the fertility of the unfit by w.a. chapple, m.d., ch.b., m.r.c.s., d.p.h. with preface by rutherford waddell, m.a., d.d. melbourne: christchurch, wellington, dunedin, n.z., and london whitcombe & tombs limited. preface. the problem with which dr. chapple deals in this book is one of extreme gravity. it is also one of pressing importance. the growth of the criminal is one of the most ominous clouds on every national horizon. in spite of advances in criminology the rate of increase is so alarming that the "unfit" threatens to be to the new civilization what the hun and vandal were to the old. how to deal with this dangerous class is perhaps the most serious question that faces sociologists at this hour. and something must be done speedily, else our civilization is in imminent peril of being swamped by the increasingly disproportionate progeny of the criminal. various methods have from time to time been suggested to ward off this danger. in my judgment one of the most effective has yet to be tried in the colony--the system of indeterminate sentences. nothing can be more futile than the present method of criminal procedure. after a certain stated period in gaol, we allow criminals--even of the most dangerous character--to go out free without making the slightest effort to secure that they are fit to be returned to society. we quarantine the plague-stricken or small-pox ship, and keep the passengers isolated till the disease is eradicated. but we send up the criminal only for a definite time, and at the end of that, he is allowed to go at large even though we may know he is a more dangerous character than when he entered the gaol. this is egregious folly. dr. chapple's treatise, however, takes things as they are. he proposes to save society from the multiplication of its criminals by a remedy of the most radical kind. when he was good enough to ask me to write a preface for his book i hesitated somewhat. i read the substance of it in ms.s. and was deeply impressed by it. but still i am in some doubt. i am not quite prepared to accept at once dr. chapple's proposed remedy. neither am i prepared to reject it. i am simply an enquirer, trying to arrive at the truth regarding this clamant social problem. the time has certainly come when the issues raised in dr. chapple's book must be faced. it is very desirable therefore, that the public should have these put before it in a frank, cautious way, by experts who understand what they are writing about, and have a due sense of the grave responsibilities involved. dr. chapple's contribution seems to me very fully to satisfy these requirements. no doubt both his premises and conclusions are open to criticism at various points. it is, indeed, not unlikely that the plan whereby he proposes to limit the "fertility of the unfit" may come with a sort of shock to some readers. it is, perhaps, well that it should, for it may lead to thought and criticism. in any case, this policy of drift must be dropped and dr. chapple's remedy, or some other, promptly adopted. a preface is not the place to discuss the pro's and con's of dr. chapple's treatise. my main object in this foreword is to commend to the public who take an interest in this grave problem a discussion of it, which is alike timely and thorough and reverent. and this, i believe, readers will find in the following pages. rutherford waddell. _dunedin_, _dec. th, ._ from dr. j.g. findlay, m.a., ll.d. dear dr. chapple,-- you are aware that i gave your treatise on the "fertility of the unfit" a very careful perusal. it is a subject to which i have devoted some attention, both at college and since i left college, and i feel competent to say that no finer work on the subject has been accomplished than that contained in your treatise. i consider it of value, not only from a statistical point of view, but also from a point of view of scientific originality. i have no doubt that if the work were published in new zealand it would be read and bought by a large number of people. i may add that i discussed your views with competent critics, and they share the opinion which i have expressed in this letter. i sincerely hope that the volume will be published, and need not add that my friends and myself will be subscribers for copies. yours sincerely, j.g. findlay. * * * * * from malcolm ross, esq. dear dr. chapple,-- i am pleased to hear that your ms. is to be published. the subject is one that must attract an increasing amount of attention on the part of all who have the true interests of the state at heart. there can be no doubt that the parliamentary machine has failed, lamentably, to grapple with the problems you have referred to. at the present time, when some of our most earnest statesmen and greatest thinkers are discussing the supposed commercial decadence of the nation, the publication of such a treatise as you have prepared is opportune, and a perusal of it prompts the thought that the main remedy lies deeper, and may be found in sociological even more than in economic reform. i do not profess myself competent to express any opinion regarding the remedy you propose. that is a matter for a carefully selected expert royal commission. the whole question, however, is one that might with advantage be discussed, both in the press and the parliament, at the present time, and i feel sure your book will be welcomed as a valuable contribution on the subject. yours sincerely, malcolm ross. * * * * * from sir robert stout, k.c.m.g., chief justice. my dear dr. chapple,-- i have read your mss., and am much pleased with it. it puts the problem of our times very plainly, and i think should be published in england. i have a friend in england who would, i think, be glad to help, and he is engaged by one of the large publishing firms in england. if you decide on sending it to england i shall be glad to write to him, and ask his assistance. the subject is one that certainly required ventilation, and whether your remedy is the proper one or not, it ought certainly to be discussed. yours truly, robert stout. contents. introduction chapter i.--the problem stated p. the spread of moral restraint as a check.--predicted by malthus.--the declining birth-rate.--its universality.--most conspicuous in new zealand. great increase in production of food.--with rising food rate falling birth-rate.--malthus's checks.--his use of the term "moral restraint."--the growing desire to evade family obligations.--spread of physiological knowledge.--all limitation involves self-restraint.--motives for limitation.--those who do and those who do not limit.--poverty and the birth-rate.--defectives prolific and propagate their kind.--moral restraint held to include all sexual interference designed to limit families.--power of self-control an attribute of the best citizens.--its absence an attribute of the worst.--humanitarianism increases the number and protects the lives of defectives.--the ratio of the unfit to the fit.--its dangers to the state.--antiquity of the problem.--the teaching of the ancients.--surgical methods already advocated. chapter ii.--the population question p. the teaching of aristotle and plato.--the teaching of malthus.--his assailants.--their illogical position.--bonar on malthus and his work.--the increase of food supplies held by nitti to refute malthus.--the increase of food and the decrease of births.--mr. spencer's biological theory--maximum birth-rate determined by female capacity to bear children.--the pessimism of spencer's law.--wider definition of moral restraint.--where malthus failed to anticipate the future.--economic law operative only through biological law. chapter iii.--declining birth-rate p. declining birth-rates rapid and persistent.--food cost in new zealand.--relation of birth-rate to prosperity before and after .--neo-malthusian propaganda.--marriage rates and fecundity of marriage.--statistics of hearts of oak friendly society.--deliberate desire of parents to limit family increase. chapter iv.--means adopted p. family responsibility--natural fertility undiminished.--voluntary prevention and physiological knowledge.--new zealand experience.--diminishing influence of delayed marriage.--practice of abortion.--popular sympathy in criminal cases.--absence of complicating issues in new zealand.--colonial desire for comfort and happiness. chapter v.--causes of declining birth-rate p. influence of self-restraint without continence.--desire to limit families in new zealand not due to poverty.--offspring cannot be limited without self-restraint.--new zealand's economic condition.--high standard of general education.--tendency to migrate within the colony.--diffusion of ideas.--free social migration between all classes.--desire to migrate upwards.--desire to raise the standard of ease and comfort.--social status the measure of financial status.--social attraction of one class to next below.--each conscious of his limitation.--large families confirm this limitation.--the cost of the family.--the cost of maternity.--the craving for ease and luxury. parents' desire for their children's social success.--humble homes bear distinguished sons.--large number with university education in new zealand.--no child labour except in hop and dairy districts.--hopeless poverty a cause of high birth-rates.--high birth-rates a cause of poverty.--fecundity depends on capacity of the female to bear children. chapter vi.--ethics of prevention p. fertility the law of life.--man interprets and controls this law.--marriage law necessary to fix paternal responsibility.--malthus's high ideal.--if prudence the motive, continence and celibacy violate no law.--post-nuptial intermittent restraint.--ethics of prevention judged by consequences.--when procreation is a good and when an evil.--oligantrophy.--artificial checks are physiological sins. chapter vii.--who prevent p. desire for family limitation result of our social system.--desire and practice not uniform through all classes.--the best limit, the worst do not.--early marriages and large families.--n.z. marriage rates.--those who delay, and those who abstain from marriage.--good motives mostly actuate.--all limitation implies restraint.--birth-rates vary inversely with prudence and self-control.--the limited family usually born in early married life when progeny is less likely to be well developed.--our worst citizens most prolific. effect of poverty on fecundity.--effect of alcoholic intemperance.--effect of mental and physical defects.--defectives propagate their kind.--the intermittent inhabitants of asylums and gaols constitute the greatest danger to society.--character the resultant of two forces--motor impulse and inhibition.--chief criminal characteristic is defective inhibition.--this defect is strongly hereditary.--it expresses itself in unrestrained fertility. chapter viii.--the multiplication of the fit in relation to state p. the state's ideal in relation to the fertility of its subjects.--keen competition means great effort and great waste of life.--if in the minds of the citizens space and food are ample multiplication works automatically.--to new zealanders food now includes the luxuries as well as the necessities of life.--men are driven to the alternative of supporting a family of their own or a degenerate family of defectives.--the state enforces the one but cannot enforce the other.--new zealand taxation.--the burden of the bread-winner.--as the state lightens this burden it encourages fertility.--the survival of the unfit makes the burden of the fit. chapter ix.--the multiplication of the unfit in relation to the state p. ancient methods of preventing the fertility of the unfit.--christian sentiment suppressed inhuman practices.--christian care brings many defectives to the child-bearing period of life.--the association of mental and physical defects.--who are the unfit?--the tendency of relatives to cast their degenerate kinsfolk on the state.--our social conditions manufacture defectives and foster their fertility.--the only moral force that limits families is inhibition with prudence.--defective self-control transmitted hereditarily.--dr. macgregor's cases.--the transmission of insanity.--celibacy of the insane is the prophylaxis of insanity in the race.--the environment of the unfit.--defectives snatched from nature's clutches.--at the age of maturity they are left to propogate their kind. chapter x.--what anÆsetics and antiseptics have made possible p. education of defectives in prudence and self-restraint of little avail.--surgical suggestions discussed. chapter xi.--tubo-ligature p. the fertility of the criminal a greater danger to society than his depredations.--artificial sterility of women.--the menopause artificially induced. untoward results.--the physiology of the fallopian tubes.--their ligature procures permanent sterility.--no other results immediate or remote.--some instances due to disease.--defective women and the wives of defective men would welcome protection from unhealthy offspring. chapter xii.--suggestions as to application p. the state's humanitarian zeal protects the lives and fosters the fertility of the degenerate.--a confirmed or hereditary criminal defined.--law on the subject of sterilization could at first be permissive.--it should apply, to begin with, to criminals and the insane.--marriage certificates of health should be required.--women's readiness to submit to surgical treatment for minor as well as major pelvic diseases.--surgically induced sterility of healthy women a greater crime than abortion.--this danger not remote. conclusion p. the fertility of the unfit. * * * * * introduction. biology is the science of life. it seeks to explain the phenomena of all life, whether animal or vegetable. its methods are observation and experiment. it observes the tiny cell on the surface of an egg yolk, and watches it divide and multiply until it becomes a great mass of cells, which group off or differentiate, and rearrange and alter their shapes. it observes how little organs unfold themselves, or evolve out of these little cell groups--how gradual, but how unvarying the change; how one group becomes a bone, another a brain, another a muscle, to constitute in three short weeks the body of a matured chick. those little tendons like silken threads, that run down those slender pink legs to each and every toe, and move its little joints so swiftly that we hardly see them--that little brain, no bigger than a tiny seed, in which is planted a mysterious force that impels it to set all those brand-new muscles in motion, and to dart after a fly with the swiftness of an arrow--all this wondrous mechanism, all this beauteous structure, all this perfection of function, all this adaptation to environment, have evolved from a few microscopic cells in three short weeks. biology is the science that observes all this, and enunciates the law that the life history of this animal cell, _i.e._, its history from a simple unicellular state in the egg, to its complex multicellular state in the matured chick, represents the history of the race to which the chick belongs. if we could trace that chicken back through all its ancestry, we would discover at different periods in the history of life upon the globe (about million years, according to haeckel) exactly the stages of development we found in the life history of the chick, and arrive at last at a primordial cell. what is true of the chick is true of all life. this is the law of evolution. it is true of all plant and animal life; it is true of man as an individual; it is true of his mind as well as of his body; it is true of society as an aggregation of individuals. as men have evolved from a lower to a higher, a simple to a complex state, so they are still evolving and rising "on stepping stones of their dead selves to higher things." natural selection, or the survival of the fittest, is one of the processes by which evolution takes place. according to this law, only the fittest survive in the struggle for life. darwin was led to this discovery on reading malthus's thesis regarding the disproportion between the rates of increase in population and food, and the consequent struggle for existence. all living organisms require food and space. the power of multiplication in plants and animals is so great that food or space is sooner or later entrenched upon, and then commences this inevitable struggle for existence. in this struggle for life, the individuals best able to conform to their environment, _i.e._, the best able to resist adverse circumstances, to sustain hardships, to overcome difficulties, to defend themselves, to outstrip their fellows, in short, to harmonise function with environment, survive. these propagate their kind according to the law of heredity. variations exist in the progeny, and the individuals whose variations best adapt them to their environment are the fittest to, and do, survive. in a state of nature the weaklings perish. if man interferes with this state of nature in the lower animals, he may make a selection and cultivate some particular attribute. this is artificial selection, and is best exemplified in the experiments with pigeons. pasteur saved the silk industry of france, and perhaps of the whole world, by the application of this law of artificial selection. the disease of silkworms, known as pebrine, was spreading with ruinous rapidity in france. pasteur demonstrated that the germ of the disease could be detected in the blood of affected moths by the aid of the microscope. he proved that the eggs of diseased moths produced unhealthy worms, and he advised that the eggs of each moth be kept apart, until the moth was examined for germs. if these were found, the eggs were to be burned. thus the eggs of unhealthy moths were never hatched, and artificial selection of healthy stock stamped out a disease, and saved a great industry. each individual plant in the struggle for life has only itself to maintain. in the higher forms of animal life, each animal has its offspring as well as itself to maintain. in a state of nature, that is in a state unaffected by man's rational interference, defective offspring and weaker brethren were the victims of the inexorable law of natural selection. when christ gave _his_ reply to the question, "am i my brother's keeper?" the defective and the weakling became the special care of their stronger brother. they constituted thenceforth the fit man's burden. the work a man has to do during life, in order to support himself, is the unit of measurement of the burden he has to bear. many factors in modern times have helped to reduce that work to a minimum. the invention of machinery has multiplied his eyes, his hands, his feet; and one man can now produce, for his own maintenance and comfort, what it took perhaps a score of men to produce even a century ago. man's disabilities from incidental and epidemic disease have been immeasurably reduced by modern sanitation, and the teaching and practice of preventive medicine. agricultural chemistry has made the soil more productive, and manufacturing arts have aided distribution as well as production. all the departments of human knowledge have been placed under contribution to man's necessity, and longer life, better health, and more food and clothing for less work, are the blessings on his head to-day. while the burden has been lessened by the industrial and scientific progress of the last half century, it has been augmented by the fertility of the unfit; and the maintenance in idleness and comfort of the great and increasing army of defectives constitutes the fit man's burden. the unfit in the state include all those mental and moral and physical defectives who are unable or unwilling to support themselves according to the recognised laws of human society. they include the criminal, the pauper, the idiot and imbecile, the lunatic, the drunkard, the deformed, and the diseased. we are now face to face with the startling fact that this army of defectives is increasing in numbers and relative fertility. consider what a burden is the criminal. every community is more or less terrorised by him; our property is liable to be plundered, our houses invaded, our women ravished, our children murdered. to restrain him we must build gaols, and keep immense staffs of highly paid officials to tend him in confinement, and watch him when he is at liberty. notwithstanding these, crime is rife, and is rapidly increasing. says douglas morrison:--"it is perfectly well known to every serious student of criminal questions, both at home and abroad, that the proportion of habitual criminals in the criminal population is steadily on the increase, and was never so high as it is now.... the population under detention in reformatory institutions is increasing more rapidly than the growth of the community as a whole, and, as far as it is possible to see, the juvenile population in prisons is doing the same thing." havelock ellis ("the criminal," p. ), boies, and mckim, all corroborate this testimony. "among the three or four millions of inhabitants of london, one in every five dies in gaol, prison, or workhouse." ("heredity and human progress," p. .) all these defectives are prolific, and transmit their fatal taints. "in a certain family of sixteen persons, eight were born deaf and dumb, and one at least of this family transmitted the defect as far as the third generation." ("heredity and human progress.") a murderer was the son of a drunkard; of three brothers, one was normal, one a drunkard, and the third was a criminal epileptic. of his three paternal uncles, one was a murderer, one a half idiot, and one a violent character. of his four cousins, sons of the latter, two were half idiots, one a complete idiot, and the other a lunatic. there is an agricultural community of about in the rich and fertile district in the valley of artena, in italy, who have been thieves, brigands, and assassins since a.d. they were outlawed by pope paul iv., in , but they still live and flourish in their crime, the victims of a criminal inheritance. the ratio of homicides in italy and artena is as to ; of assault and battery as to ; of highway robbery as to ; of theft as to . professor pellman, of bonn university, has traced the careers of a large number of defectives, and shown their cost to the state. take this example:--a woman who was a thief, a drunkard, and a tramp for forty years of her life, had descendants, of whom were traced; were born out of wedlock, were beggars, and more lived on charity. of the women, lived disreputable lives. there were in the family convicts, of whom were convicted of murder. in years, this family cost their country in almshouses, trials, courts, prisons, and correctional establishments about £ , . the injury inflicted by this one family on person and property was simply incalculable. in new zealand, the ratio of those dependent upon the state, or on public or private support, has gone up from . per thousand of population, over years of age in , to . in . the ratio of defectives, including deaf and dumb, blind, lunatics, epileptics, paralytics, crippled and deformed, debilitated and infirm, has gone up from . per thousand, over fifteen years, in , to . in , declining slightly to . in . the ratio of lunatics has gone up from . , in , to . in . this is the period of the most rapid and persistent decline in the new zealand birth-rate; and, coincident with this period, the marriage-rate went down from . per thousand in , to . in , and then gradually rose to . in . the number of weekly rations (parkes's standard), purchasable by the average weekly wages of an artisan in wellington province, has gone up from to . between the years and . in other words, the price of food and the rate of wages in would enable an artisan to fill ½ more mouths than he could have done at the rates prevailing in . notwithstanding the development of civilising, christianising, and educational institutions, crime, insanity, and pauperism are increasing with startling rapidity. the true cause is to be found deep down in biological truth. society is breeding from defective stock. the best fit to produce the best offspring are ceasing to produce their kind, while the fertility of the worst remains undisturbed. the most striking demographical phenomenon of recent years is the declining birth-rate of civilised nations. in germany the birth-rate has fallen from to per thousand of the population; in england from to ; in ireland from to ; in france from to ; and in the united states from to during the last twenty years; while, in new zealand, it has declined from . , in , to . , in . in australia there were , less births in than would have occurred under the rates prevailing ten years ago. there is a consensus of opinion among demographists that this decline is due to the voluntary curtailment of the family in married life. prudence is the motive, and self-restraint the means by which this curtailment is made possible. but prudence and self-restraint are the characteristic attributes of the best citizens. they are conspicuous by their absence in the worst; and it is a matter of common observation that the hopelessly poor, the drunken and improvident, the criminal and the defective have the largest families, while those in the higher walks of life rejoice in smaller numbers. the very qualities, therefore, that make the social unit a law-abiding and useful citizen, who could and should raise the best progeny for the state, also enable him to limit his family, or escape the responsibility of family life altogether; while, on the other hand, the very qualities which make a man a social burden, a criminal, a pauper, or a drunkard--improvidence and defective inhibition--ensure that his fertility will be unrestrained, except by the checks of biological law. and it now comes about that the good citizen, who curtails his family, has the defective offspring of the bad citizen thrown upon his hands to support; and the humanitarian zeal, born of christian sentiment, which is at flood-tide to-day, ensures that all the defectives born to the world shall not only be nursed and tended, but shall have the same opportunities of the highest possible fertility enjoyed by their defective progenitors. a higher and nobler human happiness is attainable only through social evolution, and this comes from greater freedom of thought, from bolder enquiry, from broader experience, and from a scientific study of the laws of causation. what "is" becomes "right" from custom, but with our yearnings for a higher ideal, sentiment slowly yields to the logic of comparison, and, often wiping from our eyes the sorrows over vanishing idols, we behold broader vistas of human powers, possibilities, duties, and destiny. as the proper study of mankind is man, influenced wholly by a desire to be useful to a society to which i am indebted for the pleasures of civilised life, i offer this brief volume as a comment on a phase of the social condition of the times, and as my conclusions regarding its interest for the future. * * * * * chapter i. the problem stated. _the spread of moral restraint as a check.--predicted by malthus.--the declining birth-rate.--its universality.--most conspicuous in new zealand.--great increase in production of food.--with rising food rate falling birth-rate.--malthus's checks.--his use of the term "moral restraint."--the growing desire to evade family obligations.--spread of physiological knowledge.--all limitation involves self restraint.--motives for limitation.--those who do and those who do not limit.--poverty and the birth-rate. defectives prolific and propagate their kind.--moral restraint held to include all sexual interference designed to limit families.--power of self-control an attribute of the best citizens.--its absence an attribute of the worst.--humanitarianism increases the number and protects the lives of defectives.--the ratio of the unfit to the fit.--its dangers to the state.--antiquity of the problem.--the teaching of the ancients.--surgical methods already advocated._ a century has passed since malthus made his immortal contribution to the supreme problem of all ages and all people, but the whole aspect of the population question has changed since his day. the change, however, was anticipated by the great economist, and predicted in the words:--"the history of modern civilisation is largely the history of the gradual victory of the third check over the two others" (_vide_ essay, th edition, p. ). the third check is moral restraint and the two others vice and misery. the statistics of all civilized nations show a gradual and progressive decline in the birth-rate much more marked of recent years. in germany, between the years and , it has diminished from to . per thousand of the population. in england and wales, it dropped from to . during the same time; in ireland, from to . ; in france, from to . ; in the united states of america (between the years and ) the decline has been from to ; while in new zealand it gradually and persistently declined from . in to . in . during the period, - , the rapid strides made in industry and production have been unparallelled in the history of the world. wealth has accumulated on all sides, and production and distribution have far outrun the needs and demands of population. to-day food is far more abundant, cheaper, and therefore more accessible to all classes of the people than it was years ago, and coincident with this rapid and abundant increase in those things which go to supply the necessities, the comforts, and even the luxuries of life, there has been a constant and uniform decline in the birth-rate, and this decrease is even more conspicuous in those nations in which the rate of production has been most pronounced. it would even be true to say that the birth-rate during recent years is in inverse proportion to the rate of production. at first sight this might appear to falsify the law of population enunciated by malthus. malthus maintained that population tended to increase beyond the means of subsistence; that three checks constantly operated to limit population--vice, misery, and moral restraint: vice, due largely to diseased conditions, misery, due to poverty and want, and moral restraint due to a dread of these. i shall show later that nothing has been said or written to add to or take away from the truth and force of these great principles, but, that the moral restraint of malthus has been practised to an extent, and in a direction of which the great economist never dreamt. by moral restraint in the limitation of families malthus meant only delayed marriage. in so far as men and women abstained from, or delayed their marriage, on the ground of inability to support a family, they fulfilled the law, and followed the advice of malthus. continence without the marriage bond was assumed; incontinence was classed with another check vice. contrary to the expectations arising out of the famous progressions, wealth and production have increased and the birth-rate has decreased. it is the purpose of this work to show what are the causes that have led to this decline, that those causes are not equally operative through all classes of the people, and that the chief cause of the decline of the birth-rate is the desire on the part of both sexes to limit the number they have to support and educate. the considerations that lead up to, and, to some extent, justify this desire, will be discussed later. the fact remains that an increasingly large number of people have come to the conclusion that the burden and responsibility of family obligations limit their enjoyments in life, their ambition, and even their scope for usefulness, and have discovered, through the spread of physiological information, means by which marriage may be entered upon without necessarily incurring these responsibilities and limitations. it is the knowledge of these physiological laws and the practice of rules arising out of that knowledge, that account for the declining birth-rate of civilized nations. if it be true that the birth-rate is controlled by a voluntary effort on the part of married people to limit their families, and that that effort implies self restraint and self denial, it would not be too much to claim that those most capable of exercising self-control and with the strongest motives for such exercise, are those most responsible for the declining birth-rate, and that those with least self-control and the fewest motives for exercising the control they have, are most likely to have the normal number of children. it has already been suggested, that the desire to limit families is due to a consciousness of responsibility on the part of prospective parents. they realise the stress of competition in the struggle for existence, they are anxious for their own pecuniary and social stability, and even more anxious that the children, for whose birth they are responsible, should be provided with the necessities and comforts of life which health and development require. they are eager, too, that their children should be equipped with a good education, and thus be given a fair advantage in the race of life. to the great mass of people this is possible only when the numbers of the family are limited. as the numbers of the family increase, the difficulties of clothing and feeding and educating increase, and each member is the poorer for every birth, and in this sense an increasing birth-rate is a cause of poverty. the sense in which poverty causes a high birth-rate will be dealt with later on. it will be readily conceded, that those actuated by the motives just considered, those with the keenest sense of responsibility in life, those capable of exercising the self-restraint which family limitation requires, constitute the best type of citizens in any community. from such the state has good reason to expect the best stock. it is one purpose of this work to show that this class, which can and should produce the best in the largest numbers, is being overwhelmed with the burden of supporting an ever-increasing number of incapables, and, largely in consequence of this increasing burden and responsibility, are unwilling to produce, because they are unable adequately to support their own kind. there is a class in every large community, whose sense of responsibility in life is at zero, whose self-control is substituted by the law and its sanctions, and whose modes and habits of life are little better than those of the lower animals. their appetites are stronger, their desires, though fewer, are more intense, and their self-control less easily and less frequently exerted than those in the highest planes of life. in the first place then they have less desire to limit their families, and less power to exercise the self-restraint that is necessary to do so. less sense of responsibility is attached to the rearing of a family, whilst the education of their children gives them little or no concern. they entertain no ambition that members of their family should compete in the struggle for social status. their instincts and their impulses are their guide in all things. they marry early, and procreation is unrestrained except by the hardships of life. this constitutes a numerous class in every large community, and includes the criminal, the drunkard, and the pauper, and many defectives such as epileptics and imbeciles. now all these propagate their kind. the checks to the increase of this class, are the checks which are common to the lower animals, and which were elaborated in his first essay by malthus. they are vice and misery. if it were not for moral restraint (not the limited restraint of malthus, delayed marriages simply), but restraint in the wider sense, within as well as without the marriage bond, and including all artificial checks to conception, these two checks, vice and misery, would absolutely control the population of the world. the mind of man has added to the checks which control increase in the lower animals, a new check, which applies to, and can be exercised only by himself, and the problem is, how far will misery and vice as checks to the population be eliminated, and moral restraint take their places? and if this restraint must control and determine the population of the future how far will its exercise affect the moral and mental evolution of the race? if moral restraint with the consequent limitations of families is the peculiar characteristic of the best people in the state, and the absence of this characteristic expressing itself in normal fertility is peculiar to the worst people of the state, the future of the race may be divined, by reference to the history of the great nations of antiquity. an accumulating amount of evidence shows that society is face to face with this grave aspect of the population question. the birth-rate of the unfit is steadily maintained. improved conditions of life increase the number that arrive at maturity and enter the procreative period, so that not only are defectives born into the world at a constant rate, but sanitary laws and a growing impatience with the sufferings of the poor, tend so to improve their conditions of life, as to increase their birth-rate and their chances of arriving at adult life. shortly stated then, the problem that society has to solve is this,--the birth-rate is rapidly declining amongst the most fit to produce the best offspring, while it is steadily maintained amongst the least fit, so that the relative proportion of the unfit born into the world is annually increasing. what should be the state's attitude to this problem, and how it should attempt to solve it will be discussed in detail in a subsequent chapter. let it suffice to say now, that the right of the state to interfere directly with the limitation of families amongst the best classes would find few advocates amongst reformers. the right of the state to say, however, that the criminal, the drunkard, the diseased, and the pauper, shall not propagate their kind should be stoutly maintained by all rational men. most of the nations of history have recognized the gravity of the population question, but they were mostly concerned with the tendency of the numbers in the state to increase beyond the means of subsistence, instead of the tendency to degeneration as it now concerns us. chapter ii. the population question. _the teaching of aristotle and plato.--the teaching of malthus.--his assailants.--their illogical position.--bonar on malthus and his work.--the increase of food supplies held by nitti to refute malthus.--the increase of food and the decrease of births.--mr. spencer's biological theory.--maximum birth-rate determined by female capacity to bear children.--the pessimism of spencer's law.--wider definition of moral restraint.--where malthus failed to anticipate the future.--economic law operative only through biological law._ births, deaths, and migration are the factors which make up the population question. the problem has burned in the minds of all great students of human life and its conditions. aristotle says (politics ii. - ) "the legislator who fixes the amount of property should also fix the number of children, for if they are too many for the property, the law must be broken." and he proceeds to advise (ib. vii. - ) "as to the exposure and rearing of children, let there be a law that no deformed child shall live, but where there are too many (for in our state population has a limit) when couples have children in excess and the state of feeling is adverse to the exposure of offspring, let abortion be procured." the difficulty of over-population was conspicuous in the minds of aristotle and plato, and these philosophers both held that the state had a right and a duty to control it. but some states were almost annihilated because they were not sufficiently populous, and aristotle attributes the defeat of sparta on one celebrated occasion to this fact. he says:--"the legislators wanting to have as many spartans as they could, encouraged the citizens to have large families, and there is a law at sparta, that the father of three sons should be exempt from military service, and he who has four, from all the burdens of the state. yet it is obvious that if there were many children, the land being distributed as it is, many of these must necessarily fall into poverty." the problem in the mind of the greek philosophers was this. over-population is a cause of poverty; under-population is a cause of weakness. defectives are an additional burden to the state. how shall population be so regulated as to established an equilibrium between the stability of the state, and the highest well-being of the citizens? the combined philosophy of the greeks counselled the encouragement of the best citizens to increase their kind, and the practice of the exposure of infants and abortion. a century of debate has raged round the name of malthus, the great modern analyst of the population problem. he published his first essay on population in , a modest pamphlet, which fed so voraciously on the criticism supplied to it, that it developed into a mighty contribution to a great social problem, second only in time and in honour to the work of his great predecessor in economic studies, adam smith. malthus's first essay defined and described the laws of multiplication as they apply only to the lower animals and savage man. it was only in his revised work, published five years later, that he described moral restraint as a third check to population. adverse criticism had been bitter and severe, and malthus saw that his first work had been premature. he went to the continent to study the problem from personal observation in different countries. he profited by his observation, and by the writings of his critics, and published his matured work in . the distinguishing feature about this edition was the addition of moral restraint as a check, to the two already described, vice and misery. malthus maintained that population has the power of doubling itself every years. not that it _does_ so, or _had done_ so, or _will do so_, but that it is _capable_ of doing so, and he instanced the american colonies to prove this statement. one would scarcely think it was necessary to enforce this distinction, between what population has done, or is doing, and what it is capable of doing. but when social writers, like francesco nitti (population and the social system, p. ), urge as an argument against malthus's position that, if his principles were true, a population of , , in the year would have required a population of only one in the time of our saviour, it is necessary to insist upon the difference between _increase_ and the _power of increase_. one specific instance of this doubling process is sufficient to prove the _power of increase_ possessed by a community, and the instance of the american colonies, cited by malthus, has never been denied. a doubling of population in years was thus looked upon by malthus as the normal increase, under the most favourable conditions; but the checks to increase, vice, misery, and moral restraint are operative in varying degrees of intensity in civilized communities, and these may limit the doubling to once in , or once in years, stop it altogether, or even sweep a nation from the face of the earth. the natural increase among the lower animals is limited by misery only, in savage man by vice and misery only, and in civilized man by misery, vice, and moral restraint. misery is caused by poverty, or the need of food or clothing, and is thus proportionate to the means of subsistence. as the means of subsistence are abundant, misery will be less, the death-rate lower, and _caeteris paribus_ the birth-rate higher. the increase will be directly proportional to the means of subsistence. vice as a check to increase, is common to civilized and savage man, and limits population by artificial checks to conception, abortion, infanticide, disease, and war. the third check, moral restraint, is peculiar to civilized man, and in the writings of malthus, consists in restraint from marriage or simply delayed marriage. bonar says (malthus and his work, p. ), "moral restraint in the pages of malthus, simply means continence which is abstinence from marriage followed by no irregularities." these checks have their origin in a need for, and scarcity of food,--food comprising all those conditions necessary to healthy life. the need of food is vital and permanent. the desire for food, immediate and prospective, is the first motive of all animal activity, but the amount of food available in the world is limited, and the possible increase of food is estimated by malthus at an arithmetical ratio. whether or not this is an accurate estimate of the ratio of food increase is immaterial. malthus's famous progressions, the geometrical ratio of increase in the case of animals, and the arithmetical ratio of increase in the case of food, contain the vital and irrefutable truth of the immense disproportion between the power of reproduction in man and the power of production in food. under the normal conditions of life, the population tends constantly to press upon, and is restrained by the limits of food. the true significance of the word _tends_ must not be overlooked, or a similar fallacy to that of nitti's will occur, when he overlooked the significance of the term "power to multiply." it is perfectly true to say, that population _tends_ to press upon the limits of subsistence, and unrestrained by moral means or man's reason actually does so. some social writers appear to think that, if they can show that production has far outstripped population, that, in other words, population for the last fifty years at least has _not_ pressed upon the limits of food, malthus by that fact is refuted. nitti says (population and the social system, p. ), "but now that statistics have made such great progress, and the comparison between the population and the means of subsistence in a fixed period of time is no longer based upon hypothesis, but upon concrete and certain data in a science of observation it is no longer possible to give the name of law to a theory like that of malthus, which is a complete disagreement with facts. as our century has been free from the wars, pestilences and famines which have afflicted other ages, population has increased as it never did before, and, nevertheless, the production of the means of subsistence has far exceeded the increase of men." and later on (p. ) he says "malthus's law explains nothing just as it comprehends nothing. bound by rigid formulas which are belied by history and demography, it is incapable of explaining not only the mystery of poverty, but the alternate reverses of human civilization." nitti's conclusions are based largely on the fact that while food supplies have become abundant and cheap, birth-rates have steadily and persistently declined. no-one who has studied the economic and vital statistics of the last half century can fail to be impressed with the change that has come over the relative ratios of increase in population and food. bonar says (malthus and his work, p. ), "the industrial progress of the country (france) has been very great. fifty years ago, the production of wheat was only half of what it is to-day, of meat less than half. in almost every crop, and every kind of food, france is richer now than then, in the proportion of to . in all the conveniences of life (if food be the necessaries) the increased supply is as to , while foreign trade has become as to ." in a remarkable table prepared by mr. f.w. galton, and quoted by mr. sydney webb in "industrial democracy," it is clearly shown, that, while the birth-rate and food-rate (defined as the amount of wheat in imperial quarters, purchased with a full week's wages) gradually increased along parallel lines between and , the former suddenly decreased from . per thousand in to per thousand in , the latter increasing from . to . for the same period. the remarkable thing about the facts that this table so clearly discloses is that with a gradual increase of the means of subsistence from to there is also a gradual increase in the proportion of births to population. but at the year there, is a very sudden and striking increase in food products, and the purchasing power of the people coincides exactly with a very sudden and striking decrease in the birth-rate of the people. the greater the decrease in the birth-rate, the greater the increase in the people's purchasing power. now, what has brought about this change in the ratios of increase in population and in food respectively? some serious factor, inoperative during the thirty years prior to must have suddenly been introduced into the social system, to work such a marvellous revolution during the last twenty years. some economic writers find it easy here to discover a law, and declare that the birth-rate is in inverse ratio to the abundance of food. (doubleday quoted by nitti, population and the social system, p. ). other economic writers of recent date attribute this great change in ratio of increase to economic causes. only a few find the explanation in biological laws. herbert spencer is the champion of the biological explanation of a decreasing birth-rate. with the intellectual progress of the race there is a decadence of sexual instinct. in proportion as an individual concentrates his energies and attention on his own mental development, does the instinct to, and power of, generation decrease. it may be true, it certainly is true, that if an individual's energies are concentrated in the direction of development of one system of the body, the other systems to some extent suffer. a great and constant devotion to the development of the muscular system will produce very powerful muscles, and great muscular energy, with a strong tendency to, and pleasure in exercise. it is true also, that time and energy are monopolized in this creation of muscle, and that less time and energy are available for mental pursuits and mental exercise. up to a certain point muscular exercise aids mental development, but beyond that point concentration of effort in the direction of muscular development starves mental growth. on the other hand, if the education and exercise of the mind receive all attention, the muscular system will suffer, and to some extent remain undeveloped. or generally, one system of the body can be highly developed only at the expense of some other system, not immediately concerned. it is true that the more an individual concentrates his efforts on his own intellectual development, the more his sexual system suffers, and the less vigorous his sexual instincts. and the converse of this is also true, for examples of those with great sexual powers are numerous. in plant life, this same law is also in operation. if one system in a plant, the woody fibre for instance, takes on abundant growth, the fruit is starved and is less in quality and quantity, and _vice versa_. but to what extent does this affect fertility? sexual power and fertility are not synonymous terms. the vast profusion of seed in plant and animal life, would allow of an enormous reduction in the amount produced, without the least affecting fertility. even admitting the application of spencer's law to sexual vitality, and allowing him to claim that, with the progress of "individuation," there is a decline in sexual instinct, would the fertility of the race be affected thereby? to have any effect at all on the birth-rate, the instinct would have either to be killed or to be so reduced in intensity as to stop marriage, or to delay it till very late in life. when once marriage was contracted sexual union once in every two years, would, under strictly normal conditions, result in a very large family. for according to mr. spencer's theory, it is the instinct that is weakened not the power of the spermatozoa to fertilize. evidence is wanting, however, to show that there is a decrease in the sexual power of any nation. france might be flattered to be told that her low birth-rate is due to the high intellectual attainments of her people, and that the rapidly decreasing birth-rate is due to a rapid increase of her intellectual power during recent years. ireland and new zealand would be equally pleased could they believe that their low, and still decreasing birth-rate is due to the lessening of the sexual instinct, attendant upon, and resulting from a high and increasing intellectual power and activity. the fact is, that the sexual instinct is so immeasurably in excess of the maximum power of procreation in the female, that an enormous reduction in sexual power would require to take place before it would have any effect on the number of children born. the number of children born is controlled by the capacity of the human female to bear children, and one birth in every two years during the child-bearing period of life is about the maximum capacity. a moderate diminution in the force of the sexual instinct might lead to a decrease in the marriage rate, but it would require a very serious diminution bordering on total extinction of the instinct to exert any serious effect on the fecundity of marriage. all that can be claimed for this theory of population is, that, reasoning from known physiological analogies, we might expect a weakening of the desire for marriage, coincident with the general development of intellect in the race. there are as yet no facts to prove that such weakening has taken or is taking place, nor are there facts to prove that population has in any way suffered from this cause. if such a law obtained, and resulted in a diminished birth-rate, the future of the race would be the gloomiest possible. an inexorable law would determine that there could be no mental evolution, for the best of the race would cease to propagate their kind. all who would arrive at this standard of mental growth would become barren. and against this there could be no remedy. one of the main contentions of this work is that the best have to a large extent ceased to propagate their kind, but it is not maintained that this is the result of a biological law, over which there is no control. it can be safely claimed that to malthus's three checks to population--vice, misery, and moral restraint, the demographic phenomena of a century have added no other. the third check, however, moral restraint, must be held to include all restraint voluntarily placed by men and women on the free and natural exercise of their powers of procreation. malthus used the term "moral" in this connection, not so much in relation to the _motive_ for the restraint, but in relation to the result, viz., the limitation of the family. the "moral restraint" of malthus meant to him, restraint from marriage only, chiefly because of the inability to support a family. it implied marriage delayed until there was reasonable hope that the normal family, four in number, could be comfortably supported, continence in the mean time being assumed. bonar interpreting malthus says (p. ) that impure celibacy falls under the head of "vice," and not of "moral restraint." to malthus, vice and misery, as checks to population, were an evil greatly to be deplored in civilized man, and not only did he declare that moral restraint obtained as a check, but he also declared it a virtue to be advocated and encouraged in the interest of society, as well as of the individual. his moral restraint was delayed marriage with continence. he trusted to the moral force of the sexual passion in a continent man to stimulate to work, to thrift, to marriage; to work and save so that he may enter the marriage state with a reasonable prospect of being able to support a wife and family. malthus never anticipated the changes and developments of recent years. he advised moral restraint as a preventive measure in the hope that vice and misery, as checks would be superseded, and that no more would be born into the world than there was ample food to supply. he believed that moral restraint was the check of civilized man, and as civilization proceeded, this check would replace the others, and prevent absolutely the population pressing upon the limits of subsistence. he saw in moral restraint only self-denial, constant continence, and entertained not a doubt, that the generative instinct would be cheated of its natural fruit. the passion for marriage is so strong (thought malthus) that there is no fear for the race; it cannot be over-controlled. the gratification of the sexual instinct, and procreation were the same thing in the mind of malthus. but this is not so. a physiological law makes it possible, in a large proportion of strictly normal women, for union to take place without fertilisation. if it were possible to maintain an intermittent restraint in strict conformity with this law, it would control considerably the population of the world. it is easier to practice intermittent than to practice constant restraint. it is just here that malthus failed to anticipate the future. malthus believed that "moral restraint" would lessen the marriage rate, but would have no direct effect on the fecundity of marriage. a man would not put upon himself the self-denial and restraint, which abstinence from marriage implied, for a longer period than he could help. the greater the national prosperity, therefore, the higher the birth-rate. but prosperity keeps well in advance of the birth-rate; in other words, population, though it still _tends_ to, does not actually _press_ upon the food supply. if the moral restraint of malthus be extended so as to include intermittent moral restraint within the marriage bond, then, under one or other, or all of his three checks, vice, misery, and moral restraint, will be found the explanation of the remarkable demographic phenomena of recent years. _misery_ will cover deaths from starvation and poverty, the limitation of births from abortion due to hardship, from deaths due to improper food, clothing, and housing; and emigration to avoid hardship. _vice_ will cover criminal abortions, limitation of births from venereal disease, deaths from intemperance, etc., and artificial checks to conception. malthus included artificial checks of this kind under vice ( ed. of essay, p. .n.), though they have some claim to be considered under moral restraint. but the question will be referred to in a later chapter. _moral restraint_ will cover those checks to conception, voluntarily practised in order to escape the burden and responsibility of rearing children--continence, delayed marriage, and intermittent restraint. no other checks are directly operative. misgovernment and the unequal distribution of wealth and land affect population indirectly only, and can only act through one or other or all of the checks already mentioned. chapter iii. declining birth-rate. _decline of birth-rates rapid and persistent.