which , truly in my opinion , were apparant testimonies of gods anger against the nature of this base sin , since it cannot be conceived by any that lived in those times , that he was so punished in his family for other cause , then that he had betrayed that trust that was committed to him , grounded upon reasons of obligation and promise . wherefore when i consider the strange kinde of breaches of trusts now a dayes , i know not whether i should more wonder that people are suffered to live by god almighty , in regard of their falshood , or be scandalized at their so little apprehensivenesse of their own intolerable basenesse in this nature ; for it is generally noted , those who have been most obliged either by courtesies or duty , take the first occasion in these distracted times to prejudice other mens fortunes and estates . but however , according to my own opinion , i have spoke sufficiently concerning this duty in the general , yet i think it not amisse to declare some divine , natural , and moral examples , belonging to two obligations in particular . which are the ties of friendship and service , that have been in all ages held necessary ties to be observed : for without the first it is unpossible almost to be secure in any conversation , and being deceived in the latter , no person can be well assisted in affairs appertaining to every mans condition , though i do not affirm they are alwayes to be practised in this high nature i shall mention ; but presidents ought still to be of the best stamp and workmanship , left they be too slightly imitated , and so consequently prove not profitable for those that have a mind to do well . the nature and property of entire friendship . we will speak first of friendship contracted either by nature or upon obligation , such as past between ionathan and david , in the very infancy of their acquaintance , which was so in violably maintained and conserved by these two godly and noble persons , that it seemed to weigh down all the considerations of humane and worldly concernments ; when as neither the competition of crowns nor the losse of scepters was able to work differences ; but of the contrary , such a religious sympathy continued alwayes in their hearts , as if they had coveted more each others happinesse and prosperity , then their own . neither certainly could this love and friendship proceed from ionathan , out of any weaknesse of nature or want of valour , since he was known upon all occasions to expresse courage and shew wisdom , in matters of greatest difficulty and necessity . for however he had in his resolutions so wholly submitted himself to the will of god , that he was content to transfer his fathers kingdom to david and his posterity , as appeared by the compact made between them , wherein it was agreed , that he should have a care of his issue ; yet in the last bat tail that was fought with the philistins , he most valiantly sacrificed his own life in defence of his country and religion , to shew that notwithstanding he expected no dominion in his own particular , yet he would faithfully perform that office in the general , that belonged to his honour and conscience , concerning the just defence of the people . but for that it may be thought these actions proceeded chiefly from the inspirations of heaven ( as no doubt they did ) i shall recount some more humane examples to shew , that this duty hath been ever esteemed of a most high nature amongst heathens and philosophers . to which purpose i shall mention this remarkable president of two learned friends in the the time of dionysius the tyrant . the one of them being wrongfully accused by the kings suspicion , had liberty notwithstanding given him to follow his occasions , upon security undertaken by the other , that if his friend did not return at the day appointed , to yeeld his body to the stroak of the executioner , himself should pay the forfeiture of his offence , by the same punishment . whereupon he failing something of the time appointed for his appearance , his companion was brought out into the market-place , to suffer death according to the agreement ; but the other hasting to the place before the executioner had done his office , and finding his dear friend in that posture , being so neer his destruction , suddainly cast himself at the feet of dionysius , demanding his discharge , in regard he was ready as he said to be sacrificed to his indignation and cruelty . the other that was prepared for the slaughter , being desirous to redeem his friends life by his own losse , seemed not onely extreamly troubled at his appearance , but more perplexed a great deale at his offer , telling the judge that now the limited time was expired , he conceived that none but himselfe was lyable to the judgement , and therefore accordingly expected the execution : whereupon his companion being transported with the feare of his friends danger , conjured the tyrannicall king to consider , not onely with compassion , but some justice , that himselfe was the guilty person , and therefore it could not stand with the rules either of equity or humanity , that an innocent should suffer , when the faulty appeared ready to satisfie for the offence . the other also being in a manner beyond his senses , finding the king was inclinable to perform his friends request , in regard he seemed to have more reason in his pleadings , presently turned to the people , and desired their assistance in his request , alledging that his friend could not now justly suffer , for that himselfe had punctually contracted for his penalty and redemption . but whilst the strange and unexampled contention continued , to the no small amazement of the spectators , who could not but wonder at so rare and excellent a friendship , dionysius himselfe after something a long pause rise from his seat , not onely pardoning them hoth their lives , but with all earnestnesse intreating them , to take him also as a third person , into their admirable society and friendship , which he vowed he would esteeme as a principall honour and happinesse . in this story may be noted , not onely the wonderfull effects of an intire friendship , but the power of such examples , to soften the stony hearts of the most cruellest tyrants in the world . which shews , that even perversest natures may be overcome by those noble passions , though according to the practice of this age , these and the like relations may be esteemed no other then as ridiculous fancies , proceeding from extravagant inventions ; but give me leave to say , that notwithstanding we are not bound upon all occasions to imitate these high presidents , yet certainly we are not to abandon all manner of good nature and friendship , dissolving every obligation onely upon interest & commodity without other consideration ; since both divine and morall principles , meerly by the rules of charity and gratitude seem to challenge respects due from us to others , as well as to our selves . and our saviour christ , when he lived here upon earth , was so farre from disdaining this humane passion , that he seemed to love one disciple above all the rest with a naturall affection . as i have related this remarkable example of constant friendship , so shall i in this place relate another of admirable love and affection , acted by a heathen prince , wherein he absolutely overcame his own earthly passions , meerly to satisfie his sons desires . there was a king raigning in persia , who having married a most beautifull young lady , it fortuned his sonne , a gallant and generous prince , being taken with her rare and excellent parts , fell of a sudden so excessively in love with his faire mother in law , that he had no power either to master his own passions , or to conserve so intirely as he desired , his former approved duty and obedience to his father ; in so much as contending strongly for some time between these two extreames , at last , being wholy overcome rather by nature then reason he waxed sick , which by degrees increased so violently upon his constitution , that being able no longer to support the weight of his distemper , he was forced at last to yeeld to the perversenesse of his infirmity , and by that means within a few daies became past all hope of recovery , notwithstanding the skill and diligence of all the best physicians of the kingdom ; which not onely dejected his father after an extraordinary manner , but put the whole court into a most desperate sadnesse ; and the rather was their amazement encreased , by the opinion conceived of the strange fatality of his losse , since no art was able to dive into the conjecturall knowledge of his disease . however when all mens thoughts were not onely distracted , but at a stand , concerning this miserable unfortunate accident , one physitian amongst the rest , that was better knowing , or at least wise more diligent in his service , one day being present , perceived a wonderfull change , and alteration in the beating of his pulse , when the queen entered into the room to visit her sicke sonne in law , in so much as at last by more carefull observation he became certainly informed , that onely his hidden and secret love to the kings wife , was the sole occasion of his violent distemper ; for that his bashfull and dutifull nature durst not own an affection against all lawes of humanity : wherefore retiring himselfe into his chamber with these cogitations , to consult more freely with his thoughts , he concluded that it was unpossible to save the princes life , without absolute satisfaction in his desires ; and instantly he resolved notwithstanding any hazzard could befall him , to make the king acquainted with the discovery of this mysterie , whom he knew had only power to save his son , since the chastity of the queen was no way to be attempted without his privity . in this perplexity , as i may say , he went presently unto the king , for that the least protraction threatned destruction ; where being come into his presence , he fell down at his feet , telling him in particular the condition of the young prince , with all the circumstances thereto belonging ; and humbly desired his gracious pardon , if he had any way offended him in the relation , since it was no other then a duty he conceived he was bound to offer unto his majesty , though his life were to satisfie the offence . the king having fully heard this unexpected discourse , not onely pardoned the physitian , according to his desire , and commended him for his care and affection ; but wished him also to be diligent in other discoveries of the same nature . in this posture he presently went to the queen , where after he had informed her ( to her no small amazement ) of all these strange passages , he violently conjured her by the duty of a wife , and the compassion of a woman , as also the affection of a mother in law , to tender his sonnes life , who was as he said , both the hope of his kingdome , and the comfort of his old age , which in particular was so far to obey his commands , that she would condescend to promise the prince a fruition of her love , upon his recovery . the queen being something distracted at these unusuall injunctions , not being able perfectly to discover the kings minde , and lesse resolving in any kind to injure her own honour , stood for some time inwardly disputing with her own thoughts , untill finding by the kings further discourses , that as he wished her no way to wrong her chastity , but onely seemingly to satisfie his son , whereby he might be freed from the danger of his present sicknesse ; so was the least delay to the princes expectation , no lesse then personall and present death . wherefore after some other speeches and circumstances of the kings , the queen in a humble and gracious manner uttered this language , that as her honour was more belonging to him then to her selfe , in regard of the dignity of his : calling , so would she have him to thinke , she ever tooke his commands to be the onely rule of her obedienec ; however she hoped he would not enjoyn her any thing that should be prejudiciall either to his crowne or her owne modesty ; with which confidence she promised to use both charity and diligence towards the recovery of the prince . in fine , after some time the king finding by this means , his son not onely to have past all hazzard & danger , but to have recovered much of his strength and beauty ; though , as he was informed , he continued still the same violent affection to the queen , he caused a generall proclamation to be made through his dominions , as if he intended to sacrifice unto the gods for the safety of the young prince . and to that purpose gave order , that upon a day appointed his subjects should assemble , according to the custome of persia , before his palace gate , there to understand his further will and pleasure . the time being come , he was mounted upoon a glorious throne , cloathed in all his royall robes , his beautifull queen sitting of one hand , and the prince his son of the other : where , after he had made a long and eloquent oration in commendation of his wives chastity , and his sons vertues , whereby he put the people in minde of the losse they might have sustained by his death , he not onely in the face of the whole multitude bestowed his queen upon the prince for his wife , but gave him also the present possession of many kingdomes , as a dower towards the better maintenance of their affections , to the joy and amazement of all the assembly . now , i say , if this high act of magnanimity of a heathen prince be well considered , we shall finde a wonderfull demonstration both of his naturall goodnesse , as well as of his perfect friendship . for however it be not to be supposed , that a man for any pretence whatsoever , should give away his wife to satisfie anothers unlawfull passion , being against the rules of our religion , yet there appeared in the carriage of the businesse , not onely an intire naturall love , but a most constant and friendly affection , which no , doubt the young man had purchased from his father , by his many merits , and other valuable considerations , that use to unite hearts ; and so , as we may say , was strongly maintained in the thoughts and resolutions of that noble prince : for that he determined ( as hath been related ) without any manner of reflection upon his own particular , absolutely to throw away his greatest delights , rather then to hazzard or endanger his sonne ; wherein he exprest more desire of conserving the made love between them , then to satisfie in any way whatsoever his own appetites . since to this purpose , he parted voluntarily with his beautifull and vertuous wife out of his own bosom , onely to be willing still to enjoy his friends conversation , to be esteemed as he believed above all other happinesse . and however , as i said before , these strange examples are not to be used as presidents , for the directing of our morality , in that they are against the principles of our religion ; yet truly they may serve to give some testimonies reflecting upon the practises of these times , since most people seem to esteem onely private interest without any consideration either of faith , affection or good nature . but to shew that even nature her selfe seems in unreasonable creatures to pretend to a certaine kind of friendship or gratitude upon many occasions , i shall make relation of one or two stories to that purpose , which notwithstanding they may appeare in some sort past all beliefe , yet are they recorded for truths in authenticall and approved authors . however put the case they are not true , yet may they serve as figures for instruction . the first that shall be remembred is that of androclius the roman slave , who being cruelly used by his master , fled into the desart from his service ; which was a crime almost esteemed of the highest nature in those times : after this flight he remained in a cave concealed for some daies , hoping thereby the better to avoyd the pursuit . however it hapned in the interim , that a huge lyon entred the place where he was , who having by some accident gotten a thorne in his foot , and perceiving the man there , he presently fell at his feet , as if he desired relife at his hands ; whereupon the fellow after some amazement and feare , perceiving at last his intention , and glad of the occasion , undertook cure ; which he might more conveniently performe , in regard he had brought along with him many necessaries fit for such a piece of service , in that he was accustomed by those instruments to heale his own sores received from the scourges of his passionate master ; by whose care and industry within a short space the lyon became not onely reasonably well recovered of his wound , but daily went abroad into the forrest , as well for his own sustenance , as to provide also meat for his physician ; which continued them both in that posture and society , untill the slave either weary of that uncouth conversation , or desirous to save himselfe by a further flight , took a resolution to part from the cave ; however in the execution of his purpose he proved so unfortunate , that he was again taken and brought to rome , there to be devoured by wild beasts in the publique theatre before all the people , as a judgement conceived answerable to his crime . but being exposed upon the day appointed to the fury of a huge lyon , that seemed ready prepared with open mouth to receive him , of a sudden to the amazement of the spectators , instead of tearing him presently in pieces ( as he had done many before ) he cast himselfe at his feet with a fawning countenance ; whereupon instantly enquiry was made after the reason of such a sudden change , since lately he had shewed himselfe more furious then all other beasts of his kind . but the slave being examined in many particulars , as if he had used some inchantment towards the lyon , he declared the whole story of his flight , and of his entertainment in the cave ; where he cured , as he said , the lyon of a hurt he had got in the foot ; for which act of gratitude , as was conceived , the beast had contracted some friendship with his person , that as yet appeared not to be out of his remembrance ; since he had exprest it in as high a way as could be imagined towards his preservation . all which being believed of the people , the poore slave was not only pardoned his life , but his freedom was also granted him by his master , as a fitting reward for so strange an accident . another i shall also mention , though not after the same manner , yet may be esteemed of the like quality , onely the difference is , the one contracted friendship out of gratitude and obligation , the other meerely by a secret instinct of nature . there was a young boy , who was accustomed often as he went to schoole , to passe along the sea-shore of bayea , where there used to frequent a great dolphin , being esteemed generally the king of fishes ; untill at last there became such an acquaintance and familiarity between these two creatures , that the fish ordinarily would take bread and other things out of the childs hand , as also come at the sound of his voyce , when he called him ; sometimes carrying him a mile or two on the sea ; and after he had sported and played with him there a while , would set him again on land , and suffer him to depart . which custome continued untill the boy by some accident hapned to die ; however the dolphin notwithstanding daily resorted to the place , as it were to enquire after his companion whom he mist ; but at last finding he was absolutely deprived of that society , having ( belike ) no hope to see him againe , he violently cast himselfe upon the sands and died , as it was supposed meerly for griefe and apprehension of his losse . which story , however i cannot affirme for certaine , yet pliny relates it as a truth from many writers : but neverthelesse taken onely for romancy , it may serve sufficiently for my purpose , which is to convince people by such inducements that the bands of friendship ought not to be broken upon any condition , without impiety & dishonour ; whenas unreasonable creatures meerly by the instinct of nature , have observed these ties , in so much as men have been amazed at their gratitude and constancy . but now , since it may be thought i have been something tedious upon this subject , or rather duty so little esteemed in these daies , i will come to the last fidelity , which in truth is a great deale more necessary to be observed then then the former , in regard of the daily use thereof upon all occasions : which is to consider what trust may be thought convenient according to the practice of other ages , from servants to their patrons . the nature and obligation of service . this tye of service certainly is grounded both upon divine and morall principles : and our saviour seemed himselfe to complaine most bitterly , that none but he which had eate his bread should be designed to lift up his hand against him . as much to say , he of all others should not have been the man chosen out for the treason . we read in holy scripture that abraham not only conjured his servant by a certaine kind of a curse , by reason of those obligations , which were due from the nature of his condition , being one of his family to be faithfull , when he sent him to seeke a wife for his son in the countrey of mesopotamia ; but also this godly and good natured person himselfe was so punctuall in observing his lords commands , and fulfilling with expedition his expectation , that he could not be perswaded ( notwithstanding the occasion was extraordinary , and the intreaty most powerfull ) to stay any longer then one night in the house of bethuell rebeceas father , in regard of the speciall care was in his affectionate heart , to give his master speedy satisfaction in his imployment , according to his conceived duty . neither truly it is to be supposed , that ioseph being intertained onely by a heathen king , would have been so above measure advantageable in the execution of his office , in buying of all the land of egypt to his lords proper use , but rather have made a benefit of his prophesying spirit , towards the enriching of himselfe and friend , if he had not thought it at leastwise a morall obligation belonging to his charge . we read that the angell that accompanied young tobit in his journey promised an extraordinary care and diligence in his behalfe , being hired thereunto ; which truly in my opinion may be taken as a figure or example of service . however there were other high mysteries contained in that speciall progresse ordained by god almighty . furthermore in this morall duty the turkes are so punctuall in conserving all manner of trusts , that the very souldiers themselves that are accustomed to wait upon travellers for wages , wil not in their own persons do them any manner of injury , but rather defend them with a most constant violence from all such affronts intended them from others ; to which purpose i shall in this place make relation of a remarkable passage , to this effect . some yeers since there was a company of english men travelling in turkey , to informe themselves of the curiosity of those countries ; & to that purpose for their better defence , they had hired three or four souldiers to be their guard , whereby to prevent all affronts and injuries that might be offered to their persons amongst the barbarous arabians ; in which office ( as i said before ) they are extreame faithfull and diligent . however it so hapned , that one of our countreymen having belike drunk more then was convenient , either for his present commodity or appearing safety ; and by that means committed many extravagant and most ridiculous insolencies in his journey , untill at last he fell violently upon his own souldier , not onely with abusive language ; but also in his madd choler gave him many blowes , whereat the company was something astonished as well as displeased ; and the rather for that notwithstanding he pursued the fellow in a most furious manner : yet the discreet & patient janizary was so far from revenging the injury , that he onely endeavoured to avoyd his strokes by flight . but at last the businesse being composed , and the quarrell taken up , the souldier was demanded by some of the company , how he could possibly endure such affronts and injuries from a stranger ; especially when he was in his power , and under his protection . whereupon he presently answered , that however he was abused by anothers insolency and indiscretion , yet in regard he had been hired with money to be faithfull in his office , he himselfe would not commit so great a wickednesse , as any way to deceive his trust by anothers example ; but was resolved rather to suffer more prejudice personally , then to be injust in his own duty . by which very act we may perceive , what opinion the turkes have of this obligation of service , being contracted for in any kind , believing , as it should seem , there depends upon this duty not only a tye of trust and diligence , but of humility and sufferance , whilst they remaine under that condition . other examples to this effect might be brought almost in all ages , to shew the nature and practise of this obligation , when as contemptible slaves have not onely oftentimes refused liberty and preferment , but have bit out their own tongues upon occasions being tormented , rather then they would accuse their masters ; by that means , as it were depriving themselves of the capacity to reveale their secrets in any kind . others again in the warres have exposed their naked bodies to the fury of weapons and darts , when they perceived their masters person in eminent danger , only to save them from slaughter and destruction ; offering their own lives as affectionate sacrifices , to expresse the better their entire love and fidelity . it is recorded in some stories , that leeimachus one of alexanders souldiers continued so faithfull to his master the king , that however falling into his displeasure , for relieving of the philosopher calistines in his necessities , contrary to his command , he was condemned singly to encounter a lyon ; yet when the king was in danger to be lost , being out of his way in a vast desart , he runne a foot by his horse side a whole day together , to the hazzard of his own life , until he had brought again him safe unto the army ; which act of courage and fidelity procured him so much favour from alexander , that he became at last of such eminency , that he proved one of those captaines that after the kings death had in a manner the world divided between them . neither can we but wonder at the strange examples of fidelity that are daily produced amongst the indians ; which opinion as it should seem hath been so ingrafted in their natures and practises , arising onely from their rude principles in religion and morality , that we know it hath been the ancient custome , if not at this day , in many places , to cast themselves in the fire with the bodies of their dead lords , there also to be consumed ; as if they thought it either an essentiall point belonging to their duty , or an undoubted part of their happinesse to accompany them in another world . but for a more neerer testimony of their naturall trust and affection , we may reflect upon the relation of the businesse of amboyne , wherein some iapan servants endured most intolerable torments by the dutch , because they would not accuse their english masters . all which in my opinion are apparent evidences , either by the light of nature , or from some customary principles in religion or morality , even barbarous people conceive a certaine duty belonging to those that tye themselves to such a condition . however for the most part servants of this age , are so farre from performing their duty in this kind , that they doe commonly designe themselves under such a condition , but onely for their own pleasures and commomodities ; as if there were no other obligations to be performed , then to be called servants : and yet perhaps at last will violently presse for rewards , when as at best their service never merited one single yeers wages : which indeed makes the governing of families almost intolerable ; though i must confesse masters also may be sometimes deficient in their own obligations . but i will conclude this discourse with a story of a poore woman , notwithstanding her sex might have been excused , in shewing forth such testimonies of magnanimity and fidelity , which story relates much after this manner . when that most wicked and bloudy tyrant of the world , the emperour nero put on a resolution to marry popea , it was thought something necessary by his favourites to forge false accusations against his lawfull wife octavia , not onely in regard of the nobility of her blood , and extraction , but for fear lest the people might be overmuch scandalized at the action ; to which purpose a mayd-servant of hers being brought to the rack , before tygellinus that infamous and cruell bawd ; after many furious and intolerable torments , which she suffered in defence of her ladies chastity and honour ; at last she was demanded by that inhumane monster something concerning her mistresses deportment in uncivill tearmes , not becomming the modesty of her womanly eares to heare , or her bashfull tongue to answer : however being violently prest notwithstanding unto a direct and present reply , she told him in some passion that her ladies secret parts were farre more chaste , and free from corruption , then his mouth ; and in this conflict yeelded up her life to their cruelty , as a testimony of octavias innocency . by this magnanimous suffering may be noted the extream fidelity of this poore though couragious wench , who was so farre from betraying her mistris , that in the very heat of her torments she rather chose to exasperate the malice of those tyrants , to her further punishment , then she would endure to hear so much as one dishonourable passage to be mentioned , that concerned the dignity of her ladies person , as i may say , disdaining that so much as one uncivil or unbeseeming word , should be spoke that concerned her honour , though at that time she was forced to entertain such a combat as might have gained the victory over the stoutest and most couragious men , that ever yet breathed . which being considered in each particular , may be thought extraordinary effects of that love and duty that belong to the condition of service ; for however she could not without some impiety accuse innocency , though many by meer force of tortures have been constrained to it in their own cause , yet if she had not been so much transported with her affection to her mistresse , by which means she apparently exasperated her judges , she might probably have obtained more favour or lesse rigour in her own behalf and concernment , wherein consisted the chief magnanimity of the action . but as i have now briefly run through these extravagancies of nature , and corruptions of manners , from whence probably proceed all humane wickednesse , whereby people are carried on for the most part to be unjust to others , and injurious to themselves ; not onely against religion belonging to god , but even contrary to morality appertaining to men and conversation . so of the otherside , ought we to expect by the exact rule of justice , after this life either punishment or reward , according to our comportments in these particulars , which however it be a principle most believe in the general , yet perhaps many may not seriously enough reflect upon the true consideration of their qualities , for if they did but apprehend the punishment and rewards with a competent understanding belonging to good and evil , it were impossible upon every slight occasion , to be carried away so much with preposterous practises , as experience in this latter age tells us men are . wherefore , that we may come somethidg neerer our thoughts , by a collection of some circumstances of these particulars , as the church of god tells us there is a hell and a heaven , which must by consequence follow , if there be a god and a devil ; so may we in a sort measure out their natures and properties , by some humane descriptions and comparisons , although in no other manner , then the twilight resembles the day , or the least star in the firmament the bright sun. and first we will begin with hell. some kinde of demonstrations of the supernatural torments of hell. t is true , as i have intimated already , notwithstanding it be unpossable to comprehend sufficiently the intollerable torments of this infernal habitation , by the meer apprehension of man , that proceeds no further then humane capacity , when as these infinite miseries being instituted by almighty god in the greatest fury of his wrath , must needs be spiritual , and consequently supernatural , to satisfie his judgement , wherefore neither confined to place nor subject to mitigation , yet being computed with worldly sufferings , we may in some sort he sensible of their effects , if not of their natures and qualities . for which purpose let a man but set before his consideration and apprehension the miserable condition of a person cast into a deep and dark dungeon , without hope of redemption , full of nothing but horrid dispaire and stinking vapour , there to have his naked body laid upon a broiling gridiron over a most sulpherous and scorching fire , whilst his tender flesh by piece meals , should be continually torn from the bones by hot pincers , with all the violence and cruelty that could be imagined ; whether or no it can be supposed that this miserable wretch would not redeem his deplorable captivity if it lay in his power , with the greatest pennance and austeritie , that were ever yet suffered upon earth by any mortal creatures ; however , these punishments were only designed for some few yeers : so that let what man soever consider but the shortnesse of humane life in this world , wherein any thing can be acted or suffered by an equal estimate , and then tell me whether that person be not a most intolerable fool that seems so bewitched with momentary & painted delights , that he cannot in any kind reflect upon those torments that shall neither be confined to him , or can admit of any manner of comparison ; for if all the tortures that were ever yet invented by the most cruellest and subtilest tyrants , were to be laid upon a sufferer , with the greatest art and violence could be devised , to cause despair and increase affliction , yet were they no more to be esteemed in regard of the infernal torments then the least biting of a flea is to be compared to those punishments we have mentioned , though executed , as i say , with what worldly power soever ; or then is the ordinary fire we use , to be likned to the suns brightnesse , or the lightnings effect that in an instant , procures both fear and amazement ; since we must expect the torments in the other life , to be so far from being understood , or comprehended by any humane imagination , that they are created not onely by god almighties omnipotency , not a natural way as earthly things are , but as it were in the very spirit of his indignation against sin , that is more opposite to his majesty a million of times , then light is to darknesse . for as we must suppose them ordained , onely to prosecute a divine vengeance , never more to be pacifyed by what mediation soever , and as little the executioners to be won to any manner of compassion : so ought we to be assured , that both soul and body shall endure , not onely one common and particular torment , but multitudes of every kinde , answerable to each nature . for as the soul shall be continually tormented with the thought of that loss it hath sustained , being debarred from heaven , and being brought into a most despairing condition , never to be redeemed by any care or endeavour , so shall every sense of the body and member a part be sensible of distinct punishments , as well as of the whole , though each insufferable in every particular , and yet not withstanding must be endured altogether without either relaxation or intermission . as for example , our eyes will be deprived of all light and faculty of seeing , and yet neverthelesse must be continually frighted , with most ugly and horrid visions of all sorts that can work terrour in a bodies apprehension . our hearing likewise , although absolutely obstructed and deaf , as to any discourses of pleasure and consolation with other tones of harmony and delight , yet shall we conceive alwayes to apprehend in our imaginations , most terrible cursing , howlings , and other distastful lamentations of tortured persons . the smell in like manner , however of no use to our benefit and commodity , yet shall remaine alwayes suffocated and choaked with stinking corruptions of sufficient power to poyson whole worlds of people . our taste , though continually glutted with loathsome superfluities in every kinde , yet notwithstanding shall we indure most outragious hunger and thirst , to the very appetite and violent desire of eating and consuming of our own bowels and intrails , for want of food and nourishment . and for our feeling , we shall need no more comparison , then perfectly to reflect upon either those torments we have already mentioned in this discourse , or seriously to consider what is possible for people to suffer , either by fire , sword , scourges , or the like ; by the cruelty of what tyranny soever without intermission . however , as i have said before , all earthly tortures are no more to be compared with hell fire , then a man lying warm in his bed furnished with all delights is to be esteemed miserable , like him who being flead of his skin is presently cast into a frozen pool to be tormented to death with cold . for the fire which is to be punishment to the damned , hath three properties , as i may say , infinite in their natures , violently tending unto the unhappinesse of men condemned by the majesty of god. the first is , that it can never be extinguished by what art or power soever . the second , that it shall never waste it self for want of matter to work upon , or at all consume the subject of its fury . and the third is , that it shall be no way limited in effect , being as may say , infinitely vigorous . so that we may conclude those flames to be powerful without resistance , lasting without end , and violent beyond sufferance . besides , it hath no manner of affinity at all , with any kinde of comfort or consolation , much lesse is it constituted to delight sense , or please apprehension . for it burns in darknesse , it scorcheth without warmth , and continues without use . whereas those fires we have upon earth , are but hurtful onely according to accident and application , for however , they prejudice sometimes our persons , and hinder our commodity , yet in the interim they afford a certain kinde of content and satisfaction in being perceived , the nature thereof being of a pleasant aspect at the worst . and notwithstanding they often destroy and consume with no small violence , yet at that very time , they contribute something of commodity to the beholders , either by reason of warmth or light , which are properties delightful naturally to our humane senses ; whereas those black and unperceived flames of hell , are not made capable at all of any manner of beneficial quality , as being wholly and infinitely intended by the exsperated justice of almighty god , for affliction and punishment ▪ so that if people would but seriously consider these fearful particulars , and withal how little able mens bodies are in this world ( according to the custome of this luxurious age ) to endure any extraordinary hardnesse ( when for the most part we seem passionately sensible of the least aking of a tooth , bein ready to confine our selves to our beds for a small defluction of khume ) me thinks the very apprehension of what may befal our condition in the other life , should make us perfectly fick indeed , though i do not say , of dispair , yet of profitable considerations , whereby either to perform austerities , or restrain vices ; again , if naturally we cannot brook the sight onely of tortured persons in this world chastised for their misdemeanours , by a certain kinde of antipathy against blood and cruelty ; how shall we be able to suffer the torments of hell both in body and soul , when as god himself is the judge with a frowning brow , being an injured majesty , and the devils the executioners full of unspeakable malice towards mankinde , in being exalted into their places , which they will be sure ever to remember with advantage , when their power shall be no more circumscribed and limited in that particular . o stupendious misery without bounds limits , or end ! which however , by the opinion of most divines , shall be increased by the very knowledge & memory we shall retain , in concerning how unfortunately we were deprived of the sight of god , by reason of nothing but our own foolish negligences , when we had the happy means so conveniently and lovingly offered us by the passion of our most blessed saviour ; who certainly , as it may be conceived , would not have dyed and suffered for us , if the prevention of these horrid torments , had not been of a most infinite consequence to our avail . besides , we may in some sort measure the nature of the torments in hell , not onely by the devils cruelty , but by their ugly shape and deformity ; since as it is believed , if a man could but see one of them in his proper colours and horrour of his office , it were unpossible to live after it one minute ; much more what an unspeakable terrour to be in the company of many millions of them for multitudes of lasting ages , especially , as i said before , having obtained an absolute jurisdiction over our persons , neither to be redeemed by any mor● industry , or their cruelty to be asswaged by any compassion or intreaty . and these torments and horrours , no doubt , will be amplified and augmented in a most high kinde , by that terrible and bottom lesse despair , that shall continually possesse and afflict our thoughts , as well in conceiving the present miseries we suffer , as in fully apprehending we shall never enjoy a better condition . and yet notwithstanding , we shall be so far from procuring any the least consideration from heaven in our behalfs , that as the devils will perpetually insult and triumph over our persons and afflictions , so shall the justice of almighty god , alwayes from his throne of glory , put us in minde of those faults for which deservedly we endure all our intolerable punishments , as it were by that means returning our curses and blasphemies upon our heads , to our greater shame and torment , which our desperate condition would willingly cast up at the majesty of almighty god. neither will it be our smallest misery ( though all is infinite and boundlesse ) to behold with the eyes of our tormented soule the strange darknesse of the place , wherein we are imprisoned for ever , being of a most narrow capacity and extent , and yet filled with so many horrid confusions of all sorts , without any distinction in the least kind , that can pretend to variety ; in so much as it may be resembled to the worlds chaos before the creation , though much more ugly and deformed . all these excessive , boundlesse and incomprehensible miseries ( i say ) we doe more then hazzard to undergoe , onely because we cannot finde in our hearts to forbeare the violent carreere of all passions and affections in every thing . however without doubt enjoyed any way in the greatest perfection can be devised in the world , and most agreeing with naturall sense and appetite , yet in effect they will prove but like the seeming beautifull apples , growing upon the bankes of sodome , which being gathered containe nothing within them but dust and ashes . nay further , i dare boldly and with confidence affirm , that men for the most part undergoe more labour , paines and vexation , both in minde and body , in procuring their own damnations , then others ( that make earthly things more indifferent in their desires ) doe in purchasing the joyes of heaven . wherefore i must conclude those persons to be wonderfull strange creatures , that continue in so stupid a madnesse , incompassed about with such infinite hazzards , onely to maintaine the possession , or i may say rather an appetite to purchase those things , which truly in themselves well considered , are not at all essentiall to any manner of apprehension or fruition ; which infallibly demonstrateth that mans faith is defective , or his judgement not competent , since either he must not believe what the church and scriptures tell him , or wants ability in his nature truly to comprehend the valew and waight of such principles ; and in this respect may be said to resemble the foot ( or rato exceed him in insensibility ) that chose to be a king onely for one yeere , and afterward all daies of his life to endure nothing but hunger , beggery and misery . for certainly as mans continuance in this world is no more to be thought of in comparison of eternity , then one yeere to be valued with the longest age ; so are all the afflictions upon earth that were ever yet endured by flesh and blood , no more to be esteemed with those torments of hell , then dreams are to be reckoned with realities . neither in truth can they admit of any manner of humane similitude . but now that we have brought into our remembrance some kind of representation of these fearfull expectations , from the severe justice of almighty god , his majesty being exasperated against sinners , we will a little endeavour to sweeten these apprehensions , by some estimats of those blessings which his mercy hath prepared in heaven for his friends . however they are much more difficult to be described then the torments of hell , by reason the soules fruition chiefly consists in speculation , that is in beholding the beatified vision of god with knowledge and security , which , as i may say , is not at all to be comprehended by our humane senses , and little more by the conceptions of our soule , being accompanied with the body unrefined : which was the cause that mahomet onely instituted a paradise of sense , more probably to take the appetites of his disciples and followers ; craftily conceiving , that if he should have preached to them such high mysteries , and promised to them rewards past their capacities naturally to conceive or apprehend , it would have quickly beat down the new foundation of his wicked building ; since the common people might not have been so ready to have followed his enticements , and entertained his doctrine : for truly hidden and supernaturall things are not so plausible to humane nature , as such as are more visible to the eyes , eares , and fleshly senses , which seem better to perswade common and not illuminated understandings . neither is it possible to procure a competent proportion of this illumination necessary to salvation , without some speciall grace first purchased from almighty god ; gained , as i may say , by our earnest desires , and diligent endeavours to serve him both with our hearts and actions , according to the churches directions . but now to our purpose concerning our heavenly representations . the wonderfull properties , and infinite felicities of heaven in some sort described , according to humane apprehension . as heaven certainly was ordained by almighty god , for the comfort and felicity not onely of his good servants , but for the further declaration of his majesty and glory , so may it be very well supposed , to be the prime piece of his creation , when as it is illustrated , as i may say , by his own presence that could not be created , and he being wonderfull and omnipotent in all his works , no doubt hath appointed that celestiall mansion , to be fully replenished with all manner of satisfactory varieties and beauties beyond any kind of conception : for if we with our naturall eyes cannot behold the sun , without amazement ; especially when we consider and know it to be by evident demonstration above a hundred times bigger then the whole earth , shining and casting his light in such an admirable manner , to the benefit of the whole world , and yet must be at last changed or brought to nothing , as a contemptible creature , onely for a time made for mans use and commodity , without any manner of intention of eternity , what may we thinke of that refulgent habitation , where god himselfe hath placed his throne , not onely to endure for ever and ever , but where he hath designed particularly his glory , goodness and omnipotency , to be worshipped and adored in a full and open prospect by us after the clouds of our fraile nature are dispersed from before our soules view , that darken her light and understanding , whilst she walkes here upon earth cloathed with flesh and blood . o that it should be possible that people can be taken with the representations of dainty maskes and the like , where onely fained gods seem to be drawn in golden chariots through the ayre , in which entertainment oftentimes our senses are so transported , that in our hearts we could wish to enjoy no other happinesse but to be alwaies in such company , where delicious gardens and fountaines might still afford our appetites varieties of earthly pleasures , and yet when any discourses are offered to our eares of these supernaturall and incomprehensible delights , both certain and permanent , we appeare altogether , as it were dead and insensible of the least apprehension of such perfections . alasse , how we may perceive our selves to be overcome but with the reading of idle romances ; or hearing other stories that tell us with a world of fictions of admirable places of pleasure , wherein remaine nothing but nymphes and ganemedes . yet when we understand these true beatitudes to be described in scripture , and set forth by other religious authours , they seem not at all either to move our desires , or stir our appetites . the reason of which i say is nothing but a certain kind of stupidity , engrafted in our dispositions by custom , in regard we have not procured so much grace from almighty god ( for want of diligence in his service ) as should cleare our mentall speculation , and elevate our soule to our proper sphere , there to converse knowingly : for such religious persons as have in a manner any way mortified themselves to the world , i dare be bold to affirme , take more delight and felicity in one heavenly rapture , then we can possibly in a thousand of these fantasticall imaginations that doe but leave the soule darkned in her understanding , without any reall satisfaction at all enjoyed . but let us come as neere as we can by sense to the apprehension of these heavenly excellencies , as i may say , by naturall and humane comparisons , since it is unpossible altogether to shake off the appetites of this grosse clay , that will downward doe what we can ▪ especially leading our manner of lives . to this purpose we will begin first with the wonderfull extent of paradise , being certainly one of the chiefe properties belonging to the beauty of any place or habitation ; for which effect we may reflect upon the consideration of the round ball of the earth , being of no penurious dimension , to be covered over with a large and vast canopy of what matter we know not , though most admirably contrived ; and besprinkled clean through with multitudes of bright starres , some equalling the whole world in greatnesse , and yet seem to possesse in a manner no place at all in the firmament ; by which comparison we may in some sort give a roving conjecture of the hugenesse and capacity of the heaven of heavens , wherein god almighties chiefe glory is placed ; which is so farre above all these transitory spheres both in height and greatnesse , that we may imagine it to increase , as one circle doth within another from this lower heaven , untill it come not onely unto an unmeasurable , but an unconceivable vastnesse and infinity . so that without any more dispute we may very well conclude , that the paradise of the blessed is great , without limitation ; and so consequently must exceed all proportion answerable to mans conception . the next benefit that may be thought to belong to this glorious habitation is clarity , which certainly is so exceedingly illustrious in this place beyond expression , that as we may suppose the whole frame of the heaven to be made of a transparent and chrystalline matter , so is every soule therein remaining qualified or adorned with a particular light or shining , according to the degree of its happy estate , which neverthelesse in each doth exceedingly out-doe the brightnesse of the naturall sunne in his greatest splendour . for that planet , however created with admirable properties for mans commodity , yet being not ordained for eternity , the effects thereof cannot be perfect in any kind , because it selfe wants also an absolute perfection in nature . wherefore putting together so many excellent lights , wonderfull in brightnesse , and delightfull in aspect , what may we conceive of the glory of the celestiall habitation ? especially when the refulgent rayes , proceeding from the blessed countenance of every saint and angell , can reflect upon nothing ( as i said before ) but upon a certaine chrystaline matter , transparent without all comparison beyond all the diamonds of the world , reverberating in that manner backe againe with more charity through the whole . and as the period and crown of this admirable lustre remaines eternally the continuall presence of the sonne of god , in whom all things are transparently beheld without obstacle , whose majesty outshines these created and lesser lights , a million of times more then doth the great candle of the element darken the smallest twinkling starre that can be perceived by any eye ; whose aspect is of such an infinite brightnesse , that the blessed spirits themselves were not able to behold his own and fathers divinity ▪ unlesse they were impowered by their goodnesse to such a perfection , which renders them not onely capable of that happinesse ; but also of the understanding and perfect knowledge of what they are permitted to see : so that there can be no doubt at all made but that the clarity of heaven doth equall every way the capacity thereof ; and the rather so to be believed , for that by most expressions in holy scripture the joyes of paradise are figured by that denomination of light and brightnesse . in the third place we may reflect upon those infinite and innumerable beauties that adorne this mentioned splendour , the least of which is not onely capable to ravish all our worldly senses , if our natures were capaable to entertaine such divine happinesse , but also would be able to create in the very understanding a true tast and fruition of their excellencies , which our mortall frailty now doth not suffer us to possess in those earthly things we have though they are farre from containing the least perfection whatsoever . if the spacious ovall room in neroes palace , wherein were placed bright looking-glasses in every angle that represented some humane varieties of flourishing gardens , bedeckt with beautifully flowers and magnificent fountaines ; at whose cleare streams many sorts of creatures seemed to take refreshment , could attract every spectators eye to wonder and amazement , which onely was contrived by earthly art and industry : what may we conceive this heavenly place to be ; that had not onely a divine majesty , but omnipotency for its founder ? besides that , it is designed for a perpetuall habitation of his own glory . certainly if tempe in greece afforded such plentifull matter for poeticall fictions , which was onely a small valley of naturall delights , in so much as it almost gave opinion to the rude multitude , of the station of blessed and happy soules after this life , why should not the least consideration of these eternall beauties transport our thoughts and desires beyond all rest and quiet , untill we had purchased the possession to our selves , though bought at never so deare a rate by the crucifying of all inordinate passions and affections . i must confesse it is more then difficulty to represent however but to the imagination onely beauties , when neither the matter hath been seen , or the form is to be comprehended ; neverthelesse we are to conceive by faith , that heaven being god almighties perfectest building , is in all parts furnished with infinities of pleasant and delightfull objects to the view ; especially if we consider that an angell is more glorious in his own proper nature , then all the beauties of the world put together ; and those being in a manner innumerable , and distinct in forme and excellencies , ( though all to be beheld at one instant ) what a representation must that be to a capacity , that is not onely divinely enabled to distinguish of varieties , but to judge of perfection ; which properties certainly we shall fully enjoy , being there happily placed ; but above all , if we enter into the consideration of god himselfe , who is the great maker of every beauty sitting in his throne of honour , with all his glorious courtiers about him , cloathed with a ravishing splendour . o what a sight of satisfaction will that be , to the cleare faculty of our soules , neither dull'd by obstructions , nor hindered by interpositions ; and more infinitely taking shall it be , for that , as through a transparent and admirable glasse , in him we shall evidently see not onely our own happinesse to the best advantage , but all other beauties that are made by himselfe , both with a perfect science and absolute fruition . again , if we conceive varieties to be another perfection , we may consider what a multitude of severall degrees of glories there are in that bright and blessed palace , when every order of angels , and each angell in his own particular seat and place , is distinguished both in office and lustre , though all united in their wils and obedience , that makes the greater harmony ; which number , for ought i know may be above a million of millions ; whom , as i say we shall all know and see without corruption or impediment , not as we doe now people of this world subject to inconstancy and imperfections , but alwaies united with sweet countenances and pleasind dispositions , producing variety of new delights to our imaginations , that cannot be deceived with any false objects . besides , we shall behold all the patriarchs , prophets , apostles , and martyrs that ever have been in the world , bearing about with them the honourable ensignes of their sufferings and vertues , to our most unspeakable delight in every particular ; but above all , we shall be more then transported with a heavenly satisfaction to contemplate the diversity of favours bestowed upon the blessed and incomparable virgin , by the love and power of the holy trinity , who is placed as we may suppose upon a throne of one intire carbuncle , clothed in a garment wrought all over with such heavenly varieties , that nature never knew , or angels can imitate , bearing also upon her head a crown of stars , enterwoven with rich stones of all colours and beauties , in comparison of which , diamonds and rubies are more base then the roughest pibles are , to the most rarest jewels that were ever yet worn by princes upon earth , with a thousand other excellencies , no more to be numbred then to be described . truly , if the severall and variable fancies of this world have so much power to intoxicate our brains , towards a perpetuall confusion and eternall damnation ; i see no reason why these excessive and satisfactory varieties of heaven well considered should not oftentimes , if not continually settle our judgements to more profitable and more necessary considerations ; for certainly it is no other thing then diversity of earthly chymeras that couzen our appetites to so disorderly and extreame prejudice , & suggests to our imagination strange and impossible frutions , both against reason , and contrary to faith . but as certainly these varieties of paradise are more then numerous ; so may we conceive the society to be answerably excellent thereunto in every respect : in regard there is none can be thither admitted , but those who have been extraordinary , and i may say in some sort admirable for their vertues and goodnesse in this world ; and being there glorified and refined , their excellencies of nature and dispositions appeare as through a transparent glasse , not onely to themselves but to each one of the blessed in particular , to an infinity of satisfaction in society and conversation ; though it be not exercised by the tongue or senses according to humane practises , but rather in a concordancy of wils and affections , wherein charity and love principally predominates ; by which means every soule is induced to desire and covet the good & prosperity of each other equall with his own ; so that not onely every appetite of envy is absolutely banished from that glorious and heavenly society , but the least repining is taken away at any others preferment and advancement ; however it is not to be doubted , but that there are severall degrees of happinesse in that blessed mansion ; which must needs render the conversation admirably sweet and delightfull , by reason of so absolute an unity in affections . for as none shall be lead away with any manner of passion of self-love , and as little will he conceive that he wanteth an absolute perfection in his own state and condition ; so the chiefe felicity any soule shall possesse in that heavenly habitation , is to see god , and by that consequence must accompany her fellows in the honour and worship which is not onely due to his divinity , but shall be thought the greatest increase of her own glory can possibly be enjoyed , since from that infinite majesty each blessed spirit doth extract all pleasure , content , and satisfaction , as from a vast ocean of blessednesse , resembling our naturall sea here upon earth , that bestows benefits and vertues upon every great river and little brook , according to its property and capacity : whilst in the interim our blessed and all powerfull saviour , resembling also in some sort the resplendent sunne , that hath the domination of every earthly thing , by his influence exhales from his fathers goodnesse and lustre a convenient proportion of all heavenly graces , to bestow what quantity he pleaseth of consolations in every respect , upon those of his perpetuall kingdome , united as i may say in so harmonious a society , as can never be severed in the least kinde , either by distance or disaffection . last of all , we may reflect upon the absolute security of this happy assembly ; not onely so in effect , but also assured in their owne knowledges , which renders any condition satisfied beyond measure ; for it seems to be a triumphant crown , that makes all endeavours majesticall by reason of the confidence in the conclusion , since without such an opinion new perturbations will continually arise , to disquiet the possession of any felicity and delight enjoyed ; which , as i say , is so absolutely purchased in this celestiall paradise , that god almighty neither will nor can loose his subjects and friends . and as little is it possible he should be deficient in his own mercies and goodnesse ; so that being once placed in his sight , we shall not need to feare either circumvention or inconstancy ; for all actions will be the same , and every thought free from variation . in like manner as our state will be intirely perfect , so cannot our wils be any way perverted , since those sensuall imperfections of surfeit and desire , must be all taken from our natures , as dependant only upon earthly & transitory possessions ; for that however there will appeare in that glorious station severall degrees of beatitudes , all disposed to nothing but to god almighties will and pleasure , though with a reference to each particular desert ; yet none of any degree but will be fully contented with his own proportion abundantly , without coveting more , or doubting what he hath , since in beholding god , he enjoyes what he can wish , in whom is contained all knowledge , happinesse , and security . now if all these particulars be well considered with competent understanding , not onely concerning this celestiall being of the blessed , but of the miserable condition of the damned , sice the principles cannot be denied by any christian faith , certainly the thoughts thereof cannot chuse but stirre up in people either some sparkles of devotion , or at leastwise procure much abatement of vice ; especially if it be also remembred with any manner of contemplation , that perpetuity infallibly appertains to both these places . certain consideration of eternity . a vast sea of amazement may eternity be esteemed , that neither can be bounded for its extent , or fathomed in its depth . for if a man were enjoyned but to drive a snaile to the furthest part of the indies , over a thousand interposing rocks and mountaines ; or should be obliged to drie all the waters upon earth onely by one drop after another , giving to each a yeeres space ; yet might there be some hope in time to accomplish those stupendious labours . but this never to be ended season carries with it such an incomprehensible extent , that all the art and knowledge of the world can procure no other definition thereof , but onely to give it a name , whilst the consideration may be said to stupifie all memories and capacities . so that , i say , miserable man may be the subject of all compassion , and the very object of every wonder , that to purchase the possession of some few trifles here upon earth , which in truth are rather nothing at all , onely for one minuts space , or breath of time in consideration of eternity , doth not onely lose the fruition of these excellent and everlasting benefits so largely mentioned , but also most inconsiderately and desperately doth cast himselfe headlong into a darke and deepe dungeon , where there is nothing to be expected but everlasting sorrow , and not any thing to be felt and endured but infinite torments ; and that not for a yeere or an age , but for ever and ever , without end . since the walke of eternity may be said to resemble a person going round about continually in a circle , wherein is to be found no termination or hope at any time to finish the journey ; for if we could number every sand of the sea , and reduce them distinctly by way of arithmetick severally into so many ages , yet altogether being computed with eternity , they will not admit of so neere a comparison as the least graine of mustard-seed in magnitude with the huge circumference of the whole world : much lesse are twenty or forty yeare of mans life to be valued in consideration of that infinity of time , or rather that time that is not at all finite , either in effect or apprehension . besides , if we had our own wishes , to sit alwaies proudly upon a commanding throne , beyond either the reach of envy , or the hazard of accidents in the interim , pulling down this man , and exalting whom we please , with each single word ; as also accompanied entirely with all other worldly felicities could be devised : yet a little sleepe when it were necessary , ( which is no other then a figure of death ) must again retire us into our solitary chamber , there to converse with privacy ; which certainly in that necessity would give us more content and satisfaction , then the apprehension of our excessive greatnesse and power . wherefore , i say , if all that we can desire will not prove constantly pleasing upon earth , what may we think of the small time we have to enjoy any thing here ; our lives being but as a flash of lightning , that appeares for a moment , and afterwards goes out for ever . certainly if that great egyptian monarch were mortified in his thoughts , by the turning only of his chariot wheele , reflecting by that motion upon the inconstancy of fortune ; there is no doubt but much more he did consider the shortnesse of the space , any thing could be enjoyed in this world . t is true however time shall never be finished , yet our selves must be quickly at an end , our lives continually wasting like a candle , though with a seeming kinde of security we take our rest and never thinke upon it ; for every day , if we would but seriously consult our looking-glasse to that purpose , we should to our griefe no doubt perceive new gray haires and wrinkles to encrease , both without our privity , and against our wils . when we look back to our yeares past , we think them nothing , yet are we so foolishly transported with the vanity of present possessions , that although we have not neere so many behinde to come , yet for that short time onely to enjoy a few painted pleasures , though in our decrepit age , we are perswaded to hazard , or rather to leave in desperation our eternall condition hereafter . nay put case it might be something doubtfull , whether there be any hell or heaven , or no : yet certainly it cannot be but an extraordinary madnesse , to venture upon such an experience in the future ; especially when in the present we gaine so small a benefit to our selves , as are the possessions of all these worldly vanities we ayme at , that have in them neither reality nor continuance ; neither doe they so much as assure us here , what part of them we shall be able quietly to enjoy ; for oftentimes we finde our state so miserable by reason of some accidents or other , that not seldome we are provoked to wish our selves dead as being weary of life ; and yet all this while we have not so much wise foresight as to consider , that probably we are in danger , to enter into such a condition presently after the breath is out of our body , that is intolerable to be indured , being alike lasting as violent . another kind of preposterous and deplorable vanity i must speake of , which is to see , how many people will venture through raging flames , with almost no possibility of escaping death , onely to gaine a little idle fame in the future , or some small breath of praise in the present ; and yet when they should offer themselves to any manner of austerity or hardnesse , for the gaining of eternity , they seeme to be either without courage or motion . o insensible stupidity and weake faith , wholly directed by sensuality and ignorance , to the greatest confusion and folly can be imagined ; when as after one minute , that the last gaspe is past , we shall be no more mindefull of what fame we purchased in this world , then if we had never been born at all , unlesse it be to our further punishment ; for that in our life-time we did not rightly make use of those naturall faculties , that god almighty had bestowed upon us for our own good and his service , which being discreetly employed might have been beneficiall both to our selves and posterity : what shall we thinke also of some men reputed philosophers , that have pretended to a certaine kinde of eternity in shew , however they thought of nothing lesse in effect : which appetite appeared apparently in the disposition of murcus aurelius , that great and esteemed wise emperour , who in his life time and prosperity , seemed to contemne all earthly concernments , as most vaine and idle considerations , and to that purpose often wished for death , as he said to free him from the accidentall miseries of this world , though when he was really arrested by that unwelcome messenger , his faithfull & trusty secretary , had much labour to perswade him to any convenient fortitude at all : which plainely shewes , he was more vain-gloriously taken with his professed opinion before men , conceiving it belike for his greater honour to seeme to contemne death , then that either his heart was free from naturall affections of living longer here , or that his thoughts were any way transported with a desire of any other being at all , as either perhaps not believing any such thing , or else was most desperately loth to foregoe the possession of what he enjoyed already : in like manner , there was another philosopher , who being in a ship ready to be cast away by a sudden storme , notwithstanding he had preached most violently to the marriners , not onely of the contempt of death , but of the vanity of life ; did neverthelesse expresse by his countenance an extreame feare and terrour : whereupon after the tempest was past he was reproved with scorne by some for his hypocrisie and cowardlinesse , in pretending to despise that , which as it should seeme he most desired : to which he quickly made this reply , as having no other way in part to save his reputation ; that however he seemed something troubled , at the apprehension of his own losse for the present , yet it was not because he did not in his thoughts really contemne death according to his profession , but that he considered how much the world should be damnified by his destruction ; when as if a thousand such as themselves had perished , the matter had not been of any moment at all , in regard of the little commodity was to be made of their preservation . but however this jest served in some sort to save his reputation for the present , yet it was plaine his professions were contrary to his thoughts : for that people being out of the right way of desiring eternity , they cannot possibly reflect upon the consequence of such a happinesse whereby to esteeme of life and death indifferently enough ; since their chiefe end , let them say what they will , is but to purchase some worldly consideration , notwithstanding all their hypocriticall pretensions . t is true many great philosophers in former times appeared to adore no other god but future and eternall fame ; yet give me leave to say , that although they might have those appetites living and being in prosperity , yet it was chiefly , if not wholly upon the matter , to reap the benefit of such an opinion here during their naturall lives . as for example , we see many raise stately mountaines , endeavouring thereby to continue and eternize their memories upon earth ; yet the neerer they draw to their deaths , those ambitions become cooler , untill at last perhaps in the perclose , they absolutely quit and forgoe all those vaine cogitations , and betake themselves onely ( if they be not religious ) to things belonging to flesh and blood , which is ease , rest , sleep , and the like , leaving apparently those hot vanities of fame and ambition to younger people , that have ability of body to make use of such mentall delights , as having longer time to enjoy them . which shews evidently , it is not alone eternity they seek , either in fame , remembrance , or what you will else to that purpose , but rather present and humane content inwardly , as long as they live in this world , imagining they shall be thought brave persons hereafter . which , however it seems to have reference to the future , yet well considered , it is nothing but a naturall satisfaction , they propose to their own apprehension , how much they shall be honored after their deaths , supposing also those that converse with them doe believe absolutly the same ; which opinion , as i say , they violently desire to enjoy , as long as they live here . for we finde by experience , that such people as make their last wils and testaments , being in perfect health and strength of body , designe huge matters for their funerals ; but those that dispose of their affaires , being ready to yield up the ghost , onely take care for a convenient place without much pompe , where they may be buried . all which are but further testimonies of demonstration , that onely the sensualities of this world , whether they be in meere opinion , or belong to other naturall appetites , take mens desires more then any manner of eternity whatsoever . in so much as all may be reduced onely to the violent coveting of possession , however it be of never so smal a continuance , beyond all future considerations whatsoever . which appeared plainly in the actions of alexander the great , who seemed most ambitiously to court fame and opinion , with an extraordinary aime to settle his conquered empire to perpetuity in all magnificency , whilst he was living in prosperity ; but being upon his death-bed , and askt who should be king after him , he was so farre from any thoughts of future establishment , that as he designed no governour at all over his vast dominions , so did he leave every thing in a most miserable confusion , notwithstanding he had both probability of issue and his own kindred to have nominated : insomuch as all his eminent captains and commanders went presently together by the eares amongst themselves ; so that within a very few yeeres there was not one of them remained alive , or scarce any part of this conquest continued entire : which humour had been well represented to this young princes ambition by the rude scythians , when their embassadours told him , that however he seemed so violently transported with victorios land successe , yet at last he must be contented with onely ten foot of ground to containe his person , and circumscribe his glory . as much to say , when his life should be ended , he would be little the better for his prosperity . and truly , if the carcass of any prince should be asked , what felicity it now enjoyes in regard of those past honours ; if it could speak , without doubt it would make answer , none at all . for certainly , men lying upon their death-beds , are either not capable of any thoughts whatsoever , or are busied with more serious considerations , then to trouble themselves to think or desire what may be the opinion of them and their actions amongst people after they are gone . however i doe not maintaine the contrary , but that it is most necessary , or at leastwise convenient in our humane condition , to endeavour a lawfull reputation , as also a fitting memory to be continued concerning our comportments in this life , provided a right end thereof be annexed thereunto . and chiefly for these three respects : in the first place it may be supposed , that by our noble actions and endeavours we bequeath a lasting legacy of honour and reputation to our surviving friends and posterity , whereby they may be benefited in the world after us by the deserved fame of our atchievements . secondly , by the demonstration of such vertues and perfections , we leave patterns and examples to all in generall , who may the sooner be enduced thereby to imitate our actions , represented to them as a most worthy object . and lastly our deservings by that means comming to be known to others , and rewarded with praise and commendation , they cannot but give encouragement to worthy persons , to continue in their own designes to that purpose , since themselves may expect the like benefits , which probably will prove a means to root out wickednesse and basenesse out of the world by reason of contrary effects : for without such principles it is unpossible that any commonwealth can long remaine prosperous . so that in a word , to sum up all this whole discourse ; whosoever seeks any thing but heaven for his utmost and eternall period , is either a foole or a mad man , since as i said before , not onely all other things are defective , but the very time it selfe when they can be enjoyed in regard of eternity , is not so much as the least moment compared with a million of ages . besides i may affirm , that all worldly actions at the best must be buried in obscurity , and at the worst they end in misery and confusion : for though honour , fame , riches , and the like , are convenient benefits to be sought by noble dispositions , as well for examples to encourage vertue and goodnesse , as to avoid sloth and idlenesse ; yet must they notwithstanding be joyned with absolute intentions , to procure something more then either earthly satisfaction during this life , or a bare hope of a fantasticall opinion afterwards ; since eternity will reach beyond the worlds dissolution , when all things of flesh and blood must end , being so ordained by an omnipotend decree , before either nature or time was created . but now that we haue , as i suppose , spoke sufficiently of hell , heaven , and eternity ; let us a little take a view of this earthly life of ours , that we seem so exceedingly much to value and esteem in this world , since for it we hazzard all these before-mentioned good and evils . considerations upon the shortnesse of mans life upon earth , with many other inconveniencies thereunto belonging . in the first place we may consider the shortnesse of our time here upon earth , according to the computation of the best knowing judgements ; since by way of purchase in any estate , there is no lawyer that reckons another persons life at above ten yeeres , let his complexion and constitution be never so strong and healthfull , considering the diversity of accidents , that belong to our humane condition so ; that dividing this ten yeares space into three parts , we must confesse one of them is wholly taken up in sleepe , wherein we possesse no pleasure at all ; however some necessary satisfaction may be reaped thereby to our tyred and wearied nature ; for we remaine as i may say all that while both uselesse to our selves and to others . another third part of this time we may give to the crostes and vexations of the world , with other imployments that must be personned , though perhaps we receive neither delight or content by actions of that nature . all which being indifferently calculated , there will remaine to our own proper share and commodity entirely , but a very few yeares , wherein can be fully and totally enjoyed these violent desired felicities of the earth , that so much contrary to all reason bewitch our soules and senses ; as onely for the fruition and possession of them , we in a manner cast away the very thought of this great and infinite eternity , already so largly described , accompanied by all those incomprehensible pleasures of heaven ; and runne desperatly into the danger of enduring such horrid torments , as no pen can write or tongue can utter . but put case notwithstanding we have allotted but ten yeares to mans life , considering all casualties as i said before of this world , either by plague , famine , warre , feavours , sicknesse , or the like , we could enjoy a hundred yeares of durance , which i will be bold to say , not one man in an hundred thousand , doth arrive unto , by any physicke and temperance can be practised ; yet dividing this terme also into three parts , as we have done the former , we shall finde that very little of it will bring us that satisfaction we may suppose . as for example , the first season of our infancy , is wholly spent in ignorance and instruction , wherein for the most part we live ( according to our apprehension ) under such subjections , that we receive no contented satisfaction in our present condition ; however i may affirme it to be the best time of our delight . if we consider the middle of our age , we shall finde it perpetually accompanied with such care , vexations , and troubles , that they prove continually interruptions and impediments to any content or satisfaction our soules can entertaine ; since at the best we are alwayes in feare to be deprived of what we have , or too much solicitous to gaine what we have not . and for the latter part of our time , we have enough to doe instead of expecting delights , to thinke of curing our infirmities , and patching up the breaches and decayes of nature , that are daily made in our bodies by age ; like old leaking vessels , who however they may for sometime be preserved with much care and paynes , yet can never be made for any use of long continuance . truly , if we well observe our concernments after fifty ( which is the age allotted by that wise philosopher , marcus aurelius the emperour , for man chiefly to begin his misery ) we shall finde it wholly debarred from any manner of constant felicity ; as for example , if we have no children to succeed us in those worldly fortunes and honour , which we so much labour for in this humane life , certainly it cannot but be esteemed no small defect to our condition ; neither are those apprehensions to be blamed in us , when as we have for a patterne the example of that holy man abraham , who complained , being extreamly sensible of such a crosse , that the steward of his house was to be his heire , for want of naturall posterity i ; for if this good person apprehended it as a cause of affliction to his thoughts , much more must our exceeding weake frailty be moved with the consideration : of the other side , if we have children given us by god almighty , according to our wishes , yet want we not daily perturbations in our minds , left they might miscarry at one time or other by reason of worldly accidents ; considering the many chances that hourely happen to all manner of conditions ; and of the contrary , if they prove untoward and disobedient , answerable to the customes of the age ; what greater crosse can possibly afflict our thoughts or torment our rest ; which perpetuall vexation at last , may constraine us perhaps a thousand times to wish they had never beene borne to their own destruction and our griefe . of the other side , if our delights be chiefly in friendship and conversation , how soone may that esteemed felicity be taken from our possession , either by suddain jealousies or froward accidents , when we least expect the unhappinesse ; if the gaining of riches best please our appetites , though we have imployed many yeares in the acquisition of golden mountaines , either warre , oppression , or some law-suite or other may soone deprive us of all we have , and cast us into an unrecoverable and desperate poverty , since our affaires depend upon the will and intentions of men , wicked and uncertaine . for truly either our owne servants may betray us corrupt judges undoe us , or our debtors prove banckrupt , all which often happen , and then quickly vanisheth away all our esteem . besides a hundred other casualties that cannot be mentioned at present , because not thought upon . now , i say , if these perturbations and casualties be incident to the best and most solid time of our humane condition , when as our bodies and understandings are most in vigour , to enjoy earthly felicities and content , what may we thinke of our decaying and criped age : when as we shall see our teeth dayly , to drop one by one from our hollow jawes and dryed gums , untill at last we have none at all left , for our necessary use and commodity . our eyes in like manner by degrees to grow dim , having onely their faculties preserved a while by spectacles and other meanes , untill at the length we become starke blind , leaving us in a posture uncomfortable , since we are sure never more to behold the glorious sunne or the cheerfull dayes light ; and for our legs they will appeare rather like small stalkes of withered plants , then convenient or substantiall supporters of our weake bodies , which must necessarily be assisted by crutches or some other artifice , to helpe us in our motion from place to place , whereby the best to give us a little ease and recreation , whilst we are able in any sort to crawle upon the face of the earth ; and however this helpe may serve for a while to supply the defects of decaying nature , yet in the end our beds or some solitary couch being overburthened with catars and rhumes must be the onely receptacle of our age and infirmity , where perhaps we shall converse with nothing but excessive pain and melancholy thoughts , as a neere preparation for our graves , to which station it may be doubted scarce a tear shal accompany us from the eyes of any of our friends , imagining we have had a sufficient time , of being in the world , whereupon i must here remember the custome of the indians , who used to put to death such people amongst them , that by reason of their extraordinary age , were thought past action and imployment , which testifies that even barbarians themselves , apprehend nothing but unhappinesses in our last continuance . now i say if this condition appertaine , to those that have been the greatest darling of fortune , and prosperity in this world ; what may we judge of such , that during their lives have had nothing but troublesome passage , concerning their affaires in the whole course of their time , as it were still conversing either with want , imprisonment , diseases , or some other apparent afflictions of this life . alas if we consider but the poore husbandman , that doth not onely continually toyle , for a contemptible subsistence , in heat and cold , in wet and dry , but is oftentimes in danger to be plundered of all he hath , and not seldom loseth his own life in defence of his small family , by the violent oppressions of mercilesse souldiers ; we may imagine his trouble and vexations give him no great cause of felicity . in what a miserable and horrid condition is a galleyslave , however he be endued with the same nobility of soule , as the greatest and mightiest prince upon earth . certainly the beggers that goe from doore to doore spin out a life in outward appearance of sufficient misery and vexation , notwithstanding they neither hope nor expect any other . and truly , however some few persons may seem to be in a more prosperous condition , yet considering the uncertainty of what they possesse , and the impossibility of coutinuance without change and alteration , they are not to be esteemed very far from them in unhappinesse . for although perchance we may look with eyes of envy upon many glorious potentates in the world , yet if their thoughts perhaps were truly examined , we shall finde multitudes of vexations depending upon their condition , to the destroying of all certaine content : for what prince was there ever yet , that commanded so intirely prosperity , that hath not often been troubled with naturall infirmities , as the stone , gout , and the like ; to free himselfe from which paine , perhaps he would willingly have parted with much of his dominion , if it had been possible , to have procured such a redemption at any price . how many people againe are born blinde , dumbe , and deafe , with other notorious imperfections of nature , that render them contemptible in the world , and yet are as greedy after the appetite of living long , as those which enjoy most felicity ; which shews , that it is not the reall fruition of any earthly delight , that gives us occasion to value our being here , but meerly a senselesse stupidity of flesh and blood , that makes us covet we know not what , without the soules consideration . withall , if we but look at the chances , accidents , and misfortunes of many glorious monarches , we shall have cause little enough to depend upon the certaine happinesse of any condition whatsoever . as for example , the emperour morisius , being in possession of as much prosperity as could be devised , of a sudden in his greatest majesty was surprized , by the conspiracy of a base and barbarous fellow of his army , and presently brought bound before his insulting prefence , where on his knees he was constrained to behold the cruell slaughter of his deare wife and all his young children one after another , untill at last himself made up the doleful catastrophy , as a period to his affliction and misery , whilst his worst enemy in the interim was proclamed before his eyes . again bagazat king of the turkes that brought three hundred thousand souldiers into the field against tamberlin , was that very day taken prisoner with all his glory , and presently shut up in an iron-cage , to be made a spectacle of wonder and contempt to all the world , where not long after he ended his dayes violently by his own hands . we may also in this place remember , the sudden misfortunes of the late queene of scots , that was a young brave and beautifull princesse married to the king of france , yet notwithstanding , within a few yeares returning into scotland , to take possession of her native kingdome , she was brought to such confusion , by the treason of her owne naturall subjects , that flying into england for assistance against their rebellions , she was betrayed and cast into prison , where she remained untill she lost her head upon a scaffold , in the view of all the people , without having so much as one sword drawne in her revenge , though she was allyed to most of all the powerfull princes of christendome . if we looke also at the glories of herod the great , who seemed fortunate and prosperous beyond measure in this world , yet we finde his life so mixt with such intolerable crosses and vexations , that he was not onely induced to the slaugher of his most beloved wife and naturall children , to maintaine his crown in safety against his suspicions , but towards his last end was in that fearfull manner tormented with paine and griefe , that one time in a certaine desperate humour calling for a knife to paire an apple , he would have killed himselfe , if he had not beene suddenly prevented , by some of his friends and servants . we read also of a duke of vrben , who was esteemed by all that knew him a paragon of nature , for his excellent abilities of minde , and composure of body , and run on a long space with a most fortunate successe in all his actions , both in war and peace ; yet almost in an instant no man knew how , he was so exceedingly cast down with diseases and infirmities , that he became a subject of pitty and compassion , not being able to stir one foot , but as he was carryed from place to place in a chair , but for a more ancient and authentical testimony of the uncertainty of worldly honours and happinesse , we may cast our eyes upon the fate of wicked haman in the holy scripture , who notwithstanding he had the absolute command of a hundred and twenty provinces , was so tormented in his thoughts , because a poor jew would not adore him , that he not onely procured thereby his own shameful death upon a pair of gallowes , but also was an eye or an ear witness of his childrens slaughter , though himself was forced to worship in person , that very man whom he most hated and despised . last of all , i will mention charles our late king , who for some yeers appeared to be the envy of europe , not onely for his prosperous glory , and happinesse , but in regard also of the numerousnesse of his private family , yet the wheel of fortune suddainly turning upon him , he was , as i may say , in an instant thrown from his throne , separated from his wife , deprived of his children ( being the chief comforts of humanity ) and forced to undergo a long , tedious , and harsh imprisonment , until in the end he lost his life like his grand-mother , before his own palace gate , as a greater testimony of the ignominy that was intended his person and dignity . which in my opinion , are testimonies with many others , sufficient to shew the little certainty of all temporary felicities ; however , for the most part we are preposterously carryed away beyond wisdom , and with too violent passion , to sacrifice for this brittle possession , not onely all our hopes of eternal happinesse , but even as it were desperately , as i said before , induced to run into those black and terrible flames of fire , that can never be quenched . which truly is a stupidity ( if rightly considered ) of so transcendent a nature , that nothing but the infinite malice and subtility of the devil is able to create in peoples desires and understandings . but however these considerations might perswade man , to some kinde of diligent care of vertue , for his benefit and preservation , yet i finde a certain insensibility ingraffed by these times in many persons imaginations , though in outward moral conversation , they seem to be competently honest , that they have so laid asleep their faith and confidence concerning god almighty , that they cannot be confirmed in his goodnesse , mercy , and justice , so far as to expect with any manner of patience the end and successe of things , for no other reason then because they see oftentimes many athiestical people , to prosper a long season in all worldly honours and glory ; whilst of the contrary , those that are religious and good , undergo nothing but afflictions and miseries , apprehending as if gods indignation were against his professed servants in all the course of their lives : but though to this argument , i might make a convincing reply both from scripture and other unanswerable reasons grounded upon true piety , by which principles , all our actions and thoughts should be governed , yet for that i intend a greater brevity to rectifie in some sort such persons beliefs and settle their judgements ; i shall onely relate a short story ( as i conceive ) something to the purpose , but whether true or figurative makes no matter , since the application is very proper to shew , that almightie gods wayes and determinations are not to be understood by us upon all occasions ; onely i must aver by this example , it is our duties to observe his injunctions , notwithstanding all humane obstacles ; in every thing leaving the issue to his inscrutable decrees , which for the most part , however will be accompanyed with his mercies , if we have humility and patience enough to attend upon his pleasure that must be performed do what we can . a most full , though figurative story to shew that god almighties wayes and inscrutable decrees are not to be comprehended by humane fancies . it was as we may probably imagine , in the primitive times , that a religious person living in the desert , being something unsatisfied concerning the wayes and the judgements of almighty god , as i said before , in this world , seeing many wicked men prosper in their affairs , with a certain kinde of smiling felicity , whilst other people of a vertuous life and conformity in their manners , underwent nothing but crosses ( for the most part ) in all their actions and designes , desired in his prayers by reason of these considerations to be made more particularly acquainted with the mysteries of heaven concerning these things that trouble his thoughts . wherefore , upon a day being at his devotions , it was revealed unto him , that however he seemed too presumptuous in thus tempting god , and not resting satisfied with prosecuting the duty of his own condition , with lesse curiosity , yet his request notwithstanding was heard and he should be shortly fully cleered in his doubt , commanding him in the interim to be patient in his expectation , resting as i may say , in some sort satisfied with this revelation and injunction . after some few weeks he became saluted of a suddain by a beautiful yong man , to his no small amazement , who told him he was come as a divine messenger to inform his knowledge , and instruct his belief , wherefore bid him without delay to prepare himself for a journey , that he was to make in his company and under his conduct ; the sequel of which as he said would fully content his expectation . the aged father without either any manner of resistance or much more circumstance , then onely taking a staffe in his hand the better to support his weak steps , followed him out of his cell ; and in this posture they prosecuted a journey , that continued them travelling the whole day , till at last the shutting in of the evening bringing them into a small village , they were entertained in a house for their nights repose , where they found both kinde and competent entertainment , which conveniency gave them satisfaction , until the early sun the next morning warned them to provide for a new voyage ; so taking leave of the master of this habitation , they went out of doores ; however , in the interim the young man took up a silver goblet and put it up in his satchel , to the wonder of the old hermit , since it appeared to him to be a strange example of justice and gratitude . but neverthelesse , for that he had resigned his will to his conductors discretion , he took no notice outwardly of the seeming theft . and in this manner again prosecuted their course for the length of another summers day . but the night at last as the former approaching , and they seeming both weary of their tedious march , they entered into another lodging , wherein their treatment appeared far different in every respect from their past entertainment , not onely in that they wanted the like accommodation , but were also reviled with harsh and barbarous language , to their no small vexation and discontent ; and yet the young man at his departure with many kinde words bestowed upon the owner of the house the silver goblet , that before he had taken from the other party ; which probably did not a little increase the admiration of his aged companion , though he was resolved not to question any of his proceedings , until a further issue might be had of the businesse . and so proceeded on both to a new journey and more experiments , however these deportments , as i said before , seemed strange examples of justice and goodnesse for edification . which contemplations gave entertainment and employment to the old mans thoughts , until they found that another retirement was necessary both for their bodies and mindes ; and to this purpose entring into a fair town , they were soon met by a most courteous gentleman in the streets , who perceiving them to be religious persons told them , no place but his own house should give them reception and welcom , and to this purpose , accompanied by many of his servants ( for he was a person of great quality ) he conducted them to his palace , where they found such welcom and reception , as might have befitted princes of extraordinary dignity and extraction , which continued them with wonderfull satisfaction till the next morning , that their occasions called them again , to the perfecting of other adventures ; wherefore taking their leaves with many thanks and a great deal of humility , the nobleman seemed to commit them to gods protection and their own intentions , however when he was parted from them , they continuing still in the hall , pretending some other necessary accommodation belonging to their own private affairs , the young man of a suddain perceiving a child lying in the cradle asleep , who was the onely son and heir of that noble family , presently stept to the infant , and violently strangled him with his hands , and winking upon his fellow traveller as a testimony of desired silence , he secretly stole out of the house . which cruelty raised such stormes and feares in the old mans bosom , that he appeared half distracted with the seeming wickednesse of the fact . but though he was transported with an amazed grief , yet he followed his bloody conductor , something doubtful of those revelations he had received from heaven ; neverthelesse , upon better recollection , he resolved neither to question his guide nor flie from his protection , for that his faith proved stronger then his passions . which once again put them into their usual posture of travail , until going over a narrow bridge and meeting another passenger in the way , with a kinde of rude and harsh encounter the young man that went a little before , instead of giving the traveller friendly and courteous passage , tumbled him into the water , who after some fruitlesse striving with the waves , at last in their sight yeelded up his life as a testimony of the worst oppression , whereat the young man onely laughed heartily , as if he had beheld some object of pleasure , when as he had performed an act of most barbarous cruelty , and thus carelesly went on still his journey to the almost confounding of the old mans thoughts , notwithstanding his former resolutions . but long they had not journied in this manner , before they met another person violently prosecuting his voyage , who desired them for the love of god to direct him towards the readiest and neerest way to the next town , for that , as he said , most of all his worldly fortunes consisted in his safe and speedy arrival before night , siince the sunne now seemed almost set ; yet the young man according to the appearing effects of his wonted charity , instead of fullfilling the poor mans pittiful request , directed him a clean contrary way to that he desired , by which means he was probably endangered never to come to the place he so earnestly coveted ; at which ill-natured falshood the old father another time cast up his amazed eyes to heaven , though without reproof or contradiction , and followed still his leader , which ere long brought them to another inne for their nights repose , though entring the house , they could scarse finde out any lodging at all , by reason the rooms were taken up and filled by multitudes of debauched rude and barbarous thieves , neverthelesse the young man was so far from having any more care of the aged father , rather seeming weary of his longer conversation , that he presently addressed himself unto them , and at last strook into a most intimate acquaintance with those robbers and murtherers , where he continued roaring and drinking all night without intermission or having , as i said before , the least seeming care of his welfare and consolation , whilst he poor man was forced to continue in the chimney-corner , onely comforted with a few prayers of his own , which earnestly he offered unto god almighty to appease his wrath , hearing such blasphemies uttered against his holy name . however these exercises endured untill the next daies light summoned them to a new journey ; as also invited , or rather provoked the villanous thieves , each to seek out some corner or other whereby to take their necessary rest , although the night before they had all determined to quit the habitation , for feare of some sudden surprise by the officers of the countrey , in regard of many wicked robberies they had lately committed , with other murthers . and thus again the old man and his companion fell anew to their travels , having quitted that hellish habitation , which lasted untill they arrived at the walls of a great and mighty city ; where they found , to their amazement , one divell asleepe at the gate , which proved an object of consideration to the eyes of the old man , who rather expected a multitude , if any at all , to guard the passage and entrance of such a proud town , that seemed to ring with nothing but noise and confusion the practices being onely intollerable luxury . but passing further , leaving the divell at his rest , with an intention to finde out some convenient lodging for their repose ; at last they came to a most poore and needy monastary , where notwithstanding entring , although they could perceive nothing there professed , but fasting , prayers , mortifications , and the like ; yet they found in every corner multitudes of divels , all extream wakefull and vigilant , insomuch as lucifer seemed there to keepe his chiefe and royall court , as if not to be delighted with any other habitation ; which truly did again exceedingly amaze the consideration of the old hermit beyond beliefe and imagination , by reason the sight appeared so wonderfully to outgoe his expectation . but however with these extravagant and distracted thoughts , the aged father was conducted to his cell , there to be necessarily reposed untill the next day , since his body seemed in a manner to be tyred out with his hard and tedious journey , and his mind no what lesse wearied by the strange visions he had beheld in his travaile ; which may be conceived , gave him not that rest that was accustomed to refresh his spirits in the wildernesse , being free from such diversity of imaginations . however after a very little sleep , waking very early in the morning , he was suddenly saluted by the young man , that had been his companion with this unexpected language , when his thoughts were