--food cost in new zealand.--relation of birth-rate to prosperity before and after .--neo-malthusian propaganda.--marriage rates and fecundity of marriage.--statistics of hearts of oak friendly society.--deliberate desire of parents to limit family increase._ it is not the purpose of this work to follow any further the population problem so far as it relates to deaths and emigration. attention will be concentrated on births, and the influences which control their rates. a rapid and continuous decline in the birth-rate of northern and western europe, in contravention of all known biological and economic laws, has filled demographists with amazement. a table attached here shows the decline very clearly. according to parkes ("practical hygiene," p. ), the usual food of the soldier may be expressed as follows:-- articles. daily quantity in oz. av. meat . bread . potatoes . other vegetables . milk . sugar . salt . coffee . tea . total . butter . --(moleschott.) [illustration] the new zealand official year book gives the following as the average prices of food for the years mentioned:-- s d. s d. s d. s d. bread per lb. ¼ ¾ ½ ½ beef per lb. ¼ ½ mutton per lb. ¾ ½ sugar per lb. ¾ ½ ¾ tea per lb. butter (fresh) per lb. cheese (col'n'l) per lb. ¾ milk per qt. ½ ½ the official returns give the average daily wage for artisans for the years , , , and as s., s. d., s. d., and s. d., respectively. the weekly rations (the standard food supply for soldiers--parkes's) purchaseable by the weekly wages for these years respectively are . , . , , and . ; _i.e._, the average weekly wage of an artisan in constant employment in would purchase rations for . persons, in for . persons, in for persons, and in for . persons. up to the year , the birth-rate in england and wales conformed to the law of malthus, and kept pace with increasing prosperity; but, after that year, and right up to the present time, the nation's prosperity has gone on advancing at a phenomenal rate _pari passu_ with an equally phenomenal decline in the number of births per of the population. now, it is a remarkable coincidence that in this very year, , the neo-malthusians began to make their influence felt, and spread amongst all classes of the people a knowledge of preventive checks to conception. people were encouraged to believe that large families were an evil. a great many, no doubt, had already come to this conclusion; for there is no more common belief amongst the working classes, at least, than that large families are a cause of poverty and hardship. and this is even more true than it was in the days of the neo-malthusians, for then child and women labour was a source of gain to the family, and a poor man's earnings were often considerably augmented thereby. the uniform decrease of the birth-rate is a matter of statistics, and admits of no dispute. it has been least rapid in the german empire, and most rapid in new zealand. with the declining birth-rate the marriage-rate must be considered. malthus would have expected a declining birth-rate to be the natural result of a declining marriage-rate, and a declining marriage-rate to be due to the practice of moral restraint, rendered imperative because of hard times, and a difficulty in obtaining work, wages, and food. given the purchasing power of a people, malthus would have estimated, according to his laws, the marriage-rate, and, given the marriage-rate, he would have estimated the birth-rate. but anticipations in this direction, based on malthus's laws, have not been realised. the purchasing power of the people we know has enormously increased; the marriage-rate has not increased, it has, in fact, slightly decreased; but the birth-rate per marriage, or the fecundity of marriage, has decreased in a remarkable degree. in "industrial democracy," by sydney and beatrice webb (p. ), the following occurs:--"the hearts of oak friendly society is the largest centralised benefit society in this country, having now over two hundred thousand adult male members. no one is admitted who is not of good character, and in receipt of wages of twenty-four shillings a week or upwards. the membership consists, therefore, of the artisan and skilled operative class, with some intermixture of the small shopkeeper, to the exclusion of the mere labourer. among its provisions, is the "lying-in benefit," a payment of thirty shillings for each confinement of a member's wife." from to the proportion of lying-in claims to membership slowly rose from . to . per . from to the present time it has continuously declined, until now it is only between and per . the following table (from the annual reports of the committee of management of the hearts of oak friendly society, and those of the registrar-general) shows, for each year from to inclusive, the number of members in the hearts of oak friendly society at the beginning of the year, the number of those who received lying-in benefit during the year, the percentage of these to the membership at the beginning of the year, and the birth-rate per thousand of the whole population of england and wales. hearts of oak friendly society. year. number of number of cases percentage of england and members at of lying-in cases paid to wales: births the beginning benefit paid total membership per of of each year. during year. at beginning the total of year. population. , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . in this remarkable table the percentage of births to total membership gradually rose from . , in , to . , in , and then gradually declined to . in . this is a striking instance of the fact that the decrease in the total birth-rate is due more to a decrease in the fecundity of marriage, than to a decrease of the marriage-rate. mr. webb adds:--"the well-known actuary, mr. r.p. hardy, watching the statistics year by year, and knowing intimately all the circumstances of the organisation, attributes this startling reduction in the number of births of children to these specially prosperous and specially thrifty artisans entirely to their deliberate desire to limit the size of their families." the marriage-rate in england and wales commenced to decline about three years before the sudden change in the birth-rate of , and continued to fall till about , but has maintained a fairly uniform standard since then, rising slightly in fact, the birth-rate, meanwhile, descending rapidly. chapter iv. means adopted. _family responsibility--natural fertility undiminished.--voluntary prevention and physiological knowledge.--new zealand experience.--diminishing influence of delayed marriage.--practice of abortion.--popular sympathy in criminal cases.--absence of complicating issues in new zealand.--colonial desire for comfort and happiness._ there is a gradually increasing consensus of opinion amongst statisticians, that the explanation of the decrease in the number of births is to be found in the desire of married persons to limit the family they have to rear and educate, and the voluntary practice of certain checks to conception in order to fulfil this desire. it is assumed that there is no diminution in the natural fertility of either sex. there is no evidence to show that sexual desire is not as powerful and universal as it ever was in the history of the race; nor is there any evidence to show that the generative elements have lost any of their fertilizing and developmental properties and power. dr. j.s. billings in the june number of the _forum_ for , says that "the most important factor in the change is the deliberate and voluntary avoidance or prevention of child-bearing on the part of a steadily increasing number of married people, who not only prefer to have but few children, but who know how to obtain their wish." he further says, "there is no good reason for thinking that there is a diminished power to produce children in either sex." m. arsène dumont in "natalite et democratie" discusses the declining birth-rate of france, and finds the cause to be the voluntary prevention of child-bearing on the part of the people, going so far as to say that where large families occur amongst the peasantry, it is due to ignorance of the means of prevention. the birth-rate in none of the civilized countries of the world has diminished so rapidly as in new zealand. it was . in ; it was . in , a loss of . births per of the population in years. there is no known economic cause for this decline. the prosperity of the colony has been most marked during these years. observation and statistics force upon us the conclusion that voluntary effort upon the part of married couples to prevent conception is the one great cause of the low and declining birth-rate. the means adopted are artificial checks and intermittent sexual restraint, within the marriage bond, the latter tending to replace the former amongst normal women, as physiological knowledge spreads. delayed marriage still has its influence on the birth-rate, but with the spread of the same knowledge, that influence is a distinguishing quantity. delayed marriage under malthusian principles would exert a potent influence in limiting the births, because early marriages were, and, under normal circumstances would still be, fruitful. in the th annual report relating to the registration and return of births, marriages and deaths in michigan for the year (p. ), it is stated that "the mean number of children borne by females married at from to years of age inclusive, is . . for the next five year period of ages, it is . , or a loss of . children per marriage, this attending an advance of five years in age at marriage." voluntary effort frequently expresses itself in the practice of abortion. many monthly nurses degenerate into abortionists and practise their calling largely, while many women have learned successfully to operate on themselves. the extent to which this method of limiting births is practised, and the absence of public sentiment against it, in fact the wide-spread sympathy extended to it, may be surmised from the facts that at a recent trial of a doctor in christchurch, new zealand, for alleged criminal abortion, a large crowd gathered outside the court, greeting the accused by a demonstration in his favour on his being discharged by the jury. a similar verdict in a similar case in auckland, new zealand, was greeted by applause by the spectators in a crowded court, which brought down the indignant censure of the presiding judge. in new zealand there is no oppressive misgovernment, there is no land question in the sense in which nitti applies the term, there is no poverty to account for a declining birth-rate or to confuse the problem. there is prosperity on every hand, and want is almost unknown. and yet, fewer and fewer children, in proportion to the population, and in proportion to the number of marriages, are born into the colony every year. the only reason that can be given is that the people, though they want marriage and do marry, do not wish to bear more children than they can safely, easily, and healthfully support, with a due and ever-increasing regard for their own personal comfort and happiness. they have learned that marriage and procreation are not necessarily inseperable and they practice what they know. chapter v. causes of declining birth-rate. _influence of self-restraint without continence_.--_desire to limit families in new zealand not due to poverty_.--_offspring cannot be limited without self-restraint_.--_new zealand's economic condition_.--_high standard of general education_.--_tendency to migrate within the colony_.--_diffusion of ideas_.--_free social migration between all classes_.--_desire to migrate upwards_.--_desire to raise the standard of ease and comfort_.--_social status the measure of financial status_.--_social attraction of one class to next below_.--_each conscious of his limitation_.--_large families confirm this limitation_.--_the cost of the family_.--_the cost of maternity. the craving for ease and luxury_.--_parents' desire for their children's social success_.--_humble homes bear distinguished sons. large number with university education in new zealand_.--_no child labour except in hop and dairy districts_.--_hopeless poverty a cause of high birth-rates_.--_high birth-rates a cause of poverty_.--_fecundity depends on capacity of the female to bear children_. the first or direct cause of this decline in the birth-rate then, is the inhibition of conception by voluntary means, on the part of those capable of bearing children. this inhibition is the result of a desire on the part of both sexes to limit their families. conception is inhibited by means which do not necessitate continence, but which do necessitate some, and in many cases, a great amount of self-restraint. but how comes it, that in these days of progress and prosperity, especially in new zealand, a desire to limit offspring should exist amongst its people, and that the desire should be so strong and so universal? the desire for this limitation must be strong, for there is absolutely no evidence that the passion for marriage has lost any of its force; it must be extensive for the statistics show its results, and the experience of medical men bears the contention out. while the marriage passion remains normal, offspring cannot be limited without the exercise of self-restraint on the part of both parties to the marriage compact. artificial means of inhibiting conception, and intermittent restraint are antagonistic to the sexual instinct, and the desire for limitation must be strong and mutual to counteract this instinct within the marriage bond. the reasons for this strong and very general desire, that marriage should not result in numerous births must have some foundation. what is it? it cannot be poverty. new zealand's economic experience has been one of uniform progress and prosperity. there is abundant and fertile land in these islands where droughts, floods, and famine years, are practically unknown. blissards and destructive storms are mysterious terms. fluctuations in production take place of course, but not such as to result in want, to any noticeable extent. there are no extremes of heat and cold, no extremes of drought and flood, no extremes of wealth and poverty. the climate is equable, the progress is uniform, the classes are at peace. every natural blessing that a people could desire in a country, is to be found in new zealand. climate, natural fertility, and production, unrivalled scenery in mountain, lake, and forest, everything to bless and prosper the present, and inspire hope in the future. why is it that, with all this wealth, and with the country still progressing and yet undeveloped, a desire exists in the heart of the people to limit families. the reason is social not economic, if one may contrast the terms. take women's attitude to the question first. our women are well educated. a state system of compulsory education has placed within the reach of all a good education, up to what is known as the vi. or vii. standard, and only a very few in the colony have been too poor or too rich to take advantage of it. most women can and do read an extensive literature, and to this they have abundant access, for even small country towns have good libraries. alexandra, a little town of inhabitants amongst the central otago mountains, has a public library of several thousand volumes, and the people take as much pride in this institution as in their school and church. people move about from place to place, and it is surprising how small and even large families keep migrating from one part of the colony to another. they are always making new friends and acquaintances, and with these interchanging ideas and information. class distinctions have no clear and defined line of demarcation, and there is a free migration between all the classes; the highest, which is not very high, is always being recruited from those below, and from even the lowest, which is not very low. the highest class is not completely out of sight of any class below it, and many families are distributed evenly over all the classes. a woman is the wife of a judge, a sister is the president of a woman's union, another sister is in a shop, and a fourth is married to a labourer. if one of the poorer (they do not like "lower") class rises in the social scale, he or she is welcome--if one of the richer (they do not like "higher") falls, no effort is made by the class they formerly belonged to to maintain her status in order to save its dignity or repute. in other words, there are not the hindrances to free migration between the various strata of society that obtain in other lands. not only is that migration continually taking place, but there are very few who are not touched by a consciousness of it. members of the lower strata, all well educated voters, can give instances of friends, or relatives, or acquaintances, who are higher up than themselves--have "made their way," have "risen in society," have "done well," are "well off." and this consciousness inspires in all but the very lowest classes an ambition to rise. because it is possible to rise, because others rise, the desire to be migrating upwards soon takes possession of members of all but the lowest or poorest class, or those heavily ballasted with a large or increasing family. the desire to rise in social status is inseparably bound up with the kindred desire to rise in the standard of comfort and ease. social status in new zealand is, as yet, scarcely distinguishable from financial status. those who are referred to as the better classes, are simply those who have got, or who have made, money. all things, therefore, are possible to everyone in this democratic colony. there is thus permeating all classes in new zealand a spirit of social rivalry, which shows no tendency to abate nor to be diverted. the social status of one class exerts an attractive force on the class next below. but, apart from the influence of status, one class keeps steadily in view, and persistently strives to attain, the ease, comfort, and even luxury of the class above it. because the members of different grades are so migratory, there are many in one class known well to members in some class or classes below, and the ease and luxury which the former enjoy are a constant demonstration of what is possible to all. many who do not acquire wealth enough to make any appreciable difference in their social status, are able, through family, to improve their position. their sons and daughters are given an university education, and by far the largest number of those entering the learned professions in new zealand are the sons of farmers, tradespeople, and retail dealers. the great mass of the people in our colony are conscious of the fact that their social relations and standard of comfort, or shall one say standard of ease, are capable of improvement, and the desire to bring about that improvement is the dominant ambition of their lives. anything that stands in the way of this ambition must be overcome. a large family is a serious check to this ambition, so a large family must be avoided. this desire to rise, and this dread too of incurring a responsibility that will assuredly check individual progress were counselled by malthus, and resulted, and he said should result, in delayed marriage, lest a man, in taking to himself a wife, take also to himself a family he is unable to support. but if this man can take to himself a wife without taking to himself a family, what then? men and women, in this colony at least, have discovered that conformity to physiological law makes this possible. a wife does not really add very much to a man's responsibility--it is the family that adds to his expense, and taxes all his resources. it is the doctor and the nurse, the food and the clothing, and the education of the uninvited ones to his home, that use up all his earnings, that keep him poor, or make him poorer. then there is one aspect of the question peculiar to the women themselves. women have come to dread maternity. this is part of a general impatience with pain common to us all. chloroform, and morphia, and cocaine, and ethyl chloride have taught us that pain is an evil. when there was no chance of relieving it, we anæsthetised ourselves and each other with the thought that it was necessary, it was the will of providence, the cry of our nerves for succour. now it is an evil, and if we must submit we do so under protest. women now engage doctors on condition that chloroform will be administered as soon as they scream, and they scream earlier in their labour at each succeeding occasion. women are less than ever impressed with the sacredness and nobility of maternity, and look upon it more and more as a period of martyrdom. this attitude is in consonance with the crave for ease and luxury that is beginning to possess us. it is, however, no new phase in human experience. it characterised all the civilisations of ancient times, at the height of their prosperity, and was really the beginning of their decay. women with us are more eager to limit families than are their husbands. they feel the burdens of a large family more. they are often heard to declare that, with a large family around her, and limited funds at her disposal with which to provide assistance, a woman is a slave. a large number think this, and, if there is a way out of the difficulty, they will follow that way. and they are not content to escape the hardships of life. they want comforts, and seek them earnestly. with the advent of comfort, they seek for ease, and, when this is found, they seek for luxury and social position. parents with us have a high ideal of what upbringing should be. every parent wants his children to "do better" than himself. if he does not wish to make a stepping-stone of them, on which to rise to higher social things, he certainly wishes to give them such a "start in life" as will give them the best prospects of keeping pace with, or outstripping their fellows. the toil and self-denial that many poor parents undergo, in order to give their children a good education, is almost pathetic, and is not eclipsed by the enthusiasm for education even in scotland. there is a shoemaker in a small digging town in new zealand, still toiling away at his last, whose son is a distinguished graduate of our university, author of several books, and in a high position in his profession. there is a grocer in another remote inland village whose son is a doctor in good practice. there is a baker in a little country district whose sons now hold high positions in the medical profession, one at home and the other abroad. these facts are widely known amongst the working classes, and inspire them with a spirit of rivalry. with regard to the general education of the people, the registrar-general says, (new zealand official year book for , page ) "in considering the proportions of the population at different age periods, the improvement in education is even more clearly proved. it is found that, in , of persons at the age-period - years, . per cent, were able to read and write, while . per cent. could merely read, and . per cent. were unable to read. the proportion who could not read increased slowly with each succeeding quinquennial period of age, until at - years it stood at . per cent. at to years the proportion was . , and at and upwards it advanced to . . similarly, the proportion of persons who could read only increased from . at - years to . at the period - years, and again to . and upwards. the better education of the people at the earlier stages is thus exhibited." further evidences of improved education will be found in the portion of his work relating to marriages, where it is shown that the proportion of persons in every thousand married, who signed by mark, has fallen very greatly since . the figures for the sexes in the year were . males, and . females, against . males and . females in . for the position of teacher in a public school in new zealand, at a salary of £ a year, there were female applicants, of whom held the degree of m.a., and the other four that of b.a. the number of children, - years of age, in new zealand, was estimated as on st december, , at , . the number of children, - years of age (compulsory school age), was estimated as on st december, , at , . the attendance at schools, public and private, during the fourth quarter of , was european , , maoris and half-castes , . if children spend their useful years of child life at school, they can render little or no remunerative service to their parents. neither boys or girls can earn anything till over the age of years. our laws prohibit child labour. in new zealand, children, therefore, while they remain at home, are a continual drain on the resources of the bread-winner. more is expected from parents than in many other countries. at our public schools children are expected to be well clad; and it is quite the exception, even in the poorest localities of our large cities, to see children attending school with bare feet. during child-life, nothing is returned to the parent to compensate for the outlay upon the rearing and educating of children. if a boy, by reason of a good education, soon, say, at from - years, is enabled to earn a few shillings weekly, it is very readily absorbed in keeping him dressed equally well with other boys at the same office or work. an investment in children is, therefore, from a pecuniary point of view, a failure. there are, perhaps, two exceptions in new zealand--in dairy farming in taranaki, where the children milk outside school hours; and in the hop districts of nelson, where, during the season, all the children in a family become hop-pickers, and a big cheque is netted when the family is a large one. quite apart from considerations of self, parents declare that the fewer children they have, the better they can clothe and educate them; and they prefer to "do well" for two or three, than to "drag up" twice or three times as many in rags and ignorance. clothing is dear in new zealand. the following is a labourer's account of his expenditure. he is an industrious man, and his wife is a thrifty glasgow woman. it is drawn very fine. no. is less than he would have to pay in the city by two or three shillings a week for a house of similar size. no. is rather higher than is usual with benefit societies, which average about sixteen shillings a quarter. weekly expenses of family comprising five children and parents. per week. £ s. d. . groceries and milk . coal and light . butcher . baker . boots, with repairing . clothing and underclothing . rent in suburbs . sundries . benefit society ----------- weekly total £ most young people make a good start in new zealand. even men-servants and maid-servants want for nothing. they dress well, they go to the theatres and music-halls, they have numerous holidays, and enjoy them by excursions on land or sea. it is when they marry, and mouths come crying to be filled, that they become poor, and the struggle of life begins. in our colony, there is no more prevalent or ingrained idea in the minds of our people than that large families are a cause of poverty. a high birth-rate in a family certainly is a cause of poverty. many children do not enable a father to earn higher wages, nor do they enable a mother to render the bread-winner more assistance; while in new zealand, especially, compulsory education and the inhibition of child-labour prevent indigent parents from procuring the slight help that robust boys and girls of years of age, or so, are often able to supply. these considerations go far to explain the desire on the part of married couples to limit offspring; and, if there were no means at their disposal of limiting the number of children born to them, a great decline in the marriage-rate would be the inevitable result of the existing conditions of life, and the prevalent ideas of the people. hopeless poverty appears to be a cause of a high birth-rate, and this seems to be due to the complete abandonment by the hopelessly poor of all hope of attaining comfort and success. marriage between two who are hopelessly poor is extremely rare with us. each is able to provide for his or herself at least, and in all probability the husband is able to provide comfortably for both. if he is not, the wife can work, and their joint earnings will keep them from want. but, if one of the partners has not only to give herself up to child-bearing, and thus cease to earn, but also bring another into the home that will monopolise all her time, attention, and energy, and a good deal of its father's earnings, how will they fare? if a man's wages has to be divided between two, then between three, then four, six, eight, ten, while all the time that wages is not increasing, have we not a direct cause of poverty, and, moreover, is not that cause first in time and importance? later on in the history of the family their poverty will become a cause of an increase in the children born to them. at first they may struggle to prevent an increase, but, when they are in the depths of hopeless poverty, they will abandon themselves to despair. could they have had born to them only one, or two, or three, during their early married life, they might not only have escaped want, but later in life may have had others born to them, without either their little ones or themselves feeling the pinch of poverty. it must be remembered in this connection that fecundity and sexual activity are not convertible terms. it is certainly not true to say that the greater the fecundity of the people the stronger their sexual instinct, or the greater the sexual exercise. a high fecundity does not depend on an inordinate sexual activity. fecundity depends on the child-bearing capacity of each female, and a sexual union at an appropriate time once in two years between puberty and the catamenia is compatible with the highest possible fecundity. it would be quite illogical, and inconsistent with physiological facts, to aver that, were the poor less given to indulge the pleasures of sense, their fecundity would be modified in an appreciable degree. chapter vi. ethics of prevention. _fertility the law of life.--man interprets and controls this law.--marriage law necessary to fix paternal responsibility.--malthus's high ideal.--if prudence the motive, continence and celibacy violate no law.--post-nuptial intermittent restraint.--ethics of prevention judged by consequences.--when procreation is a good and when an evil.--oligantrophy.--artificial checks are physiological sins._ "so god created man in his own image, in the image of god created he him, male and female created he them, and god blessed them and god said unto them, 'be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth.'"--(genesis i., - ). this commandment was repeated to noah and his sons. whether moses was recording the voice of god, or interpreting a physiological law is immaterial to this aspect of a great social question. the fact remains that in obedience to a great law of life, all living things are fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth, and multiplication in a state of nature is limited only by space and food. in a state of nature, reproduction is automatic, and only in this state is this physiological law, or this divine command obeyed. the reason of man intervenes, and interprets, and modifies this law. a community of men becomes a social organism, calls itself a state, and limits the law of reproduction. it decrees that the sexes shall, if they pair, isolate themselves in pairs, and live in pairs whether inclined to so live or not. if the state has a right so to interpret and limit the law of reproduction, a principle in human affairs is established, and its decree that individuals shall not mate before a certain age, or not mate at all, is only a further application of the same principle. by the law of reproduction a strong instinct, second only in force and universality to the law of self-preservation, is planted in the sexes, and upon a blind obedience to this force, the continuity of the race depends. the tendency in the races of history has been to over-population, or to a population beyond the food supply, and there is probably no race known to history that did not at some one period of its rise or fall suffer from over-population. states have mostly been concerned, therefore, with restraining or inhibiting the natural reproductive instinct of their subjects through marriage laws which protect the state, by fixing paternal responsibility. there were strong reasons why a state should not be over-populated, and only one reason why it should not be under-populated. that one reason was the danger of annihilation from invasion. sparta was said to have suffered thus, because of under-population, and passed a law encouraging large families. alexander encouraged his soldiers to intermarry with the women of conquered races, in order to diminish racial differences and antagonism, and augustus framed laws for the discouragement of celibacy, but no law has ever been passed decreeing that individuals must mate, or if they do mate that they shall procreate. malthus, the great and good philanthropist of harleybury, a great moralist and christian clergyman, urged that it was people's duty not to mate and procreate until they had reasonable hope of being able easily to rear, support, and educate the normal family of four, and, if that were impossible, not to mate at all. as a christian clergyman, malthus did not interpret the divine command apart from the consequences of its literal acceptance. "be fruitful," meant to malthus reproduce your kind,--that implied not only bringing babies into the world, but rearing them up to healthy, robust, and prosperous manhood, with every prospect of continuing the process. "multiply and replenish the earth" as a command to noah, meant in the mind of the rector of harleybury, "people the earth with men after your own image." very little care would be required in noah's time, with his fine alluvial flats, and sparse population, but in malthus's time the command could not be fully carried out without labour, self-development, and "moral restraint." the physiological law is simple and blind, taking no cognisance of the consequences, or the quality of the offspring produced. the divine command is complex. it embodies the reproductive instinct, but restrains and guides it in view of ultimate consequences. so much for the views and teaching of malthus. to him no ethical standard was violated in preventing offspring by protracted continence, or lifelong celibacy, provided the motive was the inability so to provide for a family as to require no aid from the state. and it is difficult to escape this conclusion. there is no ethical, christian, or social law, that directs a man or woman to procreate their kind if they cannot, or have reasonable grounds to think they cannot, support their offspring without aid from others. there can be, therefore, no just law that decrees that men or women shall marry under such circumstances. in fact most philanthropists think they violate a social and ethical law if they do marry. but, if with paul, they resolve that it is better to marry than to burn, is there any law that can or should prevent them selecting the occasions of their union, with a view to limiting fertility. abstention is the voluntary hindrance of a desire, when that desire is strongest in both sexes; and as such it limits happiness, and is in consequence an evil _per se_. a motive that will control this desire must be a strong one; such a motive is not necessarily bad. it may be good or evil. there can be no essential ethical difference between constant continence, prior to marriage, and intermittent continence subsequent to marriage, both practices having a similar motive. if post nuptial restraint with a view to limiting offspring is wrong, restraint from marriage with the same motive is wrong. if delayed marriage in the interest of the individual and the state is right, marriage with intermittent restraint is in the same interest, and can as easily be defended. the ethics of prevention by restraint must be judged by its consequences. if unrestrained procreation will place children in a home where the food and comfort are adequate to their healthful support and development, then procreation is good,--good for the individual, society, and the state. if the conditions necessary to this healthful support and development, can by individual or state effort be provided for all children born, it is the duty of the individual and of the state to make that effort. all persons of fair education and good intelligence know what those conditions are, and if they procreate regardless of their absence, that procreation is an evil, and prevention by restraint is the contrary virtue. it is not suggested, however, that all those who prevent, without or within the marriage bond, do so from this worthy motive, nor is it suggested that all those who prevent are not extravagant in their demand for luxurious conditions for themselves and for their children. many require not merely the conditions necessary to the healthful development of each and every child they may bear, but they demand that child-bearing shall not entail hardships nor the prospect of hardships, shall not involve the surrender of any comfort or luxury, nor the prospect of any such surrender. whatever doubt may exist in the minds of moralists and philanthropists as to the ethics of prevention in the face of poverty, there can be no doubt that prevention by those able to bear and educate healthy offspring, without hardship, is a pernicious vice degrading to the individual, and a crime against society and the state. aristotle called this vice "oliganthropy." amongst the ancients it was associated with self-indulgence, luxury, and ease. it was the result of self-indulgence, but it was the cause of mental and moral anæmia, and racial decay. so far in this chapter prevention has been dealt with only in so far as it is brought about by ante-nuptial and post-nuptial restraint. artificial checks were first brought prominently before the notice of the british public under the garb of social virtue, about the year by mrs. annie besant and mr. charles bradlaugh. these checks to conception, though they are very largely used, can hardly be defended on physiological grounds. every interference with a natural process must be attended, to some extent at least, with physical injury. there is not much evidence that the injury is great, but in so far as an interference is unnatural, it is unhealthy, and there is much evidence to show that many of the checks advocated and used, are not only harmful but are quite useless for the purpose for which they are sold. it will be conceded by most, no doubt, that with those capable of bearing healthy children, and those unable to rear healthy ones when born, prevention by restraint, ante-nuptial or post nuptial, is a social virtue, while prevention under all other circumstances is a social vice. happiness has been defined as the surplus of pleasure over pain. what constitutes pleasure and what pain varies in the different stages of racial and individual development. in civilized man we have the pleasures of mind supplementing and in some cases replacing the pleasures of sense. we talk, therefore, of the higher pleasures--the pleasures of knowledge and learning, of wider sympathies and love, of the contemplation of extended prosperity and concord, of hope for international fraternity and peace, and for a life beyond the grave. happiness to the highly civilized will consist, therefore, of the surplus of these pleasures over the pains of their negation. self-preservation is the basal law of life, and to preserve one's-self in happiness, the completest preservation, for happiness promotes health, and health longevity. the first law of living nature then is to preserve life and the enjoyment of it, and the pleasures sought, to increase the sum of happiness will depend on the sentiments and emotions, _i.e._, on the faculties of mind that education and experience have developed, in the race, or in the individual. my first thought is for myself, and my duty is to increase the sum of my happiness. but the mental state we call happiness is relative to the presence or absence of this state in others. even amongst the lower animals, misery and distress in one of the flock militate against the happiness of the others. in a highly developed man true happiness is impossible in the presence of pain and misery in others and _vice versa_; happiness is contagious and flows to us from the joy of others. if the happiness of others then is so essential to my own happiness, i am fulfilling the first law of life and ministering to my own preservation in health and happiness by using my best endeavours to promote this state in others. my material comfort too depends largely on the labour, and love, and the contribution of others in the complex industrial system and division of labour of the higher civilisations. not only my happiness and health but my very existence depends on the good-will and toil of others. thus from a purely egoistic standpoint, my first duty to myself is to increase the happiness in others, and, therefore, my first duty to myself becomes my highest duty to society. my duty to my child is comprehended in my duty to society, _i.e._, to others. my duty to others is to increase the sum of the happiness of others, and bringing healthy children into the world not only creates beings capable of experiencing and enjoying pleasures, but adds to the sum of social happiness, by increasing the number of social units capable of rendering service to others. the next great law of life is the law of race preservation. this law comprises the instinct to reproduction and the instinct of parental love. the first and chief function of these instincts in the animal economy is the perpetuation of the race. the preservation of self implies and comprehends the preservation of the race. my first duty to myself is to preserve myself in health and happiness; but this is best fulfilled and realized in labouring for the health and happiness of others. if this be the universal law, i also am the recipient of others' care, therefore probably better tended and preserved. i save my life by losing it in others. my second duty, though nominally to society, is in reality to myself, and it is to preserve myself by preserving the race to which i belong. self-preservation therefore, is the first law of life, race preservation the second or subsidiary law. to fulfil this second law, nature has placed on every normal healthy man and woman the sacred duty of reproducing their kind. reproduction as a physiological process promotes, both directly and indirectly, the health, happiness and longevity of healthy men and women. statistics confirm the popular opinion "that the length of life, to the enjoyment of which a married person may look forward, is greater than that of the unmarried, both male and female at the same age."