preparing for a new journey : you must know , said he , i am an angel sent by almighty god , not onely to shew you these mysteries that passed in our travels , but according to your desires and supplications , to let you see more plainly his divine waies and inscrutable judgements , sometimes hapning against all appearance of humane sense and reason , though alwaies tending to good and profitable purposes , if mans unhappy condition could make use of the benefit ; which often times he doth not doe by reason of the corruption of his depraved nature , and the want of that competent grace his diligence and religious industry should have purchased at gods hands for his advantage . to which effect therefore be advertised , that this figurative story is thus meant for your better confirmation : the first man at whose house we hapned to lodge , that gave us seeming kind entertainment with all humanity ( from whose possession however i took a silver goblet at our departure ) onely signifieth men competently good in this world ; upon whose condition notwithstanding god almighty is pleased to lay earthly affliction , by may considerable losses , whereby the better to retaine their actions and desires in a moderate temper : and therefore not seldome bestows their goods upon people lesse deserving , which is plainly demonstrated by the other rough and harsh personage , unto whom i gave the goblet , though he could no way claime any just or deserved right thereunto ; it being all the benefit such shall receive either in this world or the next , by reason of the small portion of grace their covetous and ill-natured actions have purchased at gods hands ; notwithstanding they may not be esteemed the wickedst sort of men . next concerning the nobleman , who appeared to our apprehension both rich , religious , and courteous ; by him may be figured those persons , who joyn devotion with the glory of this life , without any intention in their minds either to offend god , or prejudice their neighbours ; however lest they may be too much transported by degrees , with any over-violent desires and objects of this world , as children , honour , or the like , god almighty is pleased oftentimes to take away the occasion , by depriving them of something they most esteem , which is signified by my private destroying the life of that good mans onely sonne and heire , in regard he seemed to have placed too much passionate appetite in the contemplation of his earthly succession ; which considerations oftentimes distracted his thoughts , from the necessary cogitatious belonging to his salvation . again , the traveller we met upon the narrow bridge , that i seemed so uncharitably and inhumanly to overthrow was at that time going to perform a wicked action , that would indubitably have cast away his soule , unlesse it had been prevented in the interim by his sudden death : wherefore the intention being foreseen by the providence and mercy of god , i was by his goodnesse commanded to that office and execution . and for the other party that so passionately begged our direction in his journey , i was constrained to turne him out of his right way , to avoyd his falling upon many bloody thieves that would not onely have robbed him of his money , but also have taken away his life ; which onely that happy diversion changed into prevention and safety . and now concerning the mystery of those blasphemous bandits we met in our last inne , in whose company i appeared to take so much complacency and delight , i did that onely to retaine their persons the longer in that place ( who else would have quickly departed ) as foreseeing the next morning they should be apprehended by officers of justice , which else they would avoyd , and so consequently followed their deserved and condigne punishment , not onely in recompence of their many hainous wickednesses , but for the more entire preservation of the honest countrey people , that would have suffered by their escape infinite dammage , and many injuries , in regard of their violence and oppression . but now last of all , to come to the explanation of this great , riotous and vicious city , confused with noise , and replenished with extraordinary glory and splendour , at whose gate we found onely one divell asleep , though the manners & comportment of the inhabitants seemed to be governed by the directions and instigations of millions of infernall spirits . you must know that however their multitudes of wickednesses may pretend to all hellish conversation , yet lucifer finding there is so little need of diligence , to corrupt their conversations , already sufficiently depraved to his purpose , being drowned also in security , imployeth his chiefe care and industry for the perverting of this poore monasterie , which he very well knows is imployed night and day in nothing but prayers , fastings , and other extraordinary mortifications ; wherefore , and by reason of which , it continually warres against the power and deceipt of his infernall kingdom ; so that necessarily it behooveth him to that purpose , to imploy all the instruments and subjects he can possibly to undermine the thoughts and actions of these godly and painfull people , being the onely cause that so many divels in every corner are to be found in this simple habitation to your wonder and admiration . and thus according to my duty , since i am commanded thereunto by the will of almighty god , have i not onely shewed you these mysteries in our journey , but thereby explained and proposed to your condition , henceforth to rest absolutely satisfied with the decrees of heaven concerning his proceedings in humane affaires , notwithstanding how contrary soever they may appeare to your appetite or conception ; for having sufficiently revealed principles of religion , whereon to ground your faith , and to direct your actions , you need no more for your salvation and morall conversation . to which purpose i must again tell you , and conclude with this saying , that as the intention of almighty god is one thing , and the waies of man oftentimes another ; so are you obliged to leave off your curiosities in that behalfe ; and with these words presently vanished from his sight . as i suppose this relation well considered may be of sufficient force to perswade any persons reason , to the conformity with gods will in all things , without examining the mysteries of his secret judgements ; so of the other side , however sometimes they appeare strange to our apprehensions , yet is he alwaies mercifull and just in the execution of his intentions ; which for the most part are very good and profitable for our condition , if we have grace and confidence enough to make use of the benefits of such determinations ; since he is accustomed to turne those things that seem most against our desires and naturall appetites , into the greatest blessings that can possibly be imagined . as of the contrary , the very delights that most please our fancies in this fraile life , though they may seem lawfull of themselves if they were not prevented , not seldome become obstacles to our greatest felicity , or entertained by overmuch passion prove destructive to our humane and eternall affaires . but for the better confirmation of these points of duty , and because examples are the best inducements to instruct any mans beliefe , and so by consequence to invite his actions and endeavours , i shall in this place make a relation of a short story , which however it it may be thought but plain and simple , yet in my opinion is extreamly convincing to our purpose , which i have read to be after this manner . there was a principall and wealthy citizen , having but one sonne in the world , had occasion to send him with his onely brother by sea , into a farre countrey , to make good some necessary traffique . but this gentleman in the interim apprehended , as he had good cause , the danger and hazzard of the journey , wherefore presently after his sonnes departure , he went to the bishop of the town ( being a very holy man ) and earnestly desired him he would be pleased in his daily devotions to remember his friends voyage and prosperity ; and to this effect , to render his wishes more pleasing to god , bestowed upon the reverend father , a very vast summe of gold , to be imployed to what uses he would thinke fit concerning charitable deeds , towards the obtaining of his request . the good bishop interpreting his inward intentions by his outward bounty , not believing such a liberality could proceed but from a religious confidence in god almighty , not onely promised him his best assistance , in his holy exercises , as he should have occasion continually to perform them , but at that very instant fell down upon his knees , and earnestly besought god to favour the gentlemans request ; after which he dismist him full of assurance and joy . however this encounter being past , it was not long before the pious citizen , not onely heard newes of his sonnes death , but also of casting away of the ship , wherein was contained in a manner all his wealth and subsistence . when these unfortunate tidings came to the sorrowfull eares of the religious patriarch , who had received the gentlemans money , he knew not which way to turne himselfe both for shame and griefe : neverthelesse putting his chiefe trust in god almighty , after he had continued a long time at his prayers , he resolved again to visit his benefactor , to try what consolation it was possible for his presence and perswasions to afford him after so great a losse , which had probably brought upon his present condition a most wonderfull affliction , but notwithstanding he used what admonitions and other pious instructions were necessary for the season , yet were they all too little seemingly to ease a heart so much overwhelmed with despaire and sadnesse , insomuch as the bishop was forced to return without that wished satisfaction he desired , being also in a manner confounded in his own thoughts , considering the unfortunate successe of his endeavours , so little answering the others intentions of piety and goodnesse . however he never left soliciting god almighty daily , according to his custom , in his behalfe ; untill it fortuned one night , after the distressed gentleman had wrought himselfe into some slumber by the tossing over of many troublesome and vexatious thoughts in his unquiet bosome , he imagined to see the holy bishop to stand before him , uttering these words in distinct tearms : know , said he , that thy charity and afflictions have not been forgotten in the sight of god , whose property is alwaies one way or other to look upon his servants in griefe and anguish of mind ; to which purpose i am to tell thee , that although thy sonne be really dead , yet his miscarriage proved so happy to his condition , that if he had again returned safe into thy protection , he had been certainly and eternally damned , whereas now he is placed in heaven amongst the blessed with all joy and security . but for thy ship , with thy brother , plentifully laden with aboundance of rich commodities , they are so farre from being cast away , that thou shalt shortly receive them into thy wished possession , without any manner of losse or detriment . whereupon phelochristus ( for so was he called ) waking out of his sleepe , found himselfe not onely exceedingly comforted , but almost cleared of all his griefe , and with these thoughts and cogitations went instantly to the holy patriarch , and there throwing himselfe at his feet , declared his vision in every particular ; as also gave infinite thanks , that god almighty , who ( as he said ) had more shewed his mercy in his chastizement and punishment by this very accident , then formerly he had done in bestowing upon him so many worldly blessings and prosperities , and from that time forward remained most contentedly satisfied . by which discourse may be gathered , not onely the determination and purposes of almighty god , though often kept from our knowledge in a hidden and mysterious way , but sheweth in like manner to a confident soule , that it is still in his power when he pleaseth to give our hearts content after never so many desperate crosses and afflictions ; for however he doth not alwaies grant our desires , since they may not be convenient oftentimes either for our present or future condition ; yet most commonly if we have sufficient beliefe and assurance in his goodnesse , he doth use to change even the nature of our appetites themselves , making that appeare delightfull to our apprehensions , that before was terrible and distastfull : and so by a contrary consequence , in easing the mind he diverteth the griefe , never laying upon our fraile natures a greater burthen then we are able to beare , unlesse we destroy our own strength by over much impatiency , and respecting against his will and commandements , too violently worldly things , which in truth is onely the occasion of all our misery and inward vexation : since it is not the accidents themselves that procure the smart , but onely the want of bearing them rightly , which certainly cannot be well effected but by an absolute resignation of our wils in every thing , into the hands of almighty god , who can and will dispose of our persons and actions to the greatest advantage for our own good , if we resolve to comply in this manner with his pleasure , as it fared with holy tobias , after the end of all his crosses and miseries ; to which purpose we shall make in this place as a most excellent pattern and example , some relation of his life , sufferings , and patience , accompanied by his extraordinary confidence in gods mercies and protection . the wonderfull confidence of old tobias in the mercies of almighty god. as it is recorded in scripture , that from his very childhood he served god with all his heart , not onely when he was in freedom and prosperity , but also when he suffered poverty and oppression , so is it in like manner mentioned , that he was so far from contaminating himselfe , when others worshipped idols , that in the interim he went to ierusalem to adore in the temple ; besides in his captivity he alwaies relieved the necessity of his brethren , and notwithstanding the fury and violence of the persecution under the king of assyria , he could not be induced by any threats , to abstaine from burying those slaughtered persons that lay dead in the streets ; in so much as one day being ready to sit down at a feast with other company , of a sudden understanding there was yet one jew that wanted a sepulchre , he presently flew from his dinner with extraordinary zeale , and performed that charitable office , not onely to the wonder of all those that were with him , but even being reproved by his neerest friends , who apprehended exceedingly the danger of the action , in regard it was so strictly forbidden by the kings speciall command . though these testimonies were exemplar , yet afterward when this good man fell into his excessive poverty , then did his admirable vertue more clearly appeare ; for not having wherewithall to relieve his necessity otherwise then by the labour of his wives hands , and his own industry , becomming also by a most lamentable accident deprived of his sight . neverthelesse one day when his wife brought him home a young kid , which she had procured by that onely means for their provision and sustenance ; he hearing it bleate , desired her that if it belonged to any other , she would again restore it , lest it might bring a curse upon their poore family , wishing and resolving rather they might put their trust in god almighty , concerning their necessities , then any way seeke to be relieved by fraudulent and unlawfull waies . againe , being upbrayded by his wife , and other friends , for his overmuch confidence in god , as they pretended , since his almes and prayers had procured him no more favour , then a world of present miseries ; he returned them only answer of rebuke for their impiety , in regard they had not more trust and assurance in gods power and goodnesse , who as he said , ever would protect his servants . but now at last being come , as i may say , to the insupportable period of his crosses and afflictions ; and as it were tyred by the upbraidings of his own friends , he made his humble supplications to heaven to be taken out of this life ; whereupon after he had ended his prayers , imagining his suit was granted , he called unto him his young sonne , unto whom he had not onely given most pious instructions , wherein he wished him above all things , and in every difficulty to serve god with his whole heart , putting his onely confidence in his divine mercies , but sent him into a far countrey to seeke his fortune , delivering him at the same time a bill in writing , whereby to require a certaine summe of money that had been a long time owing him by a friend for his better support and subsistence , not being wel able to maintain him at home . and notwithstanding his wife seemed desperately afflicted at this unexpected resolution and sudden departure of their only child , he still wished her to put her confidence in heaven , not onely for the assurance of his journey and returne , but also for his future prosperity ; wherein may be noted , his faith and suppression of his own passions : for as indubitably he more trusted in gods assistance , then in any other probability whatsoever , so was he willing of the other side , to lay aside his present comforts for the succeeding good of his child , which was not as he thought to be obtained , if he had kept him at home , wherein he should have more pleased his own humane nature , then any way have provided for his sonnes welfare . having declared thus much concerning this holy man , it is now full time to come to his reward according to his merit , which no doubt was resolved on by a hidden and an inserutable decree . for god almighty was so well satisfied with this good persons actions and intentions , that instantly he designed an angell to accompany his sonne , who not onely conducted him safely in his journey , but at last brought him where was concluded a most happy marriage between him and his own kinswoman after they had both conquered the divell by their prayers and other vertues : which being finished , they repaired with much joy and gladnesse to the house of old tobias , where they were received with such expressions of gladnesse , as became the nature of so great a happinesse . neither was this all their felicity , for presently the father by miracle obtained his long lost sight , in the presence of his family and friends ; and after the end of forty yeeres continued prosperity , the old father having seen a numerous posterity , between his sonne and daughter in law , he finished his happy daies in the spirit of prophesie and vertue , leaving behind him young tobias to performe his funerall . these relations certainly , may give a taste to every good christian , of god almighties mercies intended in one manner or other to those that have a sufficient trust in his goodnesse and power . but however , as i say , all our happinesse consists in this absolute resignation of our will , in regard it doth not onely assure us of a future benefit , but promiseth a present content by quieting our thoughts and passions ; though it is unpossible to procure this necessary confidence , without a lively and intire faith , which is a kind of an invisible seeing of god , and in some sort knowing his divine goodnesse in a particular manner through the darke clouds of our humane nature , that for the most part whilst we live upon earth , hinders the cleare appearance of his divinity from the eyes of our soule ; however when our bodies are once glorified , such obstacles shall vanish and disperse , without difficulty by reason of our happy condition . our blessed saviour himselfe hath declared , that if we had but faith as a grain of a mustard-seed , we might be able even to remove mountaines ; by which figure may be conceived , the excellent nature and property of an entire beliefe , towards all joy and happinesse ; which neverthelesse is more or lesse purchased , according to that proportion and measure of grace , we have obtained by our devotions , and practise of vertuous actions , most apparently demonstrative in the sayings of that glorious king lewis of france , who professed he would not goe out of his doores , to be a really eye-witnesse of any miracle whatsoever ; his faith having so absolutely confirmed him in all principles of religion , and the believing entirely every thing belonging to gods omnipotency and goodness , that he had no need of such motives and inducements to strengthen his faith , or render it more certain and efficacious . however we may boldly affirme , that this want in the generall , is the main occasion of all mens disorders and excesses in this world . for if people did sufficiently enough ( without any wavering apprehension ) rest upon gods revealed will and pleasure , and by that means could absolutely apprehend his promised mercies and judgements , it were unpossible to be so much transported with the vanities of this life . as for example , how could it be imagined , that men would be so extreamly senselesse , as for the onely enjoying and delight of a little meat and drinke , with other sensualities of this world , for a very few yeeres should violently cast away those eternall and abundantly satisfactory happinesses of heaven , unlesse there were some stupid defect in their beliefe , concerning either the certainty of their being , or in the waies and means whereby they were to be compassed . in like manner , what person would be so sottish in his resolution , as not rather to undergoe all the austerities could be undergone during this life , then hazzard the danger of those terrible torments so often mentioned , as i must say , to be endured to all eternity , if he were absolutely convinced in his thoughts and apprehension , that they particularly belonged to his condition in each circumstance ; since it is more then evident , that we forbeare no paines , or scarce omit any care in this world , either to obtaine humane honours , or prevent eminent ( though earthly ) inconveniencies , though we know they are but to endure for a moment in comparison of eternity ; when as perhaps a farre lesse industry and travell would assure us in the other condition of a perpetuall happinesse ; and yet we see it so supinely neglected by most , as if it were not at all worth any manner of consideration . wherefore i must conclude , that mans miseries and insensibilitie for the most part proceed from this defect in this onely particular , for that he hath not purchased a competency of grace sufficient to enlighten his understanding , whereby he becommeth overwhelmed , as it were , with nothing but grosse sensualities and tickling imaginations that make him wholy uncapable to converse in a higher region , which by consequence renders him altogether unwilling to resigne himselfe entirely into the hands of almighty god , as blessed tobias did in all his actions and adversities . for that holy mans stedfast and undoubted beliefe of all the principles of religion , made him most confident of the promises thereupon depending , which is unpossible to be effectually compassed or put in execution but by the same means he used , in the whole course of his life ; whereby , as i say , he obtained such a proportion of supernaturall grace , as not onely comforted him in all his extraordinary difficulties , but infused so much love into his happy soule , as he was able to contend against every temptation of the divell , the world , and the flesh , and by that means got such a victory over all his passions , that he onely delighted in every thing that was gods will ; and of the contrary never seemed distasted with any crosse that was sent him . as for example , it may be supposed when he at any time found an inclination in his fraile nature to rebell against this determination , he used the power of prayers , fasting , and almes-deeds , to beat down and conquer all his humane appetites , in so much as god almighty not onely gaue him assurance of a heavenly reward , but crowned his latter daies with all the prosperity could be imagined of earthly happinesse , as appeared by the sequell of the story , though ( as it may be conceived ) not more for the acts of mercy , which he had used upon all occasions to his distressed brethren , then for the absolute resignation of his own will to gods onely pleasure and direction ; in which he enjoyed no doubt a wonderfull felicity in his thoughts , notwithstanding his desperate afflictions : which agrees very well with the sayings of divine thomas a kempis , who affirmeth in his booke of the imitation of christ , that it is unpossible to purchase any manner of reall freedom , either humane or spirituall , without an absolute negation of a mans own selfe . so that , when a body hath brought his resolutions into this quiet state and condition , he may truly be said to be happy , and never before ; being thereby freed from all occasions of temptation , that use to swell mens minds into a thousand storms and perplexities ; like as streames that goe along with the wind , passe smoothly without any perturbation : so of the contrary , others that strive by a naturall current , with those blasts have much difficulty to keep their course , being alwaies tossed , thwarted , and interrupted in their passage . besides , we see the greatest monarchs of the world are oftentimes so wearied with their own wils and command , that notwithstanding they seem exceedingly to affect glory and ambition , are perswaded in the interim not onely to put the whole government of their dominions sometimes into the hands and power of their favourites and subjects ; but also not seldome will contradict their own very wils , to give their intrusted officers more absolute jurisdiction , as conceiving therein a satisfactory content to themselves , being thereby freed , as they suppose , of many contentions and troublesome thoughts , that else would happen to their more disquiet . wherefore , i say , it may be esteemed a most preposterous inconsideration in us , not to be willing to abandon our own wils to him , that we are most certaine shall alwaies be not onely constant and true to us in all our affaires , but at last can and will infinitely reward us for that voluntary resignation . and this no doubt will be the easier effected , if we seriously adde this apprehension to our judgements : that let us doe what we can , and possesse what we may , either in ambition of sensuality , as we shall never be free from contention and trouble in our minds , if not in our persons , so in the end of necessity we must yield to death , the common plunderer of all these things ; which taking us unprovided , will force us to interchange all our past , and so much esteemed prerogatives , into a miserable and confused damnation to all eternity . and although it should take us a little more in order , and in something a better posture , yet at the best our gone and ended delights , which we enjoyed according to our opinions with so much felicity , will be so farre from benefitting our present condition , that the very remembrance of those enticements shall render us more sorrowfull and unwilling to quit the world , however there be an absolute necessity of this separation ; and at the worst they leave us burthened , and almost distracted with many terrible feares , what accompt may be required of us towards a full satisfaction , in regard of the severe justice of almighty god , who placed us not here to have the fruition of so many pleasures we once enjoyed above other men , notwithstanding all the delight and benefit will appeare then vanished into smoke and ayre . insomuch as we may say , what hath it availed us , to have possessed the whole world , and foolishly to have neglected the saving of our own soules , when we had the means and opportunity to have effected it ? wherefore to summe up this discourse in a word : that man that will be wise , must first purpose well , then prosecute his resolution with constancy & diligence , which without doubt will procure him grace , and that grace shall enlighten and strengthen his faith , untill in the end he come to such a perfection of love , that may make him ( with an assured confidence ) rely entirely upon god almighties goodnesse , by which means he may never be distasted to make a resignation of himselfe and actions into his hands , according to the example of holy tobias , and other religious persons ; in which determination , i say , and no other , doth consist not onely all future happinesse , but every present content in the world . but perhaps it may be here said , that the cause of most mens insensibility doth not proceed so much from any deficiency of faith , as from a certain naturall inclination , to covet and desire present possession of lesse happinesse , rather then future expectations of far greater consequence . unto which i answer , that however in part i am of the same opinion , since this stupidity is incident to humane frailty , having not obtained a sufficient portion of grace ; yet again when i consider how much affliction people would , and doe undergoe for many yeeres together , onely to purchase the reversion of some earthly kingdomes and honours in the world , i cannot but return to my old beliefe . as for example , put case a man were promised after seven yeeres extreme labour , the possession of some great countrey , with other delights that might content his appetites ; i make no question at all , but that he would most readily imbrace the offer , and conceive he had gained exceedingly by his bargain . though yet we see for the fruition of heaven to all eternity , we are hardly drawn by any perswasions whatsoever either morall or divine , to spend many houres in true consideration of that unconceivable joy and happinesse promised , with so much assurance by god almighty himselfe . and therefore certainly it can be nothing but a meere want of necessary faith , that renders people so carelesse of their salvation . but to conclude this part of my discourse , however we ought not , ( as hath been alledged ) to be directed concerning our duties in god almighties service , by worldly events , but onely by those heavenly principles we have received ; yet i shall hereafter make some historicall relation of many remarkable passages , perhaps more satisfactory then may be well conceived , wherein have appeared gods apparent judgements in these latter times ; though , as i say , they must not be taken for generall rules ; notwithstanding they may serve for inducements to move peoples apprehensions . for indubitably it is our duties without any curiosity whatsoever , as hath been already declared , to cast our selves wholy upon the will and pleasure of almighty god , with an entire patience in expectation of what may happen unto us , since we have sufficient principles given us to follow proceeding from divine authority ; but because patience is not onely a heavenly duty , but a morall vertue necessary to be observed , i shall in the next and last chapter discourse a little of the nature and benefit of such an excellent property appertaining to our humane condition , and then make an end of the first part of my book . the necessity of this noble vertue which was practised by our saviour himselfe in a most particular manner during his abode upon earth . as this heroicall vertue of patience is little lesse necessary then faith to perfect our condition , at least wise to be used in some convenient measure and proportion , for that humane frailty cannot easily arrive to the highest perfections of this nature ; so is it more then evident by the sacred writings and testimony of holy scripture , that our saviour jesus christ in a most exact way during his being in this world , did offer himselfe as a divine pattern for example to instruct our endeavours concerning what we ought to doe in this particular ; for when it was his blessed pleasure to joyn his eternall divinity with the mortall substance of our flesh and blood , he tooke upon him almost the lowest of all conditions , as i may say , being born of no other then of a simple virgin , however extracted from the loyns of kings , because it was determined that david his beloved servant should have the honour of his birth ; and this holy mayd was onely married to a poore carpenter , that got his necessitous living meerly by the sweat of his owne browes , though he might have chosen for his mother the greatest queen or empresse in the world ; which certainly he did for no other reason , but by this penurious condition to have occasion thereby the better to exercise visibly his own designed patience for our example and instruction . neither did he designe his miraculous birth to be in any other place then in a base and contemptible stable , not furnished with any kind of commodity , either for himselfe or company . again , if we reflect upon his many persecutions , both under herod , and by his unnaturall countreymen , we shall finde that he underwent them with a most singular patience , both of minde and body ; never expressing the least passion in his words , notwithhandling all the injuries and affronts offered unto him ; or shewed want of courage in enduring what vexations or tortures soever could be inflicted upon him ; insomuch as he suffered himselfe to be stroke , spit upon , and used with other unparaleld indignities , by most base and contemptible creatures ; not onely without any manner of opposition , but scarce reproving them in what kinde of fashion soever , either by word or action , untill being with these and the like sufferings brought to the last period of his miseries to endure a most cruel and ignominious death upon the crosse ; he was so farre from not expressing an entire and absolute patience in his extreamest agony , that instead of shewing forth any signes of passion or perturbation , he took care for his mothers future welfare , as a morall obligation belonging to his humanity ; he gave pardon to the thiefe that was crucified with him , as an essential property appertaining to his divinity ; and last of all , as evident testimonies of his admirable and heavenly charity , he most earnestly prayed for those barbarous enemies that so earnestly did persecute him at that very instant , as pretending in their behalfe to his father , they did not understand what they did concerning his particuler . of the other side , if we cast our thoughts upon those instructions he gave his apostles and other followers , they were alwaies either to perswade humility , or command patience , which are two vertues that cannot well be separated . as for example , he bid them , when they were persecuted in one city , to fly to another ; without contention , although they had his heavenly commission for their better authority . as also , in his frequent sermons , for their particular instructions and effectuall edifications , he commanded them as an absolute duty belonging to their vocation , being his disciples , to suffer those that used violence to their persons , notwithstanding to expresse so much patience , that if they did take away their cloaks from them , they should permit them to bereave them also of their coates without resistance . in like manner he told them , that whoever should injuriously give them a blow upon the ear , rather then return a requital in the same nature , after the custom of the world , they must offer the other part of their face , to be abused by their injustice . 't is true as i cannot affirm , we are obliged to these strict and severe rules of patience in all our actions , especially since such suffering would probably incourage tyranny in wicked dispositions , yet certainly these very examples are sufficient demonstrations , of god almighties intentions in the general , concerning this necessary vertue , to be practised upon all convenient occasions , in our ordinary conversation amongst men , as well as to be put in practise in those afflictions , which accidentally at any time shall be cast upon our condition ; and the rather for that it is evident , that the sinnes and disorders of the world , for the most part , proceed from a certain intemperancy or impatiency of nature , not sufficiently rectified by grace or wisdome . as for the purpose ; pride is nothing but an over swelling humour of self esteem , not governed by reason , or bounded by charity ; which causeth such an unruly and passionate inflammation in the soul , as we neither know rightly our own state , or willingly would endure what we should from another . also envy is a passionate and malevolent spight against our neighbours prosperity ; as fearing left it might prejudice our estimation . revenge is a bloody and impatient passion , because our nature is not passive enough in bearing of injuries ; vainglory may be termed a lunatick indiscretion , proceeding from too much abundancy of self-love . disobediency in like manner , a presumptuous pride that allowes us not sufficient temper to be under subjection , although it be never so necessary for our condition . ingratitude , an unjust intemperancy that renders us unwilling to acknowledge an others vertues , in regard we doubt too much thereby to be disvalued our selves ; or else to be put to more requitals then seems convenient for our own interest . ambition a mad overflowing of the minde towards those honours , that we conceive might give us lustre and esteem in the eye of the world . covetousness a certain raging desire without end , to be possessors of we know not what ; since we never enjoy the half of what we cover , when best obtained . of the other side , if we turn our consideration upon the sensuality of the body , we shall finde it generally to proceed for want of sufficient temperance in the suffering part , as the other concerning the minde , proceeds from the defect of not being able competently to expect the event of things to come ; for when we drown our selves in a vast sea of luxury , against reason , religion , and morality , it is because the consideration of honour or vertuous actions , carries not our thoughts and resolutions high enough to contemn such poore and base pleasures , that neither secure our condition or benefit our persons . as for example , what is gluttony , but an inordinate striving by the instinct of nature , to satisfie the senses in eating and drinking ? lust in the same kinde an impatient itching after unlawful novelties , however consisting most in opinion , for that oftentimes our deceived fancy , makes choice of the far unworthier subject , as i have already instanced in a part of my book . again , idlenesse is nothing else but a certain kinde of impatiency , proceeding from a loathnesse to enter upon action and employment . sloth in like manner is but a heavy increase of the same humour , towards a more earthly period , engendred by custome and continuance . inconstancy another palpable effect of impatiency , in regard it varies from one fancy to another , with a restlesse longing to be yet satisfied in something , that the judgement cannot reach unto for want of temperance to consider . for however i am not of the opinion of those fantastical philosophers , that esteemed pain little more then imagination , yet when i consider the wonderful strange lives of many holy people in the primitive times , i may easily be induced to believe , that a perfect and absolute patience being procured , which can no otherwise be obtained then by a religious morality , it will not be very difficult to run through the rough passages of this world , in a manner in an absolute calm and tranquility ; especially when i reflect upon the actions of many heathens , who onely out of the spirit of vain-glory , seemed in outward view so to have conquered all their passions , that they appeared carelesse of life or death , honour or riches , eating , drinking , or any other earthly pleasure or pain whatsoever . however i will leave these reports to the uncertainty of history , or at least wise believe they might proceed from enchantments of pride and the devils elusions ; since we know their religion could not procure simply such effects , not being justified either by divine revelation or assured principles . wherefore , for a conclusion , i shall make some brief mention of a few admirable people in those times , whose courages never failed in adversity , or any vain-glory laid the least hold of their actions in suffering : to which purpose , we may begin with the consideration of paul the hermite , that lived almost a hundred yeers without seeing or conversing with any humane person , in an obscure cave incompassed with rocks and mountains , his employment being prayers , his recreation meditation , and his practise fasting . again , we may call to mind the wonderful and admirable austerities of simeon stilitto , that lived in a small piller of stone many cubits from the ground , for thirty seven yeers together , scarce in all that time reposing his body , according to the custom of other people ; insomuch as it is written , that multitudes of wormes , proceeding from the natural corruption of the place , bred and ingendred under his feet , for want of motion and agitation ; and yet his humility notwithstanding was so great , that when he was commanded to descend , by the bishop of antioch to try his obedience , without any manner of delay , he yeelded himself ready to perform the injunction ; as it were adding the vertue of subjecting his own will to that of patience , which he so exactly practised . we read that mary of egypt , continued in the wild desarts of syria for seven and twenty yeers , without any clothing at all , or other sustenance , then what she could gather from the sands and rocks of that extraordinary solitude , where perchance she found now and then some green herbs for her necessary food . last of all , if we reflect upon the horrid torments , which lawrence the deacon endured under decius the emperour , we shall finde matter enough to contemplate with admiration , both his patience and courage ; for whilst his body in the night time , for the greater terrour to his youth , was laid upon an iron gridiron , over a hot and scorching fire , he cryed out to the tyrant , being more then half dead , that now he was rosted sufficiently of one side , he might if he pleased also turn the other to participate in like manner of his cruelty ; which words gained so absolute a victory over all his persecutors , that the emperour confounded both with shame and amazement , quitted the place of his execution . all which i may boldly affirm , were no other then wonderful effects of a constant and couragious patience . since of the other side , many esteemed gallant persons of this world failing in this vertue , have disgraced their last ends by apparant dejection of their souls . as for example , philotus , who was famed in alexanders army for one of his prime commanders , that followed his fortune and successe ; yet being by accident brought upon the torture , notwithstanding his intemperate vainglory , had made him promise to himself , and pretend to others , that his courage maintained the kings greatnesse in most of his conquests , and victories in asia , he was brought to such a lownesse of spirit , by the violence of torments , that he not onely revealed his own intentions , but accused his old father , to be released of his punishment , for want of fortitude and patience in his sufferings ; insomuch , as alexander himself being concealedly present at his tryal , delivered this opinion of his carriage , that he wondred how such a man had so much boldnesse to attempt his life , that had not a heart great enough to expresse more courage at his own death . nero , however he had a nature inflamed with impatiency , pride and vain-glory ; joyned also with the condition of an emperour , that probably , should have raised his soul to an eminency of courage and magnanimity , yet when the senate of rome by reason of his own wickednesse , and his enemies prevailing power , had designed him a most shameful and ignominious execution , could not by any perswasion be brought to kill himself to avoid that disgraceful fare , until one of his followers and intimate friends , shewed him the way by acting the like upon his own person before his face ; which shewes that intemperate prosperity is rather an impediment to same and reputation , then a mild and quiet patience ; that for the most part enableth people to suffer any thing can well be inflicted upon their condition , when either their religion or honour calleth them to such a combate . also marshal byron of france , being not onely one of the great favourites to harry the fourth , by reason of his supposed courage , but esteemed of an extraordinary passionate valour in the wars ; yet after his accusation , when he was brought upon the scaffold to die by the hands of the common executioner , he exprest so much unwillingnesse to leave his life , by a wild and preposterous rage , that the hang-man was constrained to perform his office when he least thought of the businesse , onely to avoid a greater indignity to be done to his person in the last end ; whereas if he had put on a mild temperance in his suffering , he would not onely probably have better secured his future condition , but in a far higher nature have preserved his honour and reputation . last of all , we have an example of this kinde , in the death and suffering of a noble man of our country , who in his life was passionately vain-glorious and active beyond measure , yet at his execution he appeared so passively fearful , that he seemed more then half dead , before the executioners stroke arrived at his neck . all which i say , may be brought for testimonies , against those dispositions that neither resolve or practise patience , seeing that noble property for the most part renders men absolutely victorious in most things of this world ; for who can stile themselves masters in this beneficial and heavenly vertue , shall smile at tyranny , overcome cruelty , suppresse passions , contemn accidents , purchase friends , perswade enemies , live contentedly , and die happily ; and in truth may be said to have made a wise and generous preparation , against all disasters whatsoever , which either the devil or the world can raise against our humane condition ; for however it be true , that the sensualities of nature cannot easily be overcome , but by the dominion of grace , yet since the very heathens , meerly by the instinct and provation of honour , have in many conflicts obtained wonderful victories by their constant and patient resolutions , it cannot be but a shame and ignominy to us christians , not to be able by the addition of heavenly grace ( which certainly we may compasse by our religious endeavours if we will ) to beat down , and suppresse both in our thoughts and actions , those violent passions that deprive us of all reputation and goodnesse . since in doing the contrary , we do participate of the nature of those unreasonable creatures , that have no other rule for their subsistence but meerly sense , which without doubt , being in us cherished extraordinarily , totally destroyes the nobility of the soul , that ought onely , or at leastwise chiefly to contemplate and be in love with supernatural and divine things , and by consequence to leave dull cogitations and grosse actions , for supplements of necessity or conveniency ; which being considered and put in practice , with a constant and noble resolution , we shall finde such a beneficial patience daily to encrease in our natures and dispositions , that will easily gain a signal victory over all obstacles and difficulties , and render us not onely temperate in expectation , but invincible in suffering . in fine , i am of opinion , that as want of patience is a deficiency of courage , so was there never yet an excellent saint lived in the world , but that he was endued with a great spirit by nature , for whosoever is altogether carelesse in his ▪ thoughts of honour and reputation , for my part , i shall have no extraordinary confidence either of his devotion or religion . in conclusion , a noble patience in to be esteemed exceedingly ; for by it we do not onely affront every adversity , but by the discreet practice of that excellent vertue , we make our selves more capable upon all occasions of prosperity , since we are not apt at any time to fall from that temper and understanding that should both warrant and instruct us in our most beneficial affairs , either belonging to this life or to eternity . which certainly is no way so well to be purchased , as by a constant and resolved activity ; for however patience may seem onely a passive quality , in regard it belongs most to suffering , yet if the imagination be too much setled for want of industry and imployment , probably it will ingender those thoughts and desires that tast most of natural sensuality , and so by consequence draw people to a kinde of a bodily indulgency , which of necessity either destroyes or lessens the magnanimity of the soul , and by that means cannot but procure an impatiency , and irksomenesse in all accidental sufferings whatsoever . but here perhaps it may be thought too hard a condition imposed upon humane nature to be to suffer , whereas god almighty out of his infinite mercy , might have created man in in such a state , as he should have had no need at all of the use of patience ; unto which i shall onely say , that as it doth not stand with gods heavenly justice , that any creature should eyjoy that perfect happinesse belonging to the blessed , without having first given some testimony of endeavour in this world . so of the other side , though we had not injunctions and commands to this purpose , yet it is most evident that a certain kind of tryal belongs to all manner of creatures , before they can arrive at the uttermost period of their designed happinesse . as for example , the blessed angels were constrained to encounter with lucifer and his adherents , ere they could be perfectly established in a perpetual throne of glory with full security . also adam was placed in paradise , ( however in an innocent condition ) to contend with his passions and appetites before he was to have enjoyed heaven , who fayling in this combat appointed him by the inserutable decrees of almighty god , he determined to send his son into the world to expiate the offence by suffering also ; and yet man again was ordered to new trials in this pilgrimage of life , ere he could compasse the accomplishments of eternal rest and quietnesse , constituted for his benefit and felicity . so that we may indubitably conclude , without a resolved and practised patience , it is unpossible either to please god , or almost to satisfie a mans self . for as long as we live in this habitation of misery , we must alwayes either suffer or expect . but being so prepared , we may without overmuch difficulty , undergo persecutions , long prayers , sharp fastings continual watchings , with the losse of what prosperity soever upon earth ; since it is onely our natural impatiency , that makes all austerities and afflictions be entertained with so much horrour in our imagination , in regard ( as i have said before ) they consist chiefly , though not totally in opinion . for as the apprehension of honour , is no other , well considered , then an indulgency , created in our natures for want of judgement ; and so consequently we cannot without perturbation in our mindes , bear the deprivation thereof , so may we be confident , that all pain and suffering whatsoever , is much abated by a constant resolution of patience , besides the benefit it affords us in judiciously considering wayes , either for the short continuance of our misfortunes , in temporal things , or the happy use may be made of our afflictions in spiritual matters . which patience in fine , i call a discreet and noble fortitude , either in expecting or sustaining . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e for the immortality of the soul. notes for div a -e the punishment of man for his transgression in paradise . the punishment of cain . the chastisement of cham. the affliction of the jewes . the punishment of eli the priest , with saul and others the children of israels sensuality punished . the fate of the four monarchies of the world , and first of the assyrians . of the persians . of the grecian monarchy . the fate or declining of the roman empire by reason of luxury . concerning the change in our own native country . notes for div a -e more particulars of christs persecution and sufferings . other considerations concerning his sufferings . the circumstances of his sufferings . the cruelty of his persecutors with his sufferings as well in minde as in body . notes for div a -e considerations upon these sufferings . notes for div a -e power and perspicuity also annexed to the condition of this assembly , that this assembly must also be infallible . against the tenents of the age , that would onely have a law of nature or morality for people to follow . notes for div a -e the property of revenge . of vainglory . disobedience another effect of pride . of ingratitude of ambition and its property . of covetousnesse as a dependant of bride . notes for div a -e the inconveniences of vain and idle making of love . idlenesse the chief nurse not onely of this vice , but of many others . of sloth , being another dependant . of inconstancy another part of sensuality . impatiency depending also upon sensuality notes for div a -e alexanders detestation of falshood , and incouraging of loyalty . a brave example of justice . another example in the like kinde . richard the third an enemy to trechery , though a tyrant in his other actions . notes for div a -e a wonderful friendship exprest in the time of dionisius the tyran . an admirable example of love & friendship in another nature . the story of androclius the roman slave . a strange relation of a boy and a dolphin . notes for div a -e a relation of a turkish souldier . the strange fidelity and wonderfull sufferings of a poor woman-servant . notes for div a -e another story much to the same purpose . miscellanies in five essays ... the four last by way of dialogue / by jeremy collier ... selections. collier, jeremy, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) miscellanies in five essays ... the four last by way of dialogue / by jeremy collier ... selections. collier, jeremy, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ], p. printed for sam. keeble ... and jo. hindmarsh ..., london : . first ed. cf. bm. errata: p. [ ] at beginning. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. (from t.p.) i. upon the office of a chaplain -- ii. upon pride --iii. upon cloaths -- iv. upon duelling -- v. upon general kindness. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ethics -- early works to . conduct of life -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion miscellanies : in five essays . i. vpon the office of a chaplain . ii. vpon pride . iii. vpon cloaths . iv. vpon duelling . v. vpon general kindness . the four last by way of dialogue . by ieremy collier , m. a. london , printed for sam. keeble at the turks-head in fleetstreet , and io. hindmarsh at the golden ball over against the royal exchange in cornhill . . to the reader . 't is some years since the publication of this small treatise : i am still convinced the interest of religion is not a little concern'd in the enquiry . the office lies among persons who have a great force upon custom and practise : and where the motion is strong , the direction should be well secured . 't is true milton treats the argument as he does the king , with great contempt : but to be ill used by such a hand , and in such company , is rather an honour than otherwise . the scripture ( says this man ) owns no such order , and therefore they must be left to the examination the sons of sceva met with . bishops or presbyters we know , and deacons we know , but what are chaplains ? ( eiconocl . p. . ) he might have answered in his own words , ( p. . ) that they were houshold priests ; and given an instance from the old testament . for there we find that micah entertain'd a levite with salary and diet ; and after all told him , he should be a father , and a priest to him . ( iudg. . . ) it seems he did not think he had hired a servant with his ten shekels . as for the heathen , they had a modester sense of religion than to rob their gods of their ministers , and make them their own . the roman emperours were priests themselves , but had none belong to them till they were dead , and deifyed . towards the declension of philosophy , now and then a grave pretender was drawn off by the steams of the kitchin. lucian ridicules these men for their little compliances . one of them it seems made his court to the lap-dog , to improve his interest with the lady . but an envious foot-man happening to smoke the matter , broke a iest upon the favorite , and the philosopher , and spoiled all. but these sages don 't come strictly within the question . they were only seculars ; and entertain'd upon the score of learning , not religion . in the church , the business of a chaplain seems not of the highest antiquity . in the first ages the clergy were supported by their bishop , and generally lived under his observation . ( can. apost . ) and afterwards , when they removed from the mother church , they had titles , i. e. cures assigned them , much larger than single families . the first chaplain i meet with was one majorinus , a very unfortunate person . he lived in the reign of dioclesian : and was ordained by the donatists for the see of carthage , against the catholick bishop caecilian . he was set up and countenanced by his patroness lucilla , a high spirited lady ; who refused communion with caecilian , for being reproved by him when he was arch-deacon . ( optat. lib. . cont . parmen . ) however , by the story majorinus might be no more than a reader in the family ; who in the custom of those times was less than a sub-deacon . the wrong vse the rich laity might make of the indigence or ambition of these houshold clergy , was i suppose the reason why the second council of orange ( can. . held ann. . ) allow'd no priest to reside with secular persons , without the bishop's leave . dr. heylin reports ( cypr. ang. ) that bishop laud observed the interest of the church prejudiced by the great increase of chaplains in the houses of private gentlemen . to prevent this inconvenience , and some others , king charles the first published his instructions to archbishop abbot , an. . containing orders to be executed by the bishops in the province of canterbury . the instructions were comprehended in ten articles . the seventh enjoyns , that the bishop suffer none under noble-men , and men qualified by law , to have any private chaplain in his house . i have mentioned these instances , to shew the difficulty of the office. 't is a nice vndertaking , and requires a more than ordinary sufficiency . and therefore an vnexperienced , vnballasted divine , must be an improper missionary . 't were well if he understood something of men and things ; if he was furnish'd both with matter and form , and rather brought his education than received it . for a disadvantage in the beginning of business , is not easily overcome . there should be vigilance in conversation , a sweetnes● of temper , an vnaffected piety , and a noble contempt of interest . and since the clergy thus engaged are more numerous than formerly , they should manage with the greater care. for when the priesthood is misunderstood , religion must decline of course . and when religion is gone ▪ we have lost the best support of this life , as well as the other . this reasoning must be allowed by those who are not sunk below the doctrines of providence . indeed if a man sets up for a sceptick , i don't expect the argument should relish . but the opinion of such iudges is neither credit , nor misfortune . with these people a iest passes for a demonstration ; and to laugh , and confute , is the same thing . it seems truth and falshood depends upon their good liking : and they have the peculiar privilege of wishing things in , or out of being , at pleasure . who would expect such flights of conceit from so humble pretences ? for an atheist , if you will take his word for it , is a very despicable mortal . let us describe him by his tenents , and copy him a little from his own original . he is then no better than a heap of organized dust , a stalking machine , a speaking head without a soul in it . his thoughts are bound up by the laws of motion , his actions are all prescribed . he has no more liberty than the current of a stream , or the blast of a tempest . and where there is no choice , there can be no merit . the creed of an atheist is a degrading systeme , a most mortifying perswasion . no advantages can make him shine : he strikes himself out of all claim to regard : and has no alliance to any honourable distinction . he is the offspring of chance , the slave of necessity , danced by foreign impulses no less than a puppet . ignoble in his descent ; little in life , and nothing at the end on 't . atheism , the result of ignorance and pride ; of strong senses , and feeble reason ; of good eating , and ill living ! atheism , the plague of society , the corrupter of manners , and the vnderminer of property ! what can the raillery , the reproaches , the supercilious censures of this sect signifie ? why should they be raised above their principle , and rated higher than their own valuation ? they are below all consideration , except that of pity , and prayers ; and these i heartily give them . if the plainness of what follows disgusts the sober reader i am sorry for it . 't is a circumstance which could not be declined without prejudice to the subject . the oversmoothness of an argument , is apt to abate the force . you must give it a point to make way for passage ▪ pleasure cannot always be made the vehicle of health . and when the case requires it , no man blames the doctor for preferring the cure to the palate . besides , the bare mention of some practices is enough to expose them . and when things are a satyr upon themselves , who can help it ? the deformity lies in the monster , not in him who shows it . i am far from desiring a depression of the laity , or abetting any spiritual usurpation . honour and civil pretences are not held at the will of the church ; and therefore she should not seize without warrant . to make orders a patent for pride , and a privilege for misbehaviour , is much more than runs in the commission . i am pleading for no cynical neglect , no ill supported forwardness , no briskness above mens business , or their talent . but then i hope 't is no harm for church-men to maintain their liberty ; and keep the property of their persons to themselves . especially since they live amongst a free people , and have so good evidence for their title . farther , there is no fear of levelling from this enquiry . for independency does not suppose equality : freedom and degrees are well enough consistent . to prevent all misconstruction . i willingly grant it no disadvantage to a gentleman to belong to a person of quality , provided his employment be secular . but the function of an ecclesiastick , requires another relation . errata . office of chaplain , page . line . for at read that . p. . l. . for inconsiderateness r. inconsiderableness . essay upon pride , p. . l. . for indifferent r. different . p. . l. . for inscriptions r. the inscriptions , p. . l. . for that r. than . p. . l. . for fanciful r. so fanciful . the office of a chaplain enquir'd into , and uindicated from servility and contempt . the office of a chaplain enquir'd into , &c. juvenal observes , sat. . that the practice of the lawyers in his time was usually proportioned to the figure they made at the bar ; where he that appear'd in the best equipage was supposed to have the greatest share of law and sense in him : so that had the vulgar had any power in determining right , a good cause might oftentimes have been lost for want of fine cloaths to plead it in . whether any part of this vanity prevails with us , i shall not dispute ; however this inference may be fairly allowed , that the success of truth depends very much upon the reputation of its advocate . for the generality of mankind , in regard they are not judicious and impartial enough to penetrate the bottom of things , are more influenced by show and appearance , than by substance and reality . and therefore if a man's person or office happens to wear an uncreditable name , and and falls under a general di●esteem , though never so undeservedly , he must not expect to be perswasive with others , though the nature and proof of what he recommends , may appear sufficiently evident and weighty to an unprejudiced mind . for besides that men are not willing to learn rules of wisdom and condu●● from those they contemn , because this looks like a disparagement of themselves , and sets the despised person in some measure above them , besides , i say , they are not over-willing to be informed by such instructors ; 't is not often that they think they can : for 't is generally taken for granted that discourses cannot rise much above the character of those that make them ; and that 't is scarce possible for an inconsiderable man to say any think that is worth the taking notice of . so that when men have entertained a little opinion of any person , he is under a mighty disadvantage of fixing any good advice upon them . the contemptible notion they have of him gives their judgments an ill tincture , and makes them unindifferent , so that they neither see things in their true colours , nor allow them their proper weight ; but are apt to conclude the reasonings of those they disesteem resemble the insignificancy of their authors , and so many a g●od well-meaning argument is turned back and discountenanced , only for keeping suspected unreputable company . of the truth of this observation ill men are very apprehensive , who being desirous of enjoying the ple●sures of vice , without coming under the discipline of ignominy and restraint , make it their business to misrepresent the ministers of religion , depressing their authority , and decrying the usefulness of their prosession ; being well assured that when they have disarm'd their adversaries ( as they reckon them ) of their reputation , they need not fear any considerable disturbance from them . in pursuance of this design they would fain perswade the world , that the clergy are so far from deserving any additional esteem upon the account of their office , that for this reason they ought to forfeit part of what they had before ; as if orders suppos'd some antecedent crime , and were rather inflicted than given , and that those who receive them ought to pass for persons degraded from the privileges of birth and education , or at least not to enjoy them without stain and abatement . now that there are some persons , and those not all of the lowest rank , who seem to be of this unreasonable opinion , is too apparent ; and therefore i shall desire them to consider , that those who account the priesthood a lessening of a man's quality , must either believe all religion to be an imposture , or if they do own the being of a god , their apprehension of him is so scandalous and unworthy , that i think it would be a kindness to them to suppose them atheists : for 't is not so monstrous and provoking to deny the existenee of a deity , as to suppose him void of excellency and perfection : to imagine him to be so far from being the fountain of honour , that he is rather to be accounted a discredit to those who belong to him , and that a person of condition ought to be asham'd of his service ; such a notion of god almighty as this , besides the absurdity of it , looks like a malicious acknowledgment of his being , only to make him capable of contempt . but besides , at the function of the clergy in general is too often misunderstood , ( which in such a sceptical and licentious age we need not wonder at ) those who officiate in private houses lie under particular disadvantages : here the master of the family usually expects an extraordinary observance from the priest , and returns him less notice in exchange , than to others of the same order and condition . now one would think in point of reason , that an ecclesiastical ( as well as a civil or military ) officer should be more consider'd within the limits and extent of his employ than elsewhere , both upon the account of the jurisdiction he hath there , and because of the advantage those he is concern'd with , do or may receive from the execution of his office. now the reason of this unaccountable practice must be resolved into one or both of these pretences ; either . that a clergyman officiating in a family , ought to be entertain'd no otherwise than under the notion of a servant : or . because 't is in the patron 's power to oblige the priest with church-preferment . it will be therefore the design of these papers to shew , . that a priest , or chaplain in a family , is no servant . . that whatever fair expectations the patron may have given the priest of future advantage , those are no sufficient grounds to justify an imperious deportment on the one hand , or a servile submission on the other . . i shall prove that a priest , or chaplain in a family , is no servant ; the contrary of which i believe he is often thought to be , though 't is not always spoken out . now in order to the removing this mistake , i shall in the first place answer those objections , which seem to have given the most probable occasion of its rise . secondly , i shall give a short description of the office of a chaplain ; and shew how much it differs from that of a servant . i. i shall answer those objections , which have given the most probable occasion to this mistake ; among which we may reckon the priests being entertained with diet. but that eating at another's table does not make a man a servant is plain ; for if it did , then every one that visits his friend , if he happens to eat or drink without paying for it , must immediately forfeit his liberty . if it be said , that 't is not eating now and then upon a visit which brings a man into the condition of a servant , but doing it constantly , and with the same person : to this i answer , that if eating by the year makes a man a servant for a year , than eating by the day must make him a servant for that day ; the only difference in this case is , that the one who eats but a meal or two comes into his liberty sooner than the other . but possibly 't is the priests contracting for diet which makes him mistaken for a servant to him that affords it ; and here 't is supposed to come under the notion of wages , because the priest is to do something for it . now because a consideration of this nature , whether it be received in money or diet , or both , is the same thing ; i shall prove that a man's receiving money in consideration of bestowing his time and pains upon another , does not make him a servant to him that returns him a recompence for his trouble . for example , lawyers and physicians have their fees , or their wages if you please , and yet i suppose none will say that they are servants to all the clients and patients that imploy them , and if not to all , then for the same reason not to any : the judges have a fee for every cause which is tried at the nisi prius bar , and a justice of peace hath money allow'd him for making a warrant , which both of them may receive without forfeiting their authority . the house of commons likewise have pensions from their electors , during the session of parliament ; i confess 't is not usually paid now , but if they did receive it as formerly they have done , i hope no one would say a knight of a shire was servant to a man of forty shillings per annum , because he contributed something towards his maintenance . in all these cases a man is engaged in the business of others , and receives a consideration for his employment , and yet hath no reason to be accounted a servant for his pains . if it be said , that in most of these instances the salaries are assign'd by law , and consequently that there is no contract between him that receives and him that gives the consideration ; i answer , that there is a vertual ▪ though not an express contract , because the people have agreed to consent to whatever their representatives shall determine . ly , as to the case of the lawyers , though their fees are stated by law , yet every one chuses whom he will make use of ; so that the voluntary retaining any one , is no less than a plain contract , and the giving him so much money upon condition that he will plead for him . ly , 't is not the contracting for money in lieu of some other exchange which makes a man a servant , for then every one that sells for money would be a servant to the buyer , and consequently a pedlar might make himself a master of the best merchant in london , if he should happen to be so ambitious as to be his customer : and which is most to be lamented , if a man could not by way of contract receive money with one hand , without parting with his liberty with the other , then the landlord must be a servant to the tenant ; for the bare contracting for rent , though he never receiv'd a penny , is enough to bring him under ; so that according to this opinion , a man cannot let his farm without demising and granting away himself . but further , that the entertaining the clergy with diet and salary is no argument of their subjection , will appear , if we consider that we are bound to contribute towards the support of our parents , if they stand in need of it ; and yet i suppose it does not follow that this makes us there superiors : 't is so far from it , that our assisting them is accounted part of that honour which the fifth commandment enjoyns us to pay them , and is so interpreted by our saviour himself , st. matth. . , , . the communication therefore of part of our wealth to the clergy officiating in our houses , is in reason nothing but a due respect to their function , and a grateful acknowledgement of their care : what the priest receives from us is in effect offered to god almighty , because 't is given upon the account of the relation he hath to him , and the advantages we recieve from thence . this is honouring god with our substance , who in regard he stands in need of nothing himself , hath order'd those persons ( whom he hath set apart to keep up his service and worship ) to receive what men present to him in token of his sovereignty and providence . thus what was offer'd to god under the old testament ( except what was spent in sacrificing ) was the priests portion , assign'd by the divine appointment , numb . . , . and in the th . verse of that chapter the reason why the tribe of levi was to have no inheritance in the land which was to be divided , is given , because god promised to be their inheritance , that is to give them those offerings which were made to him ; and that this was a very liberal assignment , and much exceeded the provision which was made for the rest of the tribes , might easily be made good , were it not foreign to the present argument . there are many other places in the old testament which may be alledg'd for the confirmation of this truth , as deut. . . iosh. . . ezek. . , &c. and that this practice did not depend upon any cerimonial constitution , but was founded in the unalterable reason of things , will appear if we look into the new testament ; where st. paul tells us that god has ordained that those that preach the gospel ( which every priest does who reads the new testament ) should live of the gospel , cor. . . our spiritual governors are ministers of god to us as well as our temporal , rom. . . and therefore the apostle's inference , v. . may in a qualified sense at least , be applied to them , for this cause pay you tribute also . and that the same apostle did not believe that a consideration of this nature , ought to subject the clergy to distance and submissive behaviour , is beyond question ; for he plainly tells the corinthians , cor. . . if we have sown unto you spiritual things , is it a great thing , if we shall reap your carnal things ? it seems he did not believe this favour so extraordinary , or to have any such commanding quality in it , as to make him their servant , or dependant , if he had received it . nay he tells them that he had power to eat and to drink ; that is , god had given him a right to a competent maintenance out of the estates of those he instructed ; which without question , where the circumstances of the person will permit , ought to be proportioned with respect to the person represented , and to the nature and quality of the employ . 't is plain therefore that the apostle thought that if god's ministers lived out of the fortunes of their charge , yet they were not so mightily indebted beyond a possibility of requital ; but that the obligation was full as great on the other side : and the reason why some men now a days are not of the same mind is , because the concerns of another world have none , or a very slender consideration allowed them ; for otherwise without question men would look upon those as none of their least beneficial friends , who are appointed by god to guide them securely in their passage to eternity : but now 't is the mode with too many to live as if their souls were the most inconsiderable thing they carried about them . . it may be objected , that every family ought to be under the government of one single person , and because the priest is confessed not to be the master , therefore he must be under command , and consequently a servant . now this is so slender an objection , that i should have waved the mention of it , but that some people seem desirous of being imposed upon in this matter ; and we know when men are in love with a mistake , the least appearance of a reason is apt to entangle their understandings , and make them overlook the evidence of an assertion they are prejudiced against . to what is objected therefore i answer , that this argument proves all boarders servants , though their office or quality be never so much above those they sojourn with . i grant the priest is not to disturb the master of the house in the government of his family , nor to intermeddle in his affairs , ( to do this were an unreasonable incroachment ) but the living under his roof makes him no more his servant , than his father or mother are , when they reside with him . there may be several other things urged against the truth of the proposition i am to defend , but the solving the remaining objections will fall in more conveniently , after i have given a short description of the office of a chaplain , and shown how much it differs from that of a servant , and how inconsistent it is with it ; which i shall proceed to . . therefore , the office of a clergy-man in a family , is to pray for , bless , and give absolution to those he is concerned with ; which are all acts of authority and jurisdiction . he is to counsel , exhort , and reprove the master of the family himself , upon occasion ( though with respect to his station ) which offices are inconsistent with the condition of a servant , and must be very unsuccessfully perform'd by him , as will further appear afterwards . . he does not receive this commission ▪ from the master of the family , or from any humane authority , but from god himself , whose deputy he is in things pertaining to religion : he is not entertain'd upon any secular account , or to manage any other business but what relates to another world ; and is consecrated to this function by the divine warrant and appointment , and consequently he is god's minister not man's . the place in which he is engaged is his parish , and the difference between a parochial priest and him lies in this , that the extent of his charge is not so large as that of a parish-priest ; the one having but only one single family to take care of , and the other a great many : but the office is the same , and therefore the one hath no more reason to be accounted a servant than the other . . however pride , ignorance , or inconsideration may sometimes byass mens minds , yet if they would but attend to their own practice , they would see that the concern of a priest in a family is no servile employment ; because in the absence of a priest the master of the family supplies his place , as far as lawfully he may , that is , in praying and giving thanks at meat ; which is a plain confession that men are satisfied that 't is very improper to employ any of their servants in the performance of holy offices ; the doing of which would be dishonourable to god , and weaken the force and majesty of religion ; and therefore when one consecrated to holy ministrations is not present , god ought to be addressed to by a person of the greatest consideration in the family ; which implicit confession of theirs , is both agreeable to the reason of mankind in general , and the practice of the first ages of the world , when the civil and ecclesiastical authority were united , the same person being both priest and prince in his family ; as appears from abraham , isaac , iacob , and iob's erecting altars , and offering sacrifices : and before the institution of the mosaick law ( in which god chose a distinct tribe to serve him in holy offices ) the first-born , among other considerable privileges , had the priesthood annext to his birth-right . . this notion of a servant destroys the end and design of the priestly office , it renders his person cheap , and his discourse insignificant , it causes his reproofs to be look'd upon as presumptuous , and makes a generous freedom and impartial plainness , to be interpreted a forgetfulness of distance : and yet this sort of plain-dealing is not more necessary toward any sort of people than those who are wealthy and honourable , the nature of their circumstances being such as make them much more apt to flatter themselves , and to be flatter'd by others ; which made st. paul command st. timothy , to charge those that were rich that they should not be high-minded : the apostle well knew in what great danger such persons were of taking the height of their condition amiss , and confiding too much in it ; for to this unhappy mistake they have not only the common artifices of self-love to betray them , but several confederate circumstances from without strike in to carry on the imposture , and to cheat them into a wrong opinion of themselves . they see how they are reverenced and admired by almost all sort of people , and that men frequently resign their ease , their liberty and conscience too , to purchase fewer conveniencies than they are already possessed of : they find that wealth and reputation puts them into a capacity of gratifying their senses , and their humour ; gives them many opportunities of obliging their friends , and crushing their enemies ; and makes their will a kind of law to their inferiours and dependants . now these advantages when they are not throughly examined , but rated according to the value which vulgar estimation sets upon them , are apt to swell them into an unreasonable conceit of themselves ; which vanity is still fed and inflamed because they are often so unfortunate , as not to attend that these worldly accommodations are things really distinct from their owners ; that these ornamental privileges are but a decent varnish which enriches no deeper than the surface ; and impression , which though royal , cannot alter the mettal : but on the contrary they are apt to fancy their fortunes and themselves to be all of a piece , that this glorious outside grows out of some intrinsick prerogative , and is the genuine lustre and complexion of their nature . and since a flourishing condition is thus apt to impose upon men , and hath such a natural tendency to give them a false idea of their own excellency , have they not need of a prudent and conscientious friend , to insinuate that they have no essential advantages above the rest of mankind , to awaken them into right apprehensions of things , and rescue them from that delusion which their own vanity , and the ignorance or design of others of of●en puts upon them ? therefore if men would have their lives correct and happy , they ought to encourage their friends , ( especially those who are particularly concern'd in the regulation of their conscience ) to tell them of their faults ; they should invite them to this freedom , if not by express declaration , yet by affable deportment , always receiving the performance of the nice office with demonstrations of pleasure and satisfaction . did men consider how slippery and difficultly manageable an elevated station is , they would easily discern that it was not the safest way to trust altogether to their own conduct , but to take in the constant assistance of a religious person , that so their miscarriages might be represented , their consciences directed in doubtful cases , and their minds fortified with defensatives proper to the temptations of their condition and temper . indeed the very converse of such a guide , if his character were rightly understood , and prudently supported , would help to keep them upon their guard ; and by striking a kind of religious awe upon their spirits , make their conversation more staunch and regular , and often prevent their falling into any remarkable excesses : but these advantages are all lost upon those who misapprehend the priest's office , and entertain him upon the same account they do their footmen , only to garnish the table , and stuff out the figure of the family . when a man hath received such a disparaging notion of the priest , and rang'd him amongst his servants , there is small likelihood of his being the better for his company ; for this conceit will make his carriage lofty and reserv'd ; his words , gestures , and silence , will all carry marks of neglect and imperiousness in them : which are plain and designed intimations that the priest must not insist upon the privileges of his function ; that he must not pretend to any liberty , but what his patron is pleas'd to allow ; with the direction of whose actions he is not to intermeddle , nor remonstrate against the unreasonableness of any practice , nor show him the danger of continuing in it : for though all this be done with caution and tenderness , and respect , yet he must look for nothing but disdain and disappointment in requital , for presuming to admonish his superiours ; which is such an usurpation upon dominion and quality as is not to be endur'd ; being neither agreeable to the servile employment of the one , nor consistent with the honour of the other . . this degrading the priesthood into a servile office , takes off from that veneration which is due to the solemn mysteries of religion , and makes them look common and contemptible ; by being administred by persons not sui juris , but obnoxious to the pleasure of those who receive them : god therefore to prevent his ordinances from falling into contempt , and to make them effectual to procure the happiness of mankind , hath given his priests authority over all they are concern'd with ; they are to bless the people in his name , and the author to the hebrews tells us that without contradiction the less is blessed of the better , hebr. . . they are called the lord's priests , sam. . . the messengers of the lord of hosts , mal. . . and in the new testament , they are stiled the stewards and ambassadors of god ; and made overseers of his church by the holy ghost , cor. . . acts . . the sense of which texts , and partly the words are by the appointment of our church applied to those who are ordain'd priests , to put them in mind of the dignity of their office , and the great care they ought to take about the conscientious discharge of it . i confess 't is possible for a priest to make himself a servant ; he may 't is likely be steward or clark of the kitchin if he pleases , ( as bishop latimer complains some of the clergy were forced to be in his time , heylin's histo refor . p. . ) but as long as he does not engage in any employment which is intended for state , or the convenience of life , as long as he keeps to his priestly function , so long he may be assured he hath no master in the house ; and for any to suppose he hath , is an unreasonable and absurd mistake ; ( to say no worse of it ) 't is an inverting that order which god made between the priest and people , and denies that authority which god hath granted for the edification of his church . it endeavours to destroy that honourable relation which the priest hath to the divine majesty ( to whose service he is appropriated ) which god is pleas'd to dignifie him with , that he might have the greater influence upon those he is concern'd with , and be successful in the execution of his office : and therefore for a patron to account such a consecrated person his priest , as if he belonged to him as a servant , is in effect to challenge divine honours , and to set up himself for a god : for if he is any thing less , he must own that the service of the priest does not belong to him ; for that in the very terms and notion of it , is intended for no being inferiour to that which is suppos'd to be divine . if it be objected , that the priest hath obliged himself to remove with the patron , when and whither he thinks fit , and therefore seems to be in the same condition with the rest of the attendants : to this i answer , that this makes him no more a servant than the travelling and ambulatory way of living among the tartars , would make the priests servants to the people , provided they were christians : to make it plainer , suppose a bishop ordain'd over the company of a ship , and that his diocese lay only in one bottom ; can we imagine that he would lose his episcopal power , and fall into the condition of other sea-men , as soon as the ship was order'd to weigh anchor , and began to make its voyage from one port to another : at this rate a man may call a guardian angel one of his domesticks , because for the security and protection of their charge , these benevolent spirits are pleas'd to accompany us from one place to another . i grant the scripture tells us they are sent forth to minister for those who are heirs of salvation , hebr. . . but then we must allow them to be god's ministers not ours ; and so likewise are those of whom i am now speaking , as among other places may be seen from cor. . . god hath pleas'd to put the clergy in joynt commission with the angels themselves , for the guidance of , and superintending his church . when st. iohn would have worshipped the angel which appear'd to him , he is forbid to do it , and the reason alledged is , because i am thy fellow-servant , rev. . . that is , as grotius expounds it , we are both ambassadors of the same king. and although st. iohn , and the rest of the apostles , had privileges peculiar to themselves , both in respect of the extent of their jurisdiction , the infallibility of their doctrine , and other miraculous gifts with which they were endowed , to which bishops themselves , much less inferiour priests , have no reason to pretend ; yet though god was pleas'd for the more speedy and effectual planting of christianity , to qualifie the apostles in an extraordinary manner , and to give them a larger commission than to the clergy of succeeding ages , yet they all act by the same authority , and for the same end ; therefore the unfixt and moving nature of a cure , does not alter and degrade the office of a priest : he is not less a shepherd , because the flock happens sometimes to wander unaccountably , from one pasture to another : he is bound to attend the charge he hath undertaken , and must answer the neglect of it to god ; and when it does not continue in the same place , to accompany its motion , is no more a diminution to his office , than it is to that of a judge to go the circuit , whose commission is as considerable , though it travels with him from one county to another , as if he had been always fixt in westminster-hall . if it be farther objected , that the patron appoints the hours of prayer , which seems to imply something of command : to this i answer , that in his chusing the time of prayer , he does not appoint any service for himself , but only declares when he and his houshold are ready for god's worship , and desirous of the priestly absolution and blessing ; which is proper for him to do , because the family is employed in his business , and under his command ; and therefore without his permission , they have not many times an opportunity of meeting together for divine service : which is still more reasonable , because the priest is supposed only to intend the affairs of religion , and to be always ready for the performance of his office , and consequently that time which is most convenient for those under his care , and in which the assembly is like to be most numerous , he is by virtue of his office bound to observe , whether his cure lies in a private family , or a whole parish . but lastly , it may be urged , that the of hen. . cap. . calls the patrons of chaplains their masters ; and will any man be so hardy as to question the judgment and determination of the parliament ? but here we may observe , that this act calls only those patrons masters , who can give qualifications for pluralities . having premised this observation , i answer , with all due submission and respect to this legislative council ; that if the question was concerning any civil right , then 't is confessed 't is in the power of the parliament either to limit , or take it away , because the whole power and authority of the kingdom is there , either personally , or by representation ; and therefore they may deprive any person of his honour or estate ( the right of the succession to the crown excepted ) as far as they please : not that 't is impossible for them to act unjustly , but only that what they determine hath the force of a law , because every man is suppos'd to have given his consent to it . but here we must observe , that the church is a distinct society from the state , and independent upon it : the constitution of the church is founded in the appointment of christ , in that commission which he gave the apostles and their successors , and consequently does not derive its authority from any earthly power . the civil magistrate never yet made bishop , priest , or deacon , nor ever can ; and therefore we may safely affirm , without any injury or disrespect to him , that he cannot make these spiritual offices greater or less than they are : therefore if god hath made the priests office ( as nothing is plainer in scripture than that he hath ) an office of government , direction , and superintendence over those he is concern'd with , then 't is not in the power of the parliament to make his condition servile ; because no person , or society of persons , can take away that power which they never gave : the parliament may with equal right enact that parents shall be subject to their children , and that the wife shall be her husband's mistress , without a compliment , as make the people the priests masters , and give the flock a jurisdiction over the shepherd : they may with the same justice repeal the most established laws of nature , and invert the right of the two former relations , as of this latter ; for this hath its establishment from the same god that the other have , and for ends , at least equally weighty , and momentous . this power of their spiritual governours they have no more authority to destroy , than they have to vote down the cannon of scripture , or to decree sacrilege to be no sin : 't is granted , that all ecclesiastical persons , as they are members of the state , are subject to its authority ; and that a priest , or bishop , may properly be a servant to the magistrate , if he holds any secular employment under him ; because in this case he acts by a commission from the civil government ; but this only concerns him as he is a member of the state , and does not in the least affect his spiritual capacity : the power which results from that , flows from another fountain ; and is given by our saviour himself , and therefore cannot be weakned , or recall'd , by any state-constitution whatever . men should do well therefore to consider , that as a prince hath no reason to take it well , if the people should look upon his officers as their servants ; so 't is not over-respectful to god almighty to suppose his ministers stand in that inferiour relation to those they are concern'd with . i shall now proceed to the second thing at first propounded , viz. to show , that whatever fair expectations the patron may have given the priest , yet these are not sufficient grounds for an imperious carriage on the one hand , or a servil submission on the other . . this sort of deportment were unreasonable , supposing the patron had as full and absolute a right in church-preferment , as he hath in any other part of his estate . for what can be a more ungenerous and ungentlemanly practice , than to require that a man should resign up his liberty , and forfeit the privileges of his station , only upon the probability of receiving some sort of consideration for it afterwards ? how unlike a benefactor does he look who sets an excise upon his bare word , and clogs the expectation of future advantage with present inconvenience ? thus to anticipate the revenues of a favour , is like taking usury for money before 't is lent , which certainly is one of the worst sorts of extortion , because here a man not only pays for that he hath not , but for that which possibly he may never have . but . let us suppose the priest in actual possession of some considerable preferment , yet being 't is pretended to be given , it ought certainly to come disencumber'd from all conditions which may abate the kindness of it . he that pretends to give , should chiefly respect the advantage of him to whom the favour is granted . he should demean himself towards the obliged party , as if the obligation had never been ; that it may plainly appear , that his intention in conferring it , was disinterested ; that he had no little designs of profit or state , to serve in it ; but that it proceeded purely from a generous inclination to promote the happiness of another . whereas on the contrary , to part with any thing out of a selfish design , is an exchange , not a gift , which when 't is done by a person of estate , is an argument of a mean and mercenary spirit . but then to pursue a benefit with superciliousness and contempt , to expect a compliance with the most unreasonable humours ; to give upbraiding and contumelious signs of the dependance and unworthiness of the receiver ; to require a man to relinquish the necessary freedom of one of the most solemn and honourable professions ; this turns an obligation into injury and affront , and looks like a malicious trap set to catch a man's reputation . who that hath either sense or honesty would turn his canonical habit into a livery , and makes himself useless and ridiculous for the greatest consideration whatever ? a worthy person would scorn a kingdom proffer'd upon such dishonourable terms . . if we put the case as 't is determined by law , this practice will appear still more unreasonable . 't is sufficiently known , and were it not for the overgrown prejudices of some persons , it were superfluous to mention that the patron is so far from having a full propriety in church-preferments , that his right only consists in a power to nominate who shall enjoy them . which very nomination must be made within six months , and fix't upon a person canonically qualified , otherwise 't is wholly invalid . his interest in church livings only enables him to give them away , not to keep them . he hath no power to enter upon any part of the glebes , or tithes , or so much as to sequester the profits for the next incumbent . he is only a trustee authorized under certain conditions , to dispose of the patrimony of the church , which is settled upon it by as good laws as any he holds his estate by . that right which he hath was originally granted in consideration of works of extraordinary piety , in building or endowing of churches : which is a title very few ( except the king ) can pretend to , either upon their own , or their ancestors accounts . from all which it appears , that the patrons giving an annuity out of his estate , is a quite different thing from his presenting to a living , and therefore his expectations of gratitude and observance , should not be set so high in this latter case . for here neither law , nor religion , allow the donor to be a penny the better for what he disposes of ; he cannot detain the least part of it without injustice and sacrilege , nor confer it upon exceptionable persons without breach of fidelity . the trust indeed is honourable and weighty , it being in the power of those to whom 't is committed to encourage learning , and to provide the people with prudent and conscientious guides : but then i must add , that it ought to be discharged accordingly , and that those who do not chiefly aim at these ends in the exercise of it , have little either of conscience or honour in them . we have reason to believe that when the church gave this right of presentation to lay-patrons , ( for that the bishops had originally the right of judging the qualifications of priests , and fixing them in their respective cures , without being accountable to a quare impedit for their refusal of the peoples choice , might be made evident were it pertinent to the business in hand . ) when the church i say parted with this right , she had no suspicion of the degeneracy of after ages ; but imagined that the integrity , and conscience , if not the munificence of the first patrons , might have been transmitted to the heirs or purchasers of their right . the piety of those times would have made it look uncharitable to have been apprehensive of resignation bonds , of forced compositions , and contracts for farms , or women . but some people have now learn'd to make bold with god almighty , beyond the imagination , as well as the example , of their predecessors ; and to be guilty of those sacrilegious frauds , which by the late provision of our laws against some of them , seem not to have been so much as thought on , in those more primitive and religious days . and here in point of charity i think my self obliged to desire those who are concern'd in the rights of patronage , to consider before 't is too late , how great a sin it is to abuse their power ; and through covetousness , or some other unwarrantable principle , to betray the church , which hath in some measure made them her guardian : it imports them very much to reflect how unworthy and unchristian it is to play upon the indigence or irresolution of another ; and take an advantage from the unfortunateness of his condition or temper , to oblige him to mean and sinful compliances ! and what an open and undisguised affront it is to the divine majesty , to endeavour to make his ministers cheap and insignificant ; both before , and after the conferring our pretended favours upon them . to create servile dependances , and raise our private grandeur upon the endowments of religion , is a perfect contradiction to the end and design of them . this makes the church contemptible by the strength of her own revenues , and causes the monuments of our fore-fathers piety to be instrumental in undermining , and exposing that faith they thereby intended to secure and advance : which whosoever is guilty of , he may be assured he hath a right to the imprecations , as well as the patronage of the first endowers of churches , which dreadful legacy they were generally very careful to settle upon such irreligious posterity , spelman de non temerand . eccl. in short , to prostitute so sacred a trust as this is , to pride and ambition , is in effect to sacrifice to the devil with that which is consecrated to god almighty ; and looks like a more provoking impiety than belshazzer's debauching to the honour of his idols , in the vessels of the temple , dan. . , . for here is not only an abuse of holy things but persons too , and god is dishonoured in those that represent him upon a most solemn and important account . i shall now at last crave leave to desire those of the clergy , who are engaged in the families of secular persons ( for i mean no other ) to reflect of what ill consequence it is to religion for them not to assert their office in a prudent defensible way : and how cheap in their persons , and unsuccessful in their employment , they must necessarily be , if they betray the privileges of their function , by servile compliance and flattery . people will be apt to imagine ( and not without reason ) that those who will cringe below the gravity of their character , to gain a little of this world , can scarce have any great and religious apprehensions of the other . overmuch ceremony in a clergyman is frequently misinterpreted , and supposed to proceed not from his breeding or humility , but from a consciousness of his meanness ; and others are willing to allow him so much sense , as to be a competent judg of his own inconsiderateness ; and since he confesses himself contemptible by his carriage , they think it but just to treat him accordingly . for men of figure , excepting those who are very understanding and religious , are apt to have misapprehensions conveyed into them by over-proportioned respect ; and to imagine the distance between him that gives it , and themselves , to be much greater than really it is . since therefore as things stand , there is some danger lest churchmen should complement away the usefulness and authority of their calling ; they would do well to decline superlative observance , for fear they give others a wrong notion of their employ , or be thought to have mens persons in admiration because of advantage . it would be no more than requisite , if they would reserve their duty for their king , their bishop and their parents , and express their gratitude to their patrons in language less liable to misconstruction , and more proper to the relation between them . for as they should not be unwilling to own the distinctions which the king's laws have made , as they ought to make some particular acknowledgments for the favors and civilities of those they are more immediately concern'd with , and by inoffensive and agreeable conversation , prevent all reasonable suspicion of their being displeas'd with the superiour quality or fortune of others ; so likewise are they obliged not to be so officiously , or rather parasitically mindful of the condition of any person , as wholly to be forgetful of their own . for notwithstanding the disadvantages they may sometimes happen to come into the world with ; the constitution of the government hath set them upon the same level with the inferiour gentry , as a reward of their education , and out of regard to their function : now that the laws were not priest-ridden and superstitiously lavish of their honour in this case might , were it necessary , be abundantly proved from the reason of the thing , and the general practice of other countries , both with respect to ancient and modern times . these privileges therefore being confer'd upon just and publick accounts , a man is sometimes bound to maintain ; and to surrender them up to the superciliousness of every assuming or ignorant pretender , is a reflection upon the wisdom , and ingratitude to the religious bounty of those kings who granted them : and which is worse , a churchman by making himself contemptible hath parted with his power of doing good ; and consequently disappointed the great end of his calling . whereas without doubt 't is part of the design of these privileges to create a sutable resolution and presence of mind in those that have them , that so their spirit being raised up to their civil station , their character and department may be the better proportioned , and their actions keep a truer decorum with the nature of their office ; that they might not be over-awed , and almost struck dumb with the glitterings of title , or fortune ; but retain a graceful freedom in conversation , neither idolizing greatness , nor neglecting it . the intention of the laws in distinguishing the clergy from the vulgar , besides the consideration of their merit , was to put them into a better capacity to maintain the honour and interest of religion among all sorts of persons ; that the rich as well as the poor might be advantaged by their ministery , and when persons of condition were to be told of their faults , the priest might be fortified with a convenient courage to give the reproof , and the others dispos'd to receive it without disgust and impatience . now to be ready upon all occasions to resent any dishonour done to religion with a prudent gravity and assurance , carries such a noble air of greatness and undesigning honesty in it , that it forces a secret veneration from enemies themselves ; and though a man may happen to be unjustly hated for speaking unacceptable truths , yet he is sure never to be despised . whereas a diffident and unsupported behaviour in a clergyman , is often suppos'd to proceed from ignoble qualities , and consequently will be sure to weaken the force of his publick instructions ; it being natural for ill men especially , to disregard , if not to deride the admonitions of those they believe are afraid of them ; and he that cannot talk without concern before a sinner of quality any where but in the pulpit , might almost as good say nothing to him there . for if a churchman's conversation be servile and designing all the week , his appearing with a new set of notions upon the sunday , will be interpreted only a formal compliance with his profession : his pressing those doctrines which his practice contradicts , will signify little either to his own advantage , or theirs that hear him : for though men ought to mind what is said , and not who says it ; yet the prejudices of the generality are such , that a good cause usually suffers very much when 't is pleaded by an improper and exceptionable advocate : how fulsom an entertainment it is to hear a coward harangue upon valour , or a covetous miser preach up contempt of the world ? the man might better have spared his rhetorick ; for his commending those good qualities he neither hath the honesty or courage to be master of , is in effect but a satyr upon himself , and serves only to make him more despicable and ridiculous ; and which is worse , the secret disdain the audience hath for such a panegyrist , often slides from his person to his subject ; which makes his exhortation nauseous , and helps to bring virtue it self into disgrace . if it be objected , that the poverty of some of the clergy forces them to suppress their sentiments in some things , and to suffer whatever an encroaching spirit shall think fit to put upon them : to this i answer , that the temptation to this sin ought to have been prevented before their going into holy orders : for those who cannot be supplied with a competent fortune by themselves , their relations , or at least by some creditable independent preferment , had much better chuse some other inferiour employment , than expose themselves to such apparent danger in this : but if their own or their friends imprudence , hath sent them unprovided into the church , 't is more reputable , conscientious , and to a generous mind more easie too , to submit to the inconveniencies of their own poverty , than to the pride of others ; and to prefer a homely , unornamented liberty , to a splendid servitude . and as for those ( if there be any such ) who do not discharge their office with that plainness , and discreetly managed resolution which god and the church expects from them ; it will not be improper to remind them of what mr. herbert hath written upon this occasion , country parson , pag. . where he tells us , that such persons wrong the priesthood , neglect their duty , and shall be so far from that which they seek by their over-submissiveness and cringing , that they shall ever be despised . indeed they have no reason to expect any better usage ; for as flatterly is deservedly accounted one of the most contemptible vices , so a clergy-man when he is guilty of it is the worst of fla●●●●ers . to which we may add , that 't is hard to conceive how the oath against simo●● can be fairly taken by such persons ▪ for certainly he that purchases his preferment with the prevarication of his office , does no less contradict the design of this oath , than if he had paid down the full value in money for it : he that hath barter'd away his freedom and usefulness , ( and as much as in him lies the reputation of his order ) cannot in any reasonable construction be said to be presented gratis . those therefore who are this way concern'd , should do well to consider , how mean it is to be over-awed , and how mercenary to be bribed into an omission of their duty ! what a sordid and criminal perfidiousness is it , to betray the honour of their function , and the happiness of their charge , for handfuls of barley and pieces of bread ? ezek. . how ill do they represent the god of faithfulness and truth ; who either by verbal or silent flattery deceive men into a false perswasion of security , and dissemble their apprehensions of danger , when the mistake is likely to prove fatal to those that lie under it ? can they that pretend ( and that truly ) a commission from our blessed saviour , that good shepherd , who laid d●wn his life for the sheep ; can they have so little charity for the souls of men , as to let them miscarry out of ceremony and respect , and rather venture their being damn'd than disobliged ? how such a treacherous observance will be look'd upon in the great day of accounts is not difficult to foretell , were it not too sad an argument to dilate upon : however something of the guilt of it may be conceived by a remarkable sentence of the forementioned author , pag. . which seems to be no less true than severe , they ( says he ) who for the hope of promotion , neglect any necessary admonition or reproof , sell , with iudas , their lord and master . finis . a moral essay concerning the nature and unreasonableness of pride . in which the most plausible pretences of this vice are examined . in a conference between philotimus and philalethes . to the reader . i easily foresee some people will be disobliged with the freedom of these papers ▪ and think themselves treated with too little ceremony ; but unless they can disarm their pretended adversary , and confute his arguments , i would desire them by all means to smother their resentments : for as bad as the world is , to appear in defence of pride , and turn advocate for the devil , looks like an untoward sort of an employment . however to sweeten their humour as much as may be , they may please to consider that there was no good to be done in this case without plain dealing ; this malady of all others must be well examined , otherwise it 's in vain to expect a cure. 