--(coghlan). it is a familiar observation that the mothers of large families of ten and even twice that number are not less healthy nor shorter lived because of the children they have borne. pregnancy is a stimulus to vitality. because another life has to be supported, all the vital powers are invigorated and rise to the occasion--the circulation increases, the heart enlarges in response to the extra work, and the assimilative powers of the body are greatly accelerated. during lactation also, the same extra vital work done is a stimulus to a physiological activity which is favourable to health and longevity. the expectancy of life in women is greater than in men all through life, the difference during the child-bearing period of life being about . years in favour of women. statistics and physicians from their observation agree in this, that the bearing of children by normal women, so far from being injurious to health, is as healthful, stimulating, and invigorating a function as the blooming of a flower, or the shedding of fruit, and a mother is no worse for the experience of maternity than is the plant or the tree for the fruit it bears. the supreme law of society is the law of race-preservation, and the infraction of this law is a social crime. one's duty to society is a higher duty than to one's-self, but the lower duty comes first in our present stage of racial evolution. instinct prompts to the one, reason--a higher and later, but less respected, faculty--prompts to the other. but it can be shown that from an egoistic standpoint my duty to the state in this regard is my highest duty to myself. the parental sacrifice necessary in rearing the normal number of children is infinitesimal compared with the parental advantage. parental love is a passion as well as an instinct in normal men and women, and the full play of this passion in its natural state is productive of the greatest happiness. vice may restrain, replace, or smother it, but nothing else can damage or adulterate this powerful passion in the human heart. low level selfishness, love of low level luxury, diseased imaginings, and unreasonable dreads and fears, are some of the forms of vice that smother this noble passion. the pursuit of happiness and the higher forms of selfishness would naturally point to parentage. the ectasy of parental love, the sweet response from little ones that rises as the fragrance of lovely flowers, self-realization in the comfort and joy of family life, the parental pride in the contemplation of effulgent youth, the sympathetic partnership in success, the repose of old age surrounded by filial manhood and womanhood, all go to make a surplus of pleasure over pain, that no other way of life can possibly supply. what is the alternative? to miss all this and live a barren life and a loveless old age. perhaps to bear a child, that, for the need of the educative, elevating companionship of family mates is consumed by self, inheriting that vicious selfishness, which he by his birth defeated, and finding all the forces of nature focussed on his defect, like a pack of hounds that turn and rend an injured mate. or a family of one, after years of parental care and love, education and expense, dies or turns a rake, and the canker of remorse takes his place in the broken hearts. nature's laws are not broken with impunity--as a great physician has said, "she never forgives and never forgets." self-preservation and race-preservation together constitute the law of life, just as conservation of matter and conservation of energy constitute the law of substance in haeckels monistic philosophy, and the severest altruism will permit man to follow his highest self-interest in obedience to these laws. it is only a perverted and vicious self-interest that would tempt him to infraction. that the vice of oliganthropy is growing amongst normal and healthy people is a painful and startling fact. in new zealand the prevailing belief is that a number of children adds to the cares and responsibilities of life more than they add to its joys and pleasures, and many have come to think with john stuart mill, that a large family should be looked on with the same contempt as drunkenness. chapter vii. who prevent. _desire for family limitation result of our social system._--_desire and practice not uniform through all classes._--_the best limit, the worst do not._--_early marriages and large families._--_n.z. marriage rates. those who delay, and those who abstain from marriage._--_good motives mostly actuate._--_all limitation implies restraint._--_birth-rates vary inversely with prudence and self-control._--_the limited family usually born in early married life when progeny is less likely to be well developed._--_our worst citizens most prolific._--_effect of poverty on fecundity._--_effect of alcoholic intemperance._--_effect of mental and physical defects._--_defectives propagate their kind._--_the intermittent inhabitants of asylums and gaols constitute the greatest danger to society._--_character the resultant of two forces--motor impulse and inhibition._--_chief criminal characteristic is defective inhibition._--_this defect is strongly hereditary._--_it expresses itself in unrestrained fertility._ it has been sufficiently demonstrated in preceding chapters, that the birth-rate has been, and is still rapidly declining. it has been sought to prove that this decline is chiefly due to voluntary means taken by married people to limit their families, and that the desire for this limitation is the result of our social system. the important question now arises. is the desire uniform through all classes of society, and is the practice of prevention uniform through all classes? in other words, is the decline in the birth-rate due to prevention in one class more than in another, and if so which? experience and statistics force us to the startling conclusion, that the birth-rate is declining amongst the best classes of citizens, and remains undisturbed amongst the worst. now the first-class responsible for the decline includes those who do not marry, and those who marry late. the michigan vital statistics for (p. ) show that the mean number of children to each marriage at the age of - years is . , at the age of - years it is . , a difference of . in favour of delayed marriage for a period of five years. in new zealand the marriage rate has gone up from . per thousand persons living in to . in . this class includes clerks with an income of £ and under,--a large number with £ , and all misogynists with higher incomes. it includes labourers with £ a year and under, and many who receive £ . their motives for avoiding marriage are mostly prudential. those who abstain from marriage for prudential reasons are as a rule good citizens. they are workers who realise their responsibilities in life, and shrink from undertaking duties which they feel they cannot adequately perform. by far the largest class who practice prevention, consists of those who marry, and have one or two children, and limit their families to that number, for prudential, health, or selfish reasons. these too are as a rule good citizens, and there are two qualities that so distinguish them. first, their prudence; they have no wish to burden the state with the care or support of their children. their fixed determination is to support and educate them themselves, and they set themselves to the work with thriftiness and forethought. in order to do this, however, it is essential that the family is limited to one, two, or three, as the case may be, and before it is too late, preventive measures are resorted to. the second quality that distinguishes them as good citizens is their self-control. every preventive measure in normal individuals implies a certain amount of self-restraint, and in proportion as prudential motives are strong is the self-imposed restraint easy and effective. the existence of these two qualities, prudence and self-control, is a very important factor in human character, and upon their presence and prevalence in its units depend the progress and stability of society. but the birth-rate varies in an inverse ratio with these qualities. in those communities or sections of communities, where these qualities are conspicuous, will the birth-rate be correspondingly low. there is another class of people that has strong desires to keep free from the cares and expense of a large family. these are, too, good citizens and belong to good stock. they are those possessed of ambition to rise socially, politically, or financially, and they are a numerous body in new zealand. they are quite able to support and educate a fairly large family, but as children are hindrances, and increase the anxieties, the responsibilities and the expense, they must be limited to one or two. there is still another class that consists of the purely selfish and luxurious members of society, who find children a bother, who have to sacrifice some of the pleasures of life in order to rear them. now all those who prevent have some rational ground for prevention, and at least are possessed of sufficient self-control to give effect to their wish. they include the best citizens and the best stock, and from them would issue, if the reproductive faculty were unrestrained, the best progeny. one grave aspect of this limitation is that, as a rule, the family is limited after the first one or two are born. the small families, say of two, are born when the parents are both young, and carefully compiled statistics prove that these are not the best offspring a couple can produce. those born first in wedlock, are shorter and not so well developed as those born later in married life, when parents are more matured. if it is substantially true, that the decline in the birth-rate is due to voluntary prevention, and that prevention implies prudence and self-control, it is safe to conclude that those in whom these qualities are absent or least conspicuous, will be the most prolific. but those in whom these qualities are absent or least conspicuous are our worst citizens, and, therefore, our worst citizens are the most prolific. observation and statistics lead to the same conclusion. amongst the very poor in crowded localities, the passion for marriage early asserts itself. its natural enemies are prudence and a consciousness of responsibility, and these suggest restraint. but prudence and restraint are not the common attributes of the very poor. poverty makes people reckless, they live from hour to hour as the lower animals do. they satisfy their desires as they arise, whether it be the desire for food or the desire of sex. the very poor includes amongst its numbers, the drunkard, the criminal, the professional pauper, and the physically and mentally defective. the drunkard is not distinguished by his prudence, nor by his self-restraint. in fact the alcohol which he imbibes paralyses what self-control he has, and excites through an increased circulation in his lower brain-centres an unnatural sexual desire. what hope is there of the drunkard curtailing his family by self-restraint? dr. billings says, (forum, june ) "so far as we have data with regard to the use of intoxicating liquors, fertility seems greatest in those countries and amongst those classes where they are most freely used." neither is the criminal blessed with the important attributes of prudence and self-control. they are conspicuous by their absence in him. in all defectives, in epileptics, idiots, the physical deformed, the insane, and the criminal, the prudence and self-restraint necessary to the limitation of families is either partially or entirely absent. to the poor in crowded localities, with limited room-space and insanitary surroundings, effective self-restraint is more difficult than in any other class of society. in all defectives the sexual instinct is as strong, if not stronger, than in the normal, and they have not that interest in life, and regard for the future that suggest restraint, nor have they the power to practise it though prudence were to guide them. the higher checks to population, as they exist among the better classes of people, do not obtain amongst the defectives taken as a class. vice and misery are more active checks amongst the very poor, and abortion is practised to a very considerable extent, but the appalling fact remains, that the birth-rate of the unfit goes on undisturbed, while the introduction of higher checks amongst the normal classes has led to a marked decline, more marked than at first sight appears. the worst feature of the problem, however, is not so much the disproportion in the numbers born to the normal and the abnormal respectively, but the fact that the defectives propagate their kind. the defectives, whose existence and whose liberty constitute the greatest danger to the state, are the intermittent inhabitants of our lunatic asylums, prisons, and reformatories. there is one defect common to all these, and that is defective inhibition. all human activity is the result of two forces, motor impulses tending to action, and inhibition tending to inertia. the lower animals have strong motor impulses constantly exploding and expressing themselves in great activity, offensive, defensive, self-preservative, and procreative, being restrained only by the inhibitive forces of their conditions and environment. children have strong motor impulses, which are at first little controlled. inhibition is a late development and is largely a result of education. if the motor impulses remain strong, or become stronger in the presence of development with exercise, while inhibition remains weak, we have a criminal. inhibition is the function performed by the highest and last-formed brain-cells. these brain cells may be undeveloped either from want of exercise, that is, education, or from hereditary weakness, or, having been developed may have undergone degeneration, under the influence of alcohol, or from hereditary or acquired disease. motor impulses, as the springs of action, are common to all animals. in the lower animals inhibition is external, and never internal or subjective. in man it may be internal or external. it is internal or subjective in those whose higher brain centres are well developed and normal. their auto-inhibition is such that all their motor impulses are controlled and directed in the best interests of society. it is external only in those whose higher brain centres are either undeveloped or diseased. these constitute the criminal classes. their motor impulses are unrestrained. they offer a low or reduced resistance to temptation. weak or absent resistance in the face of a normal motor impulse whose expression injuriously affects another, is crime, and a criminal is one whose power of resistance to motor impulses has been reduced by disease, hereditary or acquired, or is absent through arrested development. a confirmed criminal is one in whom the frequent recurrence of an unrestrained impulse injurious to others has induced habit. auto-inhibition is defective or absent, and society must in her own interest provide external restraint, and this we call law. criminals are, therefore, mental defectives, and may be defined for sociological purposes as those in whom legal punishment for the second time, for the same offence, has failed to act as a deterrent. m. boies, in "prisoners and paupers," says that conviction for the third time for an offence, is proof of hereditary criminal taint. the existence of motor impulses in the human animal is normal. they vary in strength and force. we cannot eradicate, we can only control them. they may become less assertive under the constant control of a highly cultivated inhibition, but it is only in this way that they can be affected at all. they may be controlled, either by the individual himself or by the state. our reformatories are peopled by young persons whose distinguishing characteristic is that inhibition is undeveloped or defective. this defect may be due to want of education, but it is more often hereditary. two things only can be done for them. this faculty of inhibition can be trained by education, or external restraint can be provided by law. but the distinguishing characteristic of all defectives, within or without our public institutions, is defective inhibition,--they are unable to control the spontaneous impulses that continually arise, and which may indeed be normal. impulses may be abnormal from hereditary predisposition, as _e.g._ the impulse to drink, but only through strengthening inhibition can these impulses be controlled,--their existence must be accepted. but whether the defect is an abnormal impulse, or a normal impulse abnormally strong, or an abnormally weak or defective inhibition, the condition is hereditary, and such defectives propagate their kind. it has been shown that they are more fertile than any other classes because of the very defect that makes them a danger to society. the defective restraint that allows them to commit offences against person and property, also allows their procreative impulse unrestrained activity. defectives, therefore, are not only fertile, but they propagate their kind, and a few examples will serve to show to some extent the fertility, and to an enormous extent the hereditary tendencies, of the unfit. case no. , p. . j. e----'s family. m m f ----------+---------------------------+----------------+-------------- | | | a suicide, aet. died of cancer of | died in a fit, married. no issue stomach, aet. | aet. | ----+---------+----------+----------+-----------+------+----+--------+ | | | | | | | m m f f f m m died of died of died of died of died of healthy, | cancer of convulsions consumption consumption, consumption, has | stomach, at | | aet seven | aet. weeks | | children | | | | | left five married several married several m children years. years. epiletic, twice no issue no issue insane, testes in abdomen. married. no children case no. , p. . k. s----'s family. m f -----------------------+------------------------- epileptic | had sister insane | ----+------------+---------+--+------------+--------------+------ | | | | | m f m f f epileptic. epileptic idiot, sane as yet. insane. suicidal, dead. no and insane. impotent nine children, incurable issue dead. no some imbecile no issue issue case no. , p. . father, a drunkard | son | a drunkard, disgustingly | on his wedding day. | ----+----------+----------+----------+--+-------+-----------+--------+ | | | | | | | died of died of idiot of suicidal. peculiar repeatedly | convulsions convulsions years a dement and insane | of age irritable | nervous and depressed case no. , p. . m died | mad | m__________m_____|_________m__________m | | | | imbecile irritable died of brain disease ______________________|___________________________________ | | | | | | | | | | f. imbecile epileptic epileptic all seven died in convulsions case no. , p. . f. a suicide |_______________________________f____________________f m insane | insane ______________|________________________________________ | | | excitable dull epileptic imbecile case no. , p. . m________________f mute | normal ___________|__________ m| |f mute. no issue normal__________________m | normal _________________________|______________________ f f m |f mute mute normal normal | m mute case no. , p. . j.g. a----'s family history. paternal side. maternal side. f / i | grandfather, a drunkard grandmother, "odd" r | grandmother, normal grandfather, normal s | g t \ e n s / uncle, a drunkard uncle, epileptic e e | uncle, a drunkard uncle, rheumatic, totally r c | crippled and his daughter also a o | uncle, an epileptic uncle, rheumatic t n | aunt, rheumatic i d \ father, excitable & irritable mother, died in asylum o n t / daughter, has had rheumatism and has had heart disease s h | son, now insane i | son, died a few days old of convulsions r | son, now a chronic maniac in an asylum d | daughter, suicidal, melancholic; died in an asylum. no issue. \ family now extinct. * * * * * case no. , p. . s. m----'s family. m f ----------------------------------------- asthmatic | somewhat weak-minded | | --------------------------------------------------------------------- | | | | | | | | | healthy died in drowned epilepsy healthy idiot died in healthy | infancy infancy | in in scrofulous convulsions convulsions _the above diagrammatic histories of eight families are taken from dr. strahan's "marriage and disease."_ chapter viii. the multiplication of the fit in relation to the state. _the state's ideal in relation to the fertility of its subjects_.--_keen competition means great effort and great waste of life_.--_if in the minds of the citizens space and food are ample multiplication works automatically_.--_to new zealanders food now includes the luxuries as well as the necessities of life_.--_men are driven to the alternative of supporting a family of their own or a degenerate family of defectives_.--_the state enforces the one but cannot enforce the other_.--_new zealand taxation_.--_the burden of the bread-winner_.--_as the state lightens this burden it encourages fertility_.--_the survival of the unfit makes the burden of the fit_. the multiplication of the fit is of the first importance to the state. it supplies competent producers and courageous defenders, and the more of these, consistent with space and food (using these terms in their fullest significance), the better off the state. if healthy happy citizens are the state's ideal, then limitation of population well within the space and food will be encouraged. if national wealth and prosperity in its material aspect are the state's ideal, the harder the population presses on the means of subsistence the sooner will that ideal be realised. for it cannot be denied, that the greater the stress and hardship in life, the more strenuous the effort put forth to obtain a foothold. the greater the competition the keener the effort, and the higher the accomplishment; while to ensure an adequate supply of labour in time of great demand there must always be a surplus. the waste of life must always be greater; but what of that! national wealth is the ideal--the maximum amount of production. child labour, and women labour, are called in to fill the national granaries, though misery and death attend the process. if this be the ideal of the state, life is of less value than the product of labour, for it can be more easily and readily replaced. but the ideal of the perfect state is not wealth but the robust happiness of its members. the happiness of its members is best promoted by the maximum increase in its numbers, consistent with ample space and food. with ample space and food multiplication works automatically, being kept up to the limit of space and food by the procreative instinct. if it can be shown that multiplication is not sufficiently stimulated by this instinct, then it must be concluded that, _in the minds of the citizens_ the space and food are not ample. in new zealand the procreative impulse does not keep multiplication at an equal pace with the apparent supply of food and space, and this is due, as has been shown, to the fact that our citizens are not satisfied that the supply _is_ ample. they have come to enlarge the definition of "food," and this term now includes luxuries easily obtainable for themselves and their families. but the luxuries of life and living can only be easily obtained when individual effort to obtain them is unhampered. every burden which a man has to bear (only the best are here referred to,--the fit members of the state) limits his power to provide for himself, and any he may bring into the world. if the state decrees that a citizen shall support himself, his mate, and his progeny, well and good,--if he has no other burden to bear, no other responsibility, he knows exactly where he is and what he has to do, and directs his energies and controls his impulses, and enlarges his desires to suit his tastes and purposes. but if the state decrees that a citizen shall not only support all for whose existence he is responsible, but also all those unable to support themselves, born into the world in increasing numbers as congenital defectives, and manufactured in the world by legalised drinking saloons, and by pauperising charitable aid and benevolent institutions, then our self-respecting right-respecting citizen must decide whether he will forego the luxury and ease that he may enjoy, and rear the normal family, or curtail his own progeny, and support the army of defectives thrown upon society by the state-encouraged fertility of the unfit. it has already been shown, that in this colony the best fit to multiply are ceasing to do so, because of a desire to attain a social and financial stability that will protect them and their dependents from want or the prospect of want. there is every reason to believe, that when this stability is assured the normal family soon follows. the love of luxurious idleness and a passion for excitement, which were typical of the voluntarily barren women of ancient rome, have little place with us, as a cause of limited nativity. men and women reason out, that they cannot bear all the burdens that the state imposes upon them, support an increasing army of paupers, and lunatics and defectives, and non-producers, and that luxuriously, and at the same time incur the additional burden of rearing a large family. let us examine these burdens, and see if the complaint of our best stock is justified. the amount raised by taxation in new zealand (including local rates) during the year - , amounted per head of population (excluding maories) to £ s. d. the bread-winners in new zealand number according to official returns, , , and the total rates and taxes collected for the year - amounted to £ , , or £ s. d. for each bread-winner for the year. on march st, (the last census date) there were . persons per thousand of population over years of age, unable to work from sickness, accident and infirmity. of these . were due to sickness and accident, and . to "specified infirmities." the proportion of those suffering from sickness and accident in was . per over years, practically the same as for , while disability from "specified infirmities" (lunacy, idiocy, epilepsy, deformity, etc.)--degeneracies strongly hereditary--rose rapidly from . in to . in , or taking the total sickness and infirmity, from . in to . in . on the last census date there were , bread-winners, and , persons suffering from sickness, accident, and infirmity, or fit to work and earn for every one unfit. the cost to the colony per year of-- £ . hospitals, year ended st march, , . charitable aid (expended by boards), year ended st march, , . lunatic asylums, year ended st dec, (gross) , lunatic asylums, year ended st dec, (nett) , . industrial schools, year ended st dec, government industrial schools for neglected and criminal children , government expenditure on private denominational industrial schools , . police force, year ended st march, , . prisons, year ended st march, , . criminal courts (criminal prosecutions), year ended st march, , . old age pensions (pensions only for persons over years of age, who have been years in the colony, and who make a declaration of poverty, including departmental expenses) , a total of £ , . this constitutes the burden due to defectives and defects in others, a handful of workers have to bear in a sparse population of , souls in one of the finest countries on which the sun of heaven ever shone. the burden which the fit have to bear has often been referred to by dr. macgregor, who states in one of his reports, "wives and husbands, parents of bastards, all alike are encouraged by lavish charity (falsely so called) to entirely shirk their responsibilities in the well grounded assurance that public money will be forth-coming to keep them and their families in quite as comfortable position as their hardworking and independent neighbours." the state can not decree that men shall marry, or that women shall marry, or that women shall procreate. all it can do is to discover why its subjects are not fertile, and remove the causes so far as it is possible. as people become educated they become conscious of their limitations, and endeavour to break through them and better their conditions. the more difficult this process is, the less likely will men and women be to incur the burden of a large family. the more the conditions of existence are improved, the more completely is each man's wish realized, and the more readily will he undertake the responsibilities of a family. if the state can and will lighten the burden of taxation and modify the strain and stress of life, it will indirectly encourage procreation. no direct encouragement is possible. it was tried and it failed in sparta, it was tried by augustus and it failed in rome, it must fail everywhere, for the most willing and the most ready to respond to any provision made to encourage increase, are the unfit, and it is the fertility of the unfit that is the very evil that has to be attacked. it is the fertility of the unfit that makes the burden of the fit, and a tax on bachelors, or a bonus on families, would be responded to by the least fit, long before it affected those whose response was anticipated, and the problem sought to be solved would only be aggravated thereby. no encouragement whatever can the state afford to give to the natural increase of population till it has successfully grappled with the propagation of defectives. the burden of life would be lessened by nearly one-third if the fertility of defectives could be stopped. the state would have to support only those who acquired defects, the scars of service more honourable than wealth, in their efforts to support themselves and families, and these would be few indeed, if inherited tendencies could be eliminated or reduced to a minimum. it is the purpose of this work to attempt to describe a method that will help to bring about this end. [illustration] chapter ix. the multiplication of the unfit in relation to the state. _ancient methods of preventing the fertility of the unfit.--christian sentiment suppressed inhuman practices--christian care brings many defectives to the child-bearing period of life.--the association of mental and physical defects.--who are the unfit.--the tendency of relatives to cast their degenerate kinsfolk on the state.--our social conditions manufacture defectives and foster their fertility.--the only moral force that limits families is inhibition with prudence.--defective self-control transmitted hereditarily. dr. mac gregorys cases.--the transmission of insanity.--celibacy of the insane is the prophylaxis of insanity in the race.--the environment of the unfit.--defectives snatched from nature's clutch.--at the age of maturity they are left to propogate their kind_. the humanitarian spirit, born years ago, effectually checked all inhuman practices for disposal of the unfit. christ is the author of this spirit. the noisy triumph of his persecutors had scarcely died away before his conception of the sanctity of human life found expression in the mission of those roman maidens who in his name devoted their lives to collecting exposed infants from the environs of their city--that they might rear and educate them and bring them to the church. not only has it done this, but it has taught society that its first and highest duty is to its weaker brethren, who constitute the unfit. all our modern institutions are based on this sentiment, and what is the result? weaklings are born into the world and the weaker they are the more carefully are they tended and nursed. the law of the struggle for existence, _i.e._, the law of justice is suspended or modified, and the unfit are allowed to live, or at least allowed to live a little longer, long enough indeed to propagate their kind. hospitals and homes and charitable institutions all combine their energies, and direct their efforts to nurture those whom the laws of nature decree should die. sympathy and not indignation is aroused when a defective is born, and the result of all the effort which that sympathy evokes is that the little weakling and thousands such are safely led and tended all the way to the child-bearing period of life, only to repeat their history, in others. not only do defects "run in families," but they run in groups, and a physical defect such as club-foot, cleft palate, or any arrested development, is apt to be associated with some mental defect, and it is the mental more than the physical defects of individuals that prevent them being self-supporting helpful members of society. in the "north american review" for august, , sir john gorst declares that:-- "the condition of disease, debility, and defective sight and hearing, in the public elementary schools in poorer districts, is appalling. the research of a recent royal commission has disclosed that of the children in the public schools of edinburgh, per cent, are suffering from disease of some kind, more than half from defective vision, nearly half from defective hearing, and per cent, from starvation. the physical deterioration of the recruits who offer themselves for the army is a subject of increasing concern. there are grounds for at least suspecting a growing degeneracy of the population of the united kingdom, particularly in the great towns." the following table gives the charges before magistrates in our courts:-- year. proportion per thousand of mean population. . . . . . . . now who are the unfit? are they more fertile than the fit? and do they propagate their kind? the following defects constitute their victims members of that great class of degenerates who are unfit to procreate healthy normal offspring. many of these conditions are partly congenital and partly acquired, but in the majority of defectives a transmitted taint is present. i. congenital defects:-- . idiocy. . imbecility. . criminal taint. . insanity. . inebriate taint. . pauperism. . deaf mutism. . epilepsy. ii. acquired defects:-- . crime. . insanity. . epilepsy. . inebrity. . confirmed pauperism. with the exception of the very young and the very old, all members of society, who have to be supported by others, constitute the unfit. many are supported by friends and relatives, but year by year, it is becoming more noticeable, that the moral guardians of the unfit are shirking their responsibility and handing their defective relatives over to the state and demanding their gratuitous support as a right. dr. macgregor, inspector of asylums and hospitals, n.z., in his report for , p. , says:-- "as if the state had a vested interest in the degradation of its people, i find that they, as fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, are responding to our efforts to sap their self-respect by doing their utmost to throw the cost of maintaining their relatives on the ratepayers. i constantly hear the plea urged that as taxpayers and old colonists they have a right to send their relatives to state institutions." our social conditions manufacture defectives, and foster their fertility. the strain and stress of modern competition excite an anxiety and nervous tension under which many break down, and much of the insanity that exists to-day is attributable to nervous strain in the struggle of life. the strong attractive force of one social stratum upon the next below, excites in the latter a nervous tension which predisposes to a breakdown in the face of some adversity. the passion for ease and luxury, and the dread of poverty tend to overstrain the nervous system, and numberless neurotic defectives fall back upon society, and give themselves up to the propagation of their kind. our charitable aid institutions tend largely to swell the numbers of the great unfit. dr. macgregor in one of his valuable and forcible reports upon our charitable aid institutions, says:-- "our lavish and indiscriminate outdoor relief, whose evils i am tired of recapitulating,--our shameless abuse of the hospital system,--the crowding of our asylums by people in their dotage, kept there because there is no suitable place to send them to, and many of them sent by friends anxious only to be relieved of the duty of supporting and caring for them,--what is it all coming to?"... "the practical outcome of our overlooking the continued accumulation of degenerates among our people by our fostering of all kinds of weakness will necessarily be, if it continues, that society will itself degenerate. taxation will increase by leaps and bounds, and the industrious and self-respecting citizens will rebel, especially if taxation is expected to meet all the demands of a legislature that puts our humanitarian idea of justice in the place of charity." it has already been urged that there is no evidence of any physiological defect in any class of society interfering with fertility. sexual inhibition, from prudential motives is the real cause in new zealand. sexual inhibition implies well-developed self-control, the very force in which almost all defectives are most deficient, and the absence of which makes them criminals, drunkards and paupers. in almost all defectives too, prudence is conspicuous by its absence. the only moral force we know of, that has curtailed, or will curtail, the family within the limits of comfortable subsistence, is sexual inhibition with prudence. but this force is absolutely impossible amongst defectives. it is not only a powerful force among the normal, but with us to-day it is powerfully operative. amongst the defectives it does not and cannot exist. apart from observation and statistics, therefore, it can be shown that the birth-rate amongst the unfit is undisturbed. they marry and are given in marriage, free from all restraint save that of environment, and worst of all they propagate their kind. dr. clouston says (clinical lectures on mental diseases, th ed., p. ) "as we watch children grow up we see that some have the sense of right and wrong, the conscience, developed much sooner and much stronger than others; just as some have their eye teeth much sooner than others; and looking at adults, we see that some never have much of this sense developed at all. this is notoriously the case in some of those whose ancestors for several generations have been criminals, insane or drunkards." again (p. ) "we know that some of the children of many generations of thieves take to stealing, as a young wild duck among tame ones takes to hiding in holes, and that the children of savage races cannot copy at once our ethics nor our power of controlling our actions. it seems to take many generations to redevelop an atrophied conscience. there is no doubt that an organic lawlessness is transmitted hereditarily." mr. w. bevan lewis says (a text-book of mental disease, p. ) "it is also notable, that in a large proportion of cases, we find the history of ancestral insanity attached to the grand-parents, or the collateral line of uncles and aunts, significant of a more remote origin for the neurosis. the actual proportion of cases revealing strongly-marked hereditary features (often involving several members of the subject's ancestry), amounts to per cent;" while mr. briscoe declares (journal of mental science, oct. ) that % of the insane have a heredity of insanity. the following table from dr. macgregor's reports gives an account of two families in new zealand and their asylum history. cost per head. number. name. rate £ total per week. cost. family of b (brothers). £ s. d. £ s. d. i. a.b. ii. c.b. iii. d.b. iv. e.b. v. f.b. --------- family of c. i. a.c. (wife) ii. b.c. (husband of a.c.) iii. d.c. (daughter of a.c.) iv. e.c. (ditto) , v. f.c. (illegitimate daughter of e.c.) vi. g.c. (husband of f.c. but no blood relation) ------------ , ------------ £ , in his report for , the same writer says:--"i know of a 'defective' half-imbecile girl, who has had already five illegitimate children by different fathers, all of whom are now being supported by the charitable aid board, while, of course, the mother is maintained, and encouraged to propagate more;" while in an appendix to a pamphlet on "some aspects of the charitable aid question," he gives the following history of two defective cases:-- j.a. admitted to lunatic asylum, may, . three medical men report on her as follows:--"she appears imbecile, but without delusions: natural imbecility, stupid, idiotic expression; baby one month old; age between and . suffering from dementia; lactational." j.a., husband aged ; labourer, average earnings s. week. he wishes to get admission into some old man's home. this couple have six children--four girls and one boy. a. aged ; b. ; c. ; d. (boy) ; and e. years. these children are all in the industrial school. there is also one baby, born april, ; has been put out to nurse by the county council. the sister of mrs. j.a. in salvation army home. there are two brothers, whereabouts not known. the police report on this case that the whole of the relatives of mrs. j.a. were partly imbecile, always in a helpless condition and state of destitution, and have been for years supported partly by charity of neighbours and help from the charitable aid boards. j.j., the father, now dead, reported as a "lazy, drunken fellow." a.j., the mother, "a drunken prostitute" (police report ). "makes a precarious living at nursing" (police report ); in destitute circumstances, living with a man known as a thief. this couple had seven children--six boys and one girl:-- a., committed to industrial school, ; discharged from there ; aged . sentenced in to three years for burglary. b., committed to industrial school for larceny in ; discharged from there, ; aged . c., committed to industrial school for breaking into and stealing, ; aged ; discharged, . d., aged ; e. ½; and f., years; were sent to industrial school in by the charitable aid board, the father being dead and the mother in gaol. d. was discharged last year, aged . f. is in hospital for removal of nasal growth, and defective eyesight. e. was admitted to a lunatic asylum, september, . four medical men report on him as follows:--"a case of satyriasis from congenital defect." "his depraved habits result of bad bringing up by his mother." "probably hereditary." "a case of moral depravity associated with mental deficiency, and cretinism." the youngest of the family, a girl aged , is said to be dependent on her mother. with regard to the hereditary nature of insanity, john charles bucknill and daniel hack tuke, m.d.'s, in "a manual of psychological medicine," th ed., p. , says:-- "certainly, if in ever so small degree there is to be a stamping out of insanity, we must act on the principle, better let the individual suffer than run the risk of bequeathing a legacy of insanity to the next generation.... with regard to males, marriage would no doubt be highly beneficial in many instances, _and if the risk of progeny is not run, may well be encouraged_." esquirol, quoted by bucknill and tuke, p. , says:--"of all diseases insanity is the most hereditary." bucknill and tuke, p. , say:-- "of marriage it may be said that the celibacy of the insane is the prophylaxis of insanity in the race, and although a well chosen mate and a happy marriage may sometimes postpone or even prevent the development of insanity in the individual, still no medical man, having regard to the health of the community, or even of that of the family, can possibly feel himself justified in recommending the marriage of any person of either sex in whom the insane diathesis is well marked." again (pp. and ) "it is thus that the seeds of mental diseases and of moral evils are sown broadcast through the land; and other new defects and diseases are multiplied and varied with imbecilities, and idiocies, and suicidal and other propensities and dispositions, leading to all manner of vice and crime. the marriage of hereditary lunatics is a veritable pandora's box of physical and moral evil." the least fit, then, are the most fertile, and the most fertile are subject to the common law of heredity, and the defects are transmitted to their offspring, often accentuated by the intermarriage which their circumstances favour or even necessitate. but this is not all. the least fit have the worst environment, and in the worst possible surroundings the progeny of the unfit multiply and develop. they are born into conditions, well described by dr. alice vicery, in a paper on "the food supplies of the next generation." "conditions in which the food, warmth, and clothing which are necessary for the mere maintenance of the functions of the body in their normal state, cannot be obtained; in which men, women, and children are forced to crowd into dens wherein decency is abolished, and the most ordinary conditions of healthful existence are impossible of attainment; in which the pleasures within reach are reduced to bestiality and drunkenness; in which the pains accumulate at compound interest in the shape of starvation, disease, stunted development, and moral degradation in which the prospect of even steady and honest industry is a life of unsuccessful battling with hunger, rounded by a pauper's grave." what possible hope can there be for the progeny of defectives born with vicious, criminal, drunken or pauper tendencies, into an environment whose whole influence from infancy to maturity tends to accentuate and develop these inherited defects? in this pitiable stratum of human society, vice and misery, as checks to increase, reign supreme, but as no other check exists, fertility is at its maximum, and keeps close up on the heels of the positive checks. the state in her humanitarian sympathy, and in new zealand it is extravagant, puts forth every effort to improve the conditions of its "submerged tenth." insanitary conditions are improved, the rooms by law enlarged, the air is sweetened, the water is purified, the homes are drained. the delicate and diseased are taken to our hospitals, the deaf and blind to our deaf-mute institutions, the deformed and the fatherless to our orphan homes. and all are carefully nursed as tender precious plants. they are snatched from nature's clutch and reared as prize stock are reared and kept in clover, till they can propagate their kind. we feed and clothe the unfit, however unfit, and then encourage their procreation, and as soon as they are matured we foster their fertility. no want of human sympathy for the poor unfortunates of our race is in these words expressed,--a statement simply of the inevitable consequences of unscientific and anti-social methods of dealing with the degenerate. no state can afford to shut its eyes to the magnitude of this problem. the procreation of the unfit must be faced and grappled with. and the greater the decline in the birth-rate of our best stock, the more urgent does the solution of the problem become. for is not the proportion of the unfit to the fit yearly increasing! it has become the most pressing duty of the state, in face of the great change that has so rapidly come over our natural increase, to declare that the procreation of the unfit shall cease, or at least, that it shall be considerably curtailed and placed among the vanishing evils, with a view to its final extinction. chapter x. what anÆsthetics and antiseptics have made possible. _education of defectives in prudence and self-restraint of little avail.--surgical suggestions discussed._ for the intelligent mind, which i assume has already been impressed with the importance of such an inquiry, i think i have set forth the salient truths with sufficient clearness, but holding that a recitation of social faults, without a suggestion as to social reforms, is not only useless but mischievous, i shall endeavour to show not only that the situation is not hopeless, but that science and experience have, or will reveal means to the accomplishment of all rationally desired ends, and that it remains only for intelligence to enquire that sentiment may move up to the line so as to harmonise with science, with justice, and with the demands of a growing necessity. these questions of population are not new. more than two thousand years ago, many of the wisest philosophers of all the centuries meditated deeply upon the tendencies of the population to crowd upon subsistence, and in many ages and many countries, the situation has been discussed with serious forebodings for the future. in all ages thinking men have regarded war with aversion, yet with peace and domestic prosperity other dangers arose to threaten the progress of the race, and as the passing generations cried out for some remedy for the ever pressing evils, thinking men have been proposing measures somewhat harmonising with the knowledge or the sentiment of the times. whether we are wiser than our ancestors remains an unsettled question. the old greeks faced the problem boldly. there were two dangers in the minds of these ancient philosophers. there was the danger of over-population of good citizens, and there was the danger of increasing the burden good citizens had to bear by the maintenance of defectives. however good the breed, over-population was an economic danger, for, said aristotle, "the legislator who fixes the amount of property should also fix the number of children, for if the children are too many for the property the law must be broken." (politics ii, - .) and he further declares (ib. vii. ) "as to the exposure and rearing of children, let there be a law that no deformed child shall live"; and the exposure of infants was for years the grecian method of eliminating the unfit. a century ago "parson malthus" dealt with over-population without regard to the fitness of individuals to survive, and he advised the exercise of moral restraint expressed in delayed marriage, to prevent population pressing on the limits of food, which he maintained it invariably tends to do. after the high souled malthus, came the neo-malthusians, who, although they retained the name perverted the teaching of this great demographist, and some socialist writers of high repute still advocate the systematic instruction of the poor in neo-malthusian practices. the rising tide of firm conviction in the minds of present day sociologists, that the fertility of the unfit is menacing the stability of the whole social superstructure, is forcing many to advocate more drastic measures for the salvation of the race. weinhold seriously proposed the annual mutilation of a certain portion of the children of the popular classes. mr. henry m. boies, the most enlightened analyst of the problem of the unfit, in his exhaustive work "prisoners and paupers," urges the necessity of effectively controlling the fecundity of the degenerate classes, and he points to surgery, and life-long incarceration as the solution of the problem. dr. mckim, in an exhaustive work on "heredity and human progress," after declaring that he is profoundly convinced of the inefficiency of the measures which we bring to bear against the weakness and depravity of our race, ventures to plead for the remedy which alone, as he believes, can hold back the advancing tide of disintegration. he states his remedy thus:--"the roll then, of those whom our plan would eliminate, consists of the following classes of individuals coming under the absolute control of the state:--idiots, imbeciles, epileptics, habitual drunkards and insane criminals, the larger number of murderers, nocturnal house-breakers, such criminals whatever their offence as might through their constitutional organization appear very dangerous, and finally, criminals who might be adjudged incorrigible. each individual of these classes would undergo thorough examination, and only by due process of law would his life be taken from him. the painless extinction of these lives would present no practical difficulty--in carbonic acid gas we have an agent which would instantaneously fulfil the need." these briefly are some of the remedies which have been advocated and in part applied for the protection of the race from degeneracy. i quote them, not with approval, but merely to show how grave and serious the social outlook is, in the minds of some of the best thinkers and truest philanthropists that have taught mankind. if the fertility of the fit could be kept uniformly at its normal rate in a state of nature, the race would have little to fear, for the tendency to further degeneration and consequent extinction amongst the defective would be sufficient to counteract their disposition to a high fertility. but in all civilized nations, the fertility of the fit is rapidly departing from that normal rate, and mr. herbert spencer declares, with the gloomiest pessimism, that the infertility of the best citizens is the physiological result of their intellectual development. i have already expressed the opinion that prudence and social selfishness, operating through sexual self-restraint on the part of the best citizens of the state, are the cause of their infertility. it is impossible for the state to correct this evil, except by lessening the burden the fit man has to bear; and the elimination of the unfit, by artificial selection, is the surest and most effective way of bringing this about. we have learned from the immortal pasteur the true and scientific method of artificial selection of the fit, by the elimination of the unfit. we have already seen that he examined the moth, to find if it were healthy, and rejected its eggs if it were diseased. medical knowledge of heredity and disease makes it possible to conduct analogous examinations of prospective mothers; and surgery secreted in the ample and luxurious folds of anæsthesia, and protected by its guardian angels antiseptics, makes it possible to prevent the fertilization of human ova with a vicious taint. it is possible to sterilize defective women, and the wives of defective men by an operation of simple ligature, which produces absolutely no change whatever in the subjects of it, beyond rendering this fertilization impossible, for the rest of life. this remedy for the great and growing evil which confronts us to-day is suggested, not to avenge but to protect society, and in profound pity for the classes who are a burden to themselves, as well as to those who have to tend and support them. the problem of the unfit is not new. the burden of supporting those unable to support themselves has been keenly felt in all ages and among all peoples. the ancients realized the danger and the burden, but found no difficulty when the stress became acute in enacting that all infants should be examined and the defective despatched. to come nearer home, boeltius tells us, that, "in old times when a scot was affected with any hereditary disease their sons were emasculated, their daughters banished, and if any female affected with such disease were pregnant, she was to be burned alive." aristotle declared (politics book ii, p. ) that "neglect of this subject is a never failing cause of poverty, and poverty is the parent of revolution and crime," and he advocated habitual abortion as one remedy against over-population. the combined wisdom of the greeks found no better method of keeping population well within the limits of the state's power to support its members than abortion, and the exposure of infants. since aristotle's time abortion has been largely practised by civilized nations. mutilation and infibulation of females have been practised by savages with the same end in view, while vasectomy, orchotomy, and ovariotomy, have had their avowed advocates in our own time. the purpose of all these measures was to limit population with little or no distinction as to fitness to survive. the spartans in ancient times, and many social reformers of to-day have discussed and advocated the artificial limitation of the unfit. the exposure of defective infants was the spartan method of preserving the physical and mental stature of the race. the surgical operations on both sexes advocated by some social writers of recent date, have not been received with much favour, and, as a social reform have not been practised. as operations they are grave and serious, profound in their effect upon the individual, and a violation of public sentiment. anæsthetics and antiseptics have, however, made them possible, and if a surgical operation could be devised, simple and safe in performance, inert in every way but one, and against which there would be no individual or public sentiment, its application as a social reform, would go far to solve the grave and serious problem of the fertility of the unfit. the unfit are subject to no moral law in the matter of procreation. they can be taught nothing, and they will practise nothing. like the lower animals they obey their instincts and gratify their desires as they arise. it has been seriously suggested that the poor should be systematically taught neo-malthusian methods for the limitation of their offspring. the best among the poor might practise them, the worst certainly would not, and the limitation among the best would only stimulate the fertility of the worst. this is the most innocent and harmless of the numerous suggestions made by reformers for controlling the fecundity of the poor. of surgical methods, castration of males, oophorectomy or the removal of the ovaries in women, and vasectomy, or the section of the cords of the testicles, have all been suggested. annual castration of a certain number of the children of the popular classes was not long ago seriously proposed by weinhold. boies, in his "prisoners and paupers," declares that surgical interference is the only method of dealing with the criminal, and preventing him from reproducing his kind. he says:--"these organs have no function in the human organism except the creation and gratification of desire and the reproduction of the species. their loss has no effect upon the health, longevity, or abilities of the individual of adult years. the removal of them therefore by destroying desire would actually diminish the wants of nature and increase the enjoyments of life for paupers. a want removed is equivalent to a want supplied. in other words, such removal would be a positive benefit to the abnormal rather than a deprivation, rather a kindness than an injury. this operation bestowed upon the abnormal inmates of our prisons, reformatories, jails, asylums, and public institutions, would entirely eradicate those unspeakable evil practices which are so terribly prevalent, debasing, destructive, and uncontrolled in them. it would confer upon the inmates health and strength, for weakness and impotence, satisfaction and comfort for discontent and insatiable desire." anæsthetics have ensured that these operations may be performed without the slightest suspicion of pain, and with careful sympathetic surgery, pain may be absent throughout the whole of convalescence. antiseptics have made it possible to perform these operations with practically no risk to life. though castration and oophorectomy can be performed with safety and without pain, they are absolutely unjustifiable operations, if done to produce sterility. every incision and every stitch in surgery, beyond the necessities of the case, are objectionable, and to remove an organ, when the section of its duct is sufficient is to say the least of it, bad surgery. vasectomy is the resection of a portion of the duct of the testicles, followed by ligature of the ends. no doubt ligature alone would be sufficient for the purpose, but up to the present, a piece of the duct has been removed, when this operation has been found necessary in the treatment of disease. this duct is the secretory tube of the testicle, so that when it is occluded, the secretion is dammed back, and degeneration and atrophy of the organ are induced. it soon wastes, and becomes as functionless as though it were removed. this operation can be performed in a surgery with the aid of a little cocaine, and the patient may walk to his home, sterilized for the rest of his natural life, after the complete loss of any accumulated fluid. of these two operations for the sterilization of men, vasectomy is preferable. the major operation for the purpose of inducing artificial sterility should never for a moment be considered. but vasectomy, though surgically simple, and a less violation of sentiment than castration, cannot be justified except in exceptional cases. neither of these operations makes the subjects of them altogether or at once impotent, certainly not for years. it sterilizes and partly unsexes them and in the end completely so. but the physical and mental changes that follow the operation in the young adolescent are grave and serious, and a violent outrage upon the man's nature and sentiment. society can hope for nothing but evil from the man she forcibly unsexes; but if he must be kept in durance vile for the whole