't is to no purpose to declaim in general against a proud man , and to give him a great many hard names ; for unless you point directly upon his vice , distinguish it's nature , and discover the weakness of that which he builds upon . every one will be sure to avoid the charge and parry against the application . farther , to abate their censure i think it not improper to acquaint them that here are no particular characters attempted , nor is there the least intention to provoke or expose any person living . besides when a piece like this is drawn from so many different faces ; the mixing of features and complexions , will keep the originals from being discover'd . in short the design of this small discourse is only to make men more useful and acceptable to society , and more easie to themselves than they generally are : and that those who over-top their neighbours upon any considerable account ; may manage their advantage with that modesty and good humour , that none may have any ●ust occasion to wish them less . a moral essay upon pride , in a conference between philotimus and philalethes . philot. philalethes , i am glad to see you , though you are so wrapt up in speculation that i scarce knew you at first sight ; pray why so thoughtful ? you don't use to have so much philosophy in your face . philal. i have a particular reason to look a little pretendingly at present ; therefore i hope you will excuse it . philot. with all my heart , for i suppose you will not make a practice of it : but whatever emergency you may be under , i would advise you to appear in your old shape again ; for in my judgment that contemplative figure does not become you . philal. i am sorry to hear thinking agrees so ill with my constitution ; but i hope this alteration does not arise from any natural antipathy i have to sense , but from the unacceptableness of the subject i am upon . philot. pray if it be not too free a question , what were you musing upon ? philal. why last night i happened to light upon an overgrown fop , who plagued the company with such an impertinent history of his quality and performances , and was so vain and insolent in all his behaviour , that as soon as i was delivered from him , i had a plentiful occasion to consider the unreasonableness of pride ; which is the present employment of my thoughts , and upon a full view , i find so much folly , and ill humour , and monster , in the composition of this vice , that i am ashamed , and almost afraid , of the idea i have raised . philot. 't is somewhat hard you can't stand the charge of your own imagination ; but though i shall not dispute your courage , yet i much question your mortification . philal. the reason of your censure ? philot. because i have observed it 's but a bad sign of humility to declaim against pride ; for he that is really humble will be unconcerned about respect and applause ; such a person values himself upon nothing but his conscience and integrity , and therefore the haughtiness of another can't make him uneasie ; so that if he finds himself wince upon the account of neglect , he may be pretty well assured he has a sore place . philal. i think you are somewhat out in your notion of humility ; for that virtue does not make us either servile or insensible , it does not oblige us to be ridden at the pleasure of every coxcomb . we may shew our dislike of an imperious humour , as well as of any other foolish action , both for the benefit of others , and in vindication of our own right . philot. i am glad to hear this concession from you , because from hence it follows that a man may have a just esteem of himself without being proud : now if this observation was remembred and rightly applyed , men would not be so censorious in this point , nor mistake their own pride for their neighbours so often as they do . for instance , a man whom the law has made my superiour , may take notice of his quality if he pleases ; but this can't well be done , except he makes me an abatement of the regard he receives from me , therefore i ought not to interpret the reserve or familiarity of his carriage , as a neglect , for provided he keeps within his proportion , he challenges nothing but his own ; so that if i am displeased , the pride lies on my side , for affecting to have an equal regard paid to persons who are unequal . philal. i have nothing to object against the main of your discourse , and conceive that the best way to know whether we are guilty or not , and to prevent charging this odious imputation unjustly upon others , is to state the nature of pride , and to enquire into the grounds of it . philot. i confess that is the way to pinch the question , therefore let what will come of it , i will stand the test of your method , though i am afraid you will say some unacceptable things . philal. suppose i do ; if the subject leads me to it , the fault is not mine : but to come to the point : pride has a very strong foundation in the mind ; it 's bottom'd upon self-love . philot. then i sind there is somewhat to work upon . — philal. pray give me leave , i say pride is originally founded in self-love , which is the most intimate and inseparable passion of humane nature . the kindness men have for themselves , is apt to put them upon over-valuing their own things : which humour unless check'd in time , will make them take most delight in those circumstances and actions which distinguish them from their neighbours ; and place their supposed advantages in the best light . now this design is best pursued by being master of uncommon excellencies , which though desired by all , are possessed but by a few ; for the rareness of things raises their esteem , and draws a general admiration . and their desire of being distinguish'd , is one reason why they love to keep the odds in their own hand , and to make the distance between themselves and their neighbours as wide as may be , which often runs them upon a vain , and tyrannical ostentation of their power , capacity , &c. for this magnificent discovery makes the difference between them and their neighbours the more apparent , and consequently occasions their own greatness to be the more remarkable . philot. i think you have said something very remarkable , and i don't know but you may grow considerable by it , if you can prove your assertion . philal. pray what rising doctrine have i laid down ? philot. you say that pride is founded in self-love , which is an unseparable passion of humane nature ; from whence i gather , that it 's impossible for a man not to be proud , because it 's impossib●e for a man not to love himself . we are like to have an admirable preservative from you at this rate . philal. not so fast , if you had attended to the whole , you might have observed that by self-love i meant the excesses of it . philot. i thought a man could not have loved himself too well . philal. if by loving you mean wishing himself happy , i agree with you ; for we may , or rather we must desire to be as happy as is possible , provided it be without prejudice to another . but then if esteem is understood by love , it 's easie ( without care ) to exceed in our own behalf ; and in this sense we certainly do love our selves too well , as often as we set an overproportioned and unusual value upon any thing because it 's our own ; as if our fondness and partiality was the true standard of worth , and we had the faculty of turning every thing we touched into gold . philot. i will not contest this point any farther with you ; but as i remember you started another paradox , by intimating that it was a sign of ambition to esteem any excellency the higher for being uncommon : now since the value of an advantage is enhansed by its scarceness , and made more reputable to the owner ; i think it somewhat hard not to give a man leave to love that most which is most serviceable to him , philal. so it would if he had no body to love but himself ; but since he is both obliged and naturally inclinable to universal benevolence , this alters the case : for he who values any thing the more for being uncommon , will desire it should continue so , which is no kind wish to his neighbours , and is an argument that a man does not delight in an advantage so much for it self , as for the comparison ; not so much for its own irrespective goodness , as because others want it . now it affords a more generous , and i believe , a more transporting pleasure , to converse with universal happiness , though we make no greater figure in it , than the rest of our neighbours ; than to be gazed at , and admired by a crowd of indigent and inferiour people . philot. the world does not seem to be of your opinion ; however i will let your argument pass for the good nature of it . but after all let me tell you , though i have no mind to be counted proud , yet i have a strong fancy for myself , and therefore if you will not allow me to be civil to my person , we might e'en as good dispute no farther , for — philal. don't trouble your self , if your terms are moderate , we 'll never break off upon the score , therefore i will offer at a short negative description of pride , in which if it 's possible , i will give you satisfaction . philot. pray let us see how liberal you will be . philal. first it 's no part of pride to be conscious of any perfections we have , whether intellectual or moral ; for this is in many cases necessary , and impossible to be avoided . he that is wise or learned must know it , otherwise he can't understand when he judges true or false , nor distinguish difficult and noble speculations , from trifling and vulgar remarks , nor tell when he acts rationally or not . now a man that is ignorant of these things can neither be wise nor knowing : therefore as he that has a just and vigorous sense of the magnitude , distance and colours of objects , must conclude that he has eyes whether he will or not ; so these perfections of the mind discover themselves by their own light. the possessour can no more be ignorant of them , than he can doubt of his existence when he is awake . to give one instance more ; how can any person have true fortitude , who does not know how far he ought to hazard himself , and wherein the baseness of cowardise consists ? so that to affirm a man may be ignorant of his own considerableness , is to make him wise and great , and good by chance , which is a contradictition to the excellencies supposed in him . philot. right . and since i like the frankness , and tendency of your argument , i 'll try if i can reinforce it : i say then , supposing it was possible for a man to be ignorant of his good qualities ; it was by no means convenient : for if he carried such a treasure about him , without knowing how well furnished he was ; it s somewhat hard to conceive , how he could either improve or use it . if it lay thus close , it would be little better , than a mine undiscovered , for which neither the owner of the ground , or any body else are ever the richer , philal. you say well , and therefore i shall venture in the second place to affirm , that as we may be acquainted with our own accomplishments , without being guilty of pride , so neither is it any branch of this sin to discover that they are greater than some of our neighbours enjoy . if we have a real advantage over another , it 's no sin to be sensible of it ; to apprehend otherwise , is to judge contrary to the reason of things , when the case is plain , we may believe we have more honesty , sense , &c. than some others . this is as allowable as it is for us to think , that we have better complexions than moors , and are taller than pygmies . philot. can you go on ? philal. yes , i 'm not afraid to add , thirdly , that we don't fall into the sin of pride by being delighted with those advantages of mind , body or fortune , which providence has given us ; these things in the very notion of them are supposed to be beneficial . now it 's natural and necessary for us to be pleased with the enjoyment of that which is good ; of that which is agreeable to our faculties , and an advancement of our nature : to speak strictly , when the faculty and the object are rightly proportioned , satisfaction follows of course , and it s as impossible for us not to be pleased , as it is for fire not to ascend : farther , if we are not allowed to take any satisfaction in our condition , we are not bound to give god thanks for it , ; for we are not obliged to be thankful for that which does us no good : but nothing can do us any good , except it be by giving us a pleasure either in hand or in prospect . fourthly , it is no part of pride , to be more pleased with having of an advantage our selves , than by seeing one of the same value possessed by another . philot. make this out and you will oblige me . philal. very well : i prove my proposition thus . first , because that which is in our possession , or incorporated into our essence , is always in our power , and ready to be made use of when we think fit . but that which belongs to another is often at a distance , and out of our reach , and can't be communicated to us , though the owner was never so willing . secondly , it must be more agréeable to be master of any perfection our selves , than to contemplate one of the same nature in another ; because every one is more certain of the kind inclination he has to himself , than he can be of the affection of any other person whatever : that i will be always kind to my self , i am as well assured of , as that i have a being ; but that another will be so , is impossible for me to know : and therefore let a man be never so good natured , it must be somewhat more satisfactory to him , to see himself well furnished in any kind , than his neighbour . thirdly , that which is our own and in our nature , we have the most intimate and vigorous sense of ; for the presence of any desirable object , we know is more acceptable and entertaining than either the notion or prospect of it : possession gives us the life of the thing , but hopes and fancy can furnish out no more at the best than a picture finely drawn . so that , for example , let a man be of never so generous and disinterested a spirit , yet it 's natural for him to be better pleased , withbeing rich himself ( if he has any value for riches ) than in having the bare idea of an estate : besides as i observed , that which is our own , is always at our disposal , and does not depend upon the uncertain inclination and humour of another . philot. very comfortably argued . i find then by your discourse that a man may without vanity be pleased with his circumstances , and have good thoughts of himself too , if he deserves it . now some people are so unreasonable , that they will neither give men leave to love , nor understand themselves ; if they are conscious of any commendable quality , they must be sure to lay it out of the way that they may not see it ; nay if a man has taken never so much care to make himself insignificant , in order to the promoting of humility , they will scarce let him know he is good for nothing , for fear he should grow conceited of his virtue . but i perceive you are not so strait laced , and pedantick in your notions . therefore if you can recover us no more ground , let us know directly what pride is , and be as fair as you can . philal. why pride in the plainest words which i can think of , is too high an opinion of our own excellency . philot. how shall we know when we over-rate our selves ? philal. that is a very seasonable question , and absolutely necessary to the state of the case : therefore i shall lay down some indisputable marks of this vice , that whenever we see the tokens we may conclude the plague is in the house . philot. let us hear your diagnosticks . philal. first , then we may be assured we have this disease , when we value any person chiefly because his advantages are of the same nature with those we enjoy , neglecting others who have an equal right to regard , only because their privileges are of a different kind from our own . for instance , when men who derive their considerableness from the sword , the gown , or their ancestours , think none worthy their esteem but such as claim under their own pretences ; in this case it 's evident it can be nothing but partiality and conceitedness which makes them give the preheminence . secondly , we may certainly conclude our selves infected with this vice , when we invade the rights of our neighbour , not upon the account of covetousness , but of dominion ; only that we may have it in our power to create dependencies , and to give another that which is already his own . thirdly , when men don't measure their civil advantages by the laws of their country , but by their own fancies , and the submissions of flatterers ; this is another infallible sign they are proud. fourthly , to mention no more , when men love to make themselves the subject of discourse : to conn over their pedigrees , and obtrude the blazon of their exploits upon the company ; this is an argument they are overgrown with conceit , and very much smitten with themselves . philot. though i think you have hit the symptoms pretty well , yet except they are marked somewhat more distinctly , 't is possible for a man to have most of them without being e'er the wiser . for unless we are able to draw up a just state of the degrees of merit , we can never take the true height of our pretensions , and being in this uncertainty it's odds if self love does not make us determine to the prejudice of our neighbours . now i would gladly know how we must go to work to be sufficiently informed in this point . philal. we must endeavour to get right apprehensions of the several excellencies of humane nature , and what proportion they hold to each other : in order to the assisting our judgment in this case i shall lay down these general rules . first , those advantages which spring from our selves , which are the effects of our power and courage , of our industry or understanding , are more valuable than those which are derived , and borrowed , because they are a sign of a richer and more active nature . secondly , those qualities which are most useful ought to have the preference : for since acknowledgments ought to be suitable to the nature of benefits received , those who have the largest capacity of obliging , may fairly challenge the perheminence in our esteem ; and therefore in the third place the duration of an advantage ought to be consider'd ; and that which has the firmest constitution and is most likely to continue , ought to be prefer'd to others which are brittle and short lived . these rules carefully apply'd will shew us how far our pretensions to regard are short of , or exceed other mens , and so prevent an over-weening opinion of our selves . however , we are to observe that outward respect ought to be given according to the distinctions of ; law , and though a man may happen to be very defective in point of merit , yet we ought to take notice of the value authority has set upon him . philot. give me leave to put in a word , which is to tell you , that though i am not satisfied with your instances , yet i am glad to find you will allow us different degrees of worth . i was almost afraid you would have set all mankind upon a level . philal. to deliver you from such apprehensions , i freely grant you that the distinctions of quality ought to be kept up for the encouragement of industry , and the support of government . i hope now you have the reason of my concession ; you will no● be so suspicious for the future . philot. no , not till you give me a farther occasion ; especially since the inference of your discourse is not unacceptable : from whence it followeth , that when a man sees plainly that he has the advantage of his neighbour , he may let him understand so much without any offence to humility . philal. no doubt of it , especially when his station is publick ; but then the discovery of his superiority ought to be managed with a great deal of art and good nature , to which we are obliged not only in point of complaisance but justice . for though there is often a real disterence between one man and another , yet the party who has the advantgae usually magnifies the inequality beyond all sense , and proportion . men don't consider that the great priviledges of humane nature are common to the whole kind ; such as being equally related to god and adam , reason and immortality , the same number of senses , and much of the same perfection and continuance . and as for those things which are the peculiar advantages of a few ; they are either acquired and enjoyed by the strength of those general ones i have mentioned , or else they are forein and in a great measure chimerical , and therefore can be no real enrichments of our nature . they are often no more than the blessings of chance , of flattery , and imagination . and though they may set us upon higher ground , yet they can add nothing to the true stature of our being . but to combate this vice more successfully , we 'll examine its most plausible pretences , and see if we can discover the weakness of them . philot. what pretences are those ? philal. i mean learning , nobility , and power ; for these you know are accounted the brightest and most distinguishing advantages . but though they ought all to be considered , yet i believe there is much more weight laid upon them , than in strict reason they will bear . philot. you talk as if you were retained by the mobile , and had a mind to bring us back to our original state of ignorance and peasantry . philal. i tell you once again you are much mistaken . i have no design to lessen the value of any mans honour , or understanding : let people have as much sense and quality as they please , provided they don 't grow troublesom and ridiculous about it . philot. i somwhat suspect you have a mind to engross this vice of pride to your self . this sort of discourse looks like declaiming against arbitrary power , where the sharpest invectives are commonly made by the most enterprizing , and unmortifyed men , who are only angry that they are not possessed of that absoluteness themselves , which they endeavour to render odious in others . philal. hah ! you are somewhat smart . however let me tell you , if i have any such project as you imagine , you have me upon a fair dilemma . for , if my reasons against pride hold good , they will stand upon record against my self , which i suppose will be no unacceptable revenge for you : if they are insignificant , you will have the diversion of laughing at the folly of the attempt : and which is more considerable , you may keep your good opinion of yourself into the bargain . philot. pray begin your attack as you think fit , and for disputes sake i 'll try how far i can maintain the ground against you . philal. first then , learning ( to begin there ) and high conceit agree very well together : for a man of letters may have a clearer notion of the stupidness and deformity of this vice , and being better acquainted with the frame and passions of humane nature , he can't choose but discover how unacceptable it must make him to all mankind . besides he is supposed to know that nothing in strict reason deserves a true commendation , but a right use of the liberty of our will , which is in every ones power to manage to advantage . secondly , learning gives us a fuller conviction of the impersection of our nature , which one would think might dispose us to modesty . the more a man knows the more he discovers his ignorance . he can scarce look upon any part of the creation , but he finds himself encompassed with doubts and difficulties . there is scarce any thing so trifling or seemingly common , but perplexes his understanding , if he has but sense enough to look into all the objections which may be raised about it . he knows he has a being 't is true , and so does a peasant , but what this thing is which he calls himself , is hard to say . he has reason to believe , that he is compounded of two very different ingredients , spirit , and matter ; but how such unallyed and disproportioned substances should hold any correspondence and act upon each other , no mans learning yet could ever tell him . nay how the parts of matter cohere , is a question which it 's likely will never be well answer'd in this life . for though we make use of the fairest hypotheses , yet if we pursue the argument home , we shall go nigh to dispute away our bodies , and reason our selves all in pieces . insomuch that if we had nothing but principles to encourage us , we might justly be afraid of going abroad , lest we should be blown away like a heap of dust : for it 's no solution to say the greater parts of matter are connected with hooked particles ; for still the difficulty returns how these hooks were made ? quis custodiet ipsos custodes ? what is it that fastens this soder , and links these first principles of bodies into a chain ? and as the more refined understandings know little or nothing of themselves , and of the material world ; so upon enquiry we shall find them as defective in their skill about moral truths : ( excepting those who are taught by revelation , which supernatural discoveries the unlearned are capable of understanding , as far as their happiness is concerned . ) those who made laws in their respective countries , we have reason to believe had their minds polished above the vulgar rate : and yet we see how unaccountably the publick constitutions of nations vary . the persians and athenians allowed incest , the lacedemonians stealing , and some indians herodotus mentions , used to bury their best friends in their stomachs . in short , the rules of decency , of government , of justice it self , are so different in one place from what they are in another , so party-coloured and contradictious , that one would almost think the species of men altered , according to their climates ; and that they had not the same nature in common . one would almost think that right and wrong lay rather in the fancies of men , than in the reason of things , and was bounded more by seas and rivers , than by any unalterable limits of nature ; that virtue and vice were minted by the civil magistrate , and like coins would pass for currant only in his own dominions . the heathen philosophers may fairly be granted to have as good pretences to learning , as any other sort of men among them : and yet we may observe from tully and laertius what a small proportion of solid knowledge they were masters of ; how strangely did they differ in matters of the highest import ? how eagerly did they dispute , and not without probability on both sides : whether there was any thing certain ? whether the criterions of truth and falshood were clear and indubitable or not ? whether the government of the world was casual , fatal , or providential ? how many summum bonums have they presented us with , some of them only fit to entertain a brute , others noble enough for a spirit of the highest order ? it were tedious to recount the differences one sect had with another , their inconsistences with themselves , and the ridiculous and ill supported tenets some of the most famous of them have held . insomuch that tully takes notice that there was no opinion so absurd , but was held by some philosopher or other . 't is true they could wrangle and harangue better than the common people ; they could talk more plausibly about that they did not understand ; but their learning lay chiefly in flourish , and terms , and cant ; for as for any real improvements in science they were not much wiser than the less pretending multitude . indeed the more modest of them would confess that the chief use of learning was to give us a fuller discovery of our ignorance , and to keep us from being peremptory and dogmatical in our determinations . now one would imagine the more intimate acquaintance we had with the imperfections of our nature , the greater reason we should have to be humble . is weakness a proper foundation to erect our lofty conceits upon ? indeed he that has not the leisure or capacity to examine how it 's with him , may be fondly persuaded to fancy himself somebody , and grow vain upon the kind presumption ; but for a man to be proud who can demonstrate his own poverty , is little less than madness . philot. if the case stands thus , to make all sure , we had best get an order to burn the twenty four letters , and hang up cadmus in effigie ; for — philal. pray don't interrupt me , and i will try if i can give you a little ease . granting therefore , as we may , that learning does give some advantage , and that our understandings are really enriched by it ; yet in regard we have but a few principles to build upon , the greatest part of our knowledge must consist in inferences , which can't be wrought out without great labour and attention of mind : and when we are at any distance from self-evident truths , the mind is not only perplexed with the consideration of a great many circumstances , but which is worse , forgetfulness or mistake in the least of them , frustrates our whole design , and rewards us with nothing but error for our trouble . now he that is so liable to be imposed upon , who rises but by inches , and enriches himself , by such slow and insensible degrees ; 't is a sign that his stock was either very small , or that he is unskilfull in the management of his business , and therefore he has no reason to be proud of what he has gotten : besides it 's an humbling consideration to reflect what pains we are obliged to take to muster up our forces , and to make that little reason we have serviceable . how fast does obscurity , flatness and impertinency slow in upon our meditations ? 't is a difficult task to talk to the purpose , and to put life and perspicuity into our discourses ; those who are most ready and inventive have not their best thoughts uppermost : no , they must think upon the stretch , ransack , and turn over their mind , and put their imagination into a kind of ferment , if they intend to produce any thing extraordinary : so that considering the trouble and almost violence we are put upon , one would think that sense and reason was not made for mankind , and that we strive against our natures , when ▪ we pretend to it . philot. well ; what though our minds were poor , and unfurnished at first , is it any disparagement to us to have more wit than we were born with ? what though we can't strike out a science at a heat , but are forced to polish our selves by degrees , and to work hard for what we have ? the less we were assisted by nature , the greater commendation it is to our industry , and our attainments are so much the more our own . and since we have thus fairly distinguished our selves by merit , why should we seem unapprehensive of our performances ? since we have paid so dear for the improvements of our understanding , and our advantages are gained with so much difficulty , what harm is it to make our best of them ? why should we not oblige the negligent to distance and regard , and make those who are younger or less knowing than our selves sensible of their inferiority ? philal. i agree with you as i have already hinted , that a man may lawfully maintain his character and just pretences against rudeness and ignorance , especially when the publick good is concerned in his reputation . but when he acts a private part , and converses with people of sense and modesty , he should give them but very gentle remembrances of his prerogative : his opinion of his own worth should but just dawn upon them , and at the most give them but an obscure and remote notice , that he expected any singular acknowledgment : he should take the respect that is paid him rather as a present than a debt , and seem thankful for that which is his own : but to be stiff and formally reserved as if the company did not deserve our familiarity ; to be haughty and contemptuous , and to make scanty and underproportioned returns of civility : this is a downright challenge of homage , and plainly tells people , they must be very mannerly : 't is in effect to say , gentlemen , i have more learning , and have done the publick greater service than you , and therefore i expect to be considered for it : you may possibly say that i have more preferment too , and am paid for my merit in mony , but that shall not serve your turn ; for except you shew your selves very dutiful , i shall give you broad signs of my dissatisfaction , and never let you have the honour of my converse again . now such a man if he went much abroad , would plague mankind more with his company , than he could oblige them with his writings , though they were never so considerable . such people seem to owe their parts to their ill temper : their industry is malicious , and they have taken pains not so much to oblige the world , as to get an opportunity of trampling upon their inferious . had they been good-natured , they would have been as dull and insignificant as their neighbours . but their imperious carriage is just as reasonable as it would have been for the old athletae to have drudged hard in eating and exercise , that they might employ their bulk and activity in beating every one who was weaker , and less skilful than themselves . philot. by your discourse you seem to mistake the matter , and not to weigh things rightly . 't is not superiority that these gentlemen of learning are so solicitous about ; 't is not personal advantage which they chiefly intend by their reservedness : they have no doubt a more publick and generous design ; for you may observe they usually bear hardest upon those of their own order and profession , which is nothing but a forced and politick stateliness for the promoting of knowledg in others . the young fry , whether you know it or not , must be held at a distance , and kept under the discipline of contempt . if you give them any tolerable quarter , you indulge them in their idleness , and ruin them to all intents and purposes . for who would be at the trouble of learning , when he finds his ignorance is caressed , and that he is easie and acceptable enough in the company of the best authors of the town ? but when you brow-beat them and maul them , you make them men for ever ; for vexatio dat intellectum ; though they have no natural metal , yet if they are spurred and kicked they will mend their pace , if they have any feeling . such rigorous usage will make them study night and day to get out of this ignominious condition , in hopes that it may come to their own turn to be proud one day . take my word for it , there is no such way to make a scholar , as to keep him under while he is young , or unpreferred . philal. notwithstanding your flourish i can't perswade my self that this dispensation of pride is so mighty useful as you pretend i should think such an untoward management of any accomplishment should rather discourage others from attempting such dangerous circumstances . if sense and learning are such unsociable imperious things , a good natured man ought to take especial care not to improve too fast . he ought to keep down the growth of his reason , and curb his intellectuals when he finds them ready to outstrip his neighbours . i assure you , if i was of your opinion , and thought my self near the temptation to so much ill humour , i would never look on a book again . philot. come when you have said all , there is no keeping up the credit of learning without that which you call a reserved behaviour . for if those who are eminent this way should condescend to those familiarities which you seem to desire , the honour of their profession would suffer much by it ; if they should converse upon the level , the veneration which their inferiours have for them would quickly wear off : and if the vulgar observed there was no distinction kept up amongst the men of letters ; they would suspect there was nothing extraordinary in any of them . pray who are supposed to be the best judges of learning , those who have it or others ? philal. no doubt those who have it . philot. then if they seem to undervalue it themselves , is not this the way to bring it into a general disrepute ? i tell you once again , if the privileges of merit are not insisted upon all , must go to wrack . if a man who has digested all the fathers , and is ready to add himself to the number , shews any tolerable countenance to one who has scarce rubbed through ignatius , and lets a pure english divine to go cheek by jole with him , the commonwealth of learning will grow almost as contemptible as that of the pigmies , and be only sit to write romances upon . philal. i shall not enquire how far this lofty method may advance the reputation of learning , but i am pretty sure it 's no great addition to theirs who use it ; for it only makes others more inquisitive into their defects , and more inclinable to expose them . if they take them tardy they endeavour to humble them by way of reprizal . those slips and mismanagements are usually ridiculed and aggravated , when such persons are guilty of them , which would be overlooked or excused in others of a more modest and affable conversation . if they happen to be found inconsistent with themselves : if their vanity of appearing singular puts them upon advancing paradoxes , and proving them as paradoxically . if a presumption upon their own strength , and a desire of greater triumph makes them venture too far into the enemies quarters , and take up a post which they can't maintain ; they are usually laught at for their folly and left to shift for themselves ; for pride never has any friends , and all men are glad of a just occasion to lessen his reputation who makes such an ill-natured use of it . philot. i conceive you harp a little too much upon one string : do you think the inferious clergy for whom you are now pleading , are discouraged by none but those of their own profession ? philal. no , i grant there is another sort of people who use them with neglect enough : but then they are somewhat more to be excused . they have not such fair opportunities to understand the just pretences of a liberal education , and a religious employment . they are apt to fall under unfortunate hands in their minority : the vanity of their parents , and the knavery of flatterers often gives them a wrong notion of themselves , and makes them admire nothing but wealt hand greatness , and think no condition deserves regard but that which resembles their own . besides their neglect looks less unaccountably by reason of their quality , and their breeding makes their pride sit more decently upon them . they usually contemn with a better grace than others : for there is a great deal of art and mystery in pride to manage it handsomely : a man might almost as soon learn a trade : and if we observe we shall find that those who were not brought up to it , seldom prove their crafts-master or practise with any sort of address . to which i may add , that such persons are usually willing to pay for their imperiousness , so that a man is not made a fool for nothing . but when this lofty humour is clumsily and inartificially managed , when it 's affected by those of a self-denying and mortified profession , and who get their living by declaiming against it . when it 's taken up by men of sense , who may well be expected to see through the folly of this vice , and who generally have not those pretences of a byassed education to misguide them : especially when they play it upon persons of their own order who were born and bred to as fair expectations of regard as themselves , and are sometimes their inferiours in nothing so much as in success ; this is such a singular practice that i had rather leave it undescribed than be forced to give it its proper character . philot. i believe you will be willing to abate , if not to retract your ceasure when you consider that these gentlemen of the gown , whom you think too much depressed , are many of them curates ; and is it not very reasonable there should be a distance observed between masters and servants ? if you confound these two relations by lavish and indiscreet familiarities , you destroy the respect , and by degrees the very notion of superiority . if there is not a due homage paid in conversation , those who are in a state of subjection will neither know their condition nor their duty : they will be apt to forget they hold by a servile tenure , and think themselves enfranchised from all manner of suit and service . besides , if the parson should use his curate with that freedom which you insinuate , as if there was neither dependence nor obligation between them ; this might be of very ill example to the parish , and make all other servants challenge the same liberty , and grow pert upon their masters : and when this sawciness became universal , as it 's likely it might do in a short time , what less mischief could be expected from it , than an old scythian rebellion ? philal. i confess , i was not aware the being of government depended so much upon the distinction between rector and curate , and that if the modern way of distance and subordination was not kept up , we must presently return to hobs's state of nature . if a curate be such a dangerous thing , that a little civil usage to him is ready to make the world fall about our ears , i wonder why so many of them are suffered . now without raising the posse comitatus , if the pluralists would but do their best to suppress them , their number might quickly be so retrenched , that they would not be in the least formidable . but you seem to argue all this while upon a wrong principle , you take it for granted , that curates are servants ; now if this proves a mistake , you will own they may be treated with a little more freedom , without any danger to authority . philot. who doubts of their being servants ? philal. i do , and for very good reasons . philot. see how a man may be mistaken ! i thought the english of curate had been an ecclesiastical hireling . philal. no such matter , the proper import of the word signifies one who has the cure of souls ; therefore in france all parochial priests are called curates , as they are likewise in our rubrick and common-prayer . philot. i find then there lies no servitude in the name , so that it must be either the deputation , or salary which they receive from the instituted priest , which sinks them into this condition . philal. that there is no servitude in either of these , i am ready to make good . . not in the office ; and here i must crave leave to ask you a few questions . philot. take your own method . philal. what in your apprehension is a curate's employment ? philot. to serve god in the publick offices of religion , and to take care of the parish . philal. then he is not entertained to serve the rector . philot. go on . philal. in the next place i desire to know whether authority is not essential to a master ? philot. who questions it ? philal. has the curate his authority to preach , and administer the sacraments from the rector ? philot. no , from the bishop . philal. may not a master turn away his servants when he pleases ? philot. i think so . philal. but the rector has no power to remove the curate after he is licensed and fixed by the bishop . to sum up the evidence therefore ; if the curate was not entertained to wait upon the rector , nor has his authority from him , nor can be removed from his employment , i think it is pretty plain he is none of his servant . philot. well , but does not the parson make choice of him , and pay him ? philal. don't a corporation choose a mayor ? philot. what then ? philal. pray whos 's servant is he after his election ? philot. none but the kings that i know of : but you have not answered the latter part of my objection about his being paid by the rector . philal. if you had not called for my answer , i had waved it for your sake , because i think your objection borders somewhat upon treason . philot. how so ? philal. why , is it not of kin to treason to say the subjects are masters over the supreme authority ? philot. if nonsense will not excuse a man , i think it is . philal. but your argument proves the king a servant to the people . philot. how ? philal. because they pay him taxes , and that among other reasons , by way of acknowledgment of the benefits of his government , and that they may shew themselves willing , if it was in their power , to requite him for his care of the state. philot. pray why so much concerned to prove curates no servants ? philal. because i am willing to rescue them from that contempt , which they will certainly fall into , as long as they pass under this notion : which considering the number of persons officiating , this way , must be very prejudicial to religion . besides it makes some persons , who are fit to do the church service , suspend themselves , and shew their priesthood only by their habit , rather than serve god under such uncreditable circumstances : and for the same reason others are tempted to grow too fond of a presentation , and choose rather to court it by flattery , or other indirect practices , than be condemned to the servile condition of a curate . for let me tell you , it is no ordinary piece of self-denial , for a man of a generous education , who has been trained up all along to freedom and good usage , to be degraded in his manhood , when the mind is most in love with liberty , and to enter upon business with marks of disadvantage , when he stands most in need of reputation . to my thinking this is a very discouraging and preposterous way of educating the clergy . if a man must go to service , he had better begin with it as they do in trades , and not be master at first , and then be forced to turn apprentice , or journyman afterwards . of such ill consequence it is to miscal things , and as plato observes , that an alteration of the notes in musick is apt to produce an innovation in the laws and customs of a country : so by changing the names of offices for others of less repute , we change the uses and designs of them , and make them less satisfactory to those engaged , and less serviceable to the publick than they would have been , if the character of their institution had been kept up . philot. granting at present what you say to be true , yet a curate seems to lie under another disadvantage , which makes him considered with abatement . philal. what is that ? philot. why , people are apt to fancy that it is the want either of parts or conduct , which keeps him without a patron . philal. if people think so , i am sorry their sense and charity is no greater ; for if they examined things fairly , they would find that the being a curate is no argument of a mans insignificancy , nor any just blemish to his reputation . for it is often the integrity and generous temper of his mind which hinders him from a better provision ; it is because he will not flatter the pride of some , nor keep pace with the bigottry of others : because he will neither court greatness nor faction , nor make himself popular to the disadvantage of his audience . because he cannot digest a simoniacal contract , nor charge through ▪ perjury with the courage of an evidence . in short , it is his plain and impartial dealing with the people , his resolution to preserve the decency of his character , and the innocence of his conscience which bars his promotion : so that if he was mean enough to complain , he might have the satisfaction to apply this sentence of tully to himself , non nos vitia sed virtutes afflixerunt . philot. what a broad innuendo is here upon the beneficed clergy ? philal. i am glad you have given me an opportunity of explaining my self . my meaning is not that those who are possessed of livings have gained them , by such indirect courses : god forbid ! i only say , that all men are not so lucky as to have the offer of fair conditions , and those who have not , must be curates if they will be honest ; or else lay by the use of their priesthood , which i am afraid is not very accountable . philot. i confess you have brought your self off well enough : but now i think on 't you must try to maintain the liberty of your curate a little more convincingly . for some say there lies prescription and immemorial custom against it , and then you know he is a servant by common law. philal. not at all ▪ for as we are lately told by a great lawyer , prescription is good for nothing where there are any records to the contrary . philot. what records can you produce ? philal. why , to mention no more , the th of the apostles canons , and the th of the council of eliberis , are , i think , considerable evidence ; the first of which forbids the ordaining of those who had married a servant , and the other excludes manumized persons , while their patrons were living , from the priesthood . philot. say you so ? then i fancy those who drew up queen elizabeths injunctions knew nothing of this piece of antiquity you mention . philal. your reason ? philot. because by those injunctions a clergy-man could not lawfully marry till he had gone and made his complaint against celibacy , before two justices of the peace , and gained their consent , and the good will of the master , or mistriss where the damsel served . philal. and then i suppose if he could not prevail by his rhetorick they gave him a warrant to distrein . philot. or possibly if he courted in forma pauperis they assigned him a wife gratis out of an hospital . philal. upon my word this order , take it which way you will , has a singular aspect , and looks as if it intended to put the clergy in mind , that they ought not to aspire above an abigail . certainly discretion and merit ran very low in the church at that time , or else , some people were willing to make the nation believe so . but to return to the canons , the design of , which was to secure the reputation of the clergy ; but according to the modern opinion , this provision signifies nothing ; for if a man must go to service after he is in orders , had he not as good do it before ? in you sence he often only changes his lay for an ecclesiastical master , which sometimes might be so far from an advantage that it would make the servitude the more uneasie , by being subjected to one no more than equal to himself . philot. i grant you in the primitive times the advantage of priesthood was equally shared among all the order , and none of that character had any superiority over another . for then the revenues of the church consisted only in the voluntary offerings of the people , which were all deposited with the bishop , who assigned every one his respective portion ; so that no priest had any dependence upon another for his maintenance ; but now the case is otherwise , and a manought to be subject to him that supports him . philal. it 's somewhat hard , that the bare alteration of the church revenues should make so wide a difference between those who were equal before ; that a man must lose his freedom only for want of a presentation , and be made a servant because he does not take tithes , though he has as much spiritual authority as if he did . but i perceive you think there is no consideration equivalent to a little money , and that he who receives it must be no longer at his own disposal , though he makes never so valuable a return . since therefore you insist so much upon maintnance , what if it appears that the curate maintains the parson ? philot. that would be strange indeed . philal. to what end were the church revenues intended ? philot. to keep up the worship of god. philal. which way ? philot. by settling a competent maintenance upon the ministers of religion , that they may be in the better capacity to discharge their office , and not be obliged to lose their time , and lessen their character , by engaging in labourious or mechanical employments . philal. by your arguing there should be something for them to do . philot. yes , they are to take care of that precinct to which their endowment is annex'd . philal. i hope you don't mean not to come at it . philot. i mean they are to take care of the performance of the duties of their office. philal. then ought not he to have the revenues who performs these duties ? philot. i am not willing to grant that . philal. have a care of denying the conclusion ; you grant the revenues of the church were designed for the support of the clergy . philot. yes . philal. of what clergy ? those who live many miles distant from the premises ? philot. no , i 'm afraid they were intended for those who live upon the place , otherwise methinks endowments are a very slender provision for the benefit of the parish . philal. then if the curate does all the work , ought he not to have the reward for his pains ? in short , either he is qualified to undertake the parish or not ; if not , with what sincerity can he be employed ? if he is qualified , why is he barred the profit when he only performs the conditions upon which they were settled , when none but himself answers the design they were intended for ? to speak properly , the rector seems to live out of the labours of another , he is maintained by the perquisites of the curates office ; and therefore is in effect but a kind of pensioner to him . philot. i see you are an everlasting leveller , you won't allow any encouragement to extraordinary industry and merit . philal. you mistake me . i would have the best men have the best livings , but then before we go to doubling of preferments , possibly it were not amiss to examine whether the number of benefices exceeds the persons who are capable of them . let us first examine whether they will hold out one apiece , and when every man has one , then the supernumerary livings may be divided amongst those who are most deserving . philot. in good time , when it 's likely there there will be none left ! now do you imagine the church can be defended against her adversaries by the strength of a single parsonage ? but it may be you will say all our plurality-men are not writers . philal. no , nor readers neither . besides , we may observe that heresie and schism were very successfully combated before unions , dispensations , and consolidations were heard of . if you consult father paul's history of the council of trent , ( p. . ) he will inform you that non-residence and pluralities are things of no very primitive establishment . i confess some of the lay-managers of our reformation have not been over-kind to the church , so that affairs are not in so good a posture as they might have been : but god be thanked there is still some provision left for the ornament and defence of religion . philot. what provision do you mean ? philal. why , to speak to your case , there are dignities , to which those gentlemen who are prepared to engage in the controversie have a good right : and with submission to better judgments , i think it would not be amiss if all dignified persons held their preferments by a new tenure . philot. what tenure ? philal. by knights service ; pursuant to which they should be obliged to draw their pens in the cause , when ever their superiours required them : to appear in the field upon an invasion with their quota , and in short , to maintain any post that shall be assigned . philot. what if a man has not a mind to quarrel , must he be turn'd out of his dignity for being of a peaceable disposition ? philal. those peaceable men you speak of , are none of the most useful in a time of war , and therefore a smaller gratification should content them . philot. what if they are disabled by age ? philal. then they should be continued for their past services . philot. truly this is a good probable expedient to keep the church militia in discipline , and might for ought i know , very much improve the noble science of controversie . but to return to the old argument , if you intend to bring me over to your opinion of the curate , you must clear the business of his salary a little better , for i am afraid where he has his money he ought to own he has his master too . philal. i confess there would be a great deal in what you say , if the rector had the right of coinage . if the money had his image , and superscription upon it , the curate's taking it for currant , would conclude him under his jurisdiction : but that the bare receiving a sum should sink a man into a servile state , is past my comprehension . for considering that mony is a thing of such quality , and sovereign sway in the world , one would imagine it should bring power and reputation along with it , and rather enlarge than abridge a man's liberty by receiving it . and to mention nothing farther , the nature of the contract between the rector and curate , is sufficient to give you satisfaction ; for there , as has been observed , the curate undertakes no other employment but the instruction and government of the parish . there is no attendance upon the parson , no running upon his errands , nor subjection to his humour indented for . philot. methinks it is a little hard a curate must not be called a servant , as well as a cook , or a footman , since he has wages as much as the other . philal. possibly not always so much neither ; but waving that , if you had remembred what i urged to you before , this objection would have been no difficulty . philot. what was that ? philal. why , that the curate is to wait upon none but god almighty , that the manage of his employment is not prescribed by the rector , but by the rubrick and constitutions of the church , and that he is not removeable at pleasure . i suppose by this time you apprehend there is a difference between him and a footman , or a steward either . philot. well! notwithstanding your subtlety , this notion of wages sticks in my stomach still . philal. i wonder the glitter of a little mony should dazle your eyes at that rate , that you cannot see so plain a distinction . you don't seem to understand commerce , if you think that something of authority and dominion is always given in exchange for mony. now i am of diogenes his mind , and believe it possible for one to buy a master , as well as a servant . philot. as how ? philal. why , for the purpose , if a person of twenty one puts himself apprentice to another , you know this is seldom done without charge : now what does a man do in this case but purchase his subjection , and hire himself a drubbing upon occasion ? to give one instance more . when a woman of fortune marries a man with nothing , does she not give him meat , drink , and wages to govern her ? and to end this dispute , you know physicians , and lawyers , and judges , have fees or wages , either given , or assigned them by law , without being thought servants to those they are concerned with , now , what reason is there a curate should have worse luck with his mony than other people ? philot. to deal plainly , i suppose it is because he does not get enough of it . if his fees were as considerable as any of those gentlemen you speak of , i question not but his office would be much more reputable . philal. well guessed , and therefore what character do they deserve who confine him to this scandalous pittance . i believe you can scarcely name any sort of injustice which has a more malignant influence upon religion than this oppresion of curates . philot. why so tragical ? philal. because their poverty exposes them to contempt , which renders their instructions insignificant , and which is worse , makes them less considerable in themselves , as well as in the opinion of others . philot. i hope poverty is no crime . philal. no , but it 's a scurvy temptation , especially to those who have lived freely , and been bred to better expectations . for when a man finds his hopes disappointed , himself unsupported , and topp'd upon by persons of meaner pretences and employments ; this is apt to pall his spirits , and check the courage of his thoughts , so that his compositions and fortune will seem to be much of a piece . philot. i thought strait circumstances had been none of the worst promoters of learning , according to the old saying , ingenii largitor venter . philal. i grant there is some truth in your observation , and that it is want which often reconciles men to labour and letters ; but this is at their first setting out , when though they have not gained their point , yet they are full of hopes , which pricks them on , and puts them upon their utmost . but after they are once qualified for success , and find their industry discouraged , this makes them sink in the socket , and fret away their strength and spirits ; so that either out of impotence , or disgust , or dispair , they give over the fruitless pursuit , and seldom make any generous attempt ever after . 't is true , there are some hardy souls that won't be beaten off by ill usage , but these are very rarely to be met with . philot. then you think there would be a strange improvement in the unbeneficed clergy , if they had a better salary . philal. yes ; i think they would have more books , and more learning , and more credit . they would not be so easily obliged to improper compliances , nor so liable to serveral other miscarriages in their conduct . philot. by your discourse the slender provision which is made for them , should be very criminal . philal. doubtless so it is . for pray consider . philot. pray be as brief as you can . philal. i say then , for a clergy man to enrich himself by the labour and necessities of one of his own order , and make his figure out of the church without performing the services required , is a direct translating the holy revenues to a foreign and secular use , and consequently besides other aggravations is no better than sacrilege , which is a very uncanonical sin , and unless we are very much in the dark will be accounted for afterwards . in short this practice has been the main ground of the contempt of the clergy , making one part of them grow cheap by their poverty , and the other by their covetousness . philot. pray what allowance would you oblige the rector to , if you had the regulation of that affair ? philal. to speak within compass , in my opinion the curate ought to have half the profits , let the value of them be never so considerable ; for if the parson has the other moiety for doing nothing , i think he has no reason to complain . but if the living be small , then he that supplies it should have two thirds assigned him , because he cannot be decently supported under that proportion . philot. well , i am not disposed to examin that matter any farther . but i beseech you what is all this to the business of pride ? i think your zeal for the curates has transported you a little out of your subject . philal. no such matter ; for it is generally nothing but ambition which makes men covetous and mean : besides , if it is a digression it is a very seasonable one . however i am willing to take my leave of this part of the argument , therefore if you please we will call a new cause . philot. i think it is best to adjourn at present , and when we meet again i will venture the other brush with you . philal. till then farewel . a second conference between philotimus and philalethes . philal. well met ! i am glad the opportunity you mentioned is so quickly returned . philot. so am i , and therefore if you please without any further ceremony , let us pursue the argument we were last upon . philal. with all my heart , and since ( as has been shewed ) learning and conceit , make so odd a figure ; let us proceed to examine the pretences of nobility , for i am afraid the vulgar notion of it is screwed somewhat too high , and that it has not ballast enough to carry all the sail which is commonly made out . philot. i must tell you , you are upon a touchy point , and therefore i hope you will treat so nice a subject as this is with proportionable caution . philal. i am sensible of what you say , and shall manage my enquiry with all the fairness , and decency , the free discussion of the question will allow . to begin , you know all men were equally noble , or if you will , equally plebeian at first : now i would gladly understand how they came to be so much distinguished afterwards , for there are different reasons assigned . philot. i suppose the distinctions you mention , were founded upon extraordinary performances , and won at the expence of industry and merit . for how can you imagine any persons should emerge out of the common mass of mankind , unless by the advantages of capacity , labour , and resolution ? their mounting , argues that fire was the ruling element in their composition ; and that they were of a more vigorous and enterprizing spirit than their neighbours . philal. i am willing to suppose with you , that they made a generous use of these advantages , and employed them for the benefit of mankind : being as remarkable for their justice , fidelity , and good humour , as for their conduct and courage ; and therefore i am not willing to believe the account which some pretend to give concerning the original of nobility . philot. what is that ? philal. they will tell you that it has been often founded upon rapine and injustice . it seems they have observed out of thucidides , that in antient times it was counted an heroick atcheivement to plunder lustily , and he was a man of the best quality , who was able to steal most cattle . these nimrods ( say they ) grew great by the strength of their limbs and their vices , engraved their murthers upon their shields , and hectored all the little and peaceable people into peasantry . philot. this looks so like a chimerical and ill natur'd opinion , that i shall not do it the honor of a confutation . philal. i have no exceptions to your resentment , but to go on , for the more distinct consideration of the argument , we will divide nobility into two kinds , hereditary , or acquired . the first is transmitted to us from our ancestors , the other is immediately conferred by the favour of the prince . philot. proceed upon the several parts of your division . philal. . then , hereditary nobility seems no just ground for a high opinion , because it is borrowed . those great actions which we had no share in , cannot properly be any part of our commendation , especially if we want abilities to imitate them . 't is true , they ought to be taken notice of by others for the encouragement of vertue , and the ornament of society . but then he that depends wholly upon the worth of others , ought to consider that he has but the honor of an image , and is worshiped not for his own sake , but upon the account of what he represents . to be plain , it is a sign a man is very poor when he has nothing of his own to appear in ; but is forced to patch up his figure with the relicks of the dead , and rifle tomb-stones and monuments for reputation . philot. notwithstanding your rallying , i cannot conceive what crime it is to possess the inheritance of our forefathers . now honor is part of their estate , which was raised on purpose that we might be the better for it . and since their children were the occasion of their merit , and pushed them on to generous undertakings , ought they not to share in the glory of the success ? philal. yes . but it should be managed with great modesty , because though an honourable title may be conveyed to posterity , yet the ennobling qualities which are the soul of greatness , are a sort of incommunicable perfections , and cannot be transferred . indeed if a man could bequeath his virtues by will , and settle his sense , and learning , and resolution , upon his children , as certainly as he can his lands , a brave ancestor would be a mighty privilege . philot. i hope those fine qualities are not so incommunicable as you suppose , for methinks there is a ie ne scay quoi , in persons well born : there is a peculiar nobleness of temper in them , their conversation is inimitably graceful , and a man may distinguish their quality by the air of their faces . philal. i wish that spirit of honor and bravery you mention , was inseparable to their quality ; but it is too plain that great minds , and great fortunes don't always go together ; however i grant there is some truth in your observation , but am afraid the distinction does not always spring from the cause you assign . for by the gracefulness of conversation , i suppose you mean a decent assurance , and an address in the modes , and gestures of salutation . now these are pretty accomplishments i confess , and recommend a man to company with some advantage ; but then they are easily gained by custom and education , and therefore we need not fetch them ex traduce . and moreover , these little formalities are often magnified beyond all sense and reason , and some people are so fantastically fond of them , as if they were the topper perfections of human nature ; and that it were in reality a more valuable and gentile quality to dress well , and come handsomely into a room , than to take a town , or to be fit to discharge the office of a privy counsellor , now with submission to these ceremonious gentlemen , i am not of their mind in this matter , but think it much better for a mans parts to lie in his head , than in his heels . philot. i think so too , but you have not answered the whole . philal. true ! your air was omitted : now if this was a constant privilege of birth , which you know it is not , yet in this deceitful age of ours , there is no arguing from an outside . besides , i doubt this advantage is sometimes the effect of a slothful and effeminate life . when men will attempt nothing either in the field , or in their closets : when they will neither trouble themselves with thinking , nor endure to be exposed to the weather : this niceness , though it renders them insignificant to the great purposes of life , yet it polishes their complexion , and makes their spirits seem more moving and transparent . sometime this sprightliness and grandeur of face , is painted by flattery : for when men are once made to believe they are very considerable , they are presently for trying to write the inscriptions of their quality upon their forehead . now conceit when it is corrected with a mixture of gravity , is an admirable wash , and will make one look as wise , and as great as you would wish . philot. this grandeur of face , as you call it , may possibly be explained upon kinder principles ; for i am apt to believe that a quick sense of honour , a consciousness of worth , an elevation of thought , will sometimes break out into a lustre , and make the great soul sparkle in a man's eyes . philal. i cannot deny what you say , and therefore the best construction ought to be made , where the known character of the person does not disallow it . philot. i see you can be fair when you list , therefore i shall venture to go on with you to another advantage of nobility , viz. antiquity . now to begin in your own way , don't you think it is a great addition to ones birth to stand at the bottom of long parchment pedigree , and be some yards removed from the first escocheon ? is not that family substantially built which can stand the shock of time , and hold out against all varieties of accidents ? how generous must that blood be , which has been so long refining , and run through the channels of honor for so many ages , where it is sometimes as hard to come to the plebeian fountain : as to find out the head of nilus ? philal. not so hard neither , for if you go but one inch farther than the gentleman at the topyou spoke of , it is ten to one but you take old goodman , &c. by the leathern breeches . and as for the antiquity of a family , though it looks prettily at first sight , yet i fear it will abate upon examination . philot. pray try your skill upon it , for i am not of your mind . philal. then to deal plainly with you , i conceive the antiquity you talk of , is commonly nothing but antient wealth , and therefore the chief commendation of this privilege consists in the long continued frugality of the family , who after they were once possessed of an estate , had the discretion to keep it . philot. is it nothing then for a man's ancestors to have lived in reputation , and to have had interest and command in their country for so many generations ? philal. i suppose the english of all this is no more than that they have lived in good houses , eat and drank better , and born higher offices than those who have wanted a fortune . now mony , and a moderate share of sense , will furnish any man with all these advantages . and as to the holding out against so many accidents , and alterations of state , i am afraid it sometimes proceeds from shifting and indifferent principles , and from a servile compliance with whatever is uppermost . so that what my lord bacon mentions in reference to notions and inventions , may be sometimes applicable to families ; where he tells us , that time is like a river , in which metals and solid substances are sunk , while chaff and straws swim upon the surface . secondly , you are to consider that an antient gentility does not necessarily convey to us any advantage either of body or mind : and to speak like philosophers , these are the only two things in which we are capable of any real improvement . i confess , if every generation grew wiser , stronger , handsomer , or longer lived than the other : if the breed of a man's family was thus improved , the farther it was continued ; then indeed the quality of an escocheon would be exactly contrary to that of cloaths , and the one would always grow better , as the other does worse , by wearing . from whence it would follow , that if the seven sleepers had been made gentlemen immediately before they entred their cave , and had held on their nap from seventy , to seven hundred years , they had most undeniably slept themselves into a considerable degree of quality . philot. you may talk as subtilly as you please , but you must not think to baffle established and uncontested opinions , with a few logical quirks . philal. pray don't grow warm , and i will endeavour to satisfie you , and in order to it , i observe in the third place , that an antient gentility , makes a man superior only to those of the same quality , ( viz. an esquire , to an esquire , and so in the rest ) and that in nothing but in point of precedency . the reason , i suppose , why those which are placed in any degree of honor , precede others who are afterwards raised to the same height , is for the encouragement of industry . to make men forward to exert their earliest endeavours to deserve well of the state ; for this reason there is a distinction made between merit , otherwise equal , only upon the account of the priority of time. philot. is this all you can afford ? philal. look you ! we that pretend to be subject to a constitution , must not carve out our own quality , for at this rate a cobler may make himself a lord. philot. and what then ? philal. why , then i say , it is vanity for any man to have a better opinion of his family than the law allows : my reason is , because the law is the measure of honor , as well as of all other civil rights . besides , i must tell you that it is both reasonable , and the interest of the state that merit should be considered , of what date soever it is . a worthy action ought to be as much rewarded now , as one of the same kind was a thousand years since . the prospect of honor , to a generous mind , is the chief incitement to all great undertakings . this consideration polishes arts and sciences , makes men industrious in improving their understandings , and resolute in exposing their persons , for the publick service . if therefore we dote upon antiquity so far , as to undervalue the merit of the present age , the government must necessarily suffer by it : for such a partiality will slacken the nerves of industry , and occasion a negligence both in those who have an antient title to honor , and in those who have not . the first will grow sluggish , because they have a sufficient share of reputation already ; and therefore need not run any hazards about getting more . the latter will abate in their forwardness to oblige their country , because they know their service , though never so great , will be contemned , and for that very reason which ought to make them the more valued , that is , because their considerableness came from themselves . moreover , if the inheritors of antient honor , have not by personal additions improved that stock which was granted to their ancestors ; there is no reason it should be rated above the same degree ( precedency excepted ) which is given now . for to affirm that a family raised to nobility by this king , is not as good as one raised by the conqueror , is a reflection upon his present majesty : it supposes his judgment , or his authority , less considerable than that of his predecessours ; and that the fountain of honour is almost dry'd up , and runs more muddy than in former ages . philot. how plausibly soever you may make your opinion look , i 'm sure it has the disadvantage of being singular . for you know a plain gentleman of an ancient family is accounted a person of better quality than a new made knight , though the reason of his dubbing was never so meritorious . honour like china dishes must lie some ages under ground before it comes to any perfection . and to carry on your own figure , the greater distance from the spring always makes the stream the more considerable . philal. this is to be wiser than the laws ! and since you are for illustrations i reply , that to suppose an ancient title ( though lesser in degree ) is preferable to a greater of late creation , is as if one should affirm that an old shilling is better than a new half-crown , though the alloy and impression are the same in both . nay from your argument a man may conclude that a coarser metal only by being digg'd and refin'd in the dayes of our great grandfathers , ( though perhaps it has contracted some rust by lying ) is more valuable than the same weight in gold but lately separated from the oare . and that an ancient estate is really better than one newly purchased , though the lands of the latter are richer , and the survey larger than the other . now if a man should prove so fanciful as to demand a greater rent for his farm because it has been in the possession of his family for some hundred of years , i believe the want of tenants would soon convince him of his errour . from whence it 's evident that in taking an estimate of nobility we are not so much to consider its antiquity , as the merit of the first grantee , and the distinction the prince has put upon it ; which like figures or other marks upon money , stamp the value , and tell the subject for how much it is to pass . philot. pray by your favour are not meddals , and coyns valued more for their antiquity than their metal ? philal. that question is to the point ; and therefore i answer , first , that coyns , &c. though they are valuable as rarities , yet they signifie little in exchange and common use ; and if a man has any debt to pay , or commodities to buy , k. charles his image , and superscription will do him much more service than ce'sar's . secondly , the reason why these things are sometimes so much valued , is not because they are old but useful : they often rectifie chronology , and explain history , and retrieve us several material parts of learning , which might otherwise have been irrecoverably lost . thirdly , there is a disparity in the case of ancient coyns and families ; for in the first you have the same numerical peice , in the latter nothing but the name or relation , so that the change and succession of persons seems to destroy the notion of antiquity . to make the instance parallel we must suppose a gentleman as old as methusalem , and then i confess he would be a great curiosity , and ought to be valued accordingly . philot. as i remember you were saying , the merit of the first gentleman of the house ought to be consider'd . philal. yes , i conceive that circumstance very material , and that if upon enquiry it proves unintelligible , or unlucky , it 's no small abatement to the family . for if he advanced himself by a voluntary engaging in unjust quarrels , he has no better pretence to honour than what a resolute and successful padder may challenge . if he owes his heraldry to a servile flattery , and a dextrous application to the vices of princes , the marks of their favour are rather infamous than honourable to his posterity , because he is ennobled for those qualities , for which he ought to have been punished . philot. what if the gentility was purchased , i hope we may make the best of what we have paid for ? philal. by all means ! but then this is a sign that worth and distinguishing qualities were wanting , otherwise the honour had been conferred gratis . the same may be said when arms or titles are given at the instance or recommendation of a favorite , for this is down-right begging for quality , and looks more like an alms than an honour . father it 's a lessening to a mans nobility , when the reason and grounds of it are unknown , for if his rise had been derived from worthy and creditable causes , he would in all likelyhood have been as certainly acquainted with them , as with his arms ; it being both easie and for the reputation of the family ; that records of this nature should have been preserv'd , and therefore the loss of them seems rather to proceed from design than neglect . in short , if the first principles of honour happen to be thus coarse , or counterfeit , it 's not in the power of time to mend them : a pebble or bristol stone will not change their natures , and improve into diamonds , though they are laid up a thousand years together . philot. hark you mr. i doubt your effects ( if you have any ) have lain but a little while in the heralds office. philal. probably as long as your worships : but i take it to be much more a gentlemanly quality to discover such unsociable mistakes than to abett them . if we are capable of understanding any thing , it must undoubtedly be more creditable to promote good humour and modesty in conversation , and give men right apprehensions of themselves ; than to flatter them into groundless conceits , and make them believe they may be truly great , and yet good for nothing . to maintain such indefensible and dangerous principles of honour , which not only impose upon our understandings , but emasculate our spirits , and spoyl our temper , and tend only to the nourishing of idleness and pride ; is in my opinion no very heroical undertaking . philot. then i find we must come to the merits of the cause as you call them , and examine upon what foundation the family stands . philal. i think that is the only way to know what we have to trust to , and how far we may insist upon the advantages of birth . philot. what are the usual steps to honour ? philal. i suppose one of these three , learning , commerce or arms. the pretences of learning have been examined already ; to which i shall only add , that if a person whose mind is enlarged , and beautified with all sorts of useful knowledge , is notwithstanding obliged to modesty , and sobriety of thought , then certainly those who claim under him , and are wise only by proxy , ought not to grow too big upon their relation to the muses . to proceed , commerce is another expedient which often distinguishes a man from the vulgar . for trading raises an estate , and that procures honour , so that in this case wealth is the main of the merit , and that which is chiefly insisted on by those who inherit it . but here we ought to be very cautious and meek-spirited , till we are assured of the honestly of our ancestours , for covetousness and circumvention make no good motto for a coat . and yet your men of trade are too often assisted in their fortunes by these qualities . philot. i think you are too hard upon them , and believe they may come into their estates by more accountable methods , viz. by their industry , by understanding how to make use of all fair advantages , and by the luck of a good acquaintance . philal. i grant there is a great deal of good faith , frankness and generosity to be found among tradesmen , and that such professions are necessary to the convenience and splendor of life , and being thus useful ought to be esteemed honourable . but their being used to value small gains is apt ( without care ) to make them contract a narrowness of spirit , and to stand too much to the point of interest . philot. what is that which they call the mystery of trade ? philal. a great part of it consists in the skill of over-reaching their customers , which science , i fear is not learned meerly for speculation . philot. possibly it may be for caution , that they may not be imposed on by others . philal. i am willing to think so , however these arcana officinae , are counted such essentials , that except an apprentice is fully instructed how to adulterate , and varnish , and give you the go-by upon occasion , his master may be charged with neglect , and sued for not teaching him his art , and his trade . philot. it seems then he cannot be an honest man , except he teaches his servant to play the knave . philal. granting your inference , yet you know a man may understand his weapon better than his neighbour , and notwithstanding be of a very peaceable inoffensive temper . however , when the rise of the family is owing to such an original , a man has a particular reason not to flourish too much upon the glitter of his fortune , for fear there should be too much alloy in it . for some people are forced to climb in a very mean and servile posture . they must flatter , deceive , and pinch ; use their neighbours , and themselves too , very unkindly , before they can gain their point . so that if the ancestour had not been remarkably little , his posterity had never been reputed great . philot. but what needs all this scruple ? why should i enquire so anxiously how my ancestors came by their estate ? let their merit be as small as you please , the revenue will not sink upon this score . now , if you considered the sovereignty of mony , how it commands honor , and beauty , and power , how much of ornament , and defence , and pleasure there is in it ; you would allow us to be a little uppish upon the matter : for when a man has such a universal instrument of delight , and is master of that , which is master of every thing else , he ought visibly to congratulate his happiness , and pay himself a particular respect . philal. if i could purchase a parcel of new senses , and some pretty undiscovered curiosities to please them with , i confess i should be more desirous of growing rich than i am . philot. what though you cannot buy any new , you may please the old ones better , and make one sense go as far as two , with poverty . philal. i am not altogether of your mind ; besides if my understanding does not improve proportionably , i am only in the fairer way to be more a brute . philot. understanding ! mony will buy good books , and though the owner should should not know how to use them , yet if has an estate , he will never want people to make him believe he has sense , which will be in a manner as well , for pleasure consists mostly in fancy . philal. i don't envy such a one the entertainment of his imagination , though i believe it is much short of the transports of lunacy : but withal i think that folly and madness are no proper judges to pronounce upon the advancements of human nature . but to return to the argument , no person can be great by being owner of those things which wise men have always counted it a piece of greatness to despise . to which i must add , that it is not the possessing , but the right management of any valuable advantage which makes us considerable . he that does not employ his fortune generously , is not to be respected merely because he has it . indeed if a man gives me part of his estate , i am bound to make him an acknowledgment ; but i am not obliged to honor him because he is pleased to keep it to himself . philot. well! since merchandize is sometimes liable to exceptions , and antient wealth has no right to challenge worship , and homage . pray what do you think of nobility raised by arms ? i hope here you will grant the materials are all shining , and solid . and when an ancestour works out his fortune by great and hazardous undertakings , by contempt of danger and death , and all the instances of an heroick gallantry ; is it not highly reasonable his descendants should share his honor , as well as his inheritance ? nay , they seem obliged , in justice to his memory , to have some stroaks of greatness and reserve in their carriage . they might better be profuse in their expences , than their familiarities . the wasting his estate , and razing ▪ him out of the heralds books , is scarce more injurious to his name , than the heedless condescensions of his family . for by such ill managed humility , they do as it were prostitute his quality , mingle his ashes with ignoble dust , and deface the monuments and distinctions of his merit . philal. i confess a man ought to be civil to his generation , but not to that degree as to plague the living , only in ceremony to the dead . and i may say farther , that a noble ancestor , does not desire his posterity should pretend to honor him this way , except his qualities , as well as his name descend upon them . a person truly great , is never fond and unreasonable ; he hates to see folly idolized , though it be in his own children ; and had rather have his memory buried in oblivion , than his honor should be usurped by a degenerate insignificant off-spring . besides , the reasons you assign why martial men ought to be valued by after-ages , seem to be common to other pretences to nobility . philot. i am sorry if they appear so , since i designed them chiefly for the advantage of arms. for in my judgment , the profession of a soldier has a particular , and paramount title to honor. for can there be a more extraordinary instance of greatness , than for a man to be undismayed amidst so many horrible instruments and images of death ? to expose his person as freely as if he knew himself immortal , and to fear nothing but obscurity and disgrace ? and therefore though there are many other creditable employments and accomplishments , yet there is a transcendent , and almost an astonishing greatness and gracefulness in valour . it has something more illustrious and sparkling , more noble and majestick than the rest . philal. hold ! you are going to describe alexander or cesar ; do you think that every field , or charge in gules , can pretend to all these fine things ? this must be examined farther by and by : at present i shall only observe to you , that though i have a great esteem for a gentleman of the sword , and don 't in the least intend to lessen the just character of military glory ; yet i conceive there is another profession , which possibly does not glitter altogether so much upon the sense , but for all that , if you touch it 't will prove right sterling . philot. what profession do you mean ? philal. that of learning ; therefore if you please , i will just glance upon the advantages of learning without interposing my judgment by way of comparison . philot. do so , for i think you had need say some kind things upon this argument , to make amends for the freedom you took with it in our former conference . philal. don't mistake me , i am conscious of no injury , and therefore design nothing by way of reparation . philot. take your course . philal. . then not to mention that learning is an improvement of our minds , which is the noblest part of us . i say not to mention this , you may please to take notice , that without some share in this accomplishment , war it self cannot be successfully managed . without the assistance of letters , a man can never be qualified for any considerable post in the camp. for courage and corporal force , unless joyned with conduct , and reach of thought ( which are the usual effects of contemplation ) is no more fit to command than a tempest ; doing for the most part more harm than good , and destroying it self by its blind and ill directed motion . it is learning which teaches a general the successes and events of action in former ages , which makes him better able to judge of his present preparation . it instructs him how to take advantage of his enemies , and avoid those miscarriages which have been fatal to others before him . it teaches him how to fortifie and assault , how to manage the difference of ground and weather . it lets him into the knowledge of human nature , and shews him how to understand the tempers of other men , and to govern his own . it discovers by what secret springs the passions are moved , what are the most probable causes of hope and fear , of resolution and cowardise ; and how strangely they are mixed , and varied according to the difference of climates , governments , conditions , and occupations , especially according to the different age , temper , interest , and experience of those who are in power . philot. yes , no doubt it teaches a man to take a soul in pieces , as easily as a watch ! if ever i heard such conjuring ! philal. pray be not so sharp , the discourse is not so romantick as you suppose . philot. go on . philal. secondly , i observe that the advantages of learning are more lasting and extensive than those of arms. the courage of a soldier , does his country not much service after his death , the benefit of it being usually confined to one age : whereas by the knowledge of men and things , publick provisions for society are framed , and the constitution adjusted to the temper , and convenience of the people ; of the happy effects of which , remote posterity is often sensible . and as the consequences of valour , seldom reach beyond the death of him who shewed it , so there are few the better for it , except those a man engages for ; which are commonly none but his countrymen . but learning , by inventing and improving arts and sciences , scatters its favours in a much larger compass ; becomes a universal benefactor , and obliges mankind in its most comprehensive latitude of place and time. philot. i hope you will grant that learning must fly to the protection of the sword to secure its quiet , and all the profits accrewing from thence . for in earnest , notions , and syllogisms , are very defenceless things against violence . if we had nothing but philosophy , statutes and reports , to secure the peace ; our meum and tuum were but in an ill condition . philal. i agree with you , and shall just add in the third place , that the successes of learning are naturally of a very innocent tendency , and under good management prejudicial to none . the conquests of arts are not like those of arms , gained by slaughter , and attended with ruin and desolation . no , here is nothing routed but ignorance and error , nothing destroyed but obstinate humour , and savage disposition : emollit mores nec sinit esse feros . but a martial man , except he has been sweetned , and polished by a lettered education , is apt to have a tincture of sowerness , and incomplyance in his behaviour . and therefore if you observe your old heroes in homer , ( for want of being book-learned ) were none of the gentilest men. what a rugged tempestuous , unconversable mortal was achilles ; i could never fancy that same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philot. well! i perceive it is requisite for a man to get some sense to his courage if he can : but have we not lost all our pride , and gone somewhat off from the point ? philal. no , we have only fetched a compass , and thrown our reasoning more into a circle to invest the place ; and now we will come on directly , and make a little assault , only to try the strength of the garrison . philot. very soldier-like ! in plain english i doubt you are attempting to shew that it is not so much the profession of arms , as the unexceptionable management of that profession which makes a family honourable . philal. yes . therefore before we fall too much in love with the buff in the wardrobe ; we should examin whether the war was just , whether our ancestor fought in defence of his prince and country , or let himself out to any person who would hire him to murther . we should consider whether the enterprize was great and dangerous ; whether the advantages were gained by open bravery and resolution , or were no more than the effects of chance , of treachery , or surprize . and though a man can give a creditable answer to all these questions , he should then remember there are a great many persons who have ventured as far as himself , and yet continue in their first obscurity : so that had it not been his good fortune to have fallen under the notice of his general , his merit had been unrewarded . there are many persons who perform signal service in a breach , or scalado , and yet their courage is often unregarded , and lost in the crowd , and tumult of the action , so that they get nothing but blows for their pains . to wind up this part of the discourse : let the rise of the family be never so considerable ( i mean none but subjects ) it ought not to supersede the industry , or stop the progress of those who are thence descended . for if we rely wholly upon the merit of others , and are great only by imputation , we shall be esteemed by none but the injudicious part of the world. to speak out , if neither the advantages of fortune and education . ( which often concur in these cases ) the expectation of others , nor the memory of worthy ancestors , if none of these motives can prevail with a man to furnish himself with supravulgar and noble qualities , this is an argument that he is either under a natural incapacity , or else has abandoned himself to sloth , and luxury . and without dispute he is most emphatically mean , who is so under the greatest advantages and arguments to the contrary . so that the lustre of his family serves only to set off his own degeneracy , it does facem praeferre pudendis and makes him the more remarkably contemptible . philot. you are smart upon the empty sparks ! and i perceive by your discourse that if we intend to set up strong , we must do something for our selves . philal. yes : and therefore i presume that women have more reason to insist upon their birth than men : because they have not so fair a trial to discover their worth . they are by custom made incapable of those employments by which honour is usually gain'd . they are shut out from the pulpit and barr , from embassies , and state negotiations , so that notwithstanding ( as i believe it often happens ) their inclinations are generous , and their abilities great , to serve the publick ; yet they have not an opportunity of shewing it . philot. truly i think you need not have been so liberal to the beau-sex ; you know they have enough to be proud of besides heraldry . philal. what do you mean ? philot. their beauty man. philal. right , i believe that may disturb them sometimes ; but they have no great reason for it . for beauty though it 's a pretty varnish , yet it 's of a frail constitution , liable to abundance of accidents , and but ashort lived blessing at the best . and waving this consideration , it seems to be made chiefly for the entertainment of the lookers on . those who are so much admired by others , can't share the pleasure of the company without the help of a glass ; for the eyes which shew us other objects cannot see themselves . nature seems to have laid the most graceful parts of our fabrick out of our way ; to prevent our vanity . for could some people always command a sight of their faces , they would narcissus like be perpetually poring upon their handsomeness , and so be neither fit for business , nor company . philot. to my thinking you have not cleared the point ; for why may we not insist upon the privileges of nature ? why should a fine woman be so prodigal of her beauty , make strip and waste of her complexion , and squander away her face for nothing ? there is no reason persons of a less agreeable aspect ( except they have some other advantage ) should converse with beauty upon a level . for those who cannot furnish out an equal proportion towards the pleasure of conversation , ought to pay for their insufficiency in acknowledgments . beauty without doubt was design'd for some advantage , and if so , certainly the owners have the best right to it . philal. i grant it ; and therefore it 's allowable for them to set