of his life there is little need for such an operation. the criminal cases bad enough to justify this grave and extreme measure should be incarcerated for life. the cases, it has been thought, that fully justify this operation are those guilty of repeated criminal assaults. such a claim arises out of insufficient knowledge of the physiology of sex, and the pathology of crime. emasculation would have little influence in preventing a recurrence of this crime, for the operation does not render its subjects immediately impotent, nor does it change their sexual nature any more than it beautifies their character. the instinct remains, and the power to gratify it remains at least for some years. with the less knowledge of surgery of earlier times, a social condition in which such a practice might be rationally considered, is conceivable, but with the present state of our profession, such measures would be unthinkable. chapter xi. tubo-ligature. _the fertility of the criminal a greater danger to society than his depradations._--_artificial sterility of women._--_the menopause artificially induced._--_untoward results._--_the physiology of the fallopian tubes._--_their ligature procures permanent sterility._--_no other results immediate or remote._--_some instances due to disease._--_defective women and the wives of defective men would welcome protection from unhealthy offspring._ there is a growing feeling that society must be protected, not so much against the criminal as against the fertility of the criminal, and no rational, practicable, acceptable method has as yet been devised. the operations on men to induce sterility have been discussed and dismissed as unsatisfactory. but analogous operations may be performed on women. and if women can be sterilized by surgical interference, whence comes the necessity of sterilizing both? oophorectomy, or removal of the ovaries is analogous to castration. it is an equally safe, though a slightly more severe and complicated operation. it can be safely and painlessly performed, the mortality in uncomplicated cases being practically nil. the changes physical and mental are not so grave as in the analogous operation on the opposite sex, and they vary considerably at different ages and in different cases. the later in life the operation is performed the less the effect produced. at or after the menopause (about the th year) little or no change is noticeable. in many, and especially in younger women however, grave mental and physical changes are induced. the menstrual function is destroyed, the appearance often becomes masculine, the face becomes coarse and heavy, and hair may appear on the lips and chin. lethargy and increase of weight are often noticed, and not a few, especially in congenitally neurotic cases, have an attack of insanity precipitated. on the same principle on which the radical operation on men was condemned, oophorectomy must also be condemned. it is a serious operation, often attended with grave mental and physical disturbances, not the least of which is the partial unsexing of those subjected to it. while these are delicate they are also pressing questions, questions which, like the mythical riddle of the sphynx, not to answer means to be destroyed, yet the sentimental difficulties, are accentuated by modern progress, for the public conscience becomes more sensitive as problems become more grave. but as science has prepared the bridge over which society may safely march, so, with rules easily provided by an enlightened community all remedial measures formerly proposed--wise in their times, probably, may now be waived aside. with our present knowlege, the simple process of tubo-ligature renders unsexing absolutely unnecessary in order to effect complete and permanent sterility. as the lesser operation vasectomy, is effectual in men, so is a lesser operation, tubo-ligature effectual in women. and it has this paramount advantage that, whereas vasectomy being an occlusion of a secretory duct, leads to complete atrophy and destruction of the testis, ligature of the fallopian tube, which is only a uterine appendage and not a secretory duct of the ovary, has absolutely no effect whatever on that organ. a simple ligature of each fallopian tube would effectually and permanently sterilise, without in any way whatever altering or changing the organs concerned, or the emotions, habits, disposition, or life of the person operated on. the fallopian tubes are two in number, attached to the upper angles of the uterus, and communicating therewith. each is about five inches in length, and trumpet-shaped at its extremity, which floats free in the pelvic cavity. attached to the margin of this trumpet-shaped extremity, is a number of tentacle-like fringes, the function of which is to embrace the portion of the ovary, where an ovum has matured during or immediately after menstruation. at all other times these tubes are practically unattached to the ovaries. ova may and do mature on the surface of the ovaries, but do not always pass into the fallopian tubes; being almost microscopic, they are disintegrated and reabsorbed. if they do pass into a tube they are lost or fertilized as the case may be. it can be seen that the function and vitality of the ovaries are in no way affected by the tubes. the ovarian function goes on, whether the tubes perform their function of conveyance or not, and if this function can be destroyed, life-long sterility is assured. there is no abdominal operation more simple, rapid and safe, than simple ligature of the fallopian tubes. it may be performed by way of the natural passage, or by the abdominal route, the choice depending on various circumstances. if the former route be taken, there may be nothing to indicate, in some cases not even to a medical man, that such an operation has been performed. the fallopian tubes have been ligatured by kossman, ruhl and neuman for the sterilization of women with pelvic deformities; but all testify to the danger of subsequent abnormal or ectopic pregnancy, and several instances are given. mr. bland sutton relates a case in an article on conservative hysterectomy in the british medical journal. after numerous experiments on healthy tubes, i have found that simple ligature with even a moderate amount of force in tying will cut the tube through in almost any part of its length. the mucous lining is so thrown into folds that its thickness in relation to the peritoneal layer is considerable. because of this, the tube when tied alone is brittle, and a ligature applied to it will very easily cut through, and either allow of reunion of the severed ends or leave a patent stump. in a recorded case in which pregnancy occurred after each tube was ligatured in two places, and then divided with a knife, a patent stump was no doubt left. in order to obviate this danger the peritoneal layer must be opened, and the mucous membrane, which is quite brittle and easily removed, must be torn away for about one quarter of an inch. a simple cat-gut or silk ligature lightly tied would then be sufficient to insure complete and permanent occlusion. nature often performs this operation herself, with the inevitable and irrevocable result, lifelong sterility, with no tittle of positive evidence during life of its occurrence. here are a few examples:--a young married woman has a miscarriage; it is not severe, and she is indiscreet enough to be about at her duties in a day or two, but within a few days or so she finds she must return to bed, with feverishness and pelvic pain. before a month is past she is up and quite herself again. but she never afterwards conceives. what has happened? to the most careful and critical examination nothing abnormal is detected. her general health, her vitality, her emotional and sexual life, her youthful vigorous appearance, all are unimpaired. but she is barren, and why? a little inflammation occurred in the uterus and spread along the tubes. the sides of the tubes cohered, permanently united by adhesive inflammation, and complete and permanent occlusion resulted. the operation of tubo-ligature is an artificial imitation of this inflamatory process. pelvic inflammation, sometimes very slight, following a birth, or the same process set up by uterine pessaries used for displacements, may induce adhesive inflammation in the tubes, and simple and permanent sterility is the incurable result. it is a well known fact that prostitutes are usually sterile, and this arises from the prevalence of venereal disease, which produces gonorrhoeal inflammation of the fallopian tubes, resulting in complete and permanent occlusion. this process could be best imitated, if cauterisation of the tubes were a safe and reliable procedure. an electric cautery passed along the tubes would result in a simple and speedy occlusion. but in the present state of our gynecological knowledge this appears impracticable. we have therefore at our hand, a simple, safe, and certain method of stopping procreation by the sterilization of women by tubo-ligature. this operation would entail no hardship on women. it is so easy, safe and painless, that thousands would readily submit to it to-morrow, to be relieved from the anxiety which a possible increase in their already too numerous families excites. hundreds of women and men to-day are living unnatural lives, because of their refusal to bring children into the world with the hereditary taint they know courses in their own veins. many men are living loose and irregular lives, amongst the easy women of society, because the indiscretion of their youth has damned them for ever with a syphilitic taint, which they could not fail to transmit to their progeny. many virtuous men and women are living a life of abstinence from even each other's society, because their physician has taught them something of the law of heredity. would not all these women readily submit to sterilization? as it produces no mental nor moral, nor physical change, it violates no law, and outrages no sentiment. it is an outrage upon society, and a greater upon an innocent helpless victim to bring a defective into the world; it is a moral act to prevent it by this means. and of all the methods yet suggested or devised, or practised, tubo-ligature is the simplest, most effective, and least opposed to sentiment and prejudice. it will of course be asked:--what about criminals and defective men? let their wives be sterilized. the wife of any criminal would deem it a boon to be protected from the offspring of such a man, so would society. if he is not married, then society must take the risk, and it is not very great. the women who will be his companions will be either sterilized by disease or by tubo-ligature, because they are defectives. this protection from the progeny of defective men, though not absolute, is complete enough for all practical purposes. if all defective women and the wives of all defective men are sterilized, a greater improvement will take place in the race in the next years, than has been accomplished by all the sanitation of the victorian era. chapter xii. suggestions as to application. _the state's humanitarian zeal protects the lives and fosters the fertility of the degenerate._--_a confirmed or hereditary criminal defined._--_law on the subject of sterilization could at first be permissive._--_it should apply, to begin with, to criminals and the insane._--_marriage certificates of health should be required._--_women's readiness to submit to surgical treatment for minor as well as major pelvic diseases._--_surgically induced sterility of healthy women a greater crime than abortion._--_this danger not remote._ the fertility of the unfit goes on unrestrained by any other check, save vice and misery. the great moral checks have not, and cannot have any place with them. but the state is, by its humanitarian zeal, limiting the scope and diminishing the force of these natural checks amongst all classes of the community, but especially amongst the unfit, so that its policy now fosters the fertility of this class, while it fails to arrest the declining nativity of our best citizens. the greater the fertility of the unfit, the greater the burden the fit have to bear, and the less their fertility. the state's present policy therefore, fosters the fertility of the unfit, and discourages the fertility of the fit. this disastrous policy must be changed without delay. the state can arrest the gradual degradation of its people, by sterilizing all defective women and the wives of defective men falling into the hands of the law. mr. henry m. boies in "prisoners and paupers" suggests life-long isolation. he says:--"it is time however that society should interpose in this propagation of criminals. it is irrational and absurd to occupy our attention and exhaust our liberality with the care of his constantly growing class, without any attempt to restrict its reproduction. this is possible too, without violating any humanitarian instinct, by imprisonment for life; and this seems to be the most practicable solution of the problem in america. as soon as an individual can be identified as an hereditary or chronic criminal, society shall confine him or her in a penitentiary at self-supporting labour for life. every state should have an institution, adapted to the safe and secure separation of such from society, where they can be employed at productive labour, without expense to the public, during their natural life. when this is ended with them, the class will become extinct, and not before. then each generation would only have to take care of its own moral cripples and defectives, without the burden of the constantly increasing inheritance of the past. when upon a third conviction the judicial authorities determine the prisoner to belong to the criminal class, the law should imperatively require the sentence to be the penitentiary for life, whatever the particular crime committed." m. boies defines a criminal as one in whom two successive punishments, according to law, have failed to prevent a third offence. if such a criminal is a woman, she should be offered the alternative of surgical sterility or incarceration during the child bearing period of her life; if a man, his wife should be offered this remedy against the procreation of criminals in exchange for her husband, on the expiry of his sentence, or the protection of divorce. no woman in the child-bearing period of life should be released from an asylum, until this operation has been performed. if a man is committed, his wife should have the option of divorce or be sterilized before his release. a central board should issue marriage certificates, after consideration of confidential medical reports upon the health, physical condition, and family history of the parties to a proposed marriage contract. medical officers should be appointed in the various centres of population by the central board, and fees on reports should be paid after the manner of life insurance fees. in fact the life insurance system would serve as a good model, for the establishment of a system of marriage control, and if questions involving a more detailed family history were added to a typical life insurance report form, it could hardly be improved upon, for the purpose of marriage health reports. if upon consideration of the medical report of the contracting parties, in accordance with the law upon the subject, a certificate of marriage were refused, a certificate of sterilization by tubo-ligature, forwarded to the board by a surgeon, should entitle to the marriage certificate. no law should attempt to step in between two lovers, who have become attached to each other by the bonds of a strong affection, lest a greater evil befall both themselves and society. a marriage certificate of health should state the complete family history as well as the physical condition of the parties to a proposed marriage, and such certificates should be issued only by the central board of experts, who would receive the medical reports of its own medical officers. when the principle of artificial sterilization is accepted by the state, the organization necessary to ensure that only the fit shall procreate, will only be a matter of arrangement by experts. one danger looms ahead however if the operative means of producing artificial sterility are popularised. every surgeon of experience knows how readily large numbers of married women encourage surgical treatment for ovarian and even uterine complaints, if they become aware that such treatment is followed by sterility. it is not at all an uncommon thing for women in all ranks of life, to encourage, and even seek removal of the ovaries in order to escape an increase in the family. they become acquainted with persons who have submitted to this operation for ovarian disease, and noting nothing but improvement in their health, attended by sterility, their intense anxiety to enjoy immunity from child-bearing makes them eager to submit to operation. it would be distinctly immoral to sterilize healthy women, who become possessed with the old roman passion for a childless life, or who simply wish to limit their families for any selfish or personal reason. any law which recognizes the induction of artificial sterility should make operative interference with those fit to procreate a healthy stock an offence. induced sterility should rank with induced abortion, and be a criminal offence, except in certain cases which could be defined. there is much evidence to suggest that artificial sterilization may become as a great vice, as great a danger to the state as criminal abortion. artificial abortion, as commonly performed, is a much more dangerous operation than tubo-ligature. of the two operations, any experienced surgeon would readily declare that the latter is the simpler and the safer; the one less likely to lead to unfavourable complications, and the one, moreover, that would leave the subject of it with the better "expectancy of life." anæsthetics and antiseptics have made this comparison possible and true. any surgeon who performs tubo-ligature should be liable to prosecution, unless he can justify his action according to the law relating to the artificial sterility of the unfit. while the law would eventually require to be obligatory, with regard to the absolutely unfit, it would require to be permissive in all other cases. many voluntarily abstain from marriage, because of a strong hereditary tendency to certain diseases such as cancer and tubercle. there must of necessity be many on the border-land between the fit and the unfit, and clauses permitting sterilization under some circumstances would be required. conclusion. in conclusion let us briefly review the whole position taken up in this imperfect study of a great question. . the birth-rate is rapidly and persistently declining. . the food-rate is persistently increasing. . the declining fertility is not uniform through all classes. . the fertility of the best is rapidly declining. . the fertility of the worst is undisturbed. . the policy of the state is inimical to the fertility of its best, and fosters the fertility of its worst citizens. . the infertility of the best stock is due to voluntary curtailment of the family, through sexual self-restraint. . no such-factor does or can obtain as a check to the fertility of the unfit. . the proportion of the unfit to the fit is in consequence annually increasing. . the _future_ of society demands that compulsory sterilization of the unfit should be adopted. . no method ever tried or suggested offers the advantages of simplicity, safety, effectiveness, and popularity, promised by tubo-ligature. . the state must protect itself against the collateral danger of artificial sterilization of its best stock. the highest interest of society and of the individual urgently requires that the size of families be controlled. the moral restraint of malthus (delayed marriage) and post-nuptial intermittent restraint are the only safe and rational methods, that our civilization can possibly encourage, or physiology endorse. these methods must of necessity be peculiar to the best class of people. for the worst class of people, induced sterility, or prohibited fertility, is an absolute necessity, if society and civilization must endure. now what are likely to be the results of, first, the moral methods, and, second, the surgical method of our curtailment. "it does not appear to me," says dr. billings (forum, june, ), "that this lessening of the birth-rate is in itself an evil, or that it will be worth while to attempt to increase the birth-rate merely for the sake of maintaining a constant increase in the population, because to neither this nor the next generation will such increase be specially beneficial." to aristotle, the great advantage of an abundant population was, that the state was secured against invasion by numerous defenders. if we can find no stronger justification for a teeming population than this to-day, we will be forced to agree with dr. billings, that neither to this nor the next generation, is a great increase especially beneficial. but the moral effect of judicial limitation is very great. if men and women can marry young, one great incentive to vice is removed. if married people can bear their children when they can best support them, they will marry when their bodies are matured, and bear their families when their finances are matured. for children well provided for, and educated, and born after full physical and mental maturity in their parents, turn out the best men and women. if the conditions of life are made easy, if ease and comfort are tolerably secured to all, if the strain and stress of life are reduced, if hardship, poverty, and want are reduced to a minimum, the sexual instinct and parental love in human nature, so far unimpaired by any known force, are powerful enough to keep the race alive, and insure a progressive development. the greater the proportion and the fertility of the defective, the less hope for the future. if the fertility of the unfit be reduced to a minimum, not only will many dreadful hereditary diseases be eradicated, but the fertility of the fit will receive a powerful stimulus, because of the great diminution there will necessarily be in the burdens they will have to bear. the advantages of sterility to the unfit themselves will, on the whole, be incalculable. they are self-evident, and need not be dwelt on here. the whole sum of human happiness would in this way be most assuredly increased, and the aim and object of all social reform be to some extent at least, realized. * * * * * _printed by whitcombe and tombs limited_--g transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. [illustration: eugenics hath its own reward] the eugenic marriage a personal guide to the new science of better living and better babies by w. grant hague, m.d. college of physicians and surgeons (columbia university), new york; member of county medical society, and of the american medical association in four volumes volume i new york the review of reviews company copyright, , by w. grant hague copyright, , by w. grant hague * * * * * [i] index of the four volumes note--the roman numerals i, ii, iii and iv indicate the volume; the arabic figures , , , etc., indicate the page number. accidents and emergencies, iv, . accouchement beds, how to prepare, i, . acne, iv, . adenoids, iv, ; how to tell when child has, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . adentitis, acute, iv, ; causes of, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . advice to young wives, iii, . after-birth, expulsion of, i, . after-pains, i, . age at which to marry, iii, . albumen water, ii, . alcohol, in patent medicines, iii, . alcoholic drunkenness, i, ; dr. branthwaite on, i, ; dr. sullivan on, i, . amenorrhea, causes, ii, ; absence of menstruation, ii, ; treatment of, ii, . anemia, severe, iv, ; simple, iv, ; treatment of various forms, iv, . anesthetics, new, iv, ; use of in confinements, i, . angina, iv, . anti-meningitis, serum, iv, . aperient waters, abuse of in constipation, iii, . appendicitis, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . appetite, loss of, ii, ; poor, ii, ; treatment for loss of, ii, . arrest of hemorrhage, iv, . artificial food, ii, ; formulæ for, ii, ; mistakes in preparing, ii, . aseptic surgery, iv, . baby, amusing the, ii, ; bathing the, ii, ; care of eyes, ii, ; care of genital organs, ii, ; care of mouth and teeth, ii, ; care of newly-born, ii, ; care of skin, ii, ; clothing of, ii, ; constipation in bottle-fed, ii, ; food for first year, ii, ; fresh air for, ii, ; how it gets nourishment in womb, ii, ; how long it should sleep, ii, ; how to weigh, ii, ; hygiene and development of, ii, ; intervals of feeding, ii, ; night-clothes of, ii, ; overfeeding the, ii, ; proper way to lay in bed, ii, ; what to prepare for the coming, ii, ; why it cries, ii, . baby's comforter, ii, . bacteria, what happens if we inhale, iii, . barley gruel, ii, . barley water, ii, , . [ii] bath, bran, iv, ; cold, for reducing fever, iv, ; cold sponge or shower, iv, ; during pregnancy, i, ; hot air or vapor, iv, ; hot, iv, ; mustard, iv, ; tepid, iv, ; various kinds of, iv, . bathing, the baby, ii, . bed, proper way to lay baby in, ii, . bed-wetting, iv, . beef juice, ii, . beef or meat pulp, ii, . bichloride of mercury solution, iv, . binder, how to apply, i, . birth, management of, i, . birth-chamber, the, i, . birth marks, i, . bites, dog, iv, . blackheads, iv, . blood, children suffering from poor, iv, ; poor, iv, . boils, iv, . boracic acid, solution of, iv, . bottle-feeding, method of, ii, ; what a mother should know about, ii, . bowels, daily movement necessary, ii, ; how to wash out, iv, ; importance of clean, ii, . boy, building of, ii, ; chancre, the, ii, ; gonorrhea or "clap," ii, ; sex-hygiene for, ii, ; social evil, ii, ; sources of immorality, ii, ; syphilis or "pox," ii, . brain, complications of in syphilis, ii, . bran, as a food, ii, ; bath, iv, ; muffins, recipe for, ii, . branthwaite, dr., on alcoholic drunkenness, i, . bread, ii, . breasts, care of when weaning, i, ; colostrum in, i, ; how long should baby stay at, ii, ; putting baby to after labor, i, . bronchitis, iv, ; chronic, iv, ; diet for, iv, ; drugs in, iv, ; external applications for, iv, ; inhalations for, iv, ; in older children, iv, ; symptoms of in infants, iv, ; treatment of iv, . broncho-pneumonia, acute, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; how to tell when child has, iv, ; treatment of child with, iv, . bruise, or contusion, iv, . burbank, luther, on education, i, . burning clothing, how to extinguish, iv, . burns, and scalds, iv, . calomel, ii, ; how to take, ii, . cancer, in women, iii, ; what every woman should know about, iii, . carron oil, solution of, iv, . castor oil, ii, ; how to give dose of, ii, . catarrh, acute nasal, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . catarrh powders, iii, . cathartics, calomel, ii, ; castor oil, ii, ; citrate of magnesia, ii, ; how to give children, ii, . cereals, ii, . chancre, the, ii, . change of life, conduct during, iii, ; the menopause, iii, ; symptoms of, iii, . cheerful wife and mother, iii, . chicken broth, ii, . [iii] chicken-pox, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . child, the delicate, ii, ; diet of sick, ii, ; most helpless living thing, ii, ; rate of growth of, ii, ; sick, should be in bed, ii, ; washing mouth and eyes after birth, i, . child-birth, i, ; fear of, i, . children, acute intestinal diseases of, iv, ; constipation in, ii, ; hysterical, ii, ; rheumatism in, iv, ; temperature in, ii, ; with whom milk does not agree, iv, . cholera infantum, iv, . chlorosis, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . chronic nasal catarrh, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . circumcision, should it be advised, ii, . citrate of magnesia, ii, ; how to take, ii, . clap, or gonorrhea, ii, . clothing, baby's, ii, . coddled egg, ii, . cold-pack, iv, . colds, catching, iv, . colic, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . colitis, chronic, iv, . colon, irrigation of, iv, . colostrum, uses of, i, . condensed milk feeding, ii, ; objections to, ii, . confinement, choice of physician, i, ; convalescing after, i, ; domestic problem following first, i, ; how to calculate date of, i, ; how to prepare bed for, i, ; lacerations during, i, ; how long woman should stay in bed after, i, ; position and arrangement of bed for, i, ; preparations for, i, ; selection of a nurse, i, ; use of anesthetics in, i, ; what to provide for, i, . confinement chamber, presence of friends in, i, ; presence of relatives in, i, . constipation, ii, ; abuse of cathartics and aperient waters, ii, ; always harmful, ii, ; chief cause of, ii, ; cost of, ii, ; diseases of women and, ii, ; during pregnancy, i, ; in bottle-fed infants, ii, ; in breast-fed infants, ii, ; in girls between and , ii, ; in children over two years old, ii, ; in infants and children, ii, ; lack of bulk in food, ii, ; lack of exercise and, ii, ; lack of water, ii, ; negligence of, ii, ; pregnancy and, ii, ; significance of, ii, ; social exigencies and, ii, ; treatment of, ii, ; treatment of obstinate, ii, . consumption cure, iii, . consumptives, information for and those living with, iii, . contagious diseases, iv, ; conduct and dress of nurse for, iv, ; convalescence after, iv, ; rules to be observed in treatment, iv, ; what isolation means, iv, . contusion, or bruise, iv, . convulsions, iv, ; treatment of child with, iv, . cord, cutting, the, i, ; dressing the, ii, . cough, treatment of, iv, ; nervous or persistent, iv, . [iv] cream, for constipation in infants, ii, . croup, false, iv, ; treatment of false, iv, ; spasmodic, iv, ; treatment of spasmodic, iv, . deaf and dumb, i, . detention, symptoms of, ii, ; treatment of, ii, . desserts, ii, . diarrhoea, inflammatory, iv, ; summer, iv, ; symptoms of summer, iv, ; treatment of inflammatory, iv, ; treatment of summer, iv, . diet, of nursing mother, i, ; of the pregnant woman, i, ; of sick child, ii, ; for constipated child, ii, ; older children, ii, . dinner, the first after labor, i, . diphtheria, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . disease, how we catch, iii, ; tendency to, iii, ; vice and, i, ; of womb, ovaries or fallopian tubes, ii, . disinfecting, clothing and linen, iv, ; mouth and nose, iv, ; sick chamber, iv, . dislocations, iv, . dog-bites, iv, . douche, how to give after labor, i, ; the use of when pregnant, i, . draw-sheet, the, i, . dried bread, ii, . dusting and cleaning, ii, . dysentery, cause of, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . dysmenorrhea, ii, . ear, foreign bodies in, iv, ; inflammation of, iv, ; method of removing foreign bodies, iv, ; treatment of inflammation, iv, . earache, iv, . ears, do not box, iv, ; do not pick, iv, ; let them alone, iv, . eczema, iv, ; of the face, iv, ; rubrum, iv, . education, and the educator, i, ; eugenics and, i, ; dr. c. w. saleeby on, i, ; dr. helen c. putnam on, i, ; havelock ellis on, i, ; herbert spencer on, i, ; luther burbank on, i, ; wm. d. lewis on, i, ; true province of, i, ; what place sex hygiene will find in, ii, ; ella wheeler wilcox on, i, . educational systems, difficulty in devising, i, ; inadequate, i, . efficiency, requisites of, iii, . egg, coddled, ii, ; white of, ii, . ellis, havelock, on education, i, . emergencies and accidents, iv, . enema, high, iv, ; hot, . enteritis, cause of, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . entero-colitis, iv, . enuresis, iv, . environment, i, . eruptions of the skin, ii, . establishing toilet habits, ii, . eugenic clubs, mother's, i, . eugenic idea, the, i, . eugenic principle, i, . eugenics, i, ; definition of, i, ; education and, i, ; and history, i, ; husband and, i, ; marriage and, i, ; motherhood and, i, ; [v] parenthood and, i, ; the unfit and, i, ; what every mother should know about, i, . exercise enough for husband, iii, ; lack of and constipation, iii, . eye, foreign bodies in, iv, ; method of removing foreign bodies from, iv, . fake medical treatment, for venereal diseases, ii, . father and the boy, ii, . fault-finding, iii, . feeble-minded, the, i, ; dr. john punton on, i, ; dr. max schlapp on, i, ; segregation and treatment of, i, . feeding, artificial, ii, ; artificial from birth to twelfth month, ii, ; the delicate child condition which will justify artificial, ii, ; during second year formulæ for artificial, ii, ; how to prepare milk mixtures, ii, ; intervals of, ii, ; overfeeding, ii, ; regularity of, ii, ; what a mother should know about, ii, ; why regularity is important, ii, . felon, run-around, or whitlow, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . female, beginning of, disease, iii, ; chief cause of diseases, iii, ; diseases are avoidable, iii, ; generative organs, ii, ; weakness cures, iii, ; what woman with disease should do, iii, . fermentation, of the stomach, ii, . fertility, conditions which affect women, ii, . fever, cold packs for, iv, ; cold sponging for reducing, iv, ; ice cap for reducing, iv, ; methods of reducing, iv, . finger, biting the nails, iv, . fit, the, only shall be born, i, . fits, iv, . fly, dangerous house, iv, ; to kill, iv, . fomentations, hot, iv, . food, allowable during first year, ii, ; bran as a, ii, ; formulæ for baby, ii, . foodstuffs, iv, . foreign bodies, in nose, iv, ; in throat, iv, . formative period, the, iii, . fraudulent testimonials, iii, . friends, choosing your, iii, ; your husband's, iii, . fruits, ii, . garbage, iv, . gastric indigestion, acute, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . gastro duodenitis, iv, . generative organs, female, ii, . genital organs, care of, ii, . girl, what a mother should tell her little, ii, . glands, swollen, iv, ; treatment of swollen, iv, . gleet, ii, gonorrhea, symptoms of in a man, ii, ; wife infected with, ii, . good health, requirements of, ii, . government investigation of patent medicines, iv, . [vi] habits, of delicate child, ii, . hair, falls out in syphilis, ii, . headache, iv, ; during pregnancy, i, ; remedies, iii, ; treatment of, iv, . heartburn, during pregnancy, i, . hemorrhage, arrest of, iv, ; nasal, iv, . heredity, i, ; and eugenics, i, ; function of education, i, . hiccough, iv, . high school, system fallacious, i, . hives, iv, ; cause of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . home, good housekeeper, iii, ; owning a, iii, ; the ideal, iii, ; what makes the, iii, . honeymoon, the, iii, ; marital relations during, iii, . hot pack, iv, . housefly, dangerous, iv, . housekeeper, what constitutes an efficient, iii, . husband, and home, iii, ; is he to blame, ii, ; the, and eugenics, i, . hysterics, and children, ii, ; treatment of, ii, . ice-cap, for reducing fever, iv, . ileo-colitis, chronic, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . imperial granum, ii, . incontinence, iv, . indigestion, acute gastric, iv, ; acute intestinal, iv, ; symptoms of acute intestinal, iv, ; treatment of acute gastric, iv, ; treatment of acute intestinal, iv, . infants, constipation in bottle-fed, ii, ; jaundice in, iv, ; mortality of, i, ; records of, ii, . infection, direct, iv, . infectious diseases, iv, . inflammatory diarrhea, iv, . influenza, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . injections, oil, ii, . insane, care of, i, . insomnia, during pregnancy, i, . interior organs, complications of in syphilis, ii, . intermittent fever, iv, . intestinal diseases of children, iv, . intestinal indigestion, acute, iv, ; symptoms of acute, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . intestinal worms, iv, . jaundice, catarrhal, iv, ; in infants, iv, ; in older children, iv, . junket, ii, . kelly pad, the, i, . knowledge, two ways of gaining, iii, . labor, after-pains, i, ; beginning of, i, ; clothing during, i, ; conduct during second stage of, i, ; conduct immediately following, i, ; douching after, i, ; first breakfast after, i, ; first dinner after, i, ; first lunch after, i, ; first stage of, i, ; importance of emptying bladder after, i, ; the lochia, or discharge after, i, ; management of, i, ; putting baby to breast after, i, ; second stage of, i, . lacerations during confinement, i, . [vii] la grippe, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . laryngitis, acute catarrhal, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . leucorrhea, cause of sterility, ii, ; in girls, ii, . lewis, wm. d., on education, i, . life and insurance, iii, . lithia water, iii, . lochia, or discharge after labor, i, . lunch, the first after labor, i, . malaria, intermittent fever, iv, ; serum for, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . malformation, ii, . man, building a, ii, . marital relations, when they are painful, iii, ; when they should be suspended, iii, . marriage, and motherhood, i, ; best age for, iii, ; certificate and vice, i, ; certificate, utility of, i, ; evils of early, iii, ; failures in, i, . mastitis, in infancy, iv, ; in young girls, iv, . masturbation, or self-abuse, ii, . meats, medical essentials of good, iii, ; preparation and selection of, iii, . measles, iv, ; complications in, iv, ; koplik's spots in, iv, ; rules of department of health, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . medical, letter brokers, iii, ; reliable advice, iii, . medicine chest, contents of family, iv, . medicine concern run by women, iii, . menstruation, ii, ; irregular, ii, ; painful, ii, ; should not be accompanied with pain, ii, ; symptoms of, ii, ; treatment for painful, ii, ; why it occurs every days, ii, . milk, children with whom it does not agree, iv, ; difference between human and cows, ii, ; mixture, how to prepare, ii, ; peptonized, ii, . mind, training the, iii, . miscarriage, ii, ; after treatment of, ii, ; causes of, ii, ; course and symptoms of, ii, ; what to do when threatened with, ii, ; tendency to, ii, ; womb displacement in, ii, . mosquitoes, regarding, iv, ; rules of department of health, iv, . mother, the cheerful, iii, ; education of the, ii, ; existence of the average, iii, ; what she should know about eugenics, i, ; what she should tell her little girl, ii, ; what she should tell her daughter, ii, . motherhood, eugenics and, i, ; function of, i, ; preparing for, ii, . mothers, eugenic clubs, i, ; girls must not become, ii, . moths, iv, . mouth, how to disinfect, iv, ; sore, iv, ; treatment for ulcers in, iv, ; treatment of sore, iv, . mucous patches, and ulcers, ii, . mumps, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, . mustard bath, iv, . mustard paste, how to make, iv, . [viii] mustard pack, how to prepare and use, iv, . mutton broth, ii, . napkins, sanitary, i, . nasal discharge, chronic, iv, . nausea, during pregnancy, i, . nettle-rash, iv, ; cause of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . night losses, or "wet dreams," ii, . nightmare or night terrors, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . nipples, care of, i, ; cracked, i, ; tender, i, ; treatment of cracked, i, ; what mother should know about bottle and, ii, . normal salt, solution of, iv, . nose, chronic discharge of, iv, ; complications of in syphilis, ii, ; foreign bodies in, iv, . nose-bleeds, iv, . nosophobia, or the dread of disease, iii, . nursery maid, qualifications of, i, . nursing mothers, i, ; diet of, i, ; mastitis in, i, ; nervous, i, . oatmeal water, for constipation in infants, ii, . oat-water, ii, . obstetrical outfits, ready to purchase, i, . oil injections, ii, . oiled silk, iv, ; what it is and why it is used, iv, . orange juice, ii, ; for constipation in infants, ii, . organs, transplanting from dead to living, iv, . otitis, acute, iv, . ovaries, disease of, ii, ; function of, ii, . overeating, ii, ; iii, ; symptoms of, ii, . overfeeding the baby, ii, . parents, and the boy, ii, ; a word to, ii, ; eugenics and, i, . parotitis, epidemic, iv, . patent medicines, and education, iii, ; and eugenics, iii, ; and the newspaper, iii, ; conspiracy against freedom of press, iii, ; dangers of, iii, ; fraudulent testimonials, iii, ; intoxicating effects of, iii, ; government investigation of, iii, ; pure food and drug act, iii, , . patent medicine evil, iii, , ; and the duty of mothers iii, ; what mothers should know about the, iii, . people, two kinds of, iii, . peptonized milk, ii, . physicians, what they are doing, iv, . pimples, iv, . pneumonia, iv, . poultices, iv, . pox, or syphilis, ii, . precautions to be observed, iv, . pregnancy, avoidance of drugs during, i, ; clothing during, i, ; constipation during, i, ; headache during, i, ; heartburn during, i, ; hygiene of, i, ; insomnia during, i, ; minor ailments of, i, ; morning nausea, i, ; sexual intercourse during, i, ; social side of, i, ; undue nervousness during, i, ; vagaries of, i, ; vaginal discharge, i, ; varicose veins, cramps and neuralgia during, i, . [ix] pregnant, few ailing women become, iii, ; conduct of woman, i, ; diet of woman, i, ; mental state of woman, i, ; when woman should first call upon physician, i, . prickly heat, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . principle, differences of, iii, . privy vaults, iv, . procreative function, abuse of, ii, ; iii, . procreative power, period of, ii, . puberty, age of, ii, ; period of in the female, ii, . pulse, rate in children and adults, ii, . punton, dr. john, on feeble-minded, i, . pure food and drug act, iii, , . putnam, dr. helen c., on education, i, . quacks, how they dispose of confidential letters, iii, . quarrel, the first, iii, . quinsy, iv, . race culture, i, ii. radium, iv, . rashes, of childhood, iv, ; other, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . records, infant, ii, . rectal irrigations, to reduce fever, iv, . reproductive organs, changes in, ii, ; function of the, ii, . resolves, making, iii, . rest and recreation, iii, . rest and sleep, iii, . rheumatism, in children, iv, ; treatment of acute attack, iv, ; treatment of tendency to, iv, . rhinitis, chronic, iv, . rice water, ii, . ringworm, of the scalp, iv, . rubbers, practice of wearing needs consideration, iv, . run-around, or felon, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . rupture, iv, . saleeby, dr. c.w., on education, i, . sanitary napkins, how to prepare, i, . santonin, for worms, iv, . scalds and burns, iv, . scalp, ringworm of, iv, ; wounds of, iv, . scarlet fever, iv, ; complications in, iv, ; eruptions, iv, ; measures to prevent spread of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . scarlatina, iv, . scientific dressing, iii, . schlapp, dr. max, on the feeble-minded, i, . self-abuse or masturbation, ii, . self-culture, young wife's incentive to, iii, . serum, anti-meningitis, iv, ; for malaria, iv, . sexual excesses, ii, ; treatment of, ii, . sexual intercourse, during pregnancy, i, . shock, the condition of, iv, . sitz bath, during pregnancy, i, . " ," iv, . skin, care of, ii, ; care of in contagious diseases, iv, ; eruptions of, ii, . sleeplessness, causes of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . social evil, what parents should know about, ii, . solutions, normal salt, iv, ; various, iv, . soothing syrup, iii, . sore mouth, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . [x] sore throat, iv, . sowing wild oats, ii, . spasms, iv, . spencer, herbert, on education, i, . spermatozoa, functions of the, ii, ; the male, or papa egg, ii, . sprains, iv, . sprue, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . stables, iv, . sterility, ii, ; causes of, in women, ii, . sterilizing, food for day's feeding, ii, . stomach, diseases of, iv, ; fermentation of, ii, ; function of the, ii, . stomach bitters, alcohol in, iii, . stomatitis, iv, . story, dr. thomas a., on education, i, . study habit, the, iii, . sullivan, dr., on alcoholic drunkenness, i, . success, attainment of, iii, ; formula of, iii, . summer diarrhea, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . summer diseases of intestines, iv, . surgery, aseptic, iv, . syphilis, or the "pox," ii, . tape worms, iv, . teeth, care of the, ii, ; how they come, ii, . temperature, in children, ii, . thiersch's solution, iv, . thought, bad habits of, iii, ; what is a, iii, . thread worm, iv, . throat, foreign bodies in, iv, ; sore, iv, . thrush, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . thumb-sucking, iv, . tonsilitis: angina, "sore throat," iv, ; treatment of acute, iv, . transplanting organs of dead to living, iv, . tuberculosis, best treatment for, iii, ; facts about, iii, . turpentine stupe, the, iv, . typhoid, how to keep from spreading, iv, ; how to prevent getting, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; vaccine in, iv, . ulcers, in mouth, iv, ; mucous patches and, ii, . vacant lots, iv, . vaccination, method of, ii, ; symptoms of successful, ii, ; time for, ii, ; treatment, ii, . vaccine in typhoid fever, iv, . vapor bath, iv, . varicella, iv, . varicose veins, during pregnancy, i, . vegetables, ii, . venereal diseases, fake medical treatment for, ii, ; ten million victims of, i, . vomiting, of children between feedings, ii, ; significance of after feeding, ii, . washing dishes, iii, . water, drink plenty of, iii, . weaning, i, ; care of breasts when, i, ; menstruation and, i, ; methods of, i, ; rapid, when it is necessary, i, ; when to start, i, . wedding night, its medical aspect, iii, . what to eat and wear in hot weather, iii, . when delays are dangerous, iii, . whey, ii, . whitlow, or felon, iv, . [xi] whooping cough, iv, ; symptoms of, iv, ; treatment of, iv, . wife, her part, iii, ; the cheerful, iii, ; the indifferent, iii, ; what she owes to herself, iii, . wifehood, first weeks and months of, iii, . wilcox, ella wheeler, on education, i, . womb, function of, ii, ; how baby gets nourishment in, ii, ; how held in place, ii, . women, ailing, are inefficient, iii, ; diseases of, iii, ; who don't want children, iii, ; medicine concern run by, iii, ; most popular, iii, ; use of patent medicines in diseases, iii, . work, must be interesting, iii, . working for something, iii, . worms, intestinal, iv, ; round, iv, ; symptoms of tape, iv, ; symptoms of thread, iv, ; tape, iv, ; thread, iv, ; treatment of round, iv, . worry, freedom from, iii, . wound, cleaning a, iv, ; closing and dressing a, iv, ; removal of foreign bodies from, iv, . wounds, iv, ; of the scalp, iv, . x-ray, treatment and diagnosis, iv, . * * * * * volume i * * * * * [xv] table of contents eugenics. race culture chapter i conditions which have evolved the science of eugenics infant mortality--marriage and motherhood--heredity--environment--education--disease and vice--history--summary ... page chapter ii the eugenic idea the value of human life--the eugenic principle--"the fit only shall live"--eugenics and marriage--the venereal diseases--the utility of marriage certificates--the marriage certificates and vice--eugenics and parenthood--the principle of heredity--eugenics and motherhood--eugenics and the husband ... page chapter iii eugenics and education the present educational system is inadequate--opinions of dr. c.w. saleeby, ella wheeler wilcox, luther burbank, william d. lewis, elizabeth atwood, dr. thomas a. story, william c. white, dr. helen c. putnam--difficulty in devising a satisfactory educational system--education an important function--the function of the high school--the high school system fallacious--the true function of education ... page chapter iv eugenics and the unfit the deaf and dumb--the feeble-minded--a new york magistrate's report--report of the children's society--the segregation and treatment of the feeble-minded--what the care of the insane costs--the alcoholic--drunkenness ... page chapter v what every mother should know about eugenics page [xvi] child-birth chapter vi preparations for the confinement the birth chamber--what to provide for a confinement--ready to purchase obstetrical outfits--position and arrangement of the bed--how to properly prepare the accouchement bed--the kelly pad--the advantages of the kelly pad--should a binder be used--sanitary napkins--how to calculate the probable date of the confinement--obstetrical table--when should a pregnant woman first call upon her physician--regarding the choice of a physician--how to know the right kind of a physician for a confinement--the selection of a nurse--the difference between a trained and a maternity nurse--duties of a confinement nurse--the requisites of a good confinement nurse--the personal rights of a confinement nurse--criticizing and gossiping about physicians ... page chapter vii the hygiene of pregnancy daily conduct of the pregnant woman--instructions regarding household work--instructions regarding washing and sweeping--instructions regarding exercise--instructions regarding passive exercise--instructions regarding toilet privileges--instructions regarding bathing--instructions regarding sexual intercourse--clothing during pregnancy--diet of pregnant women--alcoholic drinks during pregnancy--the mental state of the pregnant woman--the social side of pregnancy--minor ailments of pregnancy--morning nausea, or sickness--treatment of morning nausea, or sickness--nausea occurring at the end of pregnancy--undue nervousness during pregnancy--the % baby--headache--acidity of the stomach, or heartburn--constipation--varicose veins, cramps, neuralgias--insomnia--treatment of insomnia--ptyalism, or excessive flow of saliva--vaginal discharge, or leucorrhea--importance of testing urine during pregnancy--attention to nipples and breasts--the vagaries of pregnancy--contact with infectious diseases--avoidance of drugs--the danger signals of pregnancy ... page chapter viii the management of labor when to send for the physician in confinement cases--the preparation of the patient--the beginning of labor--the first pains--the meaning of the term "labor"--length of the first stage of labor--what the first stage of [xvii] labor means--what the second stage of labor means--length of the second stage--duration of the first confinement--duration of subsequent confinements--conduct of patient during second stage of labor--what a labor pain means--how a willful woman can prolong labor--management of actual birth of child--position of woman during birth of child--duty of nurse immediately following birth of child--expulsion of after-birth--how to expel after-birth--cutting the cord--washing the baby's eyes immediately after birth--what to do with baby immediately after birth--conduct immediately after labor--after pains--rest and quiet after labor--position of patient after labor--the lochia--the events of the following day--the first breakfast after confinement--the importance of emptying the bladder after labor--how to effect a movement of the bowels after labor--instructing the nurse in details--douching after labor--how to give a douche--"colostrum," its uses--advantages of putting baby to breast early after labor--the first lunch--the first dinner--diet after third day ... page chapter ix confinement incidents regarding the dread and fear of childbirth--the woman who dreads childbirth--regarding the use of anesthetics in confinements--the presence of friends and relatives in the confinement chamber--how long should a woman stay in bed after confinement--why do physicians permit women to get out of bed before the womb is back in its proper place?--lacerations, their meaning, and their significance--the advantage of an examination six weeks after the confinement--the physician who does not tell all of the truth ... page chapter x nursing mothers the diet of nursing mothers--care of the nipples--cracked nipples--tender nipples--mastitis in nursing mothers--inflammation of the breasts--when should a child be weaned?--method of weaning--nursing while menstruating--care of breasts while weaning child--nervous nursing mothers--birthmarks--qualifications of a nursery maid ... page chapter xi convalescing after confinement the second critical period in the young wife's life--the domestic problem following the first confinement ... page * * * * * [xix] introduction despite the fact that much has been written during the past two or three years with reference to eugenics, it is quite evident to any one interested in the subject that the average intelligent individual knows very little about it so far as its scope and intent are concerned. this is not to be wondered at, for the subject has not been presented to the ordinary reader in a form that would tend to encourage inquiry or honest investigation. the critic and the wit have deliberately misinterpreted its principles, and have almost succeeded in masking its supreme function in the garb of folly. the writer has yet to meet a conscientious mother who fails to evince a reasonable degree of enthusiastic interest in eugenics when properly informed of its fundamental principles. the eugenic ideal is a worthy race--a race of men and women physically and mentally capable of self-support. the eugenist, therefore, demands that every child born shall be a worthy child--a child born of healthy, selected parents. no one can successfully assail the ethics of this appeal. it is morally a just contention to strive for a healthy race. it is also an economic necessity as we shall see. the history of the world informs us that there have been many civilizations which, in some respects, equalled our own. these races of people have all achieved a certain success, and have then passed entirely out of existence. why? _and are we destined to extinction in the same way?_ we know that the cause of the decline and ultimate extinction of all past civilizations was due primarily to the moral decadence of their people. disease and vice gradually sapped their vitality, and their continuance was impossible. [xx] it would seem to be the destiny of a race to achieve material prosperity at the expense of its morality. when conditions render possible the fulfilment of every human desire, the race exhausts its vitality in a surfeitment of caprice. the animal instincts predominate, and the potential vigor of the people is exhausted in contributing to its own amusement. each succeeding civilization has reached this epochal period, and has fallen, victim of the rapacity of stronger and younger invading antagonists, _themselves to succumb to the same insidious process_. the present civilization has reached this epochal--this transition--period. in one hundred years from now we shall either have accomplished what no previous civilization accomplished, or we shall have ceased to exist as a race. our success depends on the response of the people to the eugenic appeal. few appreciate the responsibility involved. it is not necessary, however, to combat or deplore the evils of the past. civilization has failed in the task of race-maintenance; it failed, however, in ignorance. we cannot plead the same excuse. we are face to face with conditions that we must solve quickly or our destiny will be decreed before we apply the remedy. a function of the eugenist is to gather and attest statistics, and to establish conclusions based on these statistics. it has been conclusively demonstrated that, if the race continues to progress as it exists now--that is, if conditions remain the same, and our standard of enlightenment, so far as racial evolution is concerned, does not prompt us to adopt new constructive measures--_every second child born in this country, in fifty years, will be unfit; and, in one hundred years, the american race will have ceased to exist_. we mean by this that every second child born will be born to die in infancy, or, if it lives, will be incapable of self-support during its life, because either of mental degeneracy or physical inefficiency. this appalling situation immediately becomes a problem of civilization. no state can exist under these conditions. if these statistics are reliable--and we know they are true and capable of verification by any individual who will go to the trouble of [xxi] investigating them--it is self-evident that a radical change must immediately be instituted to obviate the logical consequences that must follow as a sequence. the eugenic demand, that "every child born shall be a worthy child," is, therefore, the solution of the problem. this does not imply, however, that the eugenist must solve the elementary problem of how the state will ensure its own salvation by guaranteeing worthy children. worthy children can come only from fit and worthy (clean and healthy) parents. it becomes the imperative function of the state--the function on which the very life of the state depends--to see that every applicant for marriage is possessed of the qualities that will ensure healthy, worthy children. we must, therefore, sooner or later devise a system of scientific regulation of marriage, and it is at this point we stumble against the problem that has prompted the ebullitions of the wit and the sarcasm of the critic. a casual reference to the science immediately suggests to the layman an impossible or quixotic system of marriage by force. even the word "eugenics" is associated in the minds of many otherwise estimable old ladies, and others who should know better, with a species of malodorous free love, and their hands go up in holy horror at the intimation of a scientific regulation of this ancient function. unfortunately, the popular mind has received the impression that this incident constitutes the sum total of the eugenic idea, while the truth is that the eugenist is only slightly concerned with its modus operandi. this feature has been so magnified by widely published disingenuous discussion that it has assumed the aspect of a test problem, a judgment on which shall decide the utility of the science itself. should this decision be unfavorable, it would seem, according to its exponents, that it would not be worth while promulgating the doctrines of the science beyond this point. it is as though we were asked to deny ourselves the inspiration and pleasure of a trip abroad because the morning of the day on which the ship sailed happened to be cloudy. it is certainly no part of the function of the eugenist to uproot [xxii] instinct, or to trample into the dust age-long rights, though the instinct is simply the product of an established habit, based on an erroneous hypothesis, and the so-called rights simply acquired privileges, because the intelligence that would have builded differently was not awakened. eugenic necessity will render imperative the state's solution of this fundamental problem, for the reason that civilization will be driven to demand its just inheritance--the right to exist. the eugenist will not be compelled to open the door; it will be opened for him. we can afford, therefore, to wait with supreme confidence, because the good sense of the people will not always submit to the tactics of the jester when it needs a saviour. the eugenist does not seek to interfere with the liberties of the rising generation: a boy may choose whom he will; the girl may select the one who appeals to her most, and they may enjoy all the vested rights and romance that custom has decreed the lover; but, when they resolve to marry, _the state must decide their qualifications for parenthood_. this must be the crucial test of the future. the life of the state depends on it. the continuance of the race must be the supreme object of all future constructive legislation. we must recognize that "life is the only wealth," and that every other criterion of an advanced civilization must measure its success according to its wealth in worthy parenthood. the eugenist does not even dictate what the test for parenthood shall be. common sense, however, suggests that it will assume some form that will eliminate those physically or mentally diseased. he believes that, when the people are sufficiently educated to appreciate the object in view, they will devise a system that will meet with universal approval. eugenics concerns itself with problems on which the destiny of the race depends. it must not, therefore, be limited to questions relative to mating and breeding. every factor that contributes to the well-being and uplifting of the race, every subject that bespeaks physical or mental regeneration, that aids moral and social righteousness and salvation, and promises a greater social happiness and contentment, has a eugenic [xxiii] significance. so long as there exists an unsupported mother or a suffering child; so long as we rely on hospitals and prisons, penitentiaries and the police, to minister to the correction and regeneration of the unfit and degenerate; so long as we tolerate grafting politicians and deprive the poor of breathing spaces, sanitary appliances, and a hygienic environment; so long as war and pestilence deprive posterity of the best of the race for parenthood; so long as we emphasize rescue rather than prevention, so long must the eugenist strive unceasingly to preach his propaganda of race regeneration. the scope of eugenics is too far-reaching in its beneficent purpose to be fettered by the querulous triflings of the ancient or intellectual prude; nor should it be belittled by the superficial insight of the habitual scoffer. it is not a fantasy nor an idle dream. it is not even an inspiration. the destiny of the race has brought us face to face with conditions unparalleled in the history of this civilization, and the very existence of the race itself may be wholly dependent on the foresight of the minds that have made the science of eugenics possible. a brief consideration of the conditions that actually exist, with which we are face to face, and which certainly justify the existence of a science whose function it should be to demand serious investigation of methods of race regeneration, may help the reader to an intelligent and practical understanding of the tremendous importance of the subject. it has been already remarked that, at the present rate of decrease, the birth-rate will be reduced to zero within a century. if the birth-rates in england, germany, and france should continue to decrease as they have since , there would be no children born, one hundred years hence, in these countries. while we do not assert, and probably none of us believes that either or all of these nations will actually be out of existence in a hundred years--unquestionably because we feel, at least we hope, that our methods will be so changed in that time that the necessary modification will ensure a continuance of the race, nevertheless, the fact remains that _the inevitable result of continuing along present lines will be [xxiv] that, within the period of one hundred years, these peoples will cease to perpetuate themselves_. it is not necessary to enquire closely into the various causes for this unparalleled situation. the falling birth-rate in itself is not the prime cause. even admitting that there are enough babies born, too many of them are born only to die in infancy. we need no further proof of the urgent need for conscientious inquiry, call it by what name you please. the science of common sense is all-sufficient. the seemingly intelligent individual who can only find material for ribaldry in this connection is a more serious buffoon than he imagines. it is apparent that our methods are wrong. any constructive effort to correct them is commendable. when it is stated that per cent. of the american women are unable to bear children, and that per cent. of all the others are unwilling to assume the burden and responsibility of motherhood, we partly realize the gravity of the case. on the other hand, statistics show that the majority of men have acquired disease before they marry, and that a very large percentage of these men convey contagion to their wives. this condition, to a very large extent, accounts for the inefficiency of women as mothers. it is responsible for at least per cent. of the sterility that exists. the effect of this deplorable condition is directly responsible, also, for the ill health that afflicts women and that renders necessary the daily operations of a serious nature that are conducted in every hospital in every city in the civilized world. as a result of the dissemination of this poison, children are born blind, or are born to die, or, if they live, they are compelled to carry all through their helpless lives the stigma of disease and degeneration. it would surely seem that the individual to whom god has given intelligence and a conscience cannot think of these, the saddest facts in human experience, without resentment and humility. _surely the time has arrived when every boy should know, from his earliest youth, that there is here on earth an actual punishment for vicious living as frightful as any that the mind of man can conceive._ [page xxv] when we inquire into the cause of this trend toward race degeneracy, we find that poverty and the inability of the workingman to support large families, luxurious living, and the life of ease and amusement on the part of the women of wealth; the fact that an increasingly large number of women have entered professions that prevent motherhood, and that the number of apartment-houses where children are not wanted are on the increase, all play their part. in this age of intense living, it is not to be wondered at that many shrink from the responsibility of rearing children, and the same conditions that contribute to this decadent ideal intensifies sex-hunger, and it is this dominating passion that tolerates and makes possible the most frightful crime of the age--infanticide. greece and rome paved the way for their ultimate annihilation when their beautiful women ceased to bear children and their men sought the companionship of courtesans. baby contests have demonstrated that only one child in ten was found to be good enough to justify a second examination. in a test examination in the public schools, only eight in five thousand were competent to qualify in all the tests. one of these eight was a chinese boy and another an american-born son of a native greek. of the twenty million school-children in the united states, not less than per cent. need immediate attention for physical defects. while man has been assiduously improving everything else, he has neglected to better his own condition. every animal that man has taken from its native haunts and domesticated, he has efficiently improved. he has even produced more marvelous results by the application of the same principles to the vegetable kingdom. in his haste to civilize himself, however, he has failed to apply the principles that are essential to self-preservation. it is regrettable, also, to know that, while the government has spent many thousands of dollars in sending out literature to the farmers, instructing them how to raise profitable crops and to breed prize horses and pigs, absolutely none of the public money has been used in instructing american mothers how to raise healthy children. [page xxvi] a distinguished insurance expert has proved that there was an increase of nearly per cent. in the mortality from degenerative diseases in the united states between and . the growing prevalence of these diseases indicates a falling-off in the vitality of the race. it means that the diseases of old age are invading the younger ranks. the life extension institute, of new york city, in its recent report, states that "forty of every hundred men and women employed in the wall street district require medical attention; twenty of the forty need it immediately, and ten of the forty must have it to avert serious results." there are from one-quarter to three-quarters of a million of preventable deaths every years in this country. that number of individuals could have been saved with proper care and attention to health in the early stages of disease, or before it gained a start. practically all the diseases that carry business men off prematurely are curable in the early stages. of the percentage of wall street men who need medical attention immediately, most have kidney or heart disease. the others are victims of typical unhygienic habits, such as fast, gluttonous eating, neglect of exercise, too much tobacco and liquor, and bad posturing in the office. the business man considers these trifles, but they count heavily. business efficiency is greatly increased, first, by selecting men physically fit for work, and, second, by keeping them in that condition. there is a tremendous waste from inefficiency constantly going on, due to impaired health. wall street has an astonishing corps of neurasthenics. we need a broader interpretation of the term eugenics, so that we may gain a more sympathetic and tolerant audience. the remedy does not lie in an academic discussion of these problems; to continue the debate behind closed doors will not lead anywhere: the public must be educated to a just appreciation of existing conditions and the remedy must be the product of effort on its part. any condition that fundamentally means race deterioration must be [xxvii] rendered intolerable. the prevalant dancing craze is an anti-eugenic institution, as is the popularity of the delicatessen store. no sane person can regard with complacency the vicious environment in which the future mothers of the race "tango" their time, their morals, and their vitality away. we do not assume to pass judgment on the merits of the dance; we do, however, emphatically condemn the surroundings. the moving-picture shows, vaudeville entertainments, dancing carnivals, the ease of travel, the laxity of laws, the opportunities for promiscuous interviews, all tend to give youth a false impression of the reality of life and to make the path of the degenerate easy and attractive. the history of civilization is, curiously enough, the story of masculine brutality, self-indulgence, and vice. the history of the world also proves that woman's sphere has been to submit patiently and silently to injustice and imposition. _practical eugenics is the first worthy effort in the history of all time to hold men and women responsible for their mode of living._ it is a mighty problem. there is no greater nor more difficult one to be solved. it has taken eons to bring men to the point of questioning their right to do as they please; it will take time to compel them to realize their disgrace and acknowledge their duty. when we consider that there are eighty thousand women condemned to professional moral degradation in the city of london, and that every so-called civilized city on the globe contributes its pro rata share to this army of potential mothers, we begin to appreciate the vastness of the task. eugenics has already accomplished what no other movement has ever accomplished: it has created the spirit that gave birth to the thought of men's responsibility, and it has taught us that the female of the race has rights. we can now speak without fear; the light is no longer hidden. women must realize, however, that they have contributed, and continue to contribute, to race degeneracy. we hear and read much about the double standard of morals. as long as woman are willing to marry their daughters to reformed rakes, providing they have money and social position, [xxviii] so long shall we have a double standard. so long as young society women go into hysterics over pedigreed dogs and horses and then marry men reeking in filthy unfitness for parenthood, mothers cannot expect any other standard of morals. so long as one marriage in twelve ends in divorce, the ethics of the female need enlightenment. we shall not get another standard of morals until women themselves demand it and insist on it. if they lend themselves to breaking down the conspiracy of silence, the women may solve the marriage problem by refusing to marry rakes. we need a more liberal construction of the intent of eugenics in order to clarify the obtuse minds so that its propaganda of education may be easily and justly comprehended. there is no field for speculation in the analysis of right living. it conforms to the law of cause and effect. it is positively concrete in substance. a recital of the life history of jonathan edwards, in comparison with that of the celebrated "jukes" family, emphasises this assumption with a degree of positiveness that is tragic in its significance. jonathan edwards was born in england in queen elizabeth's time. he was a clergyman and he lived an upright life. so did his wife. his son came to the united states, to hartford, connecticut, and became an honorable merchant. his son, in turn, also became a merchant, upright and honored. his son, again, became a minister, and so honored was he that harvard university conferred two degrees on him on the same day; one in the morning and one in the afternoon. this learned man again had a son, and he became a minister. jonathan edwards was his name. now let us see, in , what this one family, started by a man in england who lived an upright life and gave that heritage to his children, produced: , descendants of this man have been traced and identified; were college graduates; were college presidents; were professors; were physicians; were clergymen; were lawyers; were judges; was vice-president of the united states; were army and navy officers; [xxix] were prominent authors; were railroad and steamship presidents; and in the entire record not one has been convicted of a crime. twelve hundred descendants have been traced from the one man who founded the "jukes" family. this record covers a period of seventy-five years; out of these, were professional paupers, who spent an aggregate of two thousand three hundred years in poorhouses; were evil women; were murderers; were habitual thieves; and were common criminals. it has been estimated that this one family was an economic loss to the state, measured in terms of potential usefulness wasted; costs of prosecution; expenses of maintenance in jails, hospitals and asylums; and of private loss through thefts, and robberies, of $ , , in seventy-five years, or more than $ , for each member of the family. _it would seem to be worth while to be well born, after all._ in order to succeed in the regeneration of the race, we must believe that race regeneration is possible, and, that it is worth while. we must preach its principles as we would a religion. the power of knowledge is a mighty lever. we are living in a period of transition, but we are nearer the future than the past. we are told by the average individual that it will be impossible to arouse the public to an intelligent appreciation of the scope of race regeneration. when the writer conceived the happy phrase, "better babies," a few years ago, he builded better than he knew. it has become the slogan of splendid achievement already, and there are a multitude of signs and tokens that the propaganda is established on a sure foundation. if the annihilation of all past civilizations was due to the refusal of its members to breed for posterity, may we not reasonably assume that we have, according to our statistics, reached the same crisis? if this is logical reasoning, and every factor warrants this conclusion, have we not reached the time when the perpetuation of the race is the most serious question of our times? is it not a problem for the enthusiastic and immediate [xxx] support of every statesman, politician, teacher, and preacher alike? can any question be of more importance? what will our marvelous material splendor avail if the race is destined to immediate extinction? we need the assistance of every intelligent citizen, we need most, the awakening impulse of the mothers of the race. we who are alive are responsible for environment and nurture, and we must believe that the purpose to be achieved is of supreme importance. every mother, through the power of knowledge, may become a practical eugenist. it is to aid her in an intelligent appreciation of the practical intent of the science that this work is presented. w. grant hague, m.d. new york city. * * * * * [ ] the eugenic marriage chapter i "nations are gathered out of nurseries." charles kingsley. "to be a good animal is the first requisite to success in life, and to be a nation of good animals is the first condition of national prosperity." herbert spencer. conditions which have evolved the science of eugenics infant mortality--marriage and motherhood--heredity--environment--education--disease and vice--history--summary. there has been evinced during recent years a desire to know something more definite about the science of eugenics. eugenics, simply defined, means "better babies." it is the art of being well born. it implies consideration of everything that has to do with the well-being of the race: motherhood, marriage, heredity, environment, disease, hygiene, sanitation, vice, education, culture,--in short, everything upon which the health of the people depends. if we contribute the maximum of health to those living, it is reasonable to assume that the future generation will profit thereby, and "better babies" will be a direct consequence. we are frequently told that we must take the world as we find it. this has been aptly termed, "the motto of the impotent and cowardly." "life is what we make it," is the more satisfying assertion of the optimist, and most [ ] of us seem to be trying to make existence more tolerable and more happy. it is encouraging to know that intelligent men and women to-day seek an opportunity to devote serious consideration to the betterment of the race, while yet the pursuit of wealth and pleasure are enticing and strenuous occupations. it would be superfluous in a book of this character to enter into any lengthy explanation as to how the science of eugenics proposes to work out its problems. we hope only to excite the interest of mothers in the subject, and to instruct them in its rudiments and principles. it will be of distinct advantage, however, first to briefly consider the conditions,--which are known to all of us,--which have led up to the present status of the subject. infant mortality.--no elaborate argument is necessary to prove that the present infant mortality, in every civilized country, is too high. it is conceded by every authority interested in the subject, no matter what explanation he offers, or what system he advances as a solution of the problem. marriage and motherhood.--every intelligent person knows that most young girls enter into the marriage relationship without a real understanding of its true meaning, or even a serious thought regarding its duties or its responsibilities. we know that their home training in domestic science is generally not adequate, and that their educational equipment is inefficient. we also know that economic necessity has deprived them of the tutelage essential to social progress and physical health, and has endowed them with temperamental characteristics undesirable in the mothers of the race. maternity is thrust upon these physically and mentally immature young wives, and they assume the principal rôle in a relationship that is onerous and exacting. we know that the duties of wife and mother require an intelligence which is rendered efficient only by maturity and experience. we know that many, if not most, young wives acquire habits which undermine their health and their morals unwittingly, and we also know that the product of this inefficiency results in the decadence and the [ ] degeneration of the race. heredity.--much remains inexplicable at the present time regarding this intensely interesting department of science. we do know, however, that its truths are being investigated and tabulated. our present knowledge of its principles has demonstrated the existence of laws from which we can ethically deduce explanations of conditions which were, in the past, not amenable to any classification. these relate to individual and racial characteristics. we are beginning to learn that we can modify these characteristics by proper selection, by environment, and by education. this process will, to an eminent degree, redound to the permanent advantage of mankind. we may reasonably aspire to a system of race-culture which will eliminate the undesirable or unfit, and conserve all effort in the propagation of the desirable or fit. this is a consummation to be desired, and if by any system of eugenics the promise of the future is realized it is deserving of the intelligent interest and the active coöperation of every aspiring mother. environment.--by environment we mean the provision of suitable surroundings in its largest sense. a child to be fit and efficient must be born of selected parentage, the home surroundings must be desirable, the educational possibilities must be advantageous, the sanitary and hygienic conditions must be suitable, opportunities for physical and spiritual culture must be provided, and the state must ensure justice and the right to achieve success. we know that--generally speaking--these conditions do not exist. we know that the dregs of the human species--the blind, the deaf-mute, the degenerate, the imbecile, the epileptic, the criminal even,--are better protected by organized charity and by the state than are the deserving fit and healthy. we know that in the slums thousands of desirable children waste their vitality in the battle for existence, and we know that, though philanthropy and governmental supervision and protection are afforded the deaf, the dumb, the blind and degenerate child, no helping hand is held out to save the healthy and efficient child, who must pay in disease and inefficiency the price of his normality in degrading toil, [ ] in factory and pit, where child labor is tolerated. we need the awakening which is the promise of the eugenist, that these wrongs will be righted, not by the statesmanship which believes that empires are founded and maintained by the power of material might, but by a process which will ennoble selected motherhood and give to every child born its due and its right. education.--the present system of education is one of the great reflections on the intelligence of the human race. one of the greatest of contemporary writers has characterized it as "a curse to modern childhood and a menace to the future." even the humblest of us--who would willingly believe the system efficient, who have no desire to invite criticism as to our opinion--are forced to acknowledge that there is something wrong with the educational system now in vogue. the writer is disposed to believe, however, that the fault is not wholly one of art. the conditions with which education has to contend are essentially hypothetical. it may be that the laws of heredity and psychology, when fixed, will evolve, at least, a more rational and a more ethical hypothesis. so far as eugenics is concerned with education, its limitation is defined and fixed. if the innate ability is not possessed by the child, no system of instruction, and no art of pedagogy, will ever draw it out. when the proper material is supplied by an adequate system of race culture, science may probably supply the requisite complementary data which will ensure an educational system that will really educate. disease and vice.--the eugenic idea is more directly concerned with disease which tends to deteriorate the racial type. the average parent has no means of adequately estimating the significance of this type of disease. it has been estimated that one-half of the total effort of one-third of the race is expended in combating conditions against which no successful effort is possible. think what this means. the struggle of life is a real struggle, even with success as an incentive and as a possible reward. it becomes a tragedy when we think of the wasted years, the hopeless prayers and the anguish of those who fight the battle which is predestined to end in [ ] apparent failure. we are disposed to doubt the justice of the omnipotent mind who created us and left us seemingly alone--derelicts in the eddies of eternity. this is but a finite fault, however. the truth is that the scheme of the universe is unalterable, we are but part of the whole and must share in the evolution of the process. an apparent failure is not necessarily a discreditable one. most lives are failures, if appraised by human estimate. take for example the life of a young wife who marries a man with disease in his blood. she begins her wedded life with certain commendable ideals. she is young, enthusiastic, ambitious, strong, and she inherently possesses the right to aspire to become an efficient home-maker and a good mother. she gives birth to a child, conceived in love, and during her travail she beseeches her creator to help her and to help her baby, as all women do at such a time. her baby is born blind and it is a weak and puny mite. the mother recovers slowly, but she is never the same vigorous and ambitious woman. later her strength fades away, her enthusiasm falters, the home is blighted and seems a desecrated spot. the baby is a constant worry, it is always sick, it needs expensive care and it exhausts the physical remnant of its mother's health. it finally dies and is laid away, not forgotten, but a sad, sad memory. the ailing and dispirited mother is informed that she must submit to an operation if she desires to regain her health, if not to save her life. she returns from the hospital--not a woman--a blighted thing, an unsexed substitute for what once was a happy, sunny, healthy, innocent girl. this is not an overdrawn tale,--it is a true story, a common, every-day story. who was to blame? why were her prayers not heard? why, indeed? one might as well ask why seemingly splendid civilizations decayed into forgotten dust, or why empires rotted away. the answer is the same. history.--from the eugenists' standpoint history is prolific only in negation. a correct interpretation of its pages teaches us that it has not taught the lesson of the "survival of the fittest," but rather the survival of the strongest. that the strongest is not always the "fittest" needs [ ] no commentary. that the fit should survive is the genetic law of nature, and it has been strictly obeyed by biology and humanity when these sciences have adhered to, and have been under the jurisdiction of the natural law. when religious schisms swayed the world, the stronger party, in material strength or in actual numbers, massacred the weaker, which was frequently the fitter from the standpoint of desirability as progenitors of the race. thus posterity was deprived of what probably was the representative, potential strength of generations. at a later date religious schism changed her _modus operandi_ but accomplished the same pernicious purpose, as the following shows: "whenever a man or woman was possessed of a gentle nature that fitted him or her to deeds of charity, to meditation, to literature or to art, the social condition of the time was such that they had no refuge elsewhere than in the bosom of the church. but the church chose to preach and exact celibacy, and the consequence was that these gentle natures had no continuance, and thus, by a policy, was brutalized the breed of our forefathers." when religion was not the dominating power, mankind was ruled by militant tyrants. the non-elect were slaves,--uneducated, uncivilized, debased and diseased. the elect were licentious and indolent. neither class practised any domestic virtues, or respected the institution of motherhood. the process of the selection of the fittest for survival for the purpose of parentage, and for the consummation of the evolutionary gradation, through which the human race is apparently destined to pass, was again in abeyance for a series of generations. in our own times, the fate of nations and the destiny of their people would seem to depend upon the size of the fighting force and the efficiency of the ships we build; our ability to dicker and barter, to gain a questionable commercial supremacy, and the loquaciousness of our politicians. this, at least, is the criterion upon which the modern statesman estimates the quality of present-day civilization. he is not [ ] apparently interested in the story of the ages. the progress of god's supernal scheme through æons of bigotry and darkness neither suggests nor inspires in him a loftier constructive analysis. he is content to leave the destiny of nations to tons of material, tons of men and tons of talk. nowhere do we find any reference to the quality of the blood-stream of the people. nor does it seem to have been discovered by those who wield authority, that the glory of a nation depends upon its brains, not its bulk; nor do they apprehend that the greatness of a people is not in its past history, but in its ever-existing motherhood; and that its battles, in the future, must be fought, not on battlefields, but in its nurseries. when we judge our national worth and wealth by the quality of our maternal material, and estimate our greatness and our glory by the record of our infant mortality, we will have carved an enduring niche in the celestial scheme that will be unchangeable and for all time. there are in britain to-day over a million and a quarter females of marriageable age in excess of the number of marriageable males. a war between britain and germany would unquestionably be the bloodiest war in all history, and it probably would be the last one, because it would only end in the dominance of one power over all the others. if we concern ourselves only with britain--from the eugenic standpoint--who would dare compute the ratio of marriageable females over the males after the war was over? the consequence of such a war on posterity would be tragic. it would mean the annihilation of the fittest for fatherhood for generations. only the unfit would be left from which to begin a new breed. the multitude of females who would necessarily be left unable to participate in the highest function of womanhood would have to be self-supporting. the economic problem would, therefore, have a far-reaching influence and even if solved adequately as an economic problem, it could never be solved satisfactorily as a sociological, or as a problem in eugenics. infant mortality is too high. apart from the statistical proof which [ ] shows it, we may rightly construe as further proof of it, the widespread effort being made in every civilized country in the world to ameliorate the condition. the laws and ethics of marriage are inadequate. its true purpose is frustrated and racial and individual injustice and imperfection are the products of existing conditions. motherhood, in its every aspect is not, and has not in the past, been elevated to the plane which a true estimate of its supreme importance to the race justifies. heredity as a scientific principle is undeveloped, and because of maladministration in past generations, the present generation is endeavoring to do the work, the fruits of which it should be enjoying. environment in its highest sense is impossible because of inadequate laws, imperfect hygienic and sanitary knowledge, incomplete education, vice and disease. if there was not some supremely important, cardinal error somewhere, it is reasonable to suppose that in one or other of the departments of human effort we would have reached the summit of idealism. the state, as an institution, would have evolved a perfection which would enable it to exist as an independent mechanism, complete and ideal in all its ramifications. we have had no such state, however. the highest type of empire has been ludicrously dependent upon the minor exigencies of individual human existence. science would have evolved the superman, but history, as we have seen, has persistently deprived science of the material wherewith to contribute him. the institution of marriage would have been a fixed and an inviolable guarantee of the happiness of the home, but human wisdom has erred and the solution is as yet apparently undiscovered. investigation into every field of human effort shows that the ultimate aim in view, if any, was something other than the welfare of the race, as a race or as individuals. * * * * * [ ] chapter ii "the public health is the foundation on which reposes the happiness of the people and the power of a country. the care of the public health is the first duty of a statesman." lord beaconsfield. the eugenic idea the value of human life--the eugenic principle--"the fit only shall live"--eugenics and marriage--the venereal diseases--the utility of marriage certificates--the marriage certificates and vice--eugenics and parenthood--the principle of heredity--eugenics and motherhood--eugenics and the husband. the eugenist believes the cardinal error of the past has been a failure to recognize the worth or value of human life. in the past human lives have counted for absolutely nothing. as we have seen, each generation has practically deprived posterity of the best of its breed, and we shall see, when we consider the facts which affect the present vitality of the race, that the same preposterous conditions still exist. it is not necessary to waste the reader's time in an effort to prove, simply from an argumentative standpoint, the logic of the eugenic idea. there is no existing economic problem that has established itself so firmly in the hearts of the people who understand it, as has the study of race culture. it is not the subject, but its scope of application, that is new. biologically, we see the manifestations of eugenics on every side. in the flower garden we breed for beauty, in the orchard for quality. in the poultry yard and on the stock farm the same process weeds out the unfit and cultivates the desirable. the value of the eugenic idea is most strikingly illustrated in the cultivation, or breeding, of the horse from a primitive creature into the splendid animals which represent the various types of equine present-day perfection. it has taken generations of the most [ ] painstaking intelligence to understand the traits which had to be evolved in scientific mating to reach the present standard. if the same rules, or lack of rules, applied to the mating of horses as applied to ourselves, there would be few, if any, "thoroughbreds" among them. the principle which we must recognize is that "life is the only wealth." progress and efficiency will be ensured and of an enduring character, when all human effort is consecrated to this fundamental principle as a basic law, and not till then. to cultivate the human race on prescribed scientific principles will be the supreme science of all the future, the object and the final goal of all honest governmental jurisprudence, and the ultimate judge of all true constructive legislation. the eugenic principle the eugenic principle is, that "the fit only shall live." this does not mean that the unfit must die, but that only the fit shall be born. occasionally, as a product of bad environment, or faulty training, or eccentricity, a horse gives evidence of vicious traits, but the scientific breeder never mates him. he is allowed to die out. if he were permitted to father a race, his progeny would develop murderous characteristics that would retard the type for generations. the fit only shall be born.--this implies the exclusion of those, as parents, who are incapable of creating fit children. fit children are children who are physically and mentally healthy. parents who are unfit to create physically and mentally healthy children are those diseased in body or mind, especially if the disease is of the type which science has proved to be transmissible, or which directly affects the vitality of the child. in such a category we place those who are deaf, dumb, blind, epileptic, feeble-minded, insane, criminal, consumptive, cancerous, haemophilic, syphilitic, or drunkards, and those known to be victims of disease of [ ] any other special type. it must not be inferred that the above classification is made arbitrarily. there are many arguments which may be advanced limiting the eugenic applicability of certain of these diseased conditions. these, however, do not directly come within the province of the mother. they may be safely left to special state regulation. we simply make the assertion that no mother would willingly, or designedly, ally her offspring with any member of society afflicted with any of the diseases enumerated. eugenics and marriage.--the eugenic idea, practically applied to the institution of marriage, means that no unfit person will be allowed to marry. it will be necessary for each applicant to pass a medical examination as to his, or her, physical and mental fitness. this is eminently a just decree. it will not only be a competent safeguard against marriage with those obviously diseased and incompetent, but it will render impossible marriage with those afflicted with undetected or secret disease. inasmuch as the latter type of disease is the foundation for most of the failures in marriage, and for most of the ills and tragedies in the lives of women, it is essential to devote special consideration to it in the interest of the mothers of the race. it is estimated that there are more than ten million victims of venereal disease in the united states to-day. in new york city alone there are two million men and women--not including boys and girls from six to twelve years of age--actively suffering from gonorrhea and syphilis. eight out of every ten young men, between seventeen and thirty years of age, are suffering directly or indirectly from the effects of these diseases, and a very large percentage of these cases will be conveyed to wife and children and will wreck their lives. no one but a physician can have the faintest conception of the far-reaching consequences of infection of this character. the great white plague is merely an incident compared to it. these diseases are largely responsible for our blind children, for the feeble-minded, for the degenerate and criminal, the incompetent and the insane. no other [ ] disease can approximate syphilis in its hideous influence upon parenthood and the future. the women of the race, and particularly the mothers, should fully appreciate the real significance of the situation as it applies to them individually. that they do not appreciate it is well known to every physician and surgeon. it is first necessary to state certain medical facts regarding these diseases. they exist for years after all symptoms have disappeared; no evidences exist even to suggest to the patient that he, or she, is not entirely cured. after the germs have been in the patient for some time they lose a certain degree of their virility, and a condition of immunity is established. in other words the tissue ceases to be a favorable medium for the development, or activity, of the germs. if these germs, however, are conveyed to another person, who has never had the disease, or whose tissue is not immune, they will immediately resume their full activity and virulence, and will establish the disease, frequently in its most violent form, in the person so infected. the startling deduction which we must draw from these facts is, that a man may infect his wife, and may thereby be the direct cause of wrecking her entire life, and may, in addition, as a consequence of the infection, cause a child to be born blind, without even remotely suspecting that he is in any way responsible for it. in the light of this knowledge, what is the percentage risk a young girl takes when she selects a husband, remembering that eight out of every ten husbands bring these germs to the marriage bed? reread the true story of the young woman on page five, accept my assurance that there are thousands and thousands of such cases, and ask yourself, who is to blame? we may certainly assure ourselves that no man living would wilfully desecrate his bride. he did not know,--did not even suspect that the disease he had years ago was still in his system. society is to blame--you and i--the laxity of the law is the culprit. had he been compelled to pass a physical examination before marriage he would have been told the truth. it is a notorious fact, that in every civilized city in the world, the number of operations that are daily performed on women, is increasing [ ] appallingly. every surgeon knows that nine-tenths of these operations are caused, directly or indirectly, by these diseases, and in almost every case in married women, they are obtained innocently from their own husbands. it is rare to find a married woman who is not suffering from some ovarian or uterine trouble, or some obscure nervous condition, which is not amenable to the ordinary remedies, and a very large percentage of these cases are primarily caused by infection obtained in the same way. when a girl marries she does not know what fate has in store for her, nor is there any possible way of knowing under the present marriage system. if she begets a sickly, puny child,--assuming she herself has providentially escaped immediate disease,--she devotes all her mother love and devotion to it, but she is fighting a hopeless fight, as i previously explained when i stated that one-half of the total effort of one-third of the race is expended in combating conditions against which no successful effort is possible. even her prayers are futile, because the wrong is implanted in the constitution of the child, and the remedy is elsewhere. these are the tragedies of life, which no words can adequately describe, and compared to which the incidental troubles of the world are as nothing. so long as these conditions exist need we not tremble for the future of the race? is not this future welfare a personal issue, or can we trust the future of our daughters to the same indiscriminate fate that has written the pages of history in the past? this problem has been debated from every possible angle without our reaching any seemingly practical solution. the promise of emancipation, however, came with the dawn of eugenics. it is the only solution that gives promise of immediate and reasonable success. for that reason alone it should receive the active support of every good mother in all lands. the utility of marriage certificates.--there would seem to be no question as to the utility of marriage certificates. we must remember, however, that there is a distinction between marriage and parenthood, and that [ ] eugenics is concerned only with parenthood. it is interested in the institution of marriage to the extent only that it may, by some system of regulation, be a positive and fixed factor in the production of exclusively healthy children. the eugenist demands fit children. if society can ensure fit children, as a consequence of any marriage system which may or may not include medical certification, the eugenic aim is fully met. at the present time the giving of a marriage certificate, which is really a permit to marry, would seem to be the most practical way promptly to accomplish the eugenic purpose. we should promptly question the honor of any prospective husband disposed to evade the examination simply because he was not compelled to obey by a legislative enactment. we believe that when the public is educated to the truth and intent of eugenics, there need be no compulsory examination. men and women will, of their own accord, desire to know if their marriage will jeopardize the race. there will be questions of heredity to elucidate, questions of inherited insanity, poison taints, of blindness and deafness, or it may be of drunkenness. further, marriage certificates, or permits, must be considered in regard to the future conduct of those to whom we refuse permits to marry. a refusal of the permission to marry will not change the desire to marry. many, of course, to whom a permit is refused, will accept the situation, will be thankful to be possessed of the knowledge of their incompetency in order that they may seek medical aid. these individuals will remain under medical supervision until their ailments are cured and their competency established. in this way the eugenic aim is materially furthered. others may not abide by the decree which forbids marriage. it would wholly defeat the eugenic idea if the unfit children were to continue to be born illegitimately. these individuals will comprise the few--probably the present unfit members of society--and the final solution of the matter must remain a question of education and evolution. when public opinion is educated to the degree necessary to establish a system of eugenic self-protection, we shall be provided with a race of children whose [ ] culture will achieve the ideal of parenthood by a process of education rather than legislation. the marriage certificate and vice.--if a prenuptial examination were made compulsory there is no doubt of the very prompt and salutory effect it would have on present-day vice. it has often been said that "you cannot legislate virtue or sobriety into a people." we are familiar too with the maxim that "you can lead a horse to the well, but you cannot make him drink." you can lead a horse to the well, however, and lo! he drinks. if you lead him at the right time he will always drink. if we legislate at the psychological moment we can legislate virtue and sobriety into a people. a very large percentage of existing vice is the immediate product of ignorance, and the larger percentage of the remainder is the result of propinquity and the idea that it will never be found out. very little of it is the outcome of innate degeneracy. it is an acquired degeneracy we must guard against, and that is the special educational motive of eugenics. young men will be taught the truth about vice, and if they have been victims in the past, they will willingly submit themselves to a _competent_ investigation of their fitness for marriage. if they are still pure, the desire to remain so, in order to be eligible for parenthood, will guard them against the risk of contamination. this will not only result in a distinct improvement of the moral tone, but the potential possibilities to posterity will be incalculable. legislation might therefore be the vehicle through which eugenic education could enlighten and evolve a fit race. eugenics and parenthood if the supreme end is a better race we must recognize that the great need for society to-day is to educate for parenthood. history teaches that a civilization that dissipates its virility in profligacy or spends its energy in political and commercial trickery, and gives no thought to the character of the men and women it produces, is destined to total failure. parenthood and birth--in these we have the eugenic instruments of the [ ] future. the only permanent way to cure the ills of the world is to prevent the multiplication of people below a certain standard. the elevation and the actual preservation of the race depends upon rendering it impossible for the unfit coming into existence at all. in other words the unfit or unworthy must be rejected, not necessarily as individuals, but as parents. eugenics is allied to the principle of heredity,--the principle that enables us to modify conditions so as to ensure the right children being born. the propaganda against infant mortality is directed only toward the provision of a good environment,--so that children, when born, may survive and attain the maximum of their hereditary promise. the two campaigns are essentially complementary. the one applies only before birth, the other after birth. the statistics of infant mortality unfortunately show that it is not a process that extinguishes the unfit only. the healthy succumb to unfavorable environment and it was to amend this condition that the campaign against infant mortality was undertaken. the two campaigns appeal to the same creed: that parenthood is the supreme function of the race, that it must not be indifferently undertaken; that it demands the most careful preparation; that it is a duty which can only be carried out eugenically by the highest attainable health of body and mind and emotions. eugenics and motherhood.