a value upon their persons , for the better disposal of them . and farther if they have a mind to it , they may please themselves , because they are acceptable to others , which is a generous satisfaction : but when they grow humoursom they spoil all ; for pride not only raises a prejudice against their beauty , but really lessens it . for if you observe , it paints an ill-natured air upon their face ; and fills them with spleen and peevishness and passion , which exhausts their spirits , and makes their blood less florid , so that their beauty is neither so agreeable nor lasting as otherwise it would be . and if the present inconvenience will not cure them , they will do well to remember that they must of necessity grow humble when they are old ; unless they are so fanciful as to doat upon rubbish and ruins . philot. pray let us take leave of the ladies , and proceed to the other branch of your division , viz. to acquired nobility . and here methinks every thing looks unexceptionable and fine upon your own principles . for here we are beholden to none but our selves ; we are not thrown up the hill by anothers arms , and made considerable by diversion , or chancemedly ; but climb the ascent by plain strength , and indefatigable activity . is it not a singular commendation to have our circumstances not only large and honourable , but independent ; and almost to create the privileges we enjoy ? here is no gilding of a coarse substance , no borrowed glory , no faint reflection from an ancestour , but the man is all bright and luminous to the center , and shines and sparkles in his own worth . he is not great by genealogy and ancient title , by the favour of fortune and the labours of those he never help'd , but by nature and performances , by having greatness incorporated in himself . now may not a person who has thus distinguished himself by his merit , make use of the honour which has been so justly confer'd upon him , and put the lazy and less significant in mind of their defects ? philal. if you recollect your self you will find that this point concerning acquired nobility has been occasionally discoursed already : therefore i shall only add that upon supposition a man has obliged the publick , and is remarkable for great abilities and a generous use of them ; he would do well to remember that there are others who have ventured as far , and performed as considerably as himself , whose services all miscarried as to any private advantage , because they were not so lucky as to act under the notice of those who were able to reward : and that many persons well furnish'd for employment and honour , go out of the world as obscurely as they came in ; only for want of a proper opportunity to bring them into light , and publick view . philot. what tho some people are unlucky , ought their misfortunes to be pleaded to the prejudice of desert in others ? philal. no. but when a man has received so valuable a consideration for his service as honour and estate , he ought to acquiesce , and not press too arbitrarily for submission . he should not set a tax upon his conversation , and put the company under contribution for respect . besides a gentleman of the first head has a particular reason to manage his advancement obligingly : for by treating the little people roughly , he does in effect but expose his ancestours and reproach his own former condition . philot. you have so many fetches with you ! but what do you think of magistrates ? in my opinion those who represent their prince , and are the ministers of justice , cannot practise that humility and condescension you seem to admire , with any manner of decency , or security to the publick . for if they don't oblige their inferiours to distance , their reputation will sink , and the majesty of the government will be lessen'd , and then it 's easie to guess what the consequence must be . philal. i agree with you : magistrates ought to assert their office , and not make themselves cheap by improper familiarities . but their character may be over-strained . to prevent which inconvenience they may please to remember that their power was given them upon a publick account , more for the benefit of others than themselves . they are deputed by their prince , for the countenancing of virtue , for the ease and protection of the people , and therefore they should discourage none who are regular and fair , they should shew their authority upon nothing but insolence and injustice , thieves and malefactors ; upon those who affront the government , or break the peace . there is no necessity they should bring the air of the bench into common conversation , and wear their commissions always upon their faces . to manage their power thus singularly looks like a little private design of setting up for themselves ; as if they procured their authority to fright the kings liege subjects , and to over-awe the neighbourhood into a greater reverence . philot. but if they should happen to take too much upon them , are the people to slight them upon this account ? philal. by no means : the authority ought to be consider'd let the men be what they will. however in general i observe that the best way to secure observance , is not to insist too violently upon it . for pride is a most unfortunate vice , other immoralities usually gain their point , though they lose more another way ; but a proud man is so far from making himself great by his haughty and contemptuous port , that he is usually punished with neglect for it : and that disdain with which he treats others , is returned more justly upon himself : which may be done without much difficulty , in regard honor is not become a property so far as to have all it's appurtenances bounded and fix'd by law. the circumstantials and oftentimes the most pompous part of ceremony , are arbitrary and undetermined . for we are not told either by statute , or common law how many bows a superiour of such a degree may expect from us , not how low we are to make them , nor how often the terms of respect are to be used in our application . philot. what do you mean ? philal. i mean that it is not settled by act of parliament , how many sirs and madams , a discourse of such a length is to be sprinkled with ; and therefore a cross-grained fellow , will tell you he has his betters upon their good behaviour : if he likes their humour , he will be as liberal to them in acknowledgments as they please ; if not , he shall take the freedom to hold his hand , and let them help themselves how they can . philot. well! i cannot reconcile this self-denying humour you are contending for the character of a gentleman . such an untoward management of fortune and honour as this is , argues either that a man wants sense to understand his condition , or spirit to maintain it . to throw away the prerogatives of our birth , or the rewards of our industry , at such a careless cynical rate , is a sign of a rustick inapprehensive meanness , and that we have not the least inclination to greatness in us . for those who desire to be great , will endeavour to excel , and those who excel will be sure to shew it ; for the essence of greatness lies in comparison . a tall man loses the advantage of his stature , unless he stands streight , and overlooks his neighbour . philal. methinks you are somewhat out in your notion of greatness . philot. let us hear if you can hit it better . philal. to speak freely , i conceive it a much more substantial and better natured thing than you have made it . greatness certainly does not consist in pageantry and show , in pomp and retinue ; and though a person of quality will make use of these things to avoid singularity , and to put the vulgar in mind of their obedience to authority , yet he does not think himself really the bigger for them : for he knows that those who have neither honesty nor understanding , have oftentimes all this fine furniture about them . farther , to be great , is not to be starched , and formal , and supercilious , to swagger at our footmen , and browbeat our inferiours . such a behaviour looks as if a man was conscious of his own insignificancy , and that he had nothing but outside , and noise , and ill humour , to make himself considerable with . but he that is truly noble , has far different sentiments , and turns his figure quite another way . he hates to abridge the liberties , to depress the spirits , or any ways to impair the satisfaction of his neighbour . his greatness is easie , obliging , and agreeable , so that none have any just cause to wish it less . and though he has a general kindness for all men , though he despises not the meanest mortal , but desires to stand fair in the opinion of the world , yet he never courts any man's favour at the expence of justice , nor strikes in with a popular mistake . no , he is sensible it is the part of true magnanimity to adhere unalterably to a wise choice : not to be over-run by noise and numbers , but to appear in defence of injured right , of neglected truth , notwithstanding all the censure and disadvantage they may sometimes lie under . to conclude his character , a great man is affable in his converse , generous in his temper , and immoveable in what he has maturely resolved upon . and as prosperity does not make him haughty and imperious , so neither does adversity sink him into meanness and dejection : for if ever he shews more spirit than ordinary , it is when he is ill used , and the world frowns upon him . in short , he is equally removed from the extremes of servility and pride ; and scorns either to trample upon a worm , or sneak to an emperor . philot. in earnest , you have described a person of honor : and i am so far pleased with the character , that i would give all i am master of to make it my own . but can we receive no other advantages from nobility , but what have been hinted already ? philal. all that i can think of at present , are these following . first , it gives a fair occasion to excite the generosity of our minds , and disposes us to the imitation of great examples , that so we may not seem unworthy our predecessours . indeed , a man is bound in justice not to impair the reputation , nor spoil the breed of the family : but to hand down the line to his posterity , at least with the same good conditions he received it . secondly , these privileges of birth may serve to check an insolent humour in others , who behave themselves contemptuously towards us upon lesser , or but equal pretences . thirdly , a man may make some advantage this way , when he falls undeservedly under publick disgrace , or is unrighteously oppressed . for in such a case , the mention of his ancestours seems free from all suspicion of vanity , and may fairly be interpreted to proceed either from self-defence , or greatness of spirit . fourthly , the same may be done when any office or promotion , may legally be claimed by vertue of an honourable condition . for example , if a man should put in to be one of the knights of malta , he might modestly enough publish his pedigree , and prove his six descents , against a less qualified competitor . philot. if you are at a sto● , i ●●ink i can carry your concessions 〈…〉 for , as i remember , it has been granted already , that the common people may pay a respect to quality , though you mortifie the pleasure a little severely in those who receive it . philal. may pay a respect , call you it ? i say they must . for not to mention that gentlemen have generally a greater share of fortune and sense too , than those of vulgar condition ; not to mention this i say , if they had nothing to plead but their quality , they ought to be regarded upon that score , because the state sets a value upon it , and that for publick and considerable reasons . philot. i perceive if a man will but stay and hear you out , you are civil enough at the last . pray what are we to do next ? philal. why , now i could run a discourse with you upon the inconveniences of pride : and snew you in particular , what an unconquerable aversion it gives all mankind against us , when we are overgrown with it . how it multiplies , and conceals our defects from us , and makes us do a thousand silly things , without taking notice of them . how it makes us a prey to flatterers , and puts us to great expences only to be laughed at . i might debate with you , how it spoils conversation , and takes away the pleasure of society . how often families , kingdoms , and churches are embroiled , and the world turned topsiturvy by this vice. these and many other ill consequences of pride might be enlarged upon ; but this part of the argument is , i conceive , more proper for divines , and therefore i shall pursue it no farther . philot. well moved ! for now i think it is almost time to give over . philal. i won't tire you . your humble servant . the contents . some mistakes concerning conversation removed page the grounds of pride enquired into , and shewn to be founded in self-love , and why p. the due bounds of self-love briefly examined p. , pride described , . by way of negation p. . the positive marks of it are laid down p. the principal pretences to this vice , viz. learning , nobility , wealth , power , and beauty p. the pretences of learning considered p. the office of curates generally misunderstood ; the mistakes about it rectified p. the depressing their character , and streitning them in point of maintenance , of ill consequence to religion p. the case of nobility considered p. nobility divided into hereditary or acquired p. the privileges of antiquity examined p. families generally raised either by commerce , arms , or learning p. the pretences of commerce inquired into , where likewise those of wealth , are occasionally handled p. , the merit of arms debated p. the advantages of learning , and arms compared p. the plea of beauty argued , and that of acquired nobility p. the difference between pride and magnanimity p. the just advantages of nobility p. some of the unhappy consequences of pride hinted . p. the end . a moral essay concerning cloaths . the third conference between philotimus and philalethes . a moral essay concerning cloaths . philot. philalethes , i 'm glad to meet you again ; where have you been this long time ? philal. sometimes not just where i would be : but now i have no reason to complain ; for i always think my self well , when i am with a friend . philot. i must have half an hours conversation with you before we part . philal. you oblige me extreamly . i was afraid your time had been preingaged to those gentlemen and ladies you parted with at the coach ; i heard them desire you not to stay long . by their habit and equipage they seem to be persons of condition , and therefore you know the appointment must be well remembred ? philot. leave that to me . but by the way , i thought you laid somewhat of an accent upon their habit ; were they too fine for you ? philal. they may be so for themselves for ought i know . philot. i perceive you are for making prize of me again . i remember what mortifying discoveries you made at our last meeting . i wish you had kept your cynical truths to your self ; for i 'm sure my mistakes were much more entertaining . philal. it seems they were truths then . philot. yes . and that 's it which vexes me ; for now i have much ado to keep my self in my own good opinion . philal. i 'm sorry you should be in love with a delusion , especially when you know it to be such . fevers and intemperance bring a great many gay fancies with them ; and yet they are not counted any of the blessings or ornamentals of life . philot. happiness is happiness ; whether 't is founded in reason or imagination , 't is all a case to me , provided i have a vigorous sence of it . nay , in my judgment , those which you call the satisfactions of fancy , are the better of the two . they are more at command than the other ; and stand in no need of a foreign supply . the want of tools and materials , if the model is answered , is a commendation to the workman . to make so fine a something out of nothing , has some resemblance to creation : so that if this way has as much pleasure in the effect , it seems to have more of magnificence in the cause . philal. i grant you , if a man could be always dreaming of paradise : the dream would go a great way towards making the thing . but alass ! the visionary pleasure will quickly disappear . the agreeable part of the fit won't last ; therefore let us get rid of it as soon as may be . the longer it continues , the worse and the weaker 't will leave us . we may , like the romans , deify a disease , if we please ; but if we expect any return of the worship , we shall be mistaken . philot. i tell you i came off with loss the last rencounter : and now by your surveying me from head to foot , i find you think i have too much of expence and curiosity about me ; but if you expect to dispute my cloaths off my back , you will be disappointed . philal. i have no desire you should turn either adamite , or quaker ; but yet i believe some people throw away too much money , and inclination , upon these things . philot. you seem to forget that the distinctions of rank and condition cannot be kept up , without something extraordinary in this kind . and unless this be done , government must suffer . philal. for all that , noah had large dominions , and , for ought appears , kept his subjects in good order without any great assistance from the wardrobe . philot. but princes subjects are not so near of kin to them now ; and therefore not so easily governed . philal. we will dispute no farther about princes : besides , i grant the world is alter'd , and am willing to make an allowance upon that score . philot. i shall proceed upon your concession . and endeavour to prove in the first place , that richness of habit is not only lawful but convenient , for those who are possessed of publick charges ; especially when they execute their office ▪ for the people generally take their measures more from the appearance than the reason of things . their apprehensions are so disposed , that they think nothing great but what is pompous , and glitters upon the senses . if their governours had not some advantage of them in figure ; they would be apt to overlook their character , and forget their distance . philal. i have no intention to argue against gold chains , velvet caps , or sables , or any thing of this nature ; but granting this furniture may be somewhat of a guard to authority , yet no publick person has any reason to value himself upon it . for the design of this sort of state is only to comply with the weakness of the multitude . 't is an innocent stratagem to deceive them into their duty , and to awe them into a just sense of obedience . a great man will rather contemn this kind of finery , than think himself considerable by it . he will rather be sorry that his authority needs the support of so little an artifice , and depends in any measure upon the use of such trifles . to stoop to the vulgar notion of things , and establish ones reputation by counterfeit signs of worth , must be an uneasy task to a noble mind ▪ besides , we are not to think the magistrate cannot support his office without fine cloaths . for if he is furnish'd with general prudence , with abilities particular to his business , and has a competent share of power , he needs not doubt his influence over the people . philot. pray what do you think of private quality ? i hope you don't intend to strike us out of all distinction , to run all metals together , and make a sort of corinthian brass of us . philal. by no means . however , your argument must abate farther upon this head. for quality , separated from authority , is sufficiently maintained by title , arms , and precedency : this is enough to keep up distinction , and to encourage industry and merit . there is no necessity for persons , without jurisdiction , to march always with colours displayed . it seems more agreeable that they should conceal , than make a needless ostentation of their wealth . would it not look odly in a souldier to give in a history of his valour and conduct in conversation ? or for a man of learning to make harangues upon his own parts and performances , and tell the company how ignorant they are in respect of him ? philot. that would be a little fulsom i confess ; but is the case the same ? philal. much at one , in private persons . for them to appear pompous in equipage , or habit , is but a vain-glorious publishing their own grandeur , a silent triumphing over the inferiority of others , and is in effect to proclaim themselves extraordinary people . whereas a modest man , if he was somewhat taller than his neighbours , would chuse to shrink himself into the dimensions of the company , and be contented rather to loose something of his own stature , than to upbraid them with the littleness of theirs . philot. what , because a lord of a mannour has not always a commission , must he be allowed no better cloaths than a cottager ? philal. yes . there may be some difference , and yet it needs not be very expensive . a gentleman's mien and behaviour is sufficient to discover him , without any great dependance upon shops and taylors . after all , the best way of distinguishing , is by the qualities of the mind . let persons of condition strive rather to be richer in their disposition than the vulgar : let them put on a better humour , wear a finer understanding , and shew a more shining fortitude : let them appear remarkably just , inoffensive , and obliging . this is the way to be nobly popular , and gives them the hearts , as well as the ceremony , of their inferiors . philot. how must they spend their estates , they cannot eat and drink them all ? philal. however , they seem willing enough to try their skill ; and i believe the experiment succeeds sometimes . but to your question : was the surplusage of wealth employed in charitable uses , and entertainments soberly hospitable , i conceive it would run in a more proper chanel . did men lay out their abilities in the service of religion , and for the promoting of arts and knowledge , how might they advance the prosperity and glory of a nation this way ? how much wiser , and easier , and richer , might they make their inferiours ? and as they would be more beneficial to their country , so they would serve the designs of greatness much more effectually . such a generous use of fortune , would give lustre to their reputation ; and make the world look with wonder and regard upon them . how would it raise a declining interest to its former height , and with what advantage convey their memories to posterity ? but to return ; richness of habit is not only unnecessary to keep up the distinction of degrees , but insufficient . for where there are no sumptuary laws to confine the condition of persons , and ascertain the heraldry of the wardrobe , every one has the liberty of being as expensive , and modish as he pleases . and accordingly you may observe that ordinary people , when they happen to abound in money and vanity , have their houses and persons as richly furnished , as those who are much their superiours . there are other instances in which methinks these things are a little misplaced . philot. as how ? philal. why , to see gold and scarlet condemn'd to liveries , the coach-box furnish'd like the council chamber , and the horses wear as good velvet as the company , is methinks not very agreeable . this prostitution of finery is enough to make it nauseous , and to ruin its reputation to all inteats and purposes . philot. when you have said all , a good suit does a man credit , and puts people in mind of paying him a proper respect . and since others esteem me upon this account , i ought to follow their opinion . for why should i think my self wiser than the majority of mankind ? singularity seems to have always a spice of arrogance in it . philal. you are wonderfully resigned in your understanding ; i guess the occasion , and shall endeavour to disappoint your humility . for notwithstanding your majority , i conceive the reasons of things are rather to be taken by weight than tale : and if so , fine cloaths will signify nothing in the value of a man , because they are but signs of wealth at the best , which generally speaking is no more an argument of worth , than of the contrary . and as cloaths don't suppose a man considerable , so neither can they make him so . this will appear if we examine either the materials of which they consist , or the art and curiosity which is shewn in the fashioning of them . the matter of which a rich habit consists , is either the skins of beasts , the entrails of worms , the spoils of fishes , some shining sand or pebles , which owe their humble original to the dirt. and is it not a ridiculous vanity to value our selves upon what we borrow from creatures below reason and life ? in short , either they are a real advantage , or not : if they are , they prove our dependance upon inferiour things ; which ought to be a mortifying consideration , unless we can be proud of beggary ▪ if they are not , then to dote on them is a sign we are sunk beneath our proper level ; that we admire trifles , and disgrace the dignity of our nature . to see these insignificant ornaments valued at so great a rate , and preferred to the necessaries of life , is no small disparagement to the understandings of men , and is an argument of the littleness and degeneracy of our kind . one would think he that has the liberty of looking upon the sun and moon for nothing , would never purchase the glimmerings of a peble at so high a price . philot. i find you imagine pearls were made only for cordials , and that diamonds and fit for nothing but bartholomew-babies to sparkle in . but i believe the iewellers would do well enough , if they had nothing but your philosophy to damp their trade . philal. that may be . but what if i can prove that the price of them is kept up by imagination and ill humour , and that the very reason which makes them dear , ought to make them cheap . philot. let 's hear . philal. you may observe then that most of these ornaments owe their value to their scarcity . for if they were common , those who most admire them would be ready to throw them away . tertullian ( de habit. muliebr . ) observes , that some people bound their malefactors in chains of gold. and if a man's crime was very notorious , they would make him as fine as a general officer . philot. i suppose they were sir thomas moor's vtopians . a pretty devise ! 't is pity whitehall was not plundered to ornanament newgate ! philal. tertullian observes farther , that diamonds and rubies were little esteemed by the eastern nations , where they were the growth of the country . so that i suppose when the parthian children , and milk-maids , had worn them till they were weary , they were bought up for the roman ladies . now to be fond of any thing purely because it is uncommon , because the generality of mankind wants it , is an ill-natured pleasure , and arises from an unbenevolent and ungenerous temper . philot. pray what do you think of the artificial improvement , is not a rich dress an addition to the wearer upon this account ? philal. not at all . 't is true , the refining upon what was more imperfectly begun by nature , the graceful disposition of the parts , and the judicious mixture of colours , are arguments of industry and ingenuity ; but then this commendation does not belong to those that buy them . if the meer wearing them is any ways creditable , it is because the taylors , &c. are the fountains of honour . philot. i grant you those people make them , but the suiting them is above their talent . none but persons of condition can hit this point . indeed they have a great delicacy and exactness in their fancy : they pitch upon nothing that is tawdry and mechanick , staring , or ill matched . one may know a gentlewoman almost , as well by seeing her chuse a mantua , or a ribon , as by going to garter , or clarencieux . philal. the mixing of light , and shade , handsomely , looks like a genius for painting : and that is the most you can make of your observation . to go on with you : i shall venture to add , that for private persons to expect an unusual observance upon the account of fine cloaths , argues them conscious of their own little worth , and that the greatest part of their quality comes out of the dressing room . having nothing to prefer them to the esteem of the judicious , they are contented to take up with the ceremony of the ignorant : and with a little glitter , and pageantry , draw the gazing , unthinking mobile to admire them . now to desire respect where we have no jurisdiction , purely upon our own account , is an argument either of a weak judgment , or weak pretences . if we understood the true grounds of esteem ; if we were well stock'd with abilities , or good actions , to entertain us at home ; we should not make our selves so mean , as to let our satisfactions depend upon the reverences of the ignorant , or designing . besides , to delight in the submissions of others , is a certain sign of pride . this supposes that we are not so much pleas'd with our own station , as with looking down , and seeing our neighbours as we fancy in a worse condition than our selves . whereas a generous mind has its happiness encreased by being communicated . philot. i suppose your artillery may be almost spent by this time . philal. i was going to tell you , that rich cloaths are accounted unsuitable to old age , which is a farther proof of their insignificancy . that age which is most remarkable for wisdom and temper ; which is particularly honoured with the weight of business , and dignity of office ; and has deservedly the greatest regard paid it : that age , i say , chuses to appear in a plain , unornamented guarb . whereas were fine cloaths marks of true honour ; were they ornaments great enough for a man's reason to delight in , the wisest part of the world would not go without them : especially since the decays of nature give so fair a plea for the assistances of art. there cannot be a greater disparagement to this sort of finery , than its being refused by that age which seems to need it most ; and if it was considerable best deserves it . since men at the height of discretion are ashamed of these additions ; this is a convincing proof that they are childish and trifling , and fittest for those who carry more body than soul about them . philot. your inference is , that there should be a resemblance between age and habit ; and that a finical old spark , can never be in the fashion . philal. right . for old people to set up for mode and dressing is a nauseous piece of vanity . indeed , when we come into the world first , 't is not so remarkable an imprudence , if we misplace our esteem , and make an indiscreet choise . 't is no wonder if we stick upon a gaudy outside , when we are not sharp enough to look through it . when our minds are unfurnished with materials for thinking , and scarce strong enough to wield a rational pleasure , they are apt to divert themselves with the amusements of sense . but when we have run through the experience of many years , and had so many opportunities of improvement : when our reason is grown up to maturity , and we are supposed to have made our last judgment upon things : when every thing we say or do , should have an air of gravity and greatness in it ; then to dote upon trifles , is a shrewd sign that our minds are no less decay'd than our bodies . it looks as if we were ashamed of making any pretences to wisdom , and betrays an impotent desire of returning to the extravagance of youth . philot. after all your strictness , i hope you have some reserve of liberty for women . they have the excuses of custom , the agreableness of figure , and the inclinations of sex , to plead in their behalf . besides , i am told st. augustine ( ep. . tom. . ) abates very much of the rigour of your tertullian , and speaks with great moderation upon the point . he thinks fine cloaths ought not to be forbidden married women , who are obliged to please their husbands . and if they may use this expedient to please them when they have them ; why may they not do it that they may please to have them ? why may not the same little charm be practised to begin , as well as to entertain the relation ? philal. with all my heart ; let st. augustine's indulgence pass . but 't is my humble opinion they should keep their inclinations unengaged . they would do well not to dress their fancy , nor wear their finery in their head , nor think their afternoon quality better than their morning . for when a woman is once smitten with her drapery , religion is commonly laid aside ; or used moreout of custom than devotion . when her governing passions lye this way , charity is disabled , and good-nature fails , and justice is overlook'd , and she is lost to all the noble purposes of life . how often are relations neglected , tradesmen unpaid , and servants stinted to mortifying allowances for the support of this vanity ? how patched and ununiform does it make the figure of some families ? and what a disagreable mixture of poverty and riches do we see sometimes within the same walls ? these excesses make them forget the compassion of their sex , and the duties of their station . they rob the necessities , and fourish in the penance , and wear that which should have been the flesh and bloud of their own retinue . philot. what do you think of those below the gentry , ought they not to be somewhat frugal , and unpretending in their appearance ? philal. truly i think the taylor should take measure of their quality , as well as of their limbs . for those who make their cloaths much better than their condition , do but expose their discretion . persons of quality have some little colour for their vanity : but as for others , they have nothing to say for themselves . in them it looks like a levelling principle ; like an illegal aspiring into a forbidden station . it looks as if they had a mind to destroy the order of government , and to confound the distinctions of merit and degree . in a word , at this rate of management , a man looses his wealth , and reputation at the same time , makes himself expensively ridiculous , and over-shoots extravagance itself . philot. my time is up , i must leave you . philal. adieu . of duelling . the fourth conference between philotimus and philalethes . philal. whether so fast this morning , methinks you are somewhat earlier than usual ? philot. may be so . but when a man's occasions are up , and abroad , 't is fit he should attend them . philal. pray what may your business be , for you don't use to break your sleep for trifles ? philot. why last night mr. a. and i happen'd to fall into a misunderstanding over a glass of wine . at length he told me the controversy could not be taken up , without giving the satisfaction of a gentleman . my answer was , that i would debate the matter with him in his own way this morning . and i am now going to settle some little affairs before the time of meeting . philal. if you design to make your will , you are out : for to do that to any purpose , a man must be sound in mind and memory , which is none of your case . for the business you are going about is sufficient to prove you non compos . philot. pray let us have no bantring . you know me too well to imagine that a concern of this nature should make any dishonourable impression : however , because an accident may happen , i love to make a proper provision , and leave my discretion unquestioned . philal. that you will not do with me , i promise you ; unless you can give a better account of your undertaking than is usually done . philot. i am now obliged to dispute the matter at the swords point , so that it will be to no effect to argue it any other way : for a man of honour must keep his word . philal. yes , no doubt on 't . if he promises so set a town on fire , 't is as much as his eschutcheon and pedigree is worth to fail in the performance . look you ; you seem sensible that you are within a hazard : if you are a gentleman , learn to value your self . don't stake your life against a nutshel , nor run into the other world upon every fop's errand . philot. i tell you i am engaged . what if i understood the practice as little as you do ? since it is the custom i must defend my honour : for to suffer under the imputation of cowardize , is worse than being buried alive . however , if you have any thing to say , i have an hour good to hear you . philal. as much a custom as you make it , 't is not improved into common law : that is point blank against you , and tyes you all up , if you kill upon the occasion . philot. 't is the custom of gentlemen , and that is sufficient for my purpose . philal. what if it was the custom to tilt your head against a post , for a mornings exercise , would you venture the beating out your brains rather than be unfashionable ? what if it was the custom for people of condition to betray a trust , to forswear a debt , or forge a conveyance , would you follow the precedent , or forfeit their good opinion ? philot. you seem to mistake the point . i grant you men of figure are too often saulty in some of the instances you mention : but then they are not bound to it upon the score of reputation , which makes a disparity in the case . philal. they are not ; true . but suppose they were , what then ? does not this supposition clearly prove , that we are not to take the conduct of any sort of people upon content : but to examine the reasonableness of a custom before we go into it ? whatever is beneath a man , is beneath a gentleman ; but to act without thinking , is beneath a man , much more against it . philot. i perceive you believe this sort of satisfaction very unaccountable . philal. i do so . and the law is of my opinion , which i hope is no contemptible authority . philot. hark you , we do but laugh at these stories . do you think a parcel of starched lawyers , with a iury of haberdashers , and chandlers , are proper judges in the case ? are such pedants and mechanicks as these , fit to give rules to men of honour ? philal. i perceive you think ignorance and idleness necessary qualifications of a gentleman ; and doubt not but that you practise accordingly . but if men of honour are too great to be govern'd by the laws , they should be so modest as not to plead it for their advantage . they should throw up their fortune , and disband from society . yes , and their quality too ; for this , as well as the other , is settled by the constitution . philot. i thought quality had been the sole privilege of birth , or at least of the prince's favour . philal. all honour , as well as land , is originally a gift from the crown . now prerogative is a part of the law : and though quality and estate are settled upon a man and his heirs , yet the grant runs always with a condition of forfeiture in case of treason . and therefore the son of an unrestored traytor has no pretences to the quality of his ancestors . philot. i know we say that treason taints a man's bloud , and makes it baser than that of a peasant ; but i look upon this as a kind of whimsey . for though the government may take away my estate , yet it cannot make me nothing of kin to my father . so that the son of a gentleman must be a gentleman , in spight of fate . philal. but not in spight of treason . for in that case , he is banished the bloud , and transplanted from the family of his ancestors . his lease of heraldry is expired , his title is extinct , and he can no more claim his former honour , than an estate which was sold by his great grand-father . i grant you the relation between him and his father continues , and that 's it which destroys his pretentions . the stream of honour is dryed up , before it reaches the chanel of posterity . the father has lost all , and therefore can convey nothing over . the son if he pleases may be of kin to the treason , for the infamy of that remains ; but as for the quality 't is all wiped out , as if it had never been . and therefore though your instance is true , your inference fails ; for the son of a traytor , is not the son of a gentleman . in short , you must either allow that quality , like other branches of property , stands upon the basis of law ; or else you unavoidably run into the principle of levelling . for where the distinctions of condition are not ascertained by publick provision , every one is at liberty to rate his own , and his neighbour's station , as he pleases . where there are no inclosures all people may intercommon , without preference or ceremony . new grounds of honour may be set up , and the old ones disclaimed ; and a taylor may make himself a lord , and clap a coronet upon his goose , if he has a mind to it . philot. i suppose your conclusion is , that the notion of honour is to be taken from the laws and government , and not from any private set of people , how valuable soever in other respects . philal. right . and from thence i infer that duelling is a very dishonourable practice . for when you have given the best proof of your sufficiency , and killed your man , you are seized into the hands of iustice , treated like assassinators , and condemned to die with circumstances of ignominy . you are not indicted for acquitting your selves like gentlemen , but for disturbing the publick peace , and murthering the king's subjects . now the law never loads a man with reproaches , nor punishes him thus coarsely , for doing a handsom action . philot. what do you tell me of lawyers cant ; murdravit , stragem excercuit , & practicavit : very pretty stuff to dispatch a man of honour with ! you see how the men betray their ignorance by their forms of speaking . and as for the bench , they have a thousand pound per annum for making of malefactors ; and they must say something in defence of their trade . philal. as for the bench , the bar , and the rest , they are not the makers but the ministers of law ; they are the servants of the government , and their methods of proceeding are chalked out by their superiours . and when the reason of things is good , 't is not material though the latin proves otherwise . indeed i think the laws can't use you too rigorously , for i 'm sure you treat them with great contempt . when highway-men kill 't is commonly for a livelihood , to prevent discovery , or in the heat and surprize of passion ; and when 't is over , they seldom justify the fact , but condemn what they have done . but your tribe are murtherers by principle , which is something worse than malice prepence , because 't is ready upon all occasions , and often acts without any provocation ; except the vanity of complying with a barbarous custom . as if it was as indifferent a thing to cut a man's throat , or let it alone , as to wear a broad or narrow brim'd hat : and that these little concerns of bloud , ought to be perfectly governed by the fashion . and when the barbarity is committed , you have the assurance to maintain it , and to argue for the murther against law and gospel . in short , i think you stand in the greatest defiance to authority of all men living . philot. how so ? philal. i have given you some of my reasons , and you shall have the rest . . you scorn to refer your differences to the law , but make your selves your own judges . philot. if the government will not make a sufficient provision for the honour of gentlemen they must right their own case , and there 's an end on 't . philal. you would do well to prefer a bill against all kings and parliaments since the conquest ; and if that won't do , challenge the crown , and the two houses at their next meeting , to give you satisfaction . do you not perceive , that by thus taking the business out of the hands of the government , you both reproach , and in effect renounce it at your pleasure . the laws very well suppose , that people are apt to be too partial and passionate in their own concerns , and therefore remit them to a publick decision . now 't is a kind of maxim with us , that no man should be wiser than the laws . philot. what would you have me complain to a magistrate when a man gives me the lye , or any such sort of affront ? these things won't bear an action ; and yet a gentleman will rather dye than put them up . philal. by the way , a lye was not counted so mortal an affront till charles the fifth happen'd to say , he was no gentleman that would take it . now what has england to do with germany ? if an emperour throws out an unweigh'd sentence , must we be governed by it ? are law and justice such phantoms , that a spanish rhodomontade should make them vanish ? or must a foreign prince's humour command farther than his legal authority ? philot. the prince's opinion is the standard of mode . and to be precise and singular , looks like spleen , and monkery , and ill breeding . you know when dionysius of sicily had a fit of geometry upon him , his court took it immediately . you could scarce meet a man of quality without a pair of compasses about him ; and visits were mostly spent about squares and circles . but as soon as the king grew weary , the fashion was quite laid aside . and then as plutarch observes , nothing was a greater pedant than a mathematician . philal. you lay so much stress upon these compliances , one would think you took them for part of your allegiance . philot. not to follow a prince's opinion , is in effect to say he is mistaken , which is an unhandsom reflection . philal. in things indifferent you say well . but where justice and conscience are concerned , meer complaisance should not carry it . by the extent of your maxim , you would have made an admirable aethiopian courtier . philot. what is that ? philal. diodorus siculus tells us ( biblioth . l. . ) that the aethiopians happened once to have a one eyed bandy leg'd prince ; now such a person would have made but an odd figure , if care had not been taken . philot. pray how did the court behave themselves upon this accident ? philal. like men of honour . they made a fashion of their prince's misfortune ; and immediately shut up one of natures windows , and got a sort of scotch boot to bend their hams in . philot. i think i could have imitated alexander's wry neck , as well as the macedonians . but this which you mention is a chargeable fashion . philal. however it prevailed so far , that a gentleman would no more appear with strait legs , or two eyes in his head , than you would in a pink'd doublet , or boot-hose tops . you see how far good breeding will carry a man , if he will but stick to his principle . but to return . your saying that these indignities won't bear an action , is to confess that the wisdom of the nation has thought them below notice . and will you venture your all upon a cause which would be hissed out of all the courts of england as ridiculous ? will you take away a man's life upon a provocation for which no government will allow you six-penny worth of damages ? a complaint fitter for a boy to run to his mother with , than to disorder a man. it there was but a few of you , and you should talk at this rate , you would be sent to b — lam ; but defendit numerus , and that 's the best of your plea. philot. as the case stands , he who refuses a challenge looses the reputation of a gentleman ; none of that quality will keep him company . philal. lucifer's excommunication exactly ! and i perceive you dread the censure much more than that of the church . the best on 't is , you are somewhat out in your calculation . for there are not a few of good extraction of another opinion . philot. i suppose you mean ecclesiasticks . now we have nothing to say to them : their profession exempts them from a necessity of fighting . philal. i mean seculars too . i hope the temporal lords and commons are no peasants . and will they account any person infamous for the regularity of his behaviour ? for not breaking those laws which they either made , or approved themselves ? at this rate they must be a very extraordinary assembly ; and westminster altogether as great a sight as the tower. will not the judges and justices go for gentlemen , and do you think they will avoid a man's company for declining a challenge , and yet commit and hang him up for succeeding in it ? pray don't make the governing part of a nation so extravagantly ridiculous . there are many other grave persons of worth and bloud , who would give the cause against you : but i find none of these will pass muster . it seems beau's , and bully's , and their wise admirers , have seized the heralds office , and engrossed all the quality to themselves . philot. when you have declaimed till you are weary , i must tell you that we have no small party of as much honour and value as any you have mentioned , who will very hardly be brought over to your sentiment . philal. i hope not . 't is true , i know some people are all quality : you would think they were made up of nothing but title and genealogy . if you happen to encounter a prejudice , or cross upon their fancy , they are too considerable to understand you . these , i confess , i almost despair of , but hope their number is not great . by the way , let me tell you your fraternity take a very great liberty in their opinion ; you make nothing to renounce the publick sense in matters of the highest importance : and count that a noble atchievement , which the laws punish as a capital offence . now to set up a notion of honour against the government , with such circumstances as these , is of very dangerous consequence . 't is such an affront to the constitution , such a deliberate contempt , such an open defiance of authority , as nothing can be more . it makes the laws cheap and ridiculous , the solemnities of justice a piece of pageantry , the bench a few reverend poppets , or scharamouche's in scarlet . and thus by exposing the administration , the very foundations of peace and property are shaken and sap'd . philot. certainly you are retained by the whole corporation of cowards , you make so tragical a business on 't ! philal. by your favour : to have our swords ready to execute the orders of every paultry passion ; to put murther into our creed , and cut throats upon professed principles , is a tragical business ; and i believe you 'll find it so . philot. trouble not your self ; we value neither your judges , nor your juries . if we kill fairly , we have always interest at court to bring us off . philal. you may set up a science against the government , and range murthering under discipline and rule , and call it by what fine names you please : but your methods of killing , and that of highway-men , are alike fair in the eye of justice ; and the same rewards are assigned to both . as for your friends at court , 't is to be hoped that princes in time will resent the breach of their laws , and the loss of their subjects , a little more heartily : that they will not encourage a practice which insults their authority , and ridicules their ministers , and keeps up a spirit of barbarity throughout the nation . besides , there are things they call appeals , and in that case you know your pardon is out of doors . philot. we must take our chance for that . philal. you are hardy men some of you . if all the subjects should take the same liberty , we should have wild work. you say the government is defective in considering the respects of honour , and therefore are resolved to be your own carvers . what if the under sort of people should take the hint , and practice upon it , in the instance of property ? look ye neighbours ( says a sharp country fellow ) the fine folks have gotten away all the land from us ; for my part i want so many score acres to live easily , and i suppose you do so too , and i think our industry deserves it . 't is true , estates are otherwise settled , and i should believe my self obliged to observe my countries customs , if others would do the same : but i perceive the gentry can set the constitution aside , without any scruple . they can tilt through one anothers lungs in a bravado , though the law makes hanging matter on 't . why should we be more slaves to the goverment than others , i 'm sure we do not get so much by it ? we are enough of us , let us mind our business . 't is true , this would be a lewd project ; but 't is the consequence of your own principle , therefore have a care of setting the example . philot. if we take a greater freedom with the government than the vulgar , our quality is our excuse ; that will bear us out . philal. quite contrary . for first , a gentleman is supposed to be better acquainted with the laws than a peasant ; therefore his breaking them must be a greater fault , because it implies more of contempt in the action . secondly , where the example is of worse consequence , the care to check it should be the greater . the influence of men of figure is considerable . when they are at the head of an ill custom , they have presently a train to attend them . the infection spreads like lightning ; and 't is a credit to live counter to reason and regularity . the slender principles , the loose 〈◊〉 of these men , is that which has so effectually debauched the age. this is it which has exposed virtue , and banished religion , and almost buried the distinctions of good and evil. thirdly , since quality is a distinction settled by law ; those who have the greatest share of this privilege are most obliged to observe the publick regulations . the government is a great benefactor to such persons , and they are very ungenerous and ungrateful , if they fly in the face of it . a man that enjoys honour and estate by a society , has greater engagements to regard it , than he who receives only a common protection . one has perhaps a l. per annum for keeping the laws and the other nothing but his labour for his pains ▪ and pray which is most to blame then if they break them ? philot. you seem to forget that their fortune and condition follows their birth , so that they are only obliged to their family for the advantage . philal. you argue too fast . pray are not descents and inheritances governed by law ? what claim can we make to privilege or property without it ? a man when he is about it , may as easily be born to l. a year as to pence . the trouble to himself , or his mother , is much the same as to that matter . people come into the world in turky the same way they do here ; and yet , excepting the royal family , they get but little by it . nature has set us all upon a level as to these things : 't is only the constitution which makes the difference ; and therefore those who have the advantage , should pay it a proportionable respect . — philot. i perceive you are coming on again : and to stop you a little , let me tell you , 't is my observation , that the custom of duels puts gentlemen upon their good behaviour , 't is a check upon conversation , and makes it more inoffensive than it would be otherwise . philal. an admirable remedy ! just such a one as death is against all diseases . if there must be disputes , is not squabling less inconvenient than murther ? had not a man better have a black eye , than a napkin drawn through him ; and bleed rather at the nose than at the heart ? these contests , though much better let alone , make neither orphans , nor widows , nor perpetuate feuds among families . besides , the disorders of conversation may be prevented without such a dangerous expedient . for not to mention religion , a moderate share of prudence and behaviour will do the business . 