--any plan or scheme which has for its object race regeneration must concern itself with the health, the education, and the psychology of woman; the environment which shall surround her period of motherhood, and her selection of the fathers of the future. society must safeguard her in all her relations. the race to-morrow are the babies of to-day. the wealth of a nation therefore is the type of baby that will constitute its civilization from generation to generation, and absolutely nothing else counts. we hear much about race suicide, but is it not monstrous to cry for more babies when we do not know how to keep alive those we have? it is a fact that everywhere the birth rate of the caucasian people is on the decline. our birth rate as a whole, however, is ample;[ ] it is the death rate that is significant and appalling. when we remember that one-third of all the babies born die before they reach the age of five years; and that the deaths of babies under one year of age comprise about one-fourth of the total death-roll; and that fully one-half of all these deaths are needless and unnecessary, wherein is the wisdom of working for a higher birth rate if it is merely that more may die? the majority of babies are born physically healthy, but because of our destructive process, we proceed to annihilate hundreds of thousands of them yearly, and because of defective environment and education we render thousands of others, including the fit and unfit, inefficient and incompetent as propagating factors. it is to remove this disastrous stigma on our intelligence that we have been forced to study the conditions which the eugenic idea represents. when these principles are understood and believed, and when they are acted upon, infant mortality will cease to exist. it was the design of the creator that human motherhood should be an exalted occupation. he placed in her care to nurture and to love, the most helpless living thing. few have regarded a baby from this viewpoint and fewer still understand its supreme significance. that it is the most utterly helpless thing possessing life is a self-evident fact, and that it should be destined to be king of all mammalian tribes as well as lord of all the earth is a superlative paradox. because of its utter inability to care for itself it is more in need of care than any other representative of the animal world. it is not only in need of immediate care, but it demands care longer than the young of any other species. it stands to reason, therefore, that the function of motherhood must be reckoned with in any scheme of race regeneration; that it must be provided with the most favorable environment; and that it must be relieved of any condition which would materially retard the meeting of the obligation to its fullest possible extent. in an ideal eugenic sense the state must ensure sustenance to those deprived of ample food and raiment, and [ ] science must continue to solve the problem of a fitter sanitary and hygienic environment for the congested and densely populated zones of habitation. philanthropy must not continue to be wholly misdirected, it must extend its aid to the deserving healthy and fit, as well as to be exclusively the protecting agency of the diseased and unfit. if life is the only wealth, and the preservation of childhood the highest duty of society and the state,--which it would seem to be, since the continuance and preservation of the race is obviously essential to the continuance of the state itself,--the life of every child must be considered an economic as well as a moral trust. if, therefore, every child is sacred, every mother is equally sacred. if every child is to be cared for, every mother must be cared for. if the state cannot afford to provide for what is imperatively essential to its own continuance, it might as well go out of existence, as it inevitably will in the end on any other basis, and as all preceding states have done. mothers must not be dependent upon their children's labor for their maintenance, because if children are compelled to work, they will not be able to work in the future,--and adult efficiency is necessary to the well-being of the individual, the race, and the state. no mother should work, because in the care of her children she is already doing the supreme work. the proper care of children is so continuous and exacting a task, and of such importance to posterity, that it must be regarded as the highest and foremost work--and adequate in itself--and its efficiency must not be hampered by mothers having to do anything else. motherhood must not be financially insecure, because this would defeat its eugenic purpose. society, therefore, as a matter of self-preservation, must ensure to woman her mental and economic security. civilization's margin is large enough to provide this. we spend large amounts on luxuries and evils which are contrary to the genesis of self-preservation, while motherhood is its basic necessity. when public opinion is educated in the essentials of eugenics much of this can be, and will be diverted to a nobler purpose. the total cost necessary to ensure the adequate care of dependent [ ] motherhood would be a mere fraction of the national expenditure, and not a tithe of what we spend in pension allowances yearly. the latter is regarded as an honorable debt and is at best the direct product of a decadent ideal, while motherhood constitutes the very germ of the only altruistic idealism for all the future. we concede, therefore, that the children and the mothers must be provided for, not only as a product of the true construction of the ethics of sociology, but in obedience to the fundamental law of a moral system of eugenics. we must go further and assert that children must be cared for through the mother. it has been the practice to divorce the improvident mother from her dependent children. this has been demonstrated to be not only an altruistic fallacy. it has proved to be an economic blunder. there is another type of evil which largely menaces the eugenic ideal of motherhood. it is those cases where married women who have children are compelled to be the bread winners of the family as well as its mothers. no woman can earn support for herself and children outside of her home and competently assume the responsibilities of motherhood at the same time. whatever aid a mother renders to the state, as a result of effort in factory or shop, is of infinitely less value, from an economic standpoint, than her contribution as mother in caring for her own children in her own home. a careful study of infant mortality, and the conditions of child life, so far as survival value is concerned, condemns in the strongest and most vital sense this whole practice. the preservation of the race is the essential requisite, and it is the vital industry of any people. any seeming economic necessity which destroys that industry is one that will contribute largely to the downfall of the people as a race. eugenics and the husband.--the question of the husband's moral and parental obligation, as dictated by the marriage institution and constitution, may be left out of this discussion. we may assert, however, that we do not believe the eugenic principle intends, in devising ways and means for [ ] the adequate protection, in its completest sense, of motherhood, to relieve the father of any of his moral or parental obligations. these obligations will be justly defined, and as previously stated, will be the subject of special state legislation. no legislation of an economic character can detract from the performance of a moral obligation, and by no process of sophistication can modern statesmanship accomplish the dethronement of motherhood. the duty of the father is to support his children and the mother of his children, and the duty of the state is to see that this is done. the fundamental law of the eugenist must be to recognize that fatherhood is a deliberate and responsible act, for which a fixed accountability must be maintained. whatever legislation is undertaken in this connection must be with the object in view of strengthening the efforts of the right kind of father and husband, and of rendering more difficult the path of the irresponsible father and husband. if the supreme duty of a state is the maintenance of justice, its whole effort in the future will be to legislate in harmony with the eugenic principle. * * * * * [ ] chapter iii "i hope to live to see the time when the increased efficiency in the public health service--federal, state and municipal--will show itself in a greatly reduced death rate. the federal government can give a powerful impulse to this end by creating a model public health service." ex-president taft. eugenics and education the present educational system is inadequate--opinions of dr. c. w. saleeby, ella wheeler wilcox, luther burbank, william d. lewis, elizabeth atwood, dr. thomas a. story, william c. white, dr. helen c. putnam--difficulty in devising a satisfactory educational system--education an important function--the function of the high school--the high school system fallacious--the true function of education. the fundamental law of eugenics demands that all education be exerted for parenthood. we have proved that the child is not only essential to the life of the state, but is the state. consequently any function other than parenthood is a non-essential so far as organic existence is dependent upon it. education can, therefore, have no higher or more righteous motive than as a contributory agency in the perpetuation of the function upon which all existence depends. if the only function of education is to make one a worthy citizen, or to make him, or her, self-supporting, or able to bear arms in defense of his country, rather than a perfect link in the complete chain of enduring life, its purpose is being perverted. it is not sufficient to provide a girl, for instance, with an exclusive environment which regards her simply as a muscular entity, as is the tendency in some of the "best" girls' schools to-day; nor to fit her as a domestic or society ornament; nor must she be regarded simply as an intellectual machine, as is done under the system styled "the higher education of women." any one of these is an example of misdirected excess and is [ ] only part of the whole. none of these systems strives to develop the emotional side of the complex female character, and any educational system which ignores the emotions is not only inadequate but reprehensible in the highest degree. the ideal which will strive for education for ultimate parenthood will more completely solve the question of complete (eugenic) living. the present educational system is inadequate.--there is no question that education, as conducted at the present time, is one of the most disastrous institutional fallacies of modern civilization. in support of this contention, we are prompted to quote at length from various authorities bearing on this subject. dr. c. w. saleeby, an international authority on education, writes as follows: "a simple analogy will show the disastrous character of the present process, which may be briefly described as 'education' by cram and emetic. it is as if you filled a child's stomach to repletion with marbles, pieces of coal and similar material incapable of digestion--the more worthless the material the more accurate the analogy--then applied an emetic and estimated your success by the completeness with which everything was returned, more especially if it was returned 'unchanged,' as the doctors say. just so do we cram the child's mental stomach, its memory, with a selection of dead facts of history and the like (at least when they are not fictions) and then apply a violent emetic called an examination (which like most other emetics causes much depression) and estimate our success by the number of statements which the child vomits onto the examination paper--if the reader will excuse me. further, if we are what we usually are, we prefer that the statements shall come back 'unchanged'--showing no sign of mental digestion. we call this 'training the memory.' the present type of education is a curse to modern childhood and a menace to the future. the teacher who cannot tell whether a child is doing well without formally examining it, should be heaving bricks, but such a teacher does not exist. in berlin they are now learning that the depression caused by these [ ] emetics (examinations) often lead to child suicide--a steadily increasing phenomenon mainly due to educational overpressure and worry about examinations. "short of such appalling disasters, however, we have to reckon with the existence of this enormous amount of stupidity, which those who fortunately escaped such education in childhood have to drag along with them in the long struggle towards the stars. this dead weight of inertia lamentably retards progress. "if you have been treated with marbles and emetics long enough, you may begin to question whether there is such a thing as nourishing food; if you have been crammed with dead facts, and then compelled to disgorge them, you may well question whether there are such things as nourishing facts or ideas." the gifted writer, ella wheeler wilcox, in an editorial in the _new york american_, expressed herself recently in the following terms: "a wave of dissatisfaction is sweeping over the country regarding our school system. and eventually this will cause a change to be made. the larger understanding of mothers regarding education will result in the personal element entering into the training of children. "when women have a voice in the affairs of the nation there will be more teachers, larger salaries, fewer pupils in each department, and more attention will be given to the temperaments and varying dispositions of children by their instructors. "instead of regarding the little ones who enter public schools as machines which must be taught to go according to one rule, each child will be studied as a threefold being, and his mind, body and spirit will be cared for and developed according to his own peculiar needs. all this will come slowly, but it will come. "before children enter the public schools there should be a great sifting process under the direction of a national board of scientific men. the brain equipment of each child, the tendencies given it at birth, should be tested; then the nervous, hysterical and erratic minds ought to be [ ] placed in a school by themselves, under the care of men and women who know the law of mental suggestion. "quiet, loving, wholesome rules, followed day after day and month after month, would bring these children out into the light of self-control and concentration. the hurried, crowding, exciting methods of the public schools are disastrous to fully half of the unformed minds sent into the intellectual maelstrom which america provides under the name of public schools. "for the well-born, normal-minded, healthy-bodied child, who has wise and careful guardians or parents to assist in his mental guidance, the public school forms a good basis on which to build an education. for the average american child of excitable nerves and precocious tendencies, it is like deep surf swimming for the inexperienced and adventurous bather. "the great foundation of education--character--is not taught in the public schools. there is no systematized process of developing a child's power of concentration; there is not time for this in the cramming process now in vogue and with the enormous pressure placed on teachers. no teacher can do justice to more than fifteen children through the school hours. in many of our public schools there are fifty and sixty children under one instructor. this is fatal to the nervous system of the teacher and deprives the pupils of that personal sympathy which is of such vital importance." luther burbank, the famous california horticulturist, declares that the great object and aim of his life is to apply to the training of children those scientific ideas which he has so successfully employed in working transformation in plant life. in an editorial, entitled, "teaching health," the _new york globe_ states, "anatomy and physiology are reasonably exact sciences, and nine-tenths of the hygienic abuses against which the doctors are preaching would be prevented if the laity had an elementary knowledge of physiology. such an educational reform could be carried out without causing any clash whatever between the warring medical sects." [page ] william d. lewis, principal of the william penn school, philadelphia, in an article entitled: "the high school and the girl," in a recent issue of the _saturday evening post_, wrote in part as follows: ... "the first thing that society wants of our girl is good health. this is the first essential for her efficient service and personal happiness in shop, office, store, school or home. the future of the race so far as she represents it, depends upon her health. what is the high school doing to improve the girl's health? in the overwhelming majority of cases absolutely nothing. on the other hand, it is subjecting her to a regimen planned for boys, without the slightest consideration of the physical and functional differences between the sexes. "it pays no attention to the curvature of the spine developed by the exclusively sit-at-a-desk-and-study-a-book type of education bequeathed to the girlhood of the nation by the medieval monastery: it ignores the chorea, otherwise known as st. vitus' dance developed by overstudy and underexercise; it disregards the malnutrition of hasty breakfasts, and lunches of pickles, fudge, cream-puffs and other kickshaws, not to mention the catch penny trash too often provided by the janitor or concessionaire of the school luncheon, who isn't doing business for his health or for anybody else's; it neglects eye-strain, unhygienic dress, uncleanly habits, anemia, periodic headaches, nervousness, adenoids, and wrong habits of posture and movements.... if you believe that the high school is a social institution with a mission of public service, regardless of the relation of that service to latin or algebra, then you must agree that it should look after what everyone recognizes as the foremost need of the adolescent girl. "one fact that every educator in both camps knows is that the home is not attending to the health of the adolescent girl. this problem is pressing upon us now largely because of the revolutions in living conditions that has come within the last quarter of a century." in a report of a recent conference on the conservation of school [ ] children held at lehigh university by the american academy of medicine, the following items appear. four great reasons why medical inspection in schools is needed were brought out by dr. thomas a. story of new york, who spoke from the educator's standpoint: "the first reason is concerned with communicable diseases, and the second with remediable incapacitating physical defects. it was reported in that over twenty per cent. of the children in the schools of new york city had defective vision, and over fifty per cent. had defective teeth. these defective conditions are amenable to treatment whereby the functional efficiency of the pupil is improved. he is capable of better work and the school efficiency is advanced. "the third reason is concerned with irremediable physical defects. the cripples, the deformed and the delinquents whose incapacitating defects are permanent should be found and classified. this enables special instruction and opens up educational possibilities otherwise unattainable, besides removing retarding factors in the progress of the normal pupil. "the fourth reason is concerned with the development of hygienic habits in the school child, and through the child, of the community. medical inspection which influences the health habits of the masses is a matter of supreme importance. the teacher will have pupils of cleaner habits and healthier, with fewer interruptions and disturbances from absences. "to make medical inspection successful physical examinations should uncover the anatomic, physiologic, and hygienic conditions. every piece of advice given to a pupil that can be followed up should be followed up and the result recorded. no system of medical inspection in schools can be complete and permanently successful which does not eventually educate the parent and child to a sympathetic and coöperative relationship with the system. medical inspection is a force working for a better general education in personal hygiene and should coördinate with the class room instruction. hence it must be a system in sympathetic relationship with the general [ ] management of the school, and should be under the same responsible control. since it is an educational influence and so directly related to the success of the school, it ought to be a part of the school organization." a paper was read by dr. helen c. putnam of providence, r. i., on "the teaching of hygiene for better parentage." she said: "life is a trust from fathers and mothers beginning before history; to be guarded and bettered in one's turn, and passed along to children's children. a definite conception of this trust is essential to right living. educators are finding that well directed correlation of human life, with phenomena of growing things in school gardens and nature studies, develops a wholesome mental attitude. since tens of millions of our population have only fractions of primary schooling, there is where the teaching must begin. these primary years are the time to lay foundations before a wrong bias is established. "education for parenthood cannot be completed at this early age. the strategic years for making it most effective are from sixteen to twenty-four, when home-making instincts are waking and strongest. we have , , young people of these ages in no schools, and eligible for such instruction. all state boards of education were recently petitioned by the american association for study and prevention of infant mortality to urge the appointment of commissions on continuation schools of home-making, to investigate conditions and needs in their respective states and to report plans for meeting them effectively through such continuation schools or classes." difficulty in devising a satisfactory educational system.--it will be observed that each of these authoritative writers criticises the system of education now in vogue. the criticism is not, nor could it justly be, specialized. it is simply an expression, from different viewpoints, of the feeling that we are not doing ourselves justice as yet, we are groping after something better. it may be, as i have previously stated, that no[ ] satisfactory system of education will be evolved until the laws of kindred sciences, which have organic relationship to what we understand as education, are fixed and better understood. we are just beginning to appreciate the true meaning of environment. we know little about heredity, but enough to appreciate its vital importance. psychology is a realm of much hope, but we have only tasted of its surface promise and know little of the mysteries it may unfold. eugenics, the infant giant of science, promises to establish the race on an enduring foundation. these sciences have laws which we do not yet understand; they relate to that part of human evolution which mind dominates. the quality of the mind's dominion depends upon the mind's education and environment, and since the laws of these sciences, upon which a perfect system of education depends, have not been revealed, it is quite evident that all past systems of education have been more or less deficient. it is further evident that evolution has suffered as a result of the mind's imperfect education,--a condition that is manifest all around us. it must be appreciated, however, that we are discussing a large subject. if we understood all there is to know about environment; if we knew the laws of heredity, and psychology, and eugenics, and then could apply them, and educate the product of this combination of forces, we would be very near to the super-man. one must have a sober mental horizon to evolve the picture which would be the product of the above solution and then to estimate its meaning on human happiness and progress. we are approaching the ethics of right living,--of justice and truth,--the divine in man. at no time in the history of man has civilization been so near a solution of life's supreme problem as at the present moment. education is an important function in life's scheme, and while we may regret that it is not possible to formulate a system that would be perfect and capable of immediate application, we can continue to work patiently and hopefully, with assurance that in the near future the problem will be satisfactorily solved. when heredity, psychology, and eugenics combine [ ] to dictate the system, we shall doubtless find, that, in the beginning, it will be a system of individualization. in the interest of health and of justice, and consequently of efficiency, this would seem to be the natural and the logical lead. so long as human nature is as it is, we must meet conditions as they exist. we know as parents, and some of us know as physicians, that a task easily performed by one individual, without any apparent harmful results, will tax the capacity of another individual to the very utmost. any educational system which does not recognize this law, is vicious. yet such is the system in vogue to-day in america. we must adapt the burden to the endurance of the pupil. the administration of an educational machinery must solve this problem from the individual standpoint. in the departmental work in our public schools there seems to be no system. each teacher prescribes home work without any knowledge of what others of the same grade do, and without any apparent consideration in favor of the individual pupil. the result is that the total amount for each night is absurdly in excess of the capacity of the ordinary, or for that matter the extraordinary, pupil. this engenders nervousness and irritability, and is contrary to the ethics of education,--the fundamental law of which should be the preservation of good health. we must have regard for the physical and mental health of each pupil, and as the capacity of each pupil is different, the system is committing an egregious wrong by sacrificing the weaker instead of adapting the burden according to the strength and endurance of the bearer. the high school system fallacious.--even the high schools do not seem to be wisely availing themselves of their opportunity from the eugenic or economic standpoint. according to the report of the commissioner of education of the united states the percentage of pupils studying some of the more important subjects in the year - is stated as follows:[ ] latin, french and german per cent. algebra and geometry " " english literature " " rhetoric " " history " " domestic economy,--including sewing, cooking and household economies " " if only barely four per cent. of the girls in our high schools are studying subjects which directly contribute to their efficiency as home-makers, what are the prospects for worthy parenthood in the light of the fact that seventy-five per cent. of all women between the ages of twenty and twenty-four are married? the function of the high school, so far as girls are concerned, is to conserve health, to train for domestic efficiency and motherhood, and if necessary for economic independence. it must also furnish the stimulus for mental culture and direct a proper aspiration for social enlightenment. the curriculum should include biology, hygiene, psychology, home beautifying, the story-telling side of literature, music and a few other studies tending to make woman more like woman than she is to-day. when we have this, teaching for mothercraft will be more nearly realized. from the eugenic standpoint the present system of education is not satisfactory. to attain our end it is essential to devise other means of education. it must be remembered, however, that no system of education alone can ever enable us to achieve our end, no matter how perfect the system may be. education can only draw out what is in the child; it cannot draw out what is not there. what the child is, depends upon its heredity. the pedagogic ability of the school-master will never make a genius. a child's mind may be likened to a block puzzle, each block representing a part of a picture, which can only be completed when they are all arranged in their correct places. each block is an ancestral legacy,--the child's heritage--and to find its proper place in order to complete the [ ] character picture--to solve the riddle of the jumbled blocks,--is the duty of the educator. he can only manipulate what is there, and the test of his system will depend upon his ability to solve the puzzle of the ancestral blocks. we must divorce ourselves from the idea that a child's mind, at the beginning, is an empty space, to be filled in with knowledge according to the ability of the teacher; or that it is like a sheet of paper, to be written upon. education, and the educator, is absolutely limited to "drawing out" what heredity put there. education frequently is given credit which rightly belongs to nature. a child cannot do certain things until nature intends that it should. a baby cannot possibly walk until the nervous mechanism which controls the function of walking is developed. many children walk at the first attempt, simply because they did not make the first attempt until after nature had perfected the mechanism and the innate ability to walk was already there. suppose we tried to teach that baby to walk a month before nature was ready; each day we patiently coax it to "step out," we guide it from support to support, and we protect it from stumbling. some day it walks, and we congratulate ourselves on the victory, when as a matter of fact, we not only had nothing to do with it but were impertinent meddlers, not instructors. nature was the teacher and she was quite capable of completing the task without our aid. it is reasonable also to assume that any effort to force a natural function is quite likely to do much harm. we have found this to be so in various departments of education when the system was wrongly conceived. in physical culture this principle has been demonstrated over and over again. if our ancestral legacy is a good one, our picture blocks will be numerous and it will be possible for the proper system of education, aided by a suitable environment, to arrange them into many designs. if, on the other hand, our heredity did not endow us abundantly the number of our picture blocks may be limited to three or four, and they will be easily arranged so as to form a simple picture. the one represents a child whom heredity has richly endowed, the other one whom it has meagerly supplied with innate[ ] possibilities. heredity therefore dictates the function of education; and the school-master can only fashion the picture put there. if the ancestral blocks are not there with which to make an elaborate picture he must content himself with what is there,--he or his art cannot create others. when he congratulates himself on achieving a wonderful result in graduating a particularly brilliant student, he is taking to himself unmerited honors. if his individual ability is responsible in one instance, why not apply the same system to all pupils? if this system is responsible for the brilliancy of one pupil, why does not the same system make all brilliant? the reader knows the answer,--because heredity did not endow them equally. men are not born equal, despite the declaration of independence. the school-master is not responsible for the apt and the inapt pupil. he is responsible for his system which dictates how he will differentiate between the apt and the inapt pupil, in order to achieve the best results without injustice to either. the inefficient teacher is a dangerous equation in the school system. i mean by inefficiency, the quality of being temperamentally unsuited to the profession. there are a large number of anemic, hysterical young women teaching in the public schools of our cities who should not be there. they should not be there in justice to themselves, nor should they be there in justice to their pupils. a strict, yearly medical examination should be made of the teachers to decide their physical and psychical fitness to fill their positions adequately. one teacher, physically or psychically inefficient, can do an inconceivable amount of harm in one school term. we cannot afford to experiment along this line. it means too much, and even at the price of one unhappy child it is too much to pay. the teacher who feels that she is not suited to the work; who has constantly to hold herself and her temper under control; whose nerves are such that she cannot do justice to herself, whose sense of justice is capable of perversion on purely sentimental grounds; or who has lost--or never possessed--the gift of maintaining discipline, should promptly find another position. she is [ ] earning her salary under false pretenses, and that alone condemns her. i believe, that a large percentage of the inefficiency of the new york schools is due, not to the academic or scholastic inability of the average teacher, but to the average female teacher's physical, and especially her psychical unfitness to teach. we must concede, however, that in many instances the teacher's unfitness is a direct product of the pernicious system itself. [illustration: _from "the village of a thousand souls," gesell, american magazine_ evidence of a feeble mind a dirty shack in a mud hole in the country is merely another reflection of the same condition that causes the slums of the city. in our glowing spirit of humanity we cry out to raise up "the submerged tenth." rather, should we not stamp them out of existence--treat them as a menace, and not as a thing of pity? men, in general, rise; their minds are subjectively or objectively educated to their mental limit. they cannot go beyond it. "the submerged tenth" exists because its mental limit is low--often close to the upper margins of feeble-mindedness--and because it is mentally incapable of rising to anything else.] [illustration: _from "the village of a thousand souls," gesell, american magazine_ evidence of a vigorous mind the family that is vigorous, healthy in mind and body, "up and coming," reflects itself in a hundred different ways. small matter whether or not it is "an old family," has wealth, social position, a college education. a daughter's or a son's happiness, the real, deep-down-inside happiness that is worth while, may be more certainly insured by marrying with an eye to mentality and stock than by a marriage into a so-called "first family." eugenics hath its reward.] under an ideal system of education the child would be left absolutely free until the age of seven. we do not believe that the physical apparatus of the mind is prepared for educational interference before that age, and we know that the growth of the brain, physiologically and anatomically, is not complete until after the seventh year. the greater portion of a child's education necessarily depends upon its environment. heredity and environment, therefore, are the two factors which determine the characters of any living thing. heredity gives to the child its potential greatness,--its promise of greatness. whether these potential qualities ever become real depends upon environment. a child may have the hereditary (innate) ability to become a shakespeare, but if his environment is not suitable to the development of this potential greatness, he will never realize his hereditary promise. in other words, the innate qualities which he has, and which will make of him a shakespeare are never "drawn out" or educated. hence he can never become great until environment furnishes the means to him. environment, including education, does not add to the potential qualities of inheritance. education can only educate what heredity gives; it can give or add nothing itself; it simply educates what is there already. there is plenty of material, but it is not the right material. what educators want is the right kind of material--the material which the eugenists will eventually supply. or as mr. havelock ellis has expressed it: "education has been put at the beginning, when it ought to have been put at the end. it matters comparatively little what sort of education we give[ ] children; the primary matter is what sort of children we have to educate. that is the most fundamental of questions. it lies deeper even than the great question of socialism versus individualism, and indeed touches a foundation that is common to both. the best organized social system is only a house of cards if it cannot be constructed with sound individuals; and no individualism worth the name is possible unless a sound social organization permits the breeding of individuals who count. on this plane socialism and individualism move in the same circle." education, then, as an exclusive factor, cannot achieve our ideal of race-culture. in order that education may achieve a large measure of success, it must have the proper material, and the right material can only come as a result of the working out of the eugenic principle. then--in the aftertime--our educational efforts will not be wasted and misdirected, as they are almost wholly to-day. if we could transmit our acquired characteristics, education would have a relatively smaller, and a much more fixed function in the "general scheme," but we cannot. we can only transmit what was inherent in us when created. this simply means that, at the moment of conception, the child is created,--it is a completed whole,--what it is to be is fixed at that moment, its inherent capacities are formed. nothing can affect it, in this sense, after that moment. no act of either parent can have any influence on it. whatever ability the father or mother possessed of an innate character is transmitted to the child at the instant of conception and that innate legacy constitutes the working instrument of the child for all time. it cannot be added to by education, or by environment, but both of these may have a large influence in deciding whether it will be developed to its highest possible limit of attainment. education, mental, moral and physical, is limited by this inability to transmit acquired character to the persons educated. each generation must, therefore, begin, not where their parents left off, but at the point [ ] where they began. the same difficulties and the same problems must be met at the beginning of each generation. the true province of education.--education may justly be the instrument, however, which will educate public opinion to a true appreciation of the function of race culture. in this way the cause of the eugenist will greatly prosper, and the race will profit through the effort which will further the conservation of the best and most fit specimens for parenthood. so also may education, through the molding of public opinion, create sound opinion,--when each individual will be a center of eugenic enthusiasm. especially does this responsibility fall upon parents and those who are in charge of childhood. the young must be taught the supreme sanctity of parenthood. they must be instructed in eugenic principles in a way that will impart to them the definite knowledge that it is the highest and holiest science. the eugenic education of children is the real beginning at the beginning, the indispensable necessity, if race culture is to assume its transcendent role in modern civilization. it is urgently necessary for both sexes but more especially for girls. "urgently necessary," because, though herbert spencer wrote the following criticism nearly fifty years ago, the conditions are much the same to-day:-- ... "but though some care is taken to fit youth of both sexes for society and citizenship, no care whatever is taken to fit them for the position of parents. while it is seen that, for the purpose of gaining a livelihood, an elaborate preparation is needed, it appears to be thought that for the bringing up of children, no preparation whatever is needed. while many years are spent by a boy in gaining knowledge of which the chief value is that it constitutes 'the education of a gentleman'; and while many years are spent by a girl in those decorative acquirements which fit her for evening parties; not an hour is spent by either in preparation for that gravest of all responsibilities--the management of a family. is it that this responsibility is but a remote contingency? on the contrary, it is sure to develop on nine out of ten. is it that the discharge of it is easy? certainly not. of all functions which the adult has to fulfill, this is the most difficult. is it that each may be trusted by self-instruction to [ ] fit himself, or herself, for the office of parent? no; not only is the need for such self-instruction unrecognized, but the complexity of the subject renders it the one of all others in which self-instruction is least likely to succeed." it must be our highest educational aim to cultivate or create the eugenic sense. in this way, and in this way only, may we feel satisfied that the foundation, upon which shall be erected the generations that are yet to come, will be of an enduring character. * * * * * [ ] chapter iv "it is only because we are accustomed to this waste of life and are prone to think it is one of the dispensations of providence that we go on about our business, little thinking of the preventive measures that are possible." charles e. hughes. eugenics and the unfit the deaf and dumb--the feeble-minded--a new york magistrate's report--report of the children's society--the segregation and treatment of the feeble-minded--what the care of the insane costs--the alcoholic--drunkenness. in order to achieve success in eugenics we must strive to encourage the parenthood of the worthy or fit, and to discourage the parenthood of the unworthy or unfit. the unfit are those, as previously explained, who, because of mental or physical disability, are unable to create fit or healthy children. the deaf and dumb.--the condition known as deaf-mutism is due to innate defect in about half of all cases. deaf children have one or two deaf parents or grandparents. there may be two or three such children in a family. that the deaf should not marry is generally conceded by those who work amongst them. it should be our aim to discourage the intimate association of the adolescent deaf and dumb in institutions. it has been found that such intimate association frequently results in marriage. they should be educated and instructed in the knowledge that they cannot marry. when they understand the eugenic principle upon which this social law is constructed they will be amenable to reason. no process of suasion will be necessary, however, if their intimate association is prevented. the feeble-minded.--this includes the criminal, the imbecile, the insane, and the epileptic. the feeble-minded, technically speaking, belong to the degenerate class. they enter life mentally deficient, not necessarily [ ] diseased. they should, therefore, be regarded as fit subjects for educational modification rather than for penal correction or punishment. it is conservatively estimated that there are five million feeble-minded people in the united states to-day and not one-eighth of them are receiving adequate treatment or education. recent statistics, from various countries, show that the percentage of deficient or feeble-minded children is decidedly on the increase. according to a bulletin issued by the united states bureau of education (august, ) there are , , school children suffering from physical defects which need immediate attention and which are prejudicial to health. it would seem as though the time had passed for anything other than radical measures in the interest of the race. apart from the eugenic fact that these feeble-minded children are not fit subjects for parenthood, they are a constantly contaminating influence on society morally, and are a detriment and a hindrance to social and economic advancement. one illustration of this contaminating process, which is of serious eugenic import, is the presence of these deficient children in our public schools. by reason of their lack of attention and concentration, their mental or psychic insufficiency, their moral delinquency, and uncontrollable instincts and impulses, they are a menace to the well-being and to the progress of the normal or fit pupils; they retard and undermine the discipline of the schoolroom, and they affect the efficiency of the teachers. they are allowed to stay in school because of the indifference of the authorities, or because of the influence and social standing, or political "pull" of the parents, despite the recognition of the injustice done. many of the parents of these children seek medical advice but, because of absurdly inadequate civic or state provision for such cases, the physician is practically helpless. most of these irresponsible children are allowed to wander through the years unrestrained and unprotected. they easily become the victims of vice and crime, and eventually they become degenerates and end their lives in insane institutions. because of the stigma of degeneration these feeble-minded individuals fall into the [ ] hands of the law and are thereby robbed of the medical assistance which society should afford them in the early years when improvement is yet possible. the following report which recently appeared in one of the daily papers is interesting and suggestive in this connection. one of the new york city magistrates, in his annual report, said: "there is growing up in this city a menacing army of boys and young men who are the most troublesome element we have to deal with.... from the ranks of these rowdies that are organized in bands, or bound up with chums or pals, come most of the crop of burglars, truck thieves, holdup men, gun-bearers, so-called 'bad men' and other criminals and dangerous characters. without reverence for anything, subject to no parental control, cynical, viciously wise beyond their years, utterly regardless of the rights of others, firmly determined not to work for a living, terrorizing the occupants of public vehicles and disturbing the peace of the neighborhoods, they have no regard for common decency." but it is to the records of the children's society that one must go for reliable statistics of the potential criminal, as there the only systematic study of their conditions is made and recorded by one of the greatest neurologists in the country, dr. max schlapp, of new york. as a specialist in nervous diseases he has been connected with the children's society and the children's court, where he has had wide opportunities for observing the relation between delinquence and mental defectiveness. in cases of viciousness or feeble-mindedness exhaustive studies have been made by dr. schlapp. and the extent to which society is daily at the mercy of uncontrolled potential criminality is alarming. "feeble-minded children and feeble-minded men," says dr. schlapp, "are roaming about the streets of new york to-day as free agents. parents are not compelled by law to put a feeble-minded child in custody. yet that feeble-minded child unsuspected as such, amiable and care-free as he usually is, is potentially a criminal, and at any moment may commit a crime. that child is permitted to grow up without restraint, except [ ] such as the parents exercise, and this has no effect whatever in these cases. the child is allowed to marry and bring forth children of his own kind, more feeble-minded and more dangerous. there is no system designed to pick out from the community persons so afflicted, and no law whatever to prevent their untrammelled movements. "the city street is a recruiting ground for the gangster because it is full of defective children, mental and moral, who are potential criminals. this question has never been seriously considered. when brought under corrective restraint it has hitherto long been the custom to herd all the cases together while serving time. but in the german government woke up to the fact that to per cent. of city children and those of isolated rural communities contain the 'moron,' or intellectually defective type, together with the moral imbecile." investigation showed recently that in a reformatory near berlin per cent. of the inmates were abnormal, while over per cent. were seriously defective or menaces to society. this has since been shown to exist in all the leading nations--england, france, italy, where, by the way, the camorrist type is the equivalent for our new york gangster. in the elmira reformatory per cent. are, as a rule, feeble-minded and consist of types that repeat their offense against society or commit some other crime. there is only one way to prevent these types from becoming a menace. restrain them while they are still developing; keep them from becoming free agents in the community they menace. types continually come up in the children's society and the children's court. they are carefully studied. from the actions of the child, from his parents and family history, from the frequency with which he repeats some offense particularly pleasing to him, and by virtue of psychological tests and careful medical examinations the examiners are able to pick out children who should receive scientific care and treatment. "the characteristics of the feeble-minded are usually deceiving. one expects to find them with low brows and furtive looks and more or less vicious in appearance after they develop criminal tendencies. one would[ ] expect them to show stupidity at a glance. on the contrary, they are sometimes bright on the surface, amiable, good-tempered under trying conditions, and almost likeable for their external social side. this is particularly true of the high grade defectives. the lower order may be taciturn, gloomy and retiring, and these traits may be noticed almost from infancy. but as they grow up their social nature may be developed, and they too may give the appearance of amiableness. one notable thing about them is their pose of frank innocence. in this they are engaging, and almost convincing. "the street type that makes a gangster is practically the same if cruder in development. these children usually exhibit absolutely no sign of affection for their parents, no sympathy, and are notably cruel toward animals. one boy we had in the children's society persistently killed all the dogs and cats his family kept. finally, when they ceased keeping the animals he got at the canary cage and killed the bird by pulling the feathers out singly. he had no compunction about lying, and looked you right in the eye when he lied. otherwise he was charming and natural." while moral insanity is hereditary, yet it can be produced in one generation. an alcoholic man with clean antecedents may leave tainted descendants. the only way to combat these conditions in the city is to have strict registration of all feeble-minded and insane. the state should discover them, examine them through public officials, and segregate them. not only physicians, but school teachers and officials in public institutions should detect them. there should be in each state an institution for feeble-minded delinquents. the history of the average "gangster" shows a taint of alcoholism. this is further aggravated by living under immoral surroundings, where petty crimes like stealing and lying are considered "smart." this is the starting point of the new york "gangster." he is handicapped, and under ancestral disabilities and the disadvantages of environment that is pernicious, he cannot get very far. a boy usually qualifies with a gang on his own [ ] personality and tastes. he will often wander from one gang to another until he has found his particular atmosphere. the best will never find any one gang congenial enough to hold him, and he finally emerges a decent citizen. it is all a process of finding himself. the aim of the police should be to discount as much as possible any swaggering and false hero worship. the time has come when this great nation should take national cognizance of this problem. there should be a national institution on some isolated island. civilization is coming to recognize such a necessity. with a close eye on the tide of immigration and a careful segregation of these defective types, we should soon rid ourselves of what is now growing to be a serious menace to the home and the nation. the segregation and treatment of the feeble-minded.--dr. john punton, of kansas city, mo., in an able and exhaustive article on "the segregation and treatment of the feeble-minded," writes as follows: "your attention is directed to a recent report issued by wentworth e. griffin, chief of police of kansas city, mo., in which he claims that recently within six months' time no less than , juveniles were arrested charged with crimes ranging from vagrancy to murder and that the majority of these boys and girls were not normal children, but degenerates who required medical rather than penal treatment. 'boys and girls,' says he, 'should not receive correction in the city jails, the work house or reformatories. these should be the last resort. to correct a boy you must have an idea of his mental processes. it is natural that the parents understand something of the child and use that knowledge to make a good boy out of him. certainly it cannot be done in the reformatories, for although the authorities there are competent, they are hardly medical psychologists. in my opinion, if any progress is to be made it is the parent and the doctor that must do the work, not the police and the courts.' "that our chief of police deserves credit for not only publishing this report, but also for the advanced position he takes in recognizing the appropriate care and treatment of the juvenile offender, is certain, [ ] for he understands the fact that the parents are often the chief culprits in the child's delinquency and that medical rather than penal treatment is more often indicated than is at present allowed or practiced. "when we come to inquire into the cause of feeble-mindedness, alcoholic heredity, syphilitic heredity, and consanguineous marriages are found to be the chief etiological factors. bourneville claims that per cent. of the idiots and imbeciles are the offspring of alcoholic parents.... acute and chronic diseases in the parents, fright, shock, injuries, parental neglect, faulty education, poverty, malnutrition, social dissipation and lack of proper control are all well-known factors in the production of feeble-mindedness. "segregation of the feeble-minded is advocated by medical authority the world over, and when this is done they can be made under appropriate medico-pedagogic treatment to become largely self-supporting. "as an economical as well as a humane measure, the various states can well afford to make such provision, more especially for the large body of feeble-minded who are now without any medical care whatever. moreover, where it is possible, laws prohibiting the marriage of such as well as all other defectives should be passed and enforced." what the care of the insane costs.--the total cost of the care of the insane, in this country, has been estimated to be $ , , a year. in estimating the cost of the insane we must take into account the value or worth of each adult to the state. this value has been computed to be $ a year. if, upon this basis, we count the adult membership of the insane class between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, we find that their worth is roughly about $ , , . the cost of maintenance in the various insane institutions is about thirty-three millions of dollars a year. it would be quite possible to justly increase this total by estimating the worth of the help whose whole time is devoted to the care of the insane. if these individuals worked at some other trade or profession, their time would. be of value to the [ ] state in general--not to a class who should be non-existent. the cost to the state of the potential criminal is not included in this estimate. from the above figures it may be observed that it costs more to simply maintain the insane each year than it costs to work the panama canal; or to pay for the total cost of the executive, legislative and judicial departments of our government. the total cost is more than the entire value of the wheat, corn, tobacco, and dairy and beef products exported each year from this country. alcoholic drunkenness.--alcoholism is a sign and a symptom of degeneracy and is a distinct indication of unfitness for parenthood. the only cure for alcoholism is to prohibit parenthood. it has been proved that alcohol taken into the stomach can be demonstrated in the testicle or ovary within a few minutes, and, like any other poison, may injure the sperm or the germ element therein contained. as a result of this intoxication of the primary elements, children may be conceived and born who become idiots, epileptics or feeble-minded. it is asserted that per cent. of all the idiots and imbeciles are the offspring of alcoholic parents. recent experiments show that parental alcoholism alone can determine degeneration. mr. galton quoted the case of a man who, "after begetting several normal children became a drunkard and had imbecile offspring"; and another case has been recorded of a healthy woman who, when married to a drunkard, had five sickly children, dying in infancy, but in a later union with a healthy man bore normal and vigorous children. dr. sullivan found on inquiry that: .... "of children born of drunken mothers died in infancy or were still-born, and that several of the survivors were mentally defective, and as many as . per cent. were epileptic. many of these women had female relatives, sisters or daughters, of sober habits and married to sober husbands. on comparing the death rate amongst the children of the sober mothers with that amongst the children of the drunken women of the same stock, the former was found to be . per cent., the latter . per cent., or nearly two and a half times as much. it was further observed [ ] that in the drunken families there was a progressive rise in the death rate from the earlier to the later born children." dr. sullivan cites as a typical alcoholic family one in which the first three children were healthy, the fourth was of defective intelligence, the fifth was an epileptic idiot, the sixth was dead born, and finally the productive career ended with an abortion. the nervous systems of many children of alcoholic parents are wrecked for life; many die in convulsions as infants. many, however, who do not die, live as epileptics. this action of alcohol on the health and vitality of the race is the most serious of the evils that intemperance brings on the community. the tendency of all children of alcoholics is toward nervous disorders of a grave type. statistics show a very high rate of still-births and abortions among the children of drunken mothers, show that drunken women must not be permitted to become mothers. dr. branthwaite in a lecture stated: "in my judgment, habitual drunkenness, so far as women are concerned, has materially increased, during the last twenty-five years, which i have spent entirely amongst drunkards and drunkenness. these people are not in the least affected by orthodox temperance efforts; they continue to propagate drunkenness, and thereby nullify the good results of temperance energy. their children, born of defective parents, and educated by their surroundings grow up without a chance of decent life, and constitute the reserve from which the strength of our present army of habitual drunkards is maintained. truly we have neglected in the past, and are still neglecting, the main source of drunkard supply--the drunkard himself; crippled that and we should soon see some good results from our work." dr. fleck, another authority, says: "it is my strong conviction that a large percentage of our mentally defective children, including idiots, imbeciles and epileptics, are the descendants of drunkards." therefore the chronic inebriate must not become a parent. * * * * * [ ] chapter v "the real undermining of health is not seen. it is done in an insidious way. it has to be carefully ferreted out." dr. harvey w. wiley. what every mother should know about eugenics in the preceding pages we have written about eugenics as a science; it is our intention now to point out briefly in just what way eugenics directly concerns the mothers of to-day. in the first place let us try to appreciate what it will mean to the race if "the fit only are born." "fit" children, it will be recalled, means children born healthy of healthy, selected parents, parents with a good ancestral history, conveying to their offspring a reasonably adequate legacy. if the "fit only are born" we start with a healthy stock. what a significant and tremendous advantage this is. at once we rid the world of the potential inefficients--the feeble-minded, the insane, the criminal, the deaf-mute, the drunkard. if we are correct in assuming that the reason why all former civilizations have failed and passed away, was because they bred a race of people physically and mentally unfit to survive, the demand of the eugenist that only "fit children shall be born" will strike at the very root of this evil. if we uproot the cause of racial degeneration we begin the building of a race that should not degenerate. if we establish a race that will not degenerate, it must gain strength and virility with each generation. this assumption is logically correct, but we must do more than breed "fit" children. we must take care of them after they are born. we must furnish them with a good environment (see page ). heredity without favorable environment counts for very little,--we must never forget that. heredity and environment are the two important determining factors in the life of every child born. if eugenics furnishes the heredity by ensuring the [ ] birth of the "fit" only, it depends upon the mothers of the race to provide the environment. every mother must know how to take the best care of herself and of her child. this book is devoted to instructing her in the details of this duty. we cannot hope, however, to reach this high altruistic plane by simply taking the first step in the right direction. we who are alive to-day must begin the work, and leave it to posterity to carry forward. we must do our part. every mother must become an enthusiastic eugenist. if she begins to teach, and preach, and practise its principles now, she will contribute to the heredity of unborn generations. to those of us who are alive to-day, environment is the vastly more important consideration, for our heredity is fixed and beyond the power of control. the question of eugenics for the present generation, therefore, is a question of environment. all our efforts must be directly in developing what heredity gives our children. we are wholly responsible for that. we must feed and clothe them properly; we must provide air spaces and playgrounds for exercise; we must educate them, and protect them from disease; and we must safeguard the birth of future generations by keeping our race stream pure. this is no small task, and the only way it will ever be satisfactorily accomplished is for each mother to realize her individual trust. the average individual does not realize the actual conditions that prevail. when recently the question of the public health was investigated by competent authorities, and the report furnished to the united states senate, it caused a tremendous sensation. if that is possible in a body composed of men who are supposed to be intelligent and wide-awake to existing conditions, how much more significant and appalling it should be to the average mother whose interest is centered in her own home. according to the statistics and statements given in that document the annual financial loss from needless deaths and accidents alone amounted to $ , , , . [page ] acute diseases are held responsible for a large part of the loss. chronic diseases are responsible for the greatest part of the waste of life, and they are believed to be increasing in their ravages. minor ailments, believed to be nine-tenths preventable, are now costing the nation many dollars through incapacitation of persons and through leading to serious illness. industrial accidents, largely preventable, are also exacting a heavy toll annually. that this great waste of life and health and the national economic loss that results can be modified by national action is asserted. here are to be found the reasons advanced for a great national department of health. the work of this department would be varied. it would include direct work in promoting health on the part of the government, such as administering the food and drug act; aiding the healing and educational agencies, both city and state; obtaining information concerning the cause and prevention of diseases, and disseminating scientifically proved information on all health subjects. it is maintained that the movement for the conservation of health is the most momentous of the conservation movements in this country, and that of all the national wastes which are to be condemned, this waste of health is the gravest. many startling statements are set forth in the document. dr. charles wardell stiles, of the united states public health and marine hospital services, declares that "the united states is seven times dirtier than germany and ten times as unclean as switzerland." he declares that: "lack of interest in preventive measures against diseases is slaughtering the human race." he takes the position that the real trouble is not so much race suicide as race slaughter, and that it is rather that too many children are allowed to die than that not enough children are born. it is estimated that tuberculosis, a preventable disease, costs the nations $ , , , annually. typhoid fever is estimated by dr. george m. kober, dean of the medical department of georgetown university, to cost over $ , , annually. [page ] in connection with acute diseases this statement is made: "the loss from tuberculosis has been reduced to half of what it was thirty years ago. nevertheless, of the , , people now living in the united states at least , , will be lost through this disease because adequate effort is not made to prevent it. besides the economic waste through deaths from any disease, the waste through sickness from the same disease is also colossal." great as are the reductions in the rates of infant mortality by improved milk and water supplies and by educational campaigns, the present rate is still enormous. "if some witch or wizard could conjure up the unnecessary babies' funerals annually occurring in this country it would be found that the little hearses would reach from new york to chicago. if we should add the mourning mothers and friends, it would make a cortége extending across the continent." while the death rates from acute diseases have been greatly reduced, the rates from chronic diseases have been steadily increasing. cancer is one of the chronic diseases apparently on the increase. that the annual death toll and the , , constant sick beds could be reduced from one-fourth to one-half by proper measures is asserted. in other words, there might be saved every day, as many lives as perished on the _titanic_, with the consequent enormous economic saving. these are surely impressive statements. it would seem as though it should be a simple task to pass a public health bill, establishing a bureau in washington, with a representative in the cabinet, whose sole duty it would be to preserve the public health. it has proved rather the reverse, however. we have been able to inaugurate various species of conservation,--of lands, of forests, of water,--but the conservation of human life is not important enough. even though states and empires depend upon their people for their very existence, our statesmen feel that human life is too cheap, too common, to take immediate steps in this direction. if women--especially mothers--would devote themselves to the eugenic [ ] end of legislation, men would soon obey. the application of eugenics to the human species, coming, almost in the spirit of an inspiration, at the time when women are about to be enfranchised, is significant. it may be that destiny has decreed that the one shall be the complement of the other; it is certainly beyond contradiction that in eugenics the women of the earth have a divine weapon with which to wage a righteous and an awaking propaganda of truth. a mother should be interested in every phase of the subject. her daughter's success in marriage should intimately concern her. her health and her happiness in that sphere should elicit her deepest maternal consideration. she may rightly hope to be proud of her daughter's offspring, and to find pleasure in the society of her grandchildren. she should, therefore, devote all her efforts to ascertain the truth, with reference to the physical and mental equipment of her future son-in-law; his ability adequately to support a family; his sobriety, his disposition, associates, etc., should all be carefully considered and pondered over. this is not going far enough, however; we must know positively that he is not diseased,--that he is not a victim of gonorrhoea or syphilis. when parents weigh in the balance the possibility of a wrecked life, of destroying the right to have children, or of bringing them into the world blind or diseased; of permanently destroying the hope of happiness, peace, and success, no combination of advantages in a son-in-law is deserving of the slightest consideration. we are treating of the sacred things of life--of life itself. if parents combine to crucify and betray their daughters--to sell them body and soul into bondage for social or other advantages; if they preserve silence when they should speak and thereby take all the sunshine, for all eternity, out of one existence; then, if on their death-beds these daughters should accuse them, the guilty knowledge that they were responsible will be the sting that will blast their hope of peace and forgiveness here and in the worlds to come. when mothers realize that, every day, in every large hospital in every city in the civilized world some woman (a daughter of some mother) is being [ ] unsexed because of these unjustly obtained diseases, surely their voices shall speak in no uncertain way. another eugenic suggestion that should deeply concern every good mother is, that the mother's milk is the private property of the babe, and whoever deprives the babe of this, the sole right it possesses, is not only a thief but a scoundrel. a curious and significant fact was discovered by investigators when studying the question of infant mortality a few years ago. it was found from a mass of statistics that there were two recent instances when the death rate of infants decreased suddenly and quite decidedly. the first instance was when the civil war in this country caused a cotton famine in england. as a result of the famine the factories of lancashire were all closed and the employees being then without work remained at home. as a large percentage of the workers were married women with children they had the time and the opportunity to nurse their children regularly. despite the fact that these women were starved and badly clad and deprived of the comforts of home, the death rate of the infants dropped steadily to an unprecedently low mark. a number of years later, when the german army surrounded paris during the franco-prussian war the besieged inhabitants of the capital suffered from hunger and disease. the death rate of the adult population increased enormously while the death rate of the infants dropped markedly. the explanation of this curious phenomenon was simply that while times were normal the women labored outside of their homes and as a consequence the babies were not fed regularly and when fed were not fed mothers' milk. it demonstrated a truth that we are apt to lose sight of, that mothers' milk, even the milk from badly-nourished, poverty-stricken mothers is infinitely better than an abundant supply of artificial food combined with neglect. in view of the fact that there is a distinct tendency to evade this maternal duty these facts should be suggestive and important. it is the duty of the mother with any eugenic sense to preach and to practise this gospel. [ ] paris learned the lesson of the siege because though she has the smallest birth-rate to-day, she nevertheless has the smallest infant death-rate of any large city in europe. the writer believes that in eugenics the women of the race have the instrument wherewith to save the world. he is assured that it is the supreme potential agency for the betterment of the race, and that mankind will never be inspired with a holier cause. he believes that through all the ages the human race has been growing better, coming nearer the truth, and that as a result of this patient progress, there has been evolved the eugenic idea that is to solve the problems of the human family. if the "fit only are born" think of the possibilities of education and of environment. each child is born with a great potential promise, and endowed with a reasonably good heredity, the whole effort of that child will be toward a higher moral attainment. if the effort of the individuals of the race is to achieve a high moral success, the quality of the civilization of future generations will be far superior to the type with which we are familiar. eugenics gives to women the supreme civilizing instrument of the future. it places the burden of the morality of the home and of the race on their shoulders. if we deny the writing on the wall it does not render the warning negative. the signs of the times are epochal. the great political parties are realizing, for the first time in history, that new and important issues concerning the family, the home, and the children, in other words the nation's manhood and womanhood, must be considered and included in their platforms. they know that the time has gone when statesmen will exclusively decide what shall be done with the sons and daughters which women bring into the world. they know that the mothers of the race must have a voice in deciding for peace or war since they create every soldier that will lie dead when war is over. women will help decide the question of taxation by government and by trusts, because they know that it comes out of their incomes and they need it all for their children. women know that their cause is the cause of freedom, and freedom is the[ ] cause of the eugenist. they know that the function of government should be justice and no code of justice can have higher ethics than the ethics of eugenism. mothers' eugenic clubs.--there should be established in every community a mothers' eugenic club. the object of the club should be to further the eugenic idea. papers should be prepared, read, and discussed on subjects having a eugenic interest. one of the main aims of these clubs should be to interest the local congressman and the member of the state legislature in eugenics. in all probability they will know nothing specific about race-culture--unless they are exceptional men--in which case it will be the duty of the members of the club to educate them. the object of such education of course would be to ensure that they will act intelligently when any legislative proposal is made having a eugenic interest. find out what they know about the public health as contained in the report on page , and if they will vote in favor of a public health bureau. you should know how your representatives stand on the pure food and drugs act; if they really appreciate the significance of the measure; if they would be in favor of pensioning mothers and widows who have children depending upon them; what their views are regarding compulsory marriage licenses; the reporting of venereal diseases to the local health authorities; if they would favor the segregation of the feeble-minded and their maintenance and treatment by the state; if they endorse the eugenic principle that "the fit only shall be born," and if they really understand just what that means. if the mothers in every community would take this step, they could control the legislation affecting such subjects in a comparatively short time. if the various states concede to women the right to vote--as they will sooner or later--such mothers' clubs would have a large and intelligent share in educating the women's votes on questions which directly concern their own immediate and remote welfare. the question of education would concern these clubs and much could be done by mothers to direct the authorities as to just what is needed to educate for [page ] parenthood, along the lines suggested elsewhere in this book. a mothers' eugenic club would rightly become an instrument for good in all local sociological interests. it could maintain a trained nurse to care for the sick and helpless, to teach the people how to live, and how to care for their homes and their children. the members themselves could visit the poor, the needy, and the sick. there are so many people in the world who are near the brink of failure,--so many who need a little hope infused into their lives,--and so many who are really deserving of help and sympathy and inspiration. the women who do this work for the work's sake are amply repaid by the good they find to do. the doing of such work is a consecration and an education. life means more, and the whole temperament reflects a truer sympathy and a stronger purpose. there are many mothers, for example, who are willing to do what is essential in the interest of their children, but they do not know what should be done. these people cannot afford a physician or a nurse to teach them, nor do they even know that their methods are wrong or that they need any instruction. we must carry the information and the explanation to them. we must show them the need for a change of methods. this is the work for those charitably disposed women who desire some worthy purpose in life, who really wish to do some genuine good. all the equipment they need is good common sense. they will explain why it is essential to pasteurize the milk before feeding it to the baby because most of the milk used by the poor is unfit for use as a baby food. they will show how to keep the nipples and the bottles clean, and they will give them lessons on how to prepare the food to the best advantage. they will instruct them how to dress the baby in hot weather, and they will explain why it is necessary to provide the baby with all the fresh air possible. they will gain the confidence of these mothers and they will tell them all they know, in tactful and diplomatic and common-sense language so that they may appreciate the eugenic reasons for everything they do regarding the care and well-being of the baby. in every city in the country this work is needed and is [ ] waiting for the missionaries who will volunteer. to teach mothers the need for boiled water as a necessary drink for baby and older children is alone a worthy avocation. to impress upon one of these willing but ignorant mothers the absolute necessity for washing her hands before preparing baby's food, that she must keep a covered vessel in which the soiled napkins are placed until washed, that she should frequently sponge her baby in hot weather,--and explain thoroughly why these are important details,--is a work of true religious charity. they should be taught to rid their houses of flies, and especially to keep them from the baby and from its food, bottles, and nipples. they should be instructed to discontinue milk at the first sign of intestinal trouble, to give a suitable dose of castor oil, and to put the child on barley water as a food until the danger is passed. they should be taught to know the serious significance of a green watery stool, that it is the one danger signal in the summer time that no mother can ignore without wilfully risking the life of her baby. they should be shown how to prepare special articles of diet when they are needed. if every mother were educated to the extent as indicated in the above outline the appalling infant mortality would fall into insignificance. it is not a difficult task, nor would it take a long time to carry out; it is the work for willing women who have time and who perhaps spend that time in less desirable but more dramatic ways. it is education that is needed, and it is education that is willingly received, as all mothers are ready to devote their time in the acquirement of knowledge that will help them save their offspring. this is the eugenic opportunity and it is an opportunity that should devolve upon the women of the race. such a mothers' club would receive the willing financial support of the men of the community. it should be placed upon a sound financial basis because, to be successful, it would have to bestow much material aid. i know of clubs that are self-supporting, however. each club needs a leader to begin it; will the reader be that one in her community? a mothers' eugenic club would of course discuss the practical side of [ ] the eugenic question: the proper feeding and clothing of children; hygiene, sanitation, housekeeping and homemaking, and the efficiency and health of each member of the home, and all other topics of interest to every wife and mother. the writer believes that in the very near future we shall have a mothers' eugenic club in every community in the united states; that these clubs will be guided by, and be an instrument of, a national eugenic bureau, composed of women, that will coöperate and harmonize the work as a whole, so that the conservation of human life will be effected to its maximum extent; that the excessive infant mortality will be overcome, because ignorant and incompetent mothers--the greatest cause of infant mortality--will be educated and instructed in the rudiments of eugenics and will consequently, to a large extent, cease to be ignorant and incompetent; that the desecration of young wives will stop, and stop forever, because vice and disease will be branded and exposed; that the feeble-minded, the deaf-mute, the imbecile, and the insane, will no longer be allowed to propagate their kind, to the permanent detriment of the race. when such clubs are established, and when all mothers do their individual duty in the interest of the race, we shall begin to see the dawn of a promise that will achieve its supreme success in the generations that will people the earth in the eugenic aftertime. * * * * * [ ] child-birth chapter vi "solicitude for children is one of the signs of a growing civilization. to cure is the voice of the past; to prevent, the divine whisper of to-day." kate douglas wiggin. preparations for the confinement the birth chamber--what to provide for a confinement--ready to purchase obstetrical outfits--position and arrangement of the bed--how to properly prepare the accouchment bed--the kelly pad--the advantages of the kelly pad--should a binder be used?--sanitary napkins--how to calculate the probable date of the confinement--obstetrical table--when should a pregnant woman first call upon her physician--regarding the choice of a physician--how to know the right kind of a physician for a confinement--the selection of a nurse--the difference between a trained and a maternity nurse--duties of a confinement nurse--the requisites of a good confinement nurse--the personal rights of a confinement nurse--criticizing and gossiping about physicians. the birth chamber the room in which the confinement is to take place should be selected with care. in many cases there will be no choice for the reason that there will be only one suitable bedroom available. where practicable however a room having the following accessories, or as many of them as is possible, should be given the preference. .--good light, and a southern exposure. .--capable of being well ventilated and well heated if necessary. .--running water if plumbing is modern. .--fairly large size (not a hallroom). .--a quiet room, free from street noises. if the house is a private one the room should be on the second floor. if the home is in an apartment house the confinement chamber should be as [ ] far removed from the living-room as circumstances will permit,--especially if there are other children who will make more or less continuous noise. all unnecessary furniture, pictures and draperies should be taken out of the room a few days before the confinement is due; the room itself, and everything left in it, should be thoroughly cleaned and aired. a small table for holding instruments, sterilizing basins, etc., should be provided and in readiness. what to provide for a confinement.--the following articles should be in readiness at all confinements:-- .--douche pan. .--bed pan. .--douche bag (fountain syringe) with glass douche tube. .--one rubber sheet ½ yards square. .--two bed pads, one yard square, made of absorbent cotton or old clean cloths, covered with washed cheese cloth and stitched here and there to hold in place. .--one dozen clean towels. .--one-half dozen clean sheets. .--a hot water bottle. .--one pound absorbent cotton (good quality). .--five yards sterile gauze. .--four quarts of hot, and as much cold water, that has been boiled. .--one-half dozen papers assorted safety pins. .--one box sanitary pads. .--four pieces of unbleached cotton or muslin, one and one-quarter yards long. .--four ounces powdered boracic acid. .--four ounces of brandy or whisky. .--one jar of white vaseline (unopened). .--one cake of castile soap. .--two or three agate or china hand basins. .--one slop jar. .--one pan under bed for after birth. the physician will direct that certain additional articles be provided according to his individual taste and custom. these will include an [ ] antiseptic and ergot; any other requisite found necessary can be sent for, or the physician can supply it, as he invariably has in his bag whatever may be required in complicated cases or in an emergency. all the items enumerated in the above list are absolutely essential, they may not all be used but it would not be safe to undertake a confinement without providing the essential requisites. many maternity outfits are prepared ready for use and can be obtained at the larger drug stores, costing from $ to $ . the articles in the above list can be bought for about $ , not including those articles which the patient is assumed to have. the following are samples of the ready-to-purchase outfits: ready-to-purchase obstetrical outfits outfit no. sterilized bed pad ( inches square). dozen sterilized vulva pads. sterilized mull binders ( inches wide). yards sterilized gauze. pound sterilized absorbent cotton (½ pound). rubber sheet, ½ yards by yards, sterilized. douche pan, sterilized. tube k-y lubricating jelly. sterilized nail brush. boric acid, powdered. tinct. green soap. bichloride tablets. lysol. tube sterilized tape. price $ . . outfit no. . sterilized bed pads ( inches square). dozen sterilized vulva pads. sterilized mull binders ( inches wide). sterilized towels. yards sterilized gauze. [page ] pound sterilized absorbent cotton (½ pound). rubber sheet, yard by ½ yards, sterilized. rubber sheet, ½ yards by yards, sterilized. quart sterilized douche bag with glass nozzle. douche pan, sterilized. sterilized nail brush. agate basins, sterilized. safety pins. tubes sterilized petrolatum. tube k-y lubricating jelly. boric acid, powdered. grms. chloroform (squibb's). fl. ext. ergot. tinct. green soap. bichloride tablets. lysol. tube sterilized tape. sterilized soft rubber catheter. sterilized glass catheter. stocking drawers, sterilized. talcum powder. bath thermometer. price $ . . these materials, being cleansed and sterilized, are ready for use at any time. these complete outfits are packed in neat boxes, thus enabling the contents to be kept intact until needed. the position and arrangement of the bed.--the bed should be a substantial single bed. if a double one is used, prepare the side for the confinement which will permit the physician to use his right hand,--that will be the right side of the patient as she lies in bed. one objection to a double bed is its tendency to sag. this tendency can be obviated however by placing an ironing board under the spring from side to side, or by using shelves from a book case. this expedient will support the mattress, thereby rendering the bed firm and free from any sagging tendency. the position of the bed in the room should be such that the patient will not directly face the window light, nor be in a direct draught between the window and the door. it [ ] should be so arranged that the nurse can get easily to either side, consequently it must not be pushed against the wall. how to prepare the accouchment bed.--over the mattress place the rubber sheet so that its center will be exactly under the hips of the patient. pin with large safety pins each corner of the rubber sheet to the mattress; now put the sheet on exactly as you do when making an ordinary bed. on top of the sheet, and in the middle of the bed (again where the patient's hips will rest), place a draw sheet. a draw sheet is a sheet folded once, placed across the bed, and pinned tightly with large safety pins to the mattress at each side. the advantage of this sheet is, that it can be removed when necessary, leaving the original clean sheet on the bed, without disturbing the patient. be particular not to have the top of the draw sheet higher than the middle of the patient's back. place the pad,--previously prepared for the purpose,--on the draw sheet and level with the top of the draw sheet. most physicians carry with them to all confinements a _kelly pad_. a kelly pad is a rubber pad with inflated sides, which is put under the patient's hips, and which retains all the discharges incident to a confinement so that when it is removed the bed is clean and fresh. the advantage of the kelly pad is twofold; first, it ensures a clean, compact, systematic confinement; second, its use subjects the patient to the least necessary movement at a time when movement is distressing, painful, and frequently dangerous. if a kelly pad is not used, it is desirable to place under the pad (between the pad and the draw sheet) a piece of oil cloth or rubber sheeting, or a number of newspapers will do. this will prevent, to a considerable degree, the discharges from soaking through the pad on to the draw sheet and sheet and mattress below. after the confinement is over and the patient is clean, remove the kelly pad, and the pad below if necessary, or the pad and newspapers if these are used,--place a clean pad under the patient and you are ready to place the binder on if a binder is to be used. [page ] should a binder be used?--medically a binder is not necessary, neither is it objectionable from a medical standpoint. it is supposed to hold the flaccid, empty womb in place. this it does not do and we are of the opinion, that it, in many instances, according to how it is put on, compresses the womb out of place. the binder is certainly appreciated by most patients because of its snug, comfortable feeling; and in cases when the abdominal wall is fat and the muscles soft, it holds them together in a way that is impossible by the use of any other device. to claim that the binder prevents hemorrhages is absurd. our personal rule is to put one on if the patient wants one, or if she has previously had one. to be effective, in any sense, the binder should extend from the waist line down to halfway between the hips and knees and should be snugly, but not too tightly pinned. sanitary napkins.--these can be purchased already prepared in most drug stores, or they can be made in the following manner: take an ordinary grade of cheese cloth, wash it, and when dry, cut it into half yard squares. in the center of each square place a strip, six or eight inches long, of absorbent cotton and fold the gauze lengthwise over it so as to make a pad. these can be used as napkins, and after they are soiled can be burned. it is absolutely wrong to use rags or any old cloths for napkins, as the patient can be infected and made seriously sick by this procedure. how to calculate the probable date of the confinement.--the duration of pregnancy extends for days from the end of the last menstruation. add seven days to the date of the last menstruation, and from that date count ahead nine months, or backward three months and you may have the probable date of the confinement. should you pass this time you will probably go on for two additional weeks. the reason for this is that the most susceptible time for conception to occur is either during the week following menstruation or a few days before menstruation. if, therefore, you pass the above probable date which was calculated from the end of the last menstruation, it shows that conception did not take place during the [ ] week following that menstruation; and the assumption will be that it took place a few days before the next menstruation, which will be about two weeks later than the date as calculated above. if, for example, a pregnant woman was last sick from january st to th we add seven days to the th, which is the th, to which we add nine months, which will give us, as the probable date of confinement, october th. should she go a few days over the th, the probability is that the confinement will take place on october th. table for calculating the date of confinement ----------------------------------------------------------------- jan. oct. ----------------------------------------------------------------- jan. oct. nov. ----------------------------------------------------------------- feb. nov. ----------------------------------------------------------------- feb. nov. dec. ----------------------------------------------------------------- mar. dec. ----------------------------------------------------------------- mar. dec. jan. ----------------------------------------------------------------- apr. jan. ----------------------------------------------------------------- apr. jan. feb. ----------------------------------------------------------------- may. feb. ----------------------------------------------------------------- may. feb. mar. ----------------------------------------------------------------- june mar. ----------------------------------------------------------------- june mar. apr. ----------------------------------------------------------------- july apr. ----------------------------------------------------------------- july apr. may ----------------------------------------------------------------- aug. may ----------------------------------------------------------------- aug. may june ----------------------------------------------------------------- sept. june ----------------------------------------------------------------- sept. june july ----------------------------------------------------------------- oct. july ----------------------------------------------------------------- oct. july aug. ----------------------------------------------------------------- nov. aug. ----------------------------------------------------------------- nov. aug. sept. ----------------------------------------------------------------- dec. sept. ----------------------------------------------------------------- dec. sept. oct. ----------------------------------------------------------------- [ ] the foregoing table affords us a handy means of finding the probable date of confinement at a glance. find the date of the last day of the last menstrual period in the upper row; the date immediately below it is the probable date of confinement. for example if the last menstrual period was from jan. st to th, we find january th and below it we note october th as the probable date of confinement. when should a pregnant woman first call upon her physician?--the earliest indication of pregnancy is the interruption of menstruation. when menstruation fails to appear at its regular time in a young married woman whose past menstrual history is good,--i.e., she has been sick every month regularly and without pain since she began menstruating as a girl,--the assumption would naturally be that she was pregnant. menstruation may however "miss" one month for other reasons than pregnancy just at this time, as is explained elsewhere, so it is wise to defer a positive assumption on such an important matter. when the second menstruation does not appear, and there are no specific reasons for its failure to appear, it may be safely assumed that pregnancy has taken place. a visit to the family physician one week after the second menstruation should have appeared, or at least long enough to feel absolutely certain that the sickness is not coming around, is not only necessary, but is the essential and correct step to take for a number of very good reasons. if a woman for example has not had a baby, how does she know she can have one? it is quite possible to become pregnant and yet it may be wholly impossible to give birth to a child. it is necessary to be constructed normally, or as near what is regarded as normal as is possible, in order safely to assume the responsibility of carrying a pregnancy to a successful completion. no one but a physician, who is skilled and familiar in the knowledge of what constitutes the proper size, and shape, and quality, and relations, one with another, of your bones, and ligaments, and muscles, can tell [ ] whether you can safely be permitted to carry a pregnancy to term or not. if the anatomical conditions are not just right; if circumstances from a medical standpoint are not favorable; if your personal risk is too hazardous; if, in other words, medical science should decide that you are one of the very few women who cannot have a baby, is it not of very great importance that you should know this as soon as possible? does not that fact alone render your early call upon your physician imperative? a physician can bring out facts, relating to the personal and family history, and habits, of the prospective mother, which will enable him to formulate advice which will prove of the highest value from the very beginning of pregnancy. instructions carried into effect at this early date, as to personal conduct, exercise, diet, etc., will have a distinctly beneficial influence, not only on the patient's health and the character of her confinement, but on the physical vitality of the coming baby. regarding the choice of a physician.--this is a matter that should receive the most careful consideration. while it is just to admit that every physician is capable of successfully conducting maternity cases, there are certain characteristics in the individual temperament that would seem to indicate that some physicians are better adapted to this special work. trustworthiness is an imperative essential in a physician who assumes the responsibility of confinement engagements. he must be clean in his personal habits as well as morally. he should possess the virtue of patience and be tactful, and above all he should be made to feel that he has your implicit confidence. if you will analyze these qualifications you will understand just what they imply. the physician who has the reputation of having the largest practice is not necessarily the man you want, nor does it imply that he is the best fitted to conduct your case to your satisfaction. the fact that he is a very busy man may be distinctly detrimental to your best interests. if the physician has the reputation of being an excellent doctor, but, "you can't always depend on him,--he may be out of town, or he may send his assistant, or substitute," you don't want him; it is too [ ] important an event to you to take a chance with. rely rather upon the man who, though his charge may be a little higher, is known to be trustworthy; who will take a personal interest in you, and is known to be patient and capable. the selection of a nurse.--a choice must be made between having a trained nurse and what is known as a maternity, or monthly, nurse. the choice may be dictated by the financial means of the patient. a trained nurse is paid from $ to $ per week, while a maternity nurse usually gets $ per week. a trained nurse is a graduate from a hospital where she has successfully completed a course of training. she is to be preferred, if she can be afforded, for the reason that she has been trained to obey absolutely the orders of a physician, and because she has the requisite knowledge to detect emergencies, and the necessary skill and experience to enable her to act intelligently of her own initiative in any emergency. the maternity nurse, on the other hand, has not had an adequate training and is absolutely helpless, so far as medical knowledge is concerned, in a real emergency. her experience is limited to what she has picked up in the various cases she has had. she, as a rule, has chosen this means of obtaining a living as a result of some domestic financial affliction. she does not understand the laws of sterilization and has not been trained to obey, without question, the instructions of a physician. the maternity nurse follows a routine which she is incapable of modifying to suit the particular case. she has old-fashioned ideas and notions which she carries out as a matter of course, and she overestimates the great importance of her experience to the extent of wholly disregarding the advice of the physician. she assumes the care of the patient and baby, and regards this as her right, and as a result she is frequently responsible for much injury to the mother and child. despite these objections we have worked with many of these nurses who were to be preferred to trained nurses. it is the individual after all that counts, and if a maternity nurse, though technically untrained, is adaptable, tactful, and will consent to be [ ] instructed to the extent of obeying without argument, she can become invaluable, and her skill and experience will carry her creditably over many trying incidents. the objection of the medical profession to an untrained nurse is based, not so much on her lack of ability, as upon her propensity to indiscriminate and indiscreet talk,--they have not been trained to know the value of professional silence, nor have they had the necessary education which would have enabled them to acquire through their experience the knowledge that "silence is golden" at all times. a trained nurse possesses the requisite knowledge, but may have an objectionable individuality. an untrained nurse may have sufficient knowledge, and what she lacks she may make up for in being congenial and adaptable. while the trained nurse strictly attends exclusively to the mother and the baby, a maternity nurse as a rule attends to the household duties in addition. she cooks the meals of the entire family, and dresses and cares for the other children if there is no one else to do it. the duties of a maternity nurse can be specified and agreed upon, and the terms arranged when she is engaged. the duties of a trained nurse are fixed by nursing laws and medical rules and cannot be changed or modified by private agreement. these laws and rules, however, are not sufficiently arbitrary to make it impossible for the nurse to be obliging, courteous, and sincere,--qualifications which every patient has a right to expect, and a right to insist upon from every graduate nurse. the selection of a nurse should receive careful consideration. she should be known to be honest, honorable, competent, healthy, and personally clean in habits and dress, and she should be tactful, obliging, and she should attend to her own affairs strictly. she should not be a gossip; she should not shirk her work or pry into family affairs that do not concern her; and she should not drag into the conversation her own personal or family secrets. the nurse has certain rights which the patient should willingly recognize. she is entitled to a comfortable bed, sufficient sleep, good food, and exercise in the open air every day. these are essential in order that [ ] she maintain her own health, as well as keep at the highest point of efficiency. when you select your physician consult with him regarding your nurse. if you know personally a capable nurse, there is no objection to selecting her, and no physician will oppose this procedure if you assume the responsibility of her capability. there are many advantages, however, in permitting the physician to provide a nurse. he assumes the responsibility of the nurse's capability, and it is safe to assume he will not recommend one whom he knows to be personally objectionable, or professionally incapable. every physician acquires certain individual methods in the conduct of maternity cases, which experience has taught him to be successful. a competent knowledge of these methods by the nurse greatly facilitates the details and ensures a harmonious conduct of the entire case,--facts which accrue to the comfort and the well-being of the patient. it is not out of place here to warn a young wife against being advised by a neighbor or a busybody, as to whom she should select as physician or nurse. you must not depend upon the gossip of the neighborhood. the physician or nurse whom you are told by one of these irresponsible individuals not to take, may be the one above all others whom you should take. when you hear a gossiping woman decry a physician, depend upon it, she owes him something,--most often it is a bill, but it may only be a grudge. there is no class of men in any community who are maligned and abused so much as are physicians. they seem to be the choice victims of the enmity and spite of every malicious feminine tongue. a woman should think twice before she utters a criticism regarding the work of a physician. she would, if she but knew how quickly she brands and advertises herself as irresponsible and lacking in ordinary courtesy and good breeding, as she is not qualified to criticise the professional capability of a physician, nor is she qualified to estimate the extent of the wrong she perpetrates. there is no class of men who do more conscientious work, day after day, than do physicians, [ ] and there is no class of men who are more deserving of the commendation of the entire community than the thousands of self-sacrificing, underpaid members of the medical profession. be suspicious therefore when you hear a criticism, and be very, very sure before you utter one,--rather give him the benefit of the doubt and you will do no wrong, and it may be at some future date you will be thankful you did not criticise. * * * * * [ ] chapter vii the hygiene of pregnancy. daily conduct of the pregnant woman--instructions regarding household work--instructions regarding washing and sweeping--instructions regarding exercise--instructions regarding passive exercise--instructions regarding toilet privileges---instructions regarding bathing--instructions regarding sexual intercourse--clothing during pregnancy--diet of pregnant women--alcoholic drinks during pregnancy--the mental state of the pregnant woman--the social side of pregnancy--minor ailments of pregnancy--morning nausea, or sickness--treatment of morning nausea, or sickness--nausea occurring at the end of pregnancy--undue nervousness during pregnancy--the per cent. baby--headache--acidity of the stomach, or heartburn--constipation--varicose veins, cramps, neuralgias--insomnia--treatment of insomnia--ptyalism, or excessive flow of saliva--vaginal discharge, or leucorrhea--importance of testing urine during pregnancy--attention to nipples and breasts--the vagaries of pregnancy--contact with infectious diseases--avoidance of drugs--the danger signals of pregnancy. conduct of the pregnant woman the young wife will arrange her daily routine according to the physician's instructions, which, by the way, she should faithfully carry out. if you are one of the fortunate many who enjoy reasonably good health, you have doubtless been told to follow a plan very similar to the one we shall now briefly outline. for the first six months she can safely continue to do her household work. it is to her advantage to do so for many reasons, but especially because it helps to keep her physically in good condition, and because it keeps her mind engaged, thus avoiding a tendency to nervous worry. after the sixth month it is desirable to give up the heavier part of the work. washing and sweeping should be absolutely prohibited. moving furniture or heavy trunks must not be done by the prospective mother, but all light work can and [ ] should be indulged in to the very end. find time to spend at least one hour and a half in the open air every day. unless there is a medical reason against active exercise there is nothing so beneficial to the pregnant woman as walking, nor is there any substitute for it. a drive or motor ride into the country, or a car ride around town, is an excellent device against ennui and is highly desirable during this time, but not as a substitute for the daily long walk. a pregnant woman must keep her muscles strong and in good tone if she hopes to do her share toward having a short and easy confinement. she must keep active to ensure perfect action of all her organs--the stomach must digest; the bowels and kidneys must act perfectly; the heart, and lungs, and nerves must be supplied with good blood and fresh air; the appetite must be keen, and the sleep sound. walking in the open air will do all this and nothing else can, to the same satisfactory degree. light passive exercise at home is desirable to those very few who cannot walk in the open air, but at best it is a poor substitute. it is necessary to avoid any exercise or any labor of the following character from the very beginning of pregnancy: stretching, lifting, jarring, jumping, the use of the sewing machine, bicycling, riding, and dancing. she should continue to employ the same toilet privileges she has been accustomed to except the use of the vaginal douche, which must be stopped from the date of the first missed menstrual period. this is the only safe rule to follow and no exception should be made to it except upon the advice of a physician. bathing during the entire course of pregnancy is a highly necessary duty. it is particularly advantageous during the later months because it relieves the kidneys at a time when they are called upon to perform an excess of work. the temperature of the bath should be warm and rapidly cooled at the finish. brisk rubbing with a course towel will ensure the proper reaction. sexual intercourse must be restricted during pregnancy; and it should be wholly abstained from during what would have been the regular menstrual periods, if pregnancy had not occurred, for the reason that abortion is[ ] apt to take place. it is most harmful during the early and late months of pregnancy. sexual intercourse is distasteful to most and harmful to every pregnant woman. clothing during pregnancy.