't is not yet the fashion for women of quality to tilt. now though they can hate one another pretty heartily ; though their humours are full as nice , and their passions as strong , as those of the other sex ; yet the sense of decency is sufficient to keep them from coarse language , and rude provocations . philot. however , misunderstandings will happen sometimes . and when they do , it does not become gentlemen to manage them like lesser people . their revenges must be particular , as well as the rest of their breeding . it looks as odly for them to quarrel , as to salute like a clown . philal. so that i perceive if butchers had but the manners to go to sharps , gentlemen would be contented with a rubber at cuffs . if they must be singular in their disputes , let it be for the better i beseech you . let us not be so vain as to think it a commendation to be more unreasonable in our demands , and more savage in our resentments than the meanest , and most undisciplined . if they must run counter to the vulgar in every thing , i wonder they don't leave off swearing , drinking , &c. these , by their assistance , are grown plebeian vices : insomuch that porters and foot-men are as perfect in them as themselves . philot. i grant you clowns may box it off , and be quiet ; this way of satisfaction is agreable enough to their little pretensions . but the honour of a gentleman must have other sort of damages . philal. if the dispute was between peasant and gentleman , you would say something , though not enough . but you know a gentleman is not obliged to fight another who is not so . now where the condition of the disobliged is equal , at least to the degree of gentlemen ; why should the affront be counted so mortal an injury ? i know no reason for this , unless you will say , that men of quality are obliged to be more bloudy and implacable ; and to carry their passions to greater heights of fury , than other people . but this plea proves them really less , not greater than the common size of mankind ; and is far wide of the true character of honour . if quality consists in such sallies as these are ; tigers and fiends may put in for a considerable share . philot. if this way of deciding quarrels among gentlemen were peculiar to our age or country , your reasoning would have more force ; but we have almost a general prescription of time and place against you . philal. not so general as may be brought for the heathen religion , or the alcoran ; and yet i hope you will not plead in defence of either of these . to give you an instance near home . the french you know are far from being an inconsiderable nation . their nobility are as numerous , and their pretensions as well supported ; they have as much fire in their tempers , and as much regard for their honour , as any of their neighbours : notwithstanding this , you see the practice of duelling is absolutely suppressed , and they are all contented to refer their grievances to the government . philot. the french king takes more care to right a gentleman's honour than is done with us , which makes the case different . philal. particular satisfaction for every affront in conversation cannot be awarded by stated laws ; the circumstances are too many to be brought within a rule . a prince must be little less than absolute to do this effectually . now such a stretch of prerogative would be agreeable neither to the english genius , nor constitution . and is it not a hard case that we must either deliver up all our property to the crown ; or our lives to every ungovernable passion and caprice ? farther . you may remember that the subject holds his honour and estate by no other tenure then the laws . what a monstrous injustice ; what an ingratitude ; what an insufferable pride must it then be , for private men to erect a magistracy of their own ; to iudge and execute in matters of life and death ; and to hang and draw within themselves ? if the subjects may set the laws aside with so little ceremony , and make supplemental provisions at discretion , the significancy of government will be unintelligible . if authority may be slighted in an instance of so high a nature , why not in a hundred ? and when the fences are thus broken down , peace and property good-night ! philot. your mentioning the french , puts me in mind of the old romans ; they were a very brave people : pray what was their practise in the case , for i have almost forgot it ? philal. not at all for your purpose . 't is true , there was a sort of duelling among them , as that of the horatii , and curiatii ; of manlius torquatus , and the gaul that challenged the army . but then there was a difference in the persons and occasion . these duellists were enemies , subjects of different princes , a sort of fighting representatives , chosen like david and goliah , to decide the controversy of the field . at least the contest was allowed by publick authority , and undertaken upon the score of their country . but as for one subjects cutting anothers throat about private disputes , they were perfect strangers to these methods of justice . when milo killed clodius upon the road , though there was no such thing as a challenge ; though tully proves it no more then a rencounter ; yet because there was a former misunderstanding between them ; neither the rhetorick of the council , nor the bravery of the prisoner , could prevent the execution . philot. after all ; you cannot deny but that the present custom has prevailed for several ages . philal. so have a great many other ill things besides . there is scarcely any extravagance so singular as to want a precedent . but custom without reason , is no better then antient error . and since you press your prescription , i shall trace it to the original . now the practise of subjects righting themselves by the sword , was introduced by the lombards , saxons , and normans . a people , who possibly at that time of day , had not brains to decide the matter any other way . for how much soever they may be of kin to us , we must own they were a very unpolished sort of mortals . and why should we be tied up to the dictates of paganism and ignorance ? if a man's house , and habit , and eating , was not better than theirs ; he would not be thought to have much of the spirit of a gentleman . if we are bound to implicit submission ; if we are to follow antiquity , without any exceptions of judgment ; why don't we feed upon mast , and lodge in caves , and go almost naked ? and to come nearer our northern ancestors ; why don't we vindicate our selves by tryal ordeal ? bath our innocence in scalding water , and hop over heated plough-shares blindfold ? farther , we may observe that the barbarity of this custom was somewhat restrained , and bound up , to certain forms of law. the occasion was generally considerable : either for wiping off imputations of treason , or prosecuting appeals of murther , or trying titles of land. as for the disputes of sharpers , of bottles , dice , and wenches , we don't read of any provisions made for the honour of such sparks , and diversions as these . we may observe , secondly , that the men were just come off from heathenism , and very undisciplined in life . their reason was in the oar , and their understandings as low as their morals . this condition of things made their princes either mislead or indulge them . they had authority to misguide their conscience , to encourage their revenge , and in some measure to excuse it . the writ of combat was made out in the king's courts , and the whole manage of the quarrel under the direction of the government . 't was none of their way to be kill'd in hugger-mugger , and steal a stabbing as they do now . ( cotton ▪ posthum . ) thirdly , if they fought without publick allowance , and any person fell in the quarrel , the survivers were apprehended and tryed for murther . fourthly , these combats , though governed by these restrictions , and under the countenance of law , were always condemned by the censures of the church . philot. do you think then , they are not capable of regulation ? philal. no more than adultery . this practise is malum in se ; and an ill thing cannot be done within a rule . 't is like a strong poyson , it must be expelled ; for all the cooking in nature will ne're make diet on 't . 't is true , there are degrees in deformity , as well as beauty ; and therefore some cases may be more remarkable then others . for the purpose ; when a gentleman of estate fights an indigent bully , who possibly knows no more how to live in this world , then he does in the next . this man is angry to see his neighbour in easy circumstances . and when it comes once to this ; the strength of his malice and the opinion of his skill , will pick a quarrel from a slender occasion . now should i desire him to get an answerable fortune before the glove comes : to make the hazards of the combat equal , their pockets as well their as weapons should be in some measure adjusted . to throw down a few farthings , and make a noise to have them covered with gold ; would be absurd in a wager ; and a man must be very weak to accept it . and if life be either valuable to keep , or dangerous to loose , one would think the paralel should hold . this venturing all against nothing , puts me in mind of mark antony , who after he had lost the battle at actium , and was penned up in alexandria , would needs send augustus a challenge . caesars answer was , that if he was weary of living , there was other ways of dispatch besides fighting him ; and for his part he should not trouble himself to be his executioner . antony , i suppose , thought the return reasonable ; and in a short time did his own business . philot. i confess , as you have represented the case , it looks odly enough . philal. i will give you one that 's more odd , if you call it so . i mean the mystery of seconds , and thirds . this is such a masterpiece ; that i think no description can reach it . these under-pullers in distraction , are such implicit mortals as are not to be matched upon any other occasion : a perfect stranger shall engage them at the first word . to ask questions would be ungentile . on they go without any acquaintance either with the man , or the matter . a most honourable undertaking , to fight about they know not what ; for , and against , they know not whom ! so that for ought they can tell , they may be under the pious necessity of murthering their father . philot. however you can't say there is any malice prepence . philal. right ! there is nothing prepence ; neither malice nor reason . but for all that , i don't like a man that can hate at first sight , and kill extempore ? philot. you mistake , a second is not angry . he only engages in complaisance to his principal . philal. so much the worse ; because it argues the greater contempt of human kind . for my heart , i can't understand a combatant that can kill in cool blood ; and shew the utmost effects of rage without passion ! 't is a sign his common temper is as bad as the malice , and provocations of other people . this stoical improvement , is the philosophy of a butcher . it makes a beast of an enemy , and knocks him down with as little concern as if he were an oxe . philot. to requite you for your extraordinary instances , i will give you a pretty tough one on the other side . if a souldier refuses a challenge from another , he will not only be counted a coward , but in all likelihood cashiered into the bargain . philal. the case is hard i confess , but not yours ; for you are none of the military list. to those who may be concerned , i answer . . you know the challenger is punished as well as the challenged ; which discipline will prevent the case from being common . but when it does happen , it may be replied in the second place , that he who professes arms , may prove his courage by more defensible instances . his former behaviour in the field is oftentimes sufficient to wipe off an aspersion of cowardize . thirdly , if he is not furnished with proof this way : let him desire his superior officer that the next time he is drawn out , the challenger may be posted near him . and then would i heartily convince him , and the enemy to boot , that i wanted no resolution . if a man miscarries in such a tryal , he may justify himself to his reason . he dyes in his calling ; and if nothing else hinders , he may look the other world in the face . philot. but a souldier may sometimes wait a long while for such an opportunity of purging himself : and would you have him starved , and laughed at , in the mean time ? philal. let him remember he is a christian as well as a souldier ; and that he was first listed under god almighty . now a man of honour will rather starve , than be false to a solemn engagement . and where the cause is just , he is to be commended for his constancy . and if interest strikes in too , 't is not only criminal but weakness to desert it . as for the point of contempt , let him return it with pity : 't is no dishonour to be undervalued by those who want either understanding , or conscience , or both . if bare contempt without reason is so terribly significant , a fool would be better than a philosopher ; a slave than an emperour ; provided the first had but the insolence to scorn the latter . philot. for all that , you will have a great many against you . philal. so there are a great many sheep , but i think ne're the wiser for their number . philot. do you think then this custom is so absolutely forbidden by religion ? philal. i am surprized one baptized should put the question ! in earnest , i believe this notion of honour as much an idol , as nebuchadnezzar's golden image : 't is set up by the same interest , and probably has done more mischief . philot. if it be so , the mettal must be good , according to your own comparison . philal. yes . but the worship is stark naught , and less to be chosen than the fiery furnace . 't is great pity so much good blood should be offered at it . that men who have such opportunities for sense , should be entangled in so monstrous an absurdity ! that those who might be the ornament of their age , and defence of their country , should make themselves a misfortune to both ! philot. i believe the danger of the adventure makes them think it honourable . philal. look you ! to risque the main without reason or warrant , is rashness : 't is to be more stupid than brave . if a man should leap a garret , or vault down the monument , do you imagine he would leave the memory of a hero behind him ? philot. methinks 't is fine to seem above the impressions of fear , and to flash in the face of danger . philal. i grant you fortitude is a very valuable quality . but then it must be under the conduct of prudence and justice : without this assistance the best event will prove ruinous , and the victory it self a defeat . philot. you mean religion will not endure the duelling principle . philal. no more than all the heresies since simon magus . 't is a principle so full of pride , and passion , and revenge ; so tempestuous and absurd ; so absolutely unallied to reason and good-nature , that polisht heathenism would be ashamed on 't . in a word , 't is as contrary to the tendency and temper of christianity , as hobs's creed is to the apostles , as light is to darkness , as god is to the devil . philot. 't is a hard matter to part with the character of a gentleman . philal. fear it not . as long as the laws are on our side , the heraldry is all safe and if it were otherwise , let us remember we are christians . if there happens a competition between these two pretensions ; let us drop the gentleman and keep the christian ; for he is a person of the best quality . philot. say you so ? philal. yes . i say a christian and no gentleman , is more a person of condition , than a gentleman and no christian. the former is more nobly related , born to a greater fortune , and better founded in personal merit . philot. you say something . i wish you would enlarge upon this head. philal. you know my business is not preaching ; any divine will give you satisfaction . philot. upon second thoughts , they need not : a little of the bible will do it without them . to speak frankly , i am so well satisfied upon the whole , that i am resolved to take no notice of my spark ; but i am afraid he will post me up for a coward , and how then ? philal. i would mind it no more than the railing of a feaver , or a proclamation from bedlam . philot. i shall take your advise . but i must tell you withall , that if he draws upon me in the streets , i will not be so passive as to let the sun shine through me if i can help it . philal. i have nothing to say as to that . but then you should wish the occasion may never happen ; and keep your resolution to your self . for to give out this sort of language , looks too like a provocation : and if you should be so unfortunately set upon , be sure you keep within the compass of self-defence . of general kindness . the fifth conference between philotimus and philalethes . philot. what false , humorsome , insipid creatures are men ! sure these are none of the best things god ever made ! upon the whole , i think one might as good disband , and turn hermit , as be troubled with them any longer . i begin now to understand the conduct of the first monks , but believe their history misreported . they fled the persecution of mankind , more than that of a single tyrant . they prefer'd the wilderness to the town , and found their safety and their satisfaction better secured in solitude , than society . for a wild beast does not pretend above his order , and is so frank as to discover his design : but a man is a beast , and yet has not the modesty to own it . hah ! here is philalethes , he has over-heard me : in earnest , i shall be called to an account for my expostulations ! philal. what , mr. hobs's ghost ! no less than a satyr upon your whole kind ? i 'm not sorry i have interrupted your soliloquies , except they had been better natured . philot. i did not think you had been so near : but since you have catched me , give me leave to tell you i know the world , and upon experiment i find there is not one in forty without design , or vanity , in their conversation . pray peruse your acquaintance well , and if you don't discover some flaw in their honesty , or their humour , i 'm much mistaken . philal. are not you a man , philotimus ? philot. what then ? philal. then , by your own confession , 't is forty to one but that some part of the disagreable character belongs to your self . philot. however , you know odds will not win wagers ; difficulties are not demonstrations ; 't is unreasonable to argue from improbabilities against matter of fact. if i find my self well ; if my constitution , or my care , is my preservative , you must not charge the plague upon me , because i converse with epidemical infection . philal. you are resolved to keep well with your self : i doubt not but in time your good opinion will reach your neighbours : they may , to use your own similitude , be as free from contagion as your self : and if they are seized , the plague is not always mortal . besides , it might have been your own case . so that all things considered , i hope you will not mark the house upon bare suspition : and when the tokens appear , you will pity their condition , and endeavour their recovery . philot. do deal freely , i shall take care of my self , and so i suppose will every body else that is wise . for that which people call vniversal benevolence is but a piece of knight errantry : it looks prettily in a romance , but in life 't is neither prudent , nor practicable . philal. do you think it so impracticable an absurdity to wish all people well , and endeavour to make them so ? philot. what of all perswasions , countries , tempers , and conditions , whatsoever ? philal. yes . we comprehend all mankind in the league . philot. you have a notable grasp : i dare not strain my inclinations at that rate . i love to keep fair with the world as well as you , but it may be upon different reasons . in a word , i take civility to be only a compliance with the mode , friendship but another name for trade , all mercenary and designing . indeed considering the state of humane affairs , 't is next to impossible to be otherwise . where there is so much of indigence , competition , and uncertainty , you must expect self-interest will govern . you may observe , that which you call good nature , is most remarkable in the young and unexperienced . such persons i confess are often very lavish of their favours , and caressing in their conversation : but these blandishments seem only designed for a state of impotence ; that what they can't carry by force and foresight , they may obtain by flattery . like unfledged birds , they are fond of every one , that they may be fed the better . and where this reason fails , that which i am going to add will supply it . philal. what is that ? philot. why young people generally don 't think so far as others , nor consider a necessity at a distance : this often makes them more liberal than wise. they are apt to be over-credulous at first setting out ; and cannot so well see through artifice and pretence : so that 't is no wonder if they bestow their inclinations too freely upon their neighbours . philal. this early disposition to oblige , appears to me an impression of nature , which was intended for continuance : for as the use and posture of the limbs hold the same in manhood as they were in infancy ; so one would think the motions of the mind should be set right at first . and therefore when good humour happens to wear off with age , it seems to proceed from misnanagement ; and looks more like a degeneracy of nature , than an improvement of reason . if you please to hear me , i shall endeavour to prove vniversal benevolence both an acknowledged , and a practicable disposition . philot. pray begin . philal. my first argument then shall be drawn from community of nature . we are all cast in the same mould , allied in our passions , and in our faculties : we have the same desires to satisfy , and generally the same pleasure in satisfying of them . all mankind is as it were one great being , divided into several parts ; every part having the same properties and affections with another . now as we can't chuse but desire accommodations for our own support and pleasure ; so if we leave nature to her original biass , if we hearken to the undepraved suggestions of our minds , we shall wish the same conveniencies to others . for the apprehending a being so like our own , in prosperous circumstances , must be an advancement of our selves : by this we see as it were our own nature pleased , and flourishing in another . and thus much mr. hobs himself confesses to the ruin of his cause , that the sense of haviug communicated satisfaction is naturally delightful . philot. but will this notion spread wide enough to do any execution ? philal. yes . for if a man can but disengage himself from the excesses of self-love , in a single instance , he does the business . if he can but wish well to another , without making interest the only motive , he may be generous enough to take all mankind into his affections . for he that can do it to one , without any mercenary view , may for the same reason do it to a million . 't is but repeating the action , where for his encouragement the pleasure will be likewise repeated . — philot. you are going too fast . the different capacities and behaviour of men will leave your repetition neither sense , nor possibility : for to love insignificancy is dotage , and seldom passes any farther than children or relations . — philal. for all that ; one may wish a poor man an estate , or a fool understanding ; there is no unconquerable aversion , nor so much as any difficulty in these things . philot. i say farther ; to love malitious and disobliging qualities is impossible . philal. if those qualities were inseparable from the object , i grant your meaning : but where malice is only accidental , and reformation possible , the case is otherwise . a physician may have a kindness for the patient , without being fond of the disease . philot. to illustrate your distinction . if a man gives me a sower box on the ear ; i may love the hand , though i don 't like the blow . i assure you he that can thus abstract the affront from the person that gives it , and take off a cuff so metaphysically , is very much a philosopher . philal. if you are not satisfied , i 'll consider your objection farther afterwards . at present i shall go on to a second proof , that universal benevolence is agreable to humane nature , unless you have a mind to interpose . philot. not just now . take your method . philal. i prove my point , from that compassion which generally follows any considerable misfortune . this civility is so very common , and so much expected , that those who are unconcerned at the troubles of another , are called inhumane . i. e. they are degenerated from their kind , and don 't deserve the name of men. and does it not plainly follow , that those who are thus sensibly touched , must have a real kindness for the unfortunate ? philot. i think not . for compassion is but the consequence of infirmity , and bottom'd upon self-love . we are affected with what another suffers , because this puts us in mind we are not secure our selves . and when our neighbour's calamity discovers more than the possibility of our own , 't is no wonder if we are somewhat uneasy . philal. i grant you compassion may be sometimes accounted for , as you say : but then 't is a mistake to suppose it can come from no other cause . for 't is easy to observe , that the most generous dispositions are the most compassionate . such persons , though their fortune is never so well guarded ; though the greatness of their mind exempts them from fear , and makes them least concerned for any accident of their own , yet none condole and sympathize more heartily than they . 't is plain therefore that this pity and tenderness , being so void of self-interest , must proceed from good-will . philot. go on . i shall come in with you by and by . philal. i affirm then in the third place , that 't is not agreable to the attributes of god to suppose , that he has made the nature of man such , that according to his original inclinations , he should be unconcerned about the happiness of his neighbour . philot. why so ? philal. because this would be a reflection both upon the goodness , and wisdom , of god almighty . philot. prove the parts of your assertion . philal. . this supposition is repugnant to the goodness of god. for can we imagiue that god , who is infinite goodness himself , who made all rational creatures that they might be happy ; can we imagine that he should contradict the affections of his own blessed nature , and form a being wholly unlike himself ? a being which he would not only hate as soon as it was made ; but , which is more , he could impute his dislike to nothing but his own workmanship ? but if either out of indifferency , or disaffection , 't was contrary to the nature of man to wish the happiness of another , he must be such a thing as i have described . and is it possible to conceive , that goodness and perfection can be the parent of so unlovely an off-spring ? that the over-flowing generousness of the divine nature , would create immortal beings with mean or envious principles ? to be thus furnish'd , would make them both miserable and troublesom ; neither acceptable to this world , nor fit for the other . philot. these inclinations you so much dislike are very common ; therefore if they don't come from above , you must find them out some other original . philal. that will be done without difficulty . to begin ; the reason which hinders men from wishing the happiness of others , proceeds sometimes from the prejudices of education , from the ill examples and flatteries of those they first conversed with , and sometimes 't is afterwards contracted by their own fault . the general cause of this depravation , is covetousness , and pride . . an immoderate love of money spoils those generous dispositions they were sent into the world with . it confines their affections to their pockets , and shrinks up their desires into the narrow and scandalous compass of their own concerns . their nature is so impoverish'd by their ill management , that they are not able to spare one kind wish from themselves , nor expend one generous thought in favour of another . philot. the case is somewhat worse than you have represented it . people don't always keep within the terms of neutrality . they are not contented to forbear wishing well , but are oftentimes averse to the happiness of others . philal. right . when pride strikes in , that is the consequence . this vice makes men think their neighbours advantage prejudicial to their own ; and that the greatest pleasure is to see others beneath them . such an ill-natured notion as this , made lucifer uneasy , and envious in heaven ; and we know what was the issue . far be it from us to suppose , that god would stamp such ignoble , such apostatizing qualities upon any rational being . these would not be the image of the deity , but the devil . philot. in my opinion self-love seems the best expedient to secure individuals . by such a bent of nature , a man will be sure to take care of one , and not leave his business to the generosity of his neighbours . philal. if every one could stand upon his own legs , what you say would have a better colour . however , your objection leads me to shew you , that it reflects upon the wisdom of god , to suppose men made with such narrow inconversable inclinations : for by this temper they would be unfit for society . but god has design'd man a sociable creature . to this end he has sent him into the world weak , and defenceless ; so that without the care of others 't is impossible for him to subsist . and when he is best able to shift , if he had no assistance , or converse but his own , the indigence of his nature would make him very uneasy , and ill supplied . now there is nothing so strongly cements society ; nothing makes it flower , and flourish so much , as a hearty regard to the publick good. 't is general kindness and good-will , which establishes the peace , and promotes the prosperity of a people : to say , this disposition keeps men just and inoffensive , is too mean a commendation . it improves their practice much higher , and makes them munificent and obliging . without this virtue the publick union must unloose , the strength decay , and the pleasure grow faint and languid . and can we suppose that god would underfurnish man for the state he designed him , and not afford him a soul large enough to pursue his happiness ? that he should give him solitary principles , and yet intend him for publick converse ? create him so , that he shall naturally care for nothing but himself ; and at the same time make his interest depend upon mutual affection , and good correspondence with others ? is it imaginable that such a comprehensive wisdom , which has made all things in number , weight , and measure ; secured the preservation of brutes , by instinct and sympathy , and made so fair a provision for the inferiour world ; is it to be conceived , i say , that so glorious a providence should not proportion the faculties of his noblest creatures , but send them into being with inclinations unsuitable to the condition they must necessarily be placed in ? philot. under favour , the●e are other materials for a commonwealth besides stark love and kindness , and i believe the building might last , without tempering the mortar with hony. what do you say to the fear of receiving harm , and the hopes of assistance ? these are the motives of self-love , and i think sufficient to make men just , and willing to do a good turn . philal. truly i think not . i grant you these motives are not insignificant : they have an interest in life , but not enough to push it to perfection , and secure it's happiness . for first they will not restrain a secret mischief which considering the unfortified state of mankind , is a great defect . besides , the agreableness of society must be lost this way . 't is inclination and endearment that gives life and pleasure . but when people have nothing but fears , and jealousies and plots in their heads , there is no musick in their company . and farther , i would gladly know , how these scanty principles can explain why men should dye for their friends , and sacrifice their interest for their country , without necessity ? by the maxims of self-love , such actions as these must be foolish and unnatural : and yet those who are thus forgetful of themselves , have been alwas reckon'd the noblest , and best deserving . philot. you forget that there is such a thing as honour and vain glory in the world. this is the bait that catches the men you speak of : 't is the reputation of the action that fires their spirits , and makes them so prodigal , and resigning . philal. in earnest you are catched your self ! your objection supposes the truth of what i am contending for . it supposes that benevolence and generosity are possessed of the publick esteem ; that they have custom and prescription on their side ; that they are the highest improvements of the will , the most admired and heroick qualities . now 't is very strange , so universal a consent should be founded in a mistake ; and none but mr. hobs , and some few of his discipling , should understand the operations of their own minds , and the right constitution of them . philot. well! if this world won't satisfy you , the other shall . i say then , that the fear of invisible powers , and the expectations of future punishments , are sufficient to keep men upon their good behaviour ; to be a check upon their privacies , and make them honest at midnight . and yet after all , they may have no great stomach to the matter . 't is the rod , not the inclination , which learns the lesson . philal. i grant you the disciplining part of religion is very significant . however , it would not give a sufficient relief in this case . philot. why so ? philal. because upon your supposition the force of it would be lost . for if the nature of man was averse to general kindness ; if he could not chuse but think it unreasonable to love any body but himself , then god in commanding him to love his neighbour would oblige him to an impossibility . we might as well be commanded to taste gall as sweet as hony : for 't is as much in our power to alter the perceptions of our senses , as to love any thing contrary to our reason and inclination . upon this supposition therefore no man could have an inward affection for his neighbour , which yet 't is certain we are obliged to have . philot. if i am used well i 'll ne'er trouble my self about what people think . if they always act like friends , they may wish like enemies , if they please . philal. have a care ! if they are not so within , they will not be long so without . for if we had a kind of antipathy against minding any thing but our selves : if we thought our own interest prejudiced , or our quiet embarrassed by being concerned for others , in this case , all offices of humanity and obligation , would be so many acts of penance . and since the opportunities of obliging return so fast ; to be commanded the use of them , would make our lives almost a perpetual torment . it would be like feeding upon that we naturally abhor ; which instead of nourishing , would throw us into sweats and convulsions . and at this rate a kindness would often be a greater mischief to the doer , than a benefit to the receiver . the upshot is , that if the mind of man was naturally averse from wishing well to any thing but himself , the command of general benevolence would be impossible to be entertain'd in principle , and affection . and as for the counterfeit in outward practise , that would be such a grievance to ill nature , that very few would submit to it . for if men are so unreasonable as not to be governed by religion now , when 't is both profitable and pleasant , of how little force would it be , should it lye almost wholly in violence and aversion ? if envy , and ill nature , were the natural frame and complexion of the mind , religion would signify not much towards reformation ; so that society could receive but small advantage from thence . — philot. hold ! don't cry victory , i have a reserve for you . besides , you owe me some satisfaction to an old objection . philal. what 's that ? philot. i told you that the injuriousness and the vanity of a great part of the world was such , that general kindness , if it came down from speculation to practise , would be quickly out of doors . i confess if we could stand clear of the troublesome and the treacherous , i could be as good natured as the best of you . but alass , we are in foece romuli , and that 's enough to stir any man's spleen , that has either his understanding , or his senses about him . philal. you find coldness and disaffection very general , and thence you argue from fact to necessity . 't is so , therefore it must be so . under favour , that 's no consequence . i suppose that you 'll grant that men don't act always up to the stretch of their capacities : and that 't is possible for them to be much more prudent , benign , and inoffensive , than they are . philot. what then ? would you have a man a stock , must he not be sensible of ill usage ? philal. look you , all ill usage proceeds from ignorance and disorder of mind . those that give it , are the greatest sufferers . they destroy their own happiness more than ours . and under this notion they will deserve our compassion much better than our hatred : our charity will take them in as naturally as bedlam . 't is true , there may be some degrees of difference in the distraction , but that is all . and as we may wish , we may likewise attempt their welfare : not only out of pity , and common alliance ; but also from the prospect of a return . philot. how so ? philal. why by our kindness we shall either reform the injurious person or not ; if we do , the ground of our dislike is gone , and we have made him more commodious for our purpose ; if we are disappointed , we shall have the satisfaction of doing good against evil , which as 't is the most divine quality , so to maintain it , the pleasure is proportionably raised . there is a secret triumph and exultation of spirit upon such an occasion . there is no one that acts in this manner who does not inwardly applaud himself for it ; which is as much as to say . god bids him go on . philot. if we may be kind to those we believe our enemies : 〈◊〉 we can fall in love with malice and opposition , then by parity of reason we may court undisguised ruin , and hate our selves . philal. if by kindness you mean pity and good wishes , i think it very practicable to go thus far with an enemy ; but if you enlarge your sense to complacency and affection , i grant it impossible . besides , there is no need of winding up the string thus high : we are not obliged to be pleased with those that do us mischief ; the goodness of god himself does not proceed thus far . for tho he is kind to the unthankful and the evil , and desires the conversion of a sinner , yet he does not delight in him while he continues such . philot. when you have made the most of it , i foresee this latitudinarian love will be expensive ; and therefore i would gladly be farther informed what is to be gotten by it . philal. very much . in good earnest this quality is well worth the courting ; 't is valuable in fortune , as well as in beauty and humour . 't will make a man an interest in the world. it removes difficulties , & smooths the passage for business ; and like the marriage of princes , there is policy as well as pleasure in the alliance . you know the trade of life can't be driven without partners ; there is a reciprocal dependance between the greatest and the least . and the best figure is but a cypher , where it stands alone . for this reason a wise man will strengthen the confederacy , and take in all the help he can get . now there is nothing so engaging as a benevolent disposition . this temper makes a man's behaviour inoffensive , affable , and obliging ; it multiplies friends , and disarms the malice of an enemy . he that is kind out of principle , will be so to all the advantages of decency and compass . that which is natural , is uniform , constant , and graceful . whereas he who counterfeits good nature , he who is civil only out of breeding or design , will be apt to have breaks , and inequalities in his humour . a man cannot always stand bent ; so that either negligence , or passion , or interest , will some time or other return the posture , and unmask the pretence , and then the labour is all lost . but the natural complexion of goodness will hold . philot. yes , till the man breaks . philal. no fear of that . this quality will do more than pay for its keeping . remember that power goes in with the inclinations of course : get but mens hearts , and their hands will follow . but to do this , there is nothing more likely than a plausible and obliging honesty . the charms of kindness are irresistable ; they conquer , and captivate , and return with spoil and triumph . besides , the assistance that comes from inclination , is generally safer , and more serviceable , than that which is haled in by force or money . he that reigns in the affections is the happy prince ; for in love there 's neither treachery nor desertion . a man remarkably obliging , is almost proof against the most malitious . they 'll be afraid of attaquing one so fortified in publick esteem , and under so sacred a character . though his virtue may be over-looked , the infamy of the action will prevent an ●njury . philot. will this disposition do us any farther service ? philal. yes ; our affection to others gives us a share in their happiness , and so becomes an addition to our own . wishing well enlarges a man's capacity of being happy : this hinders his satisfaction from being confined to his private interest . he is really the better for whatever good his neighbour enjoys ; because every thing of this nature satisfies his desires , and gives him that he delights in . philot. i warrant you his mind is like a burning-glass ! the rays of good fortune from all diversities of points ▪ concenter in his benevolence , and excite an intense and multiplied pleasure ? philal. yes . and in a great measure make him master of all the happiness he sees , or hears of . all prosperous events , all improvements of industry , and blessings of providence which he is acquainted with , his excellent temper gives him an ●nterest in ; for tho he has not the possession of these things , he has what is most desirable , the satisfaction of them . nay , i believe the generous congratulation may be improved to exceed the occasion ; and make a man more happy than those he rejoyces for . in this case , the laws of nature give way for the encouragement of goodness , the stream rises higher than the fountain , and the rebound is stronger than the first motion . philot. this is a new way of extracting the spirit of happiness ; the chymistry of a bee is nothing to it : it sucks the sweet , without impoverishing the flower . were i master of this secret , i would not concern my self about laying in the usual provision for satisfaction . no , i would rather chuse to be happy at the second hand , that is much the easier way ; there the gains come in a main , without any venture . for instance . i would not trouble my self about getting an estate ; 't were only loving a man dearly that has one , and that will do as well . but the mischief is , at present i am not a man of that fortunate imagination . philal. the power of thought and imagination you know is very great , and therefore 't is prudent to set them the right way at work . philot. be it so . i shall allow your argument in some measure , and make my advantage upon it . philal. which way ? philot. why , if kind wishing and obliging are such entertaining actions ; if they may be carried up to transport , and almost sensuality ; then your general benevolence is nothing but a resined sort of self-love , because it acts upon a foreseen reward . i told you self would be at the bottom after all. philal. so let it , since it has company . for let me tell you , to be delighted in the happiness of another , is so far from being mercenary , that 't is an infallible proof of a natural and undissembled goodness . how can we better demonstrate the reality of our affections to a friend , than by rejoycing at his prosperity ? as for the pleasure which attends so noble a disposition , the expectation of that is no vitious self design . for we are allowed to love our selves , as well as our neigbour : so that the prospect of being pleased does not lessen the generosity of the action , if his advantage was as sincerely sought , and delighted in , as our own . therefore by charitys not seeking her own , ( which you know is made a part of its character ) is only meant , that it does not seek its own , without a joynt respect to the welfare of another . in short , i think the pleasure of congratulation is so far from a fault , that the first satisfaction ought rather to create a second ; we should be pleased with our pleasure , because it brings us the good news that our minds are rightly disposed . philot. i confess i am beaten off here , but hope to succeed better in my next attempt . — philal. in the mean time give me leave to observe , that envy and disquiet are uneasy passions ; they fret and exhaust the spirits . the mind is as it were sore , and put to pain at every turn , which is a fair intimation things are not in the condition they should be . philot. and what help is there for all this ? philal. a kind reconciling thought is present remedy . this balsamick humour closes the wound , and scatters the anguish . like the motion of restitution , it returns nature to her ease , and sets her in the posture she was made for . philot. i grant you benevolence has a healing quality , and sits very smooth at first . but as the world goes the consequences of it are more likely to make us unhappy , than otherwise . philal. how so ? philot. if you look abroad you 'll find indigence , and disappointment , and vexation , much more common than prosperity . now this predominancy of misfortune lyes very hard upon benevolence , and makes the kindest people the greatest sufferers . their compassion rises in proportion to their generosity ; their tenderness is more passive , which makes a foreign calamity strike deeper , and grow more pungent . having strong desires to relieve , but small abilities to effect it ; their good nature must needs grow troublesome , because 't will often make 'em wish those things which they see are impossible to compass . but others who keep their inclinations at home , are not so much exposed to disquiet ; because their passions and expectations being confined to their private interest , they are concerned for no misfortune but their own . philal. supposing what you say would hold , it would be no just discouragement to goodness , considering how much it will be rewarded hereafter . but because your objection relates chiefly to the present , i shall direct my answer against that sense , and give it you by parts . i affirm therefore , that if a man does but joyn consideration with his benevolence ; if his understanding be good , as well as his will , his affection for the common welfare will never hurt him . for . he will perceive that the unhappy part of the world is not so numerous as at first it appeared . those who are of low condition , tho they may seem most deserted , are not the worst provided for . their fortune is little 't is true , and so generally are their desires , which makes them want as few things as those whose possessions are larger . they have the pleasure of their senses as well as others ; and what is denied in variety , is supplied by labour , which sharpens the appetite , and strengthens the constitution . . as for those who are real objects of compassion , the old maxim will in great measure relieve them ; dolor , si gravis brevis , si longus levis . at the worst , life and misery will be dispatched e're long ; and then , if they deserve it , they are happy ; as happy as goodness can wish . . commiseration has a mixture of satisfaction , as well as trouble in it . by this a man is conscious he does the office of a friend ; that he is of a generous and humane disposition . these thoughts make the pleasure of the sympathy equalize the trouble , if the person be not very near , or the calamity very great , which we are concern'd for . philot. there is something in what you say ; for i have observed that women will weep and condole with abundance of tenderness and affection : i believe they are pleased with the pomp and passion of their sorrow ; and think themselves the best natur'd people in the world for 't . philal. we should interpret all signs of good nature in the fairest sense . but i shall proceed , and observe . a wise well wisher will consider there is a necessity of discipline , both to secure the orderly and reclaim the evil. goals and gibbets are as useful in a state , as great places , and patents of honour . where goodness is mutable , and reason unabsolute , there must be rigour to fence in duty , and check the abuse of liberty . as things stand , 't is not conceivable how providence can govern without punishing . upon this contemplation a good man will no more be disturbed at the methods of correction , than by seeing his friend take unpalatable physick , which he knows to be proper for his health . and as for those who are lost beyond recovery , tho he wishes t were otherwise , yet their obstinacy does ' not so deeply affect him as to make him uneasy . philot. is not such a sedateness a sign of neglect , and stoical indifference ? philal. not at all . the saints above are not afflicted at the punishment of the damned , and yet they have charity in perfection : but your objection runs into an absurd inference . it dilutes the happiness of the other world , and gives hell an influence upon heaven . philot. i have nothing farther to object , and therefore must be your proselyte : but if you have any more to say , let 's hear it , for a man can never be too well fortified against custom . philal. yes . general kindness may be recommended from the nobleness of such a temper . it springs from a generous root , and spreads and flourishes upon the best nourishment imaginable . there 's nothing in it that is mercenary or fantastical . 't is not supported by chance or humour , by flattery or design : it stands upon its own independent strength , and holds on through all opposition . 't is above discouragement and ill usage , and not so much as checked into indifferency , by frequent injury and provocation . i need say no more for this virtue , than that 't is the temper of god. this truth i shall take for granted . indeed the universe proves it ; all the powers and delights of nature are standing evidence . if omnipotence were in other hands than goodness , we should feel terrible effects on 't . now to resemble god is the perfection of virtue ; 't is doing the wisest and the greatest action in its kind . to mention but one advantage , we can't recommend our selves more effectually to god almighty than by delighting in the same actions which he does . love naturally arises from likeness of disposition . our imitation of another is an unquestioned proof that we value his person , and admire his choice ; which lays a kind of an obligation for a return . such a consent of wills , such an uniformity of desires , does as it were incorporate distinct essences , and makes us almost the same thing with another ; so that as long as he has a regard for himself , he must have one for us too . by being of the same temper with god almighty , we do as it were engage his inclinations to make us happy . while we are thus affected , he can no more be unconcerned about our welfare , than he can deny himself , or put a neglect upon his own attributes . — philot. you may please to hold your hand . for i am so far convinced , that unless i am kind to others , i shall now be forced to fall out with my self . philal. may the impression continue . philot. i hope recollecting the reasons , will make it do so . your servant . the end .