--the clothing should be so constructed as to relieve any undue pressure on the breasts or abdomen. for this reason it should be suspended from the shoulder. when it is appreciated that clothing supported by the waist crowds the growing womb, and exerts pressure upon the kidneys, and is responsible for many of the kidney complications that occur during pregnancy, no further reason need be given for discarding all clothing, except very light garments, that are not held by some device whose support is from the shoulders. a specially constructed linen waist is made and sold for this purpose. it is fashioned so that all the lower garments and the garters can be fastened to, and supported by it. corsets should be absolutely discarded from the very first day of pregnancy. in a large woman with a lax abdomen, a properly made abdominal support will not only be a great comfort but of real advantage. it should exert a support upward by lifting the abdomen, not by constricting it. it should therefore be obtained from a reliable dealer and be made and applied to effect the above object,--otherwise it may do more harm than good. diet of pregnant women.--some degree of digestive disturbance and loss of appetite is the rule early in pregnancy. by the fourth month these conditions invariably cease, and the appetite and the ability to digest will greatly improve. the diet from the very beginning of pregnancy should be plain and easily digested. it is not possible to formulate an absolute table of what or what not to eat, as the same foods do not agree equally well with all patients. the individual taste should be catered to within, reason, and the meals should be taken at regular intervals. articles of diet that experience shows do not agree with the patient should be rigidly excluded from the menu. a varied diet of nutritious character is essential during pregnancy in order to ensure good blood, health, and strength. a monotonous diet, or a diet composed largely of stale tea, coffee, and [ ] cake, is not permissible, and may do untold harm. pastries and desserts of all kinds should be excluded. in the later weeks of pregnancy, because of the large size of the womb, the diet should be cut down as the stomach is interfered with in the process of digestion. should the patient at any time during pregnancy experience a loss of appetite, or an actual disgust for food as sometimes occurs, it is preferable to suggest a change of scene and surroundings rather than the use of medicine. a short vacation, a change of table, new scenery, will promptly effect a cure. this condition is mental rather than physical; the patient allows herself to become introspective; the daily routine becomes monotonous and stale; hence a change of a few days will be all that is necessary. if it is not possible for the patient to obtain a change of scene, a complete change of diet for a few days will often tide over the difficulty. we have known patients to take kindly to an exclusive diet of kumyss, or matzoon, or predigested foods, with stale toast or zwieback, to which can be added stewed fruits. alcoholic drinks should be left out entirely. the mental state of the pregnant woman.--the coming baby should be the text of many interesting, spontaneous talks between the young couple from the time when it is first known that a new member of the family is on its way. the husband should feel that he is a party to the successful consummation of the little one's journey. he can contribute enormously to this end. it should be his duty, born of a sincere affection and love, to formulate the programme of events which has for its main object the wife's entire mental environment. he should encourage her to live up to the physician's instructions, and arrange details so that she will obtain the proper exercise daily. he should read to her in the evening, and arrange his own business affairs so that he will be with her as much as is possible. in many little ways he can impress upon her the fact that they both owe something to the unborn babe and that each must sacrifice self in its behalf. his principal aim, of course, will be that she will not worry or have cause to worry. he will so direct her mental attitude that she will dwell only upon the bright side of the picture; she will thus strive to[ ] realize the hope that the baby will be strong and healthy, and she will, prompted by his encouragement and devotion, try to do her duty faithfully. working together in this way, much can be done that means far more than we know of, and in the end the little one comes into the world a welcome baby, created in love and born into the joy of a happy, harmonious, contented home. the social side of pregnancy.--the social side of the question should not be overlooked or neglected at this time. here again the imperative necessity arises to warn the young wife against certain individuals who seem to have a predilection toward recounting all the terrible experiences they have heard regarding confinements. it is astonishing to learn how diversified a knowledge some women burden themselves with in this connection. they can recount case after case, with the harrowing details of a well-told tale, and seem to delight in so doing. every physician has met these women. the young wife must not permit or encourage any reference to her condition. simply refusing to discuss the question is the only sure method of preventing its discussion. she will find among her friends a few who have her best interests at heart, and these few will strive sincerely to be of real usefulness to her. if she will keep in mind that the most important element in the success of the whole period, and consequently the degree of her own health, happiness, and comfort, as well as that of her unborn baby, is the character of her own thoughts from day to day, and month to month, she will be complete master of the situation. by constantly dwelling on happy thoughts, reading encouraging and inspiring books, admiring and studying good pictures, working with cheerful colors in sunny rooms, exercising, dieting, and sleeping in a well-aired room, she will have no cause to regret her share in the task before her, or the kind of baby she will bring into the world. minor ailments of pregnancy.--there are certain minor ailments which it would be well to be familiar with lest a little worry should creep into the picture. maternity is not only a natural physiological function, but it is a [ ] desirable experience for every woman to go through. the parts which participate in this duty have been for years preparing themselves for it. each month a train of congestive symptoms have taxed their working strength; pregnancy is therefore a period of rest and recuperation,--a physiological episode in the life history of these parts. if any ailment arises during pregnancy it is a consequence of neglect, or injury, for which the woman herself is responsible,--it is not a natural accompaniment of, or a physiological sequence to pregnancy. find out, therefore, wherein you are at fault, rectify it, and it will promptly disappear. morning nausea or sickness.--so-called morning nausea or sickness is very frequently an annoying symptom. it is present as a rule during the first two or three months of pregnancy. how is it produced and how can it be remedied? it is produced most frequently by errors in diet. it may be caused by an unnatural position of the womb or uterus, by nervousness, constipation, or by too much exercise or too little exercise. the physician should be consulted as soon as it is observed to be a regular occurrence. he will eliminate by examination any anatomical condition which might cause it; or will successfully correct any defect found. when the cause is defined his instructions will help you to avoid any error of diet, constipation, or exercise. many cases will respond to a simple remedy,--a cup of coffee, without milk, taken in bed as soon as awake will often cure the nausea. the coffee must be taken while still lying down,--before you sit up in bed. if coffee is not agreeable any hot liquid, tea, beef tea, clam bouillon, or chicken broth, or hot water may answer the purpose, though black coffee, made fresh, seems to be the most successful. ten drops of adrenalin three times daily is a very certain remedy in some cases, though this should be taken with your physician's permission only. if the nausea occurs during the day and is accompanied with a feeling of faintness, take twenty drops of aromatic spirits of ammonia in a half glass of plain water or vichy water. sometimes the nausea is caused by the gradual increase of the [ ] womb itself. this is not usually of a persistent character and disappears as soon as the womb rises in the abdominal cavity at the end of the second month. nausea frequently does not occur until toward the end of pregnancy. in these cases the cause is quite different. because of the size of the womb at this time the element of compression becomes an important consideration. the function of the kidneys, bowels, bladder, and respiration may be more or less interfered with, and it may be desirable to use a properly constructed abdominal support, or maternity corset. these devices support and distribute the weight, and prevent the womb from resting on or compressing, and hence interfering with, the function of any one organ. if the womb sags to one side, thereby retarding the return circulation of the blood in the veins from the leg, it may cause cramps in the leg, especially at night, or it may cause varicose veins, or a temporary dropsy. the correct support will prevent these troublesome annoyances; a properly constructed maternity corset is often quite effective. the diet should receive some special attention when these conditions exist. any article of diet which favors fermentation (collection of gas) in the stomach or bowel should be excluded. these articles are the sugars, starches, and fats. it can readily be understood that if the bowels should be more or less filled with gas, or if they should be constipated, it will cause, not only great distress, but actual pain. regulation of the diet, therefore, and exercise (walking best of all) will contribute greatly to the avoidance of these unnecessary sequelae. it must be kept in mind that the entire apparatus of the body is accommodating a changed condition, and though that condition is a natural one, it requires perfect health for its successful accomplishment. this means a perfect physical and mental condition,--a condition that is dependent upon good digestion, good muscles, healthy nerves, clean bowels, and so on. the slightest deviation from absolute health tends to change the character of the body excretions, the quality of the blood, etc. if the excretions are not properly eliminated, the blood becomes impure, and so we sometimes get itching of the body surfaces, especially of the abdomen [ ] and genitals; neuralgias, especially of the exposed nerves of the face and head; insomnia and nervousness. these are all amenable to cure, which again means, as a rule, correct diet and proper exercise as the principal remedial agencies. undue nervousness during pregnancy.--this is very largely a matter of will power. some women simply will not exert any effort in their own behalf. they are perverse, obstinate, and unreasonable. the measures which ordinarily effect a cure, they refuse to employ. it is useless to argue with them; drugs should never be employed; censure and affection are apparently wasted on them; they cannot even be shamed into obedience. the maternal duty they owe to the unborn child does not seem to appeal to them. we do not know of any way to handle these women and to our mind they are wholly unfit to bring children into the world. fortunately these women are few in number. the maternal instinct will, and does, guide most women into making sincere efforts to restrain any undue nervous tendency, and to be obedient and willing to follow instructions. there is nothing so beneficial in these cases as an absolutely regulated, congenial, daily routine, so diversified as to occupy their whole time and thought to the exclusion of any introspective possibility. frequent short changes to the country or seashore to break the monotony, give good results in most of these cases. the domestic atmosphere must also be congenial and the husband should appreciate his responsibility in this respect. women of this type should have their attention drawn to the following facts in this connection: while the most recent investigations of heredity prove that a woman cannot affect the potential possibilities of her child, she can seriously affect its physical vitality. the following illustration may render our meaning clear: suppose your child had the inborn qualities necessary to attain a per cent. record of achievement in the struggle of life; anything you may or may not do cannot affect these qualities--the child will still have the ability to achieve per cent. inasmuch, however, as a mother can affect the health or physical qualities of her[ ] child she is directly responsible, through her conduct, as to whether her child will ever attain the per cent. record, or if it does, she is responsible for the character of its comfort, its health, its enjoyment, all through its life's struggle toward the per cent. achievement record. she may so compromise its physical efficiency that it will succumb to disease as a consequence of the ill health with which its mother unjustly endowed it, even though it possess the ability to attain the per cent. if it lived. we often see brilliant children who are nervous and physically unfit, and we see others of more ordinary mental achievement who are healthy and robust animals. the one is the offspring of parents possessing unusual mental qualities but who are physically unable or unwilling to render justice to their progeny; the other parents may be less gifted mentally, but they are healthy and they are willing to give their best in conduct and in blood to their babies. many of these brilliant children never achieve their potential greatness because they fall by the wayside owing to physical inability, while the healthy little animals achieve a greater degree of success because of the physical vitality which carries them through. to achieve a moderate success and enjoy good health is a better eugenic ideal than the promise of a possible genius never attained because of continuous physical inefficiency. the nervous and willful mother should therefore consider how much depends upon her conduct. it cannot be too frequently reiterated and emphasized that every mother should do her utmost to guard and retain her good health. good health means blood of the best quality and this is essential to the nourishment of the child. to keep in good health does not mean to obey in one respect and fail in other essentials. it means that you must obey every rule laid down by your physician, willingly and freely in your own interest and in the interest of your unborn babe. in no other way may you hope to creditably carry out the eugenic ideal that "the fit only shall be born." headache.--this is a symptom of great importance. if it occurs [ ] frequently, without apparent cause, the physician should be consulted at once, as it may indicate a diseased condition of the kidneys, and necessitate immediate treatment. headaches may, of course, be caused in many ways and most frequently they do not have any serious significance, but they must always be brought to the attention of the physician. as a rule they are caused by errors of diet,--too much sugar, candy, for instance, late and indigestible suppers, indiscriminate eating of rich edibles, etc.,--or they may be products of nervous excitement (too little rest), as shopping expeditions, strenuous social engagements, late hours, etc. acidity of the stomach, and so-called heartburn.--these are sometimes in the early months of pregnancy annoying troubles. the following simple means will relieve temporarily: a half-teaspoonful of bicarbonate of soda or baking soda in a glass of water or vichy water; or a half teaspoonful of aromatic spirits of ammonia in vichy, or plain water; or a tablespoonful of pure glycerine. the best remedy is one tablespoonful of philip's milk of magnesia taken every night for some time just before retiring. heartburn is the result of eating improper food, or a failure to digest the food taken. starchy foods should be avoided. meats and fats should be taken sparingly. avoid also the et ceteras of the table, as pickles, sauces, relishes, gravies, mustard, vinegar, etc. good results follow dry meals,--meals taken without liquids of any kind. live on a simple, easily digested, properly cooked diet. chew the food thoroughly, take plenty of time and be cheerful. constipation during pregnancy.--most women are as a rule more or less constipated during pregnancy. it is caused by failure to take the proper amount of outdoor exercise, to take enough water daily, to live on the proper diet, to live hygienically, or because of wrong methods of dress. it is most important that the bowels should move thoroughly every day. pregnancy no doubt aggravates constipation by diminishing intestinal activity. consequently there is a greater need for activity on the part of the woman, and open air exercise is the best way to accomplish this. [ ] she should eat fruits, fresh vegetables, brown or graham bread, or bran muffins, figs, stewed prunes, and any article of diet which she knows from experience works upon her bowel. she should drink water freely; a glass of hot water sipped slowly on arising every morning or one-half hour before meals, is good. mineral waters, pluto, apenta, hunyadi, or one teaspoonful of sodium phosphate, or the same quantity of imported carlsbad salts in a glass of hot water one-half hour before breakfast, answers admirably. if the salts cannot be taken a three- or five-grain, chocolate-coated, cascara sagrada tablet, may be taken before retiring, but other cathartics should not be taken unless the physician prescribes them. rectal injections should be avoided as a cure of constipation during pregnancy. they are very apt to irritate the womb and if taken at a time when the child is active, they may annoy it enough to cause violent movement on its part, and these movements may cause a miscarriage. see article on "constipation in women." varicose veins, cramps, and neuralgia of the limbs.--when cramps or painful neuralgia occur repeatedly in one or both legs, some remedial measures should be tried. inasmuch as the cause of this condition is a mechanical one, it would suggest a mechanical remedy. the baby habitually seeks for the most comfortable position, and having found it stays there until conditions render it uncomfortable. he does not consult you in the matter, but he may be subjecting you to untold misery and pain. the child may rest on the mother's nerves or blood-vessels as they enter her body from her lower limbs. if the pressure is sufficient, it can interfere quite seriously with the return blood supply, because veins which carry back to the heart the venous or used blood, are vessels with thin, soft, compressible walls, while arteries which carry blood away from the heart cannot be compressed easily, because their walls are hard and tense. the condition therefore is that more blood is being sent into the limb than is being allowed to return; in this way are produced varicose veins. if these varicose veins burst or rupture we have ulcers, which may quickly heal,[ ] or they may refuse to heal, and become chronic. a dropsical condition of the leg may follow, and because of interference with the circulation of the blood we get cramps and neuralgias. how can we remedy this painful condition? sometimes we don't succeed, but at least we can try. so long as the cause exists, it is self-evident that rubbing the limb with any external application, will not give any permanent relief, though it is well to try. when rubbing, to relieve cramps at night, always rub upward. it is not a condition that calls for medicine of any kind, while hot baths and hot applications will only make the trouble worse. the remedy that promises the quickest and longest relief is for the patient to assume the knee-chest position for fifteen minutes, three times a day, till relief is permanently established. the patient rests on her knees in bed, and bends forward until her chest rests on the bed also. the incline of the body in this position is reversed; hips are highest, the head lowest. the baby will seek a more comfortable position and this new position may relieve the pressure and cure the condition. doing this three times daily for fifteen minutes gives relief to the leg by reestablishing a normal blood circulation, and very soon the baby finds a new position that does not interfere with its mother's blood supply, and the cramps, and neuralgia and dropsy, and maybe the varicose veins will soon show improvement. wearing the proper kind of abdominal support may help, as explained on page . if the varicose veins are bad, it is desirable to wear silk rubber stockings or to bandage the limbs. insomnia during pregnancy.--insomnia or sleeplessness is sometimes a vexatious complication during pregnancy. it seldom if ever becomes of sufficient importance or seriousness to interfere with the pregnancy or the health of the patient. nevertheless, a period of sleeplessness lasting for two or three weeks is not a pleasant experience to a pregnant woman. it is most often met with during the latter half of pregnancy. there can be no question that every case of insomnia has definite cause, and can be relieved if we can find the cause. the only way to find it [ ] is to systematically take up the consideration of each case, and this is best done by the physician. he must have patience and tact; you must answer each question truthfully and fully. your diet, personal conduct, exercise, condition of bowels, mental environment, domestic atmosphere, everything, in fact, which has any relation to you or your nerves, must be inspected with a magnifying glass. some little circumstance, easily overlooked, of seemingly no importance, may be the cause of the trouble. you may need more outdoor exercise, or you may need less outdoor exercise. you may need more diversion, more variety, or you may need less. you may need a sincere, honest, tactful, patient confidant and friend, or you may need to be saved from your friends. you may be exhausting your vitality and fraying your nerves by social exigencies,--those empty occupations which fill the lives of so many fussy, loquacious females,--echoless, wasted, babbling moments, of supreme important to the social bubbles who ceaselessly chase them but of no more interest to humanity than the wasted evening zephyrs that play tag with the sand eddies on the surface of the dead and silent desert. you may have wandered from the narrow limitations of the diet allowable in pregnancy, or you may be the victim of an objectionably sincere relation who pesters you with solicitous inquiries of a needless character. whatever it is, rectify it. a good plan to follow on general principles is to take a brisk evening walk with your husband just before bedtime, and at least two hours after the evening meal. follow this with a sitz bath as soon as you return from the walk. a sitz bath is a bath taken in the sitting position with the water reaching to the waist line. it should last about fifteen minutes and the water should be comfortably hot. it is sometimes found that this form of bath creates too much activity on the part of the child and defeats the purpose in view. this is apt to be the case in very thin women when the abdomen is not covered by a sufficient layer of fatty tissue. these women will find it advisable to take, in place of the sitz bath, a sponge bath in a warm room, using the water rather cool than hot but in a warm room. rub your skin [ ] briskly but waste no time in getting into bed. a glass of hot milk, before going to bed, or when wakeful during the night, may serve as a preventive. when these measures fail the physician should be called upon to advise and prescribe. ptyalism, or an excessive flow of saliva.--this is a common condition in pregnancy, but cannot be prevented. it is of no importance other than that it is a temporary annoyance. itching of the abdomen can usually be allayed by a warm alcohol rub, followed by gently kneading the surface of the abdomen with warm melted cocoa butter, just before retiring. a vaginal discharge.--soon after pregnancy has taken place the woman may notice a discharge. it may be very slight or it may be quite profuse. in some cases it does not exist at all during the entire period. as a rule the discharge is more frequent and more profuse toward the end of pregnancy. if the discharge exists at any time,--and it is no cause for worry or alarm if it does exist,--inform your physician. he will advise you what to do, because it is not wise for you to begin taking vaginal douches or injections without his knowledge, and at a time when they may do you serious harm. should itching occur as a result of any vaginal discharge the following remedial measures may be employed: a solution of one teaspoonful of baking soda to a douche bag of tepid water may be allowed to flow over the parts, or cloths saturated with this mixture may be laid on the itching part. a solution of carbolic acid in hot water (one teaspoonful to one pint of hot water), is also useful, or a wash followed by smearing carbolic vaseline over the itching parts. if your physician should suggest a mild douche for itching of the vagina as the result of a discharge, it may be promptly relieved by using borolyptol in the water. buy a bottle and follow directions on the label. testing urine in pregnancy--importance of.--one of the most important duties, if not the most important, of both the physician and the patient is to have the urine of the pregnant woman examined every month during the[ ] first seven months and every two weeks during the last two months. the urine examined during the first seven months should be the first urine passed on the day it is sent for examination. during the last two months of pregnancy the patient should pass all her water into a chamber for an entire day, and take about three ounces of this mixed water for examination. she should measure the total quantity passed during these days and mark it with her name on the label of the bottle. the physician will thus have an absolute record and guide of just how the kidneys are acting, and as they are the most important organs to watch carefully during every pregnancy, the greatest care should be taken to see that failure to note the first symptom of trouble does not take place. attention to nipples and breast.--the physician should inspect the breasts and nipples of every pregnant woman when she first visits his office. frequently the nipples are found to have been neglected, probably subjected to pressure by badly fitting corsets or too tight clothing. instructions gently to pull depressed nipples out once daily, if begun early, will result in marked improvement by the end of pregnancy. during the latter part of pregnancy the breasts should be carefully and thoroughly bathed daily in addition to the daily bath. this special bath should be with a solution of boric acid (one teaspoonful to one pint of water). after the bath apply a thin coating of white vaseline to the nipples. it may be necessary to resort to the following mixture to harden the nipples and to make them stand out so that the child can get them in its mouth: alcohol and water, equal parts into which put a pinch of powdered alum; this mixture should be put in a saucer and the nipples gently massaged with it twice daily. a depressed nipple may also be drawn out by means of a breast pump. if the nipples are not pulled out the child will be unable to nurse. it may then be necessary to put the child on the bottle and when the nipples are ready he may not take them after being used to the rubber nipple. the breasts may become caked and as a caked breast is a very painful and serious ailment it is wise to attend to this matter in [ ] time. the vagaries of pregnancy.--certain foolish, old-fashioned ideas, have crept into the minds of impressionable people regarding pregnancy, which are aptly termed vagaries. it is believed by some that if the pregnant woman is the victim of fright, or is badly scared, or witnesses a terrifying or tragic sight, her child will be, in some way, affected by it. if the incident is not of sufficient gravity to cause an abortion or a miscarriage it will not, in any way mark, or affect the shape of the child in the womb. it is believed by some that a child can be marked by reason of some event occurring to the mother while carrying it. this is not so; a child cannot be marked by any experience or mental impression of the mother. some believe that the actual character of a child can be changed by influences surrounding the mother while carrying it. the character of a child cannot be changed one particle after conception takes place, no matter how the mother spends her time in the interim. it should be carefully understood that the character of the baby is entirely different from the physical characteristics of the baby. were this not so it would be futile on the part of the mother to discipline or sacrifice herself in the interest of her baby. the baby's character will reflect the qualities of the combined union of mother and father. the baby's physical characteristics will largely depend upon the treatment accorded it by the mother during its intro-uterine life. hence we lay down rules of conduct, diet and exercise in order to produce a good, sturdy animal, while the character or mind of the animal is a part of the fundamental species already created. in other words, no matter how much care you bestow upon a rose bush, its flower will still be a rose,--it may be a better rose, a stronger, sturdier rose, a better smelling and a more beautiful rose, but it is still a rose. contact with infectious diseases.--the pregnant woman should be warned against the danger of coming in contact with any person suffering from any infectious or contagious diseases. to become the victim of one of these[ ] diseases near the time of labor would be a dangerous complication not only to the mother, but to the child. a woman is more liable to catch one of these diseases during the last month of pregnancy than at any other time. the most dangerous diseases at this period are scarlet fever, diphtheria, erysipelas, and all diseased conditions where pus is present. avoidance of drugs.--it is a safe rule during pregnancy to avoid absolutely the taking of all medicines unless prescribed by a physician. the danger signals of pregnancy.--the following conditions may be of very great importance and may be the danger signals of serious coming trouble. they must not therefore be neglected or lightly considered. when any of them make their appearance send for the physician who has charge of your case, at once, and follow his advice whatever it may be. . any escape of blood from the vagina, whether in the form of a sudden hemorrhage or a constant leaking, like a menstrual period. . headache, constant and severe. . severe pain in the stomach. . vertigo or dizziness. . severe sudden nausea and vomiting. . a fever, with or without a chill. * * * * * [ ] chapter viii the management of labor when to send for the physician in confinement cases--the preparation of the patient--the beginning of labor--the first pains--the meaning of the term "labor"--length of the first stage of labor--what the first stage of labor means--what the second stage of labor means--length of the second stage--duration of the first confinement--duration of subsequent confinements--conduct of patient during second stage of labor--what a labor pain means--how a willful woman can prolong labor--management of actual birth of child--position of woman during birth of child--duty of nurse immediately following birth of child--expulsion of after-birth--how to expel after-birth--cutting the cord--washing the baby's eyes immediately after birth--what to do with baby immediately after birth--conduct immediately after labor--after pains--rest and quiet after labor--position of patient after labor--the lochia--the events of the following day--the first breakfast after confinement--the importance of emptying the bladder after labor--how to effect a movement of the bowels after labor--instructing the nurse in details--douching after labor--how to give a douche--"colostrum," its uses--advantages of putting baby to breast early after labor--the first lunch--the first dinner--diet after third day. when to send for the physician in confinement cases.--the physician should be notified just as soon as it is known that labor has begun. the adoption of this course is necessary for a number of reasons. it is only just that he should have an opportunity to arrange his work so that he may be at liberty to give his whole time to your case when he is wanted. he may not be at home at the moment, but can be notified, and can arrange to be on hand when your case progresses far enough to need his personal attention. it will relieve your mind to be assured that he will be with you in plenty of time. [page ] don't worry unnecessarily if he does not come immediately when you notify him, provided you notify him at the beginning of labor. there is plenty of time. you have a lot of work to do before he can be of any help. many women entertain the idea that a physician can immediately perform some kind of miracle to relieve them of all pains at any stage in labor. this is a mistaken idea. no physician can hasten, or would if he could, a natural confinement. he waits until nature accomplishes her work, and he simply watches to see that nature is not being interfered with. if something goes wrong, as it does now and again; or if the pains become too weak, or if the proper progress is not being made, he may help nature or take the case out of her hands and complete the confinement. if it is thought best to do this, there will be plenty of time. the preparation of the patient and the conduct of actual labor.--it is assumed that the patient has adhered to the instructions of the physician given during the early days of her pregnancy. these instructions included directions as to exercise, diet, bathing, etc. having calculated the probable date of the confinement, it is the better wisdom to curtail all out-of-door visiting, shopping, social engagements, etc.,--everything in fact out-of-doors except actual exercise, for two weeks previous to the confinement date. the usual walk in the open air should be continued up to the actual confinement day. the daily bath may be taken, and it is desirable that it should be taken, up to and on the confinement day. the meaning of the term "labor."--by labor is meant, the task or work involved in the progress by means of which a woman expels from her womb the matured ovum or child. after the child has been carried in the womb for a certain time (estimated to be days) it is ripe, or fully matured, and is ready to be born. the womb itself becomes irritable because it has reached the limit of its growth and is becoming overstretched. any slight jar, or physical effort on the part of the patient, or the taking of a cathartic, is apt to set up, or begin the contractions which nature has devised as the process of "labor" by which the womb empties itself. [ ] the beginning of labor.--when the first so-called pains of actual labor begin they are not always recognized as such. the explanation of this seeming paradox is that the "pains" are not always painful. a woman will experience certain undefined sensations in her abdomen; to some, the feeling is as if gas were rumbling around in their bowels; to others, the feeling is as if they were having an attack of not very painful abdominal colic; while others complain of actual pain. the fact that these sensations continue, and that they grow a little worse; and that the day of the confinement is due, or actually here, impresses them that something unusual is taking place; then, and not till then, does the knowledge that labor is really approaching dawn upon them. in due time one of these new sensations, which constitute the first stage of labor, will be more emphatic; there will be a little actual pain so that she will feel like standing still, holding her breath and bearing down. that is the first real labor pain and marks the beginning of the second stage of labor, and may be the first absolute sign that will leave no doubt in her mind that labor has begun. the nurse will now inquire into the condition of the patient's bowels. if they have not already moved freely that day, she will give the patient a rectal injection of one pint of warm soap suds into which one teaspoonful of turpentine is put. after the bowels have been thoroughly cleansed, the patient will be made ready for the confinement. the clothing necessary consists of dressing gown, night gown, stockings and slippers. these are worn as long as the patient is out of bed, when all but the night gown will be discarded. the entire body of the patient, from the waist line to the knees, should be thoroughly cleansed, paying particular attention to the private parts; first with warm water and castile soap, and then rendered aseptic by washing with four quarts warm boiled water into which has been put one teaspoonful of pearson's creolin. a soft napkin is then wrung out of water that has been boiled and cooled to a suitable temperature, and laid over the genital region, and held in place by a dry clean napkin, [ ] and allowed to remain there until the physician takes personal charge of the case. length of the first stage of labor.--there is no definite or even approximate length of time for the first stage of labor,--that, you may recall, was the more or less painless stage, or as it has been termed, the "getting-ready" stage. inasmuch as it is an unimportant and practically painless stage, most patients do not mind it. they continue to be up and around and work as usual. the first stage of labor is utilized by nature in opening the mouth of the womb. the second stage of labor is utilized by nature in expelling the child into the outer world. length of the second stage of labor.--after the second stage has begun, the length of time necessary to end the labor, assuming everything is normal, depends upon the strength and frequency of the pains. the stronger and more frequent the pains, the quicker it will be over. first confinements necessarily take longer, because the parts take more time to open up, or dilate, to a degree sufficient to allow the child to be born. in subsequent confinements, these parts having once been dilated yield much easier, thus shortening the time and the pains of this, the most painful, stage of labor. the average duration of labor is eighteen hours in the case of the first child, and about twelve hours with women who have already borne children. the time, however, is subject to considerable variation, in individual cases, as has been pointed out. conduct of the patient during the second stage of labor.--she should remain up, out of bed, as long as she possibly can. the object of this is because experience shows that the labor pains are stronger, and more frequent, when in the upright position. even though this procedure would seem to invite more constant suffering, it must be remember that labor is a physiological, natural process, that there is nothing to fear or dread; and if the patient is in good health, it is to her advantage to have it over soon, rather than to encourage a long drawn out, exhausting labor. when the pains come [ ] she should be told to hold on to something, to hold her breath as long as possible, and to bear down. a good plan is to roll up a sheet lengthwise, and throw it over the top of an open door and let her grasp both ends tightly and bear down; or she can put her arms over the shoulders of the nurse and bear down. instruct her to hold her breath as long as she can, bearing down all the time, and when she can't hold it any longer, tell her to let up, and then take a quick deep breath and bear down again, repeating this programme until the pain ceases. tell her specifically to be sure to keep bearing down till the end of the pain, because the most important time, and the few seconds during which each pain does most of its work during the second stage of labor, is at the very end of each pain. when a woman understands that these instructions are for her good, and that they are given with the one purpose of saving her pain, and shortening the length of labor, she will try to obey. each pain is intended by nature to do a certain amount of work, and each pain will accomplish that work if the woman does not prevent it; and if she does prevent it, she is only fooling herself, because the next pain will have to do what she would not allow the former to do, and so on according to how she acts. the carriers of heritage [illustration: here is the actual bridge from this generation to the next. into these two little bodies--the larger not over one-twenty-fifth of an inch in diameter--is condensed the multitude of characteristics transmitted from one generation to another. the vital part of the _ovum_ is the _nucleus_, which contains the actual bodies that carry heritage--the little grains that are the mother's characteristics--_chromosomes_. this nucleus is nourished by oils, salts and other inclusions, known as _cytoplasm_. floating in the cytoplasm may be found a tiny body known as the _centrosome_, which acts as a magnet in certain phases of cell development. around this whole mass is a _cell wall_, more or less resisting and protective. the _spermatozoan_ is structurally much different from the ovum, but it also has its nucleus and chromosomes, which carry to the child the transmittable characteristics of the father. the ovum is usually comparatively large and stationary, and whatever motion is therefore necessary to bring it into contact with the male cell devolves upon the latter, which possesses what is known as a _locomotor tail_. in addition there are usually many sperms to one ovum, so that the chances are that at least one male cell will reach the egg and effect fertilization, and the beginning of a new life. the diagrams on the opposite page show the actual steps by which the spermatozoan unites with the ovum. it is the very first stage of the process of cell multiplication that results in the offspring.] the formation of a new life [illustration: _reproduced by permission from "genetics," walters, the macmillan co._] how a willful woman can prolong labor.--for a certain time, during the second stage of labor, a willful, unreasonable woman, can work against nature and save herself a little pain by prolonging the issue; but there will come a time when, the head having reached a certain position, the expulsive pains will be so great that she won't be able to control them and nature then seems to take her revenge. so if a woman holds back, and begins to cry, and scream, when she feels a pain coming, she renders the pain to a large degree negative, she prolongs her labor, adds to the total number of pains, exhausts herself, and endangers the life of her child. it must, however, be remembered in all justice that this is a time when it is much easier to preach than to practice. every confinement is a new experience; no matter how many a physician may have seen, there are no two alike. it is one of the interesting [ ] psychological problems in medicine to observe the conduct of women during their first confinement. some are calm, exhibiting a degree of self-control that is admirable. they are willing to be instructed, and they recognize that the advice is given for their benefit. they conscientiously try to obey suggestions, and they make praiseworthy efforts to keep themselves under control. they are stoics. others collapse at once; they go to pieces under the slightest excuse, and frequently without as much as an excuse. as soon as the pain begins, they willfully ignore all the instructions given and desperately and foolishly try to escape what they cannot escape. in this unreasonable selfishness they resent advice, and at the same time they implore you to "do something" for them. there is absolutely no excuse for this kind of conduct; and any prospective mother who, because of a willful trait in her disposition, refuses to profit by the kindly professional advice of her physician or nurse, should at least have some consideration for her unborn babe. it may seem unkind to criticise the conduct of any woman at such a time. it is not prompted by a lack of patience or justice however. these women permit, in spite of every assurance to the contrary, an unreasonable fear to overwhelm them; and because of this fear they refuse to be guided into a path of conduct that will save them suffering and shorten the pains which they complain of. it is our conviction that if a woman would try to follow the advice of the physician at this time, at least half of all the seeming suffering would be avoided. we are glad to be able to truthfully state that this type of woman is vastly in the minority. when the second stage has advanced far enough, the patient will decide to go to bed. it may be necessary to put her in bed earlier, if her pains are very strong, as there is always a possibility of suddenly expelling the child under the influence of a strong pain. she will, as previously stated, discard all clothing, except her night gown, which can be folded up to her waist line and let down as far as necessary after the confinement is over. the obvious advantage of this arrangement is that the gown remains [ ] unsoiled, and saves what would be needless trouble if it proved necessary to change the night gown at a time when the tired-out patient needs rest. much aid may be afforded the woman at this stage by twisting an ordinary bed sheet and putting it around one of the posts or bars of the foot of the bed. the patient may then pull on the ends during the pain; she may also find much comfort and aid by bracing her feet on the foot of the bed while pulling. it is desirable to instruct the nurse to press on the small of the back during these pains. some women appreciate a hot water bottle in this region. if the pains are hard the patient may perspire freely; it is always refreshing occasionally to wipe the face and brow off with a cloth wrung out of cold water. cramps of the limbs may be relieved by forcibly stretching the leg and pulling the foot up toward the knee. from this time until the child and after-birth are born the physician will take active charge of the case. the management of the actual birth of the child.--near the end of the second stage of labor it will be observed that the pains have grown strong, expulsive, and more frequent. very soon the advancing head will begin to push outward the space between the front and back passage; the rectum is pushed outward and the lips of the vagina open. if an anesthetic is to be used these are the pains that call for it. a few drops may be dropped singly on a small clean handkerchief held up by the middle over the nose, its ends falling over the face. a few drops will just take the edge off the pains, and render them quite bearable. as soon as the pain is over the patient should rest, relax completely, and not fret and exhaust herself worrying about the pains to come. it is astonishing how much actual rest a woman can get between pains if she will only try; and it is astonishing how much concentrated mischief a willful, unreasonable woman can do in the same time. she will not try to rest, but cries and moans and pleads for chloroform, until she succeeds in giving everyone except the physician and nurse the impression that she is suffering unnecessarily. her husband or her mother, whichever is present, gets nervous; they begin to wonder [ ] if the physician is really trying to help; assume a long, sad, serious face! forget their promise to look cheerful, and mayhap offer sympathy to the woman. it is a trying moment and needs infinite patience and tact. the physician attends strictly to his duty, which will now be to guard the woman against exerting too great a force during the last few pains. about this time, or before it in many instances, the "waters will break." this means simply that the bag or membrane in the contents of which the child floated burst because of the pressure of a pain. this is a perfectly natural procedure and should not cause any worry: simply ignore it as if it had no bearing on the labor in any way. as soon as the oncoming head has dilated the passage sufficiently, so that the edges of the entrance to the vagina will slip over the head without tearing, the physician allows the head to be born. it takes some time to do this, and he must hold the head back until just the right moment. it is best not to let the head slip through at the height of a pain, or rupture is sure to occur. wait till it will slip through as a pain is dying out, and if you have waited long enough and handled the head skillfully, the conditions will be just right at a certain moment to permit this without tearing the parts. there are some cases where a tear, and a good tear, is impossible to guard against. it is not a question of patience, or tact, or skill; it is a combination of conditions which patience, tact, and skill are powerless against. position of woman during birth of child.--the position of the woman is a matter of choice and is not contributory to the results at all. she can lie on her back, which is the ordinary way, or on her side, as the physician or the patient prefer. as soon as the head is born the physician should see that the cord is not round the child's neck; if it is, release it. the shoulders will most likely be born with the next or succeeding pain. the physician will permit the lower shoulder to slip over the soft parts first; this is done by retarding the upper shoulder by pushing it gently behind the pubic bone of the mother. when the shoulders are through, the rest[ ] of the body of the child slips out without effort. duty of nurse immediately following birth of child.--as soon as the child is born the nurse should sit by the side of the mother and hold the womb until the after-birth is expelled. the womb can be easily felt in the lower part of the woman's abdomen as a hard mass. it feels about the size of an extra large orange. the object of holding it is to prevent the possibility of an internal hemorrhage. it can be readily appreciated that the interior of a womb, immediately after a child is born, is simply a large bleeding wound. so long as the womb remains firmly contracted there is very little chance for an extensive bleeding to take place. as a rule the womb remains sufficiently contracted to preclude a hemorrhage until the after-birth is out. after the after-birth is expelled, the womb usually closes down firmly and the liability to bleed is very much reduced. because there is a distinct chance or tendency for the womb to bleed freely during the time the after-birth remains in, it is customary, as stated above, to watch it closely and to hold it securely. it is best held with the right hand. the fingers should surround the top of the womb and exert a slight downward pressure. should it show any tendency to dilate or fill with blood, get it between the fingers and the thumb and squeeze it, pushing downward at the same time. expulsion of after-birth.--the after-birth is usually expelled in about twenty minutes after the child is born. great care should be experienced in its expulsion. it should not be pulled at any stage of its expulsion. if it does not come easily give it a longer time,--it takes time for the womb to detach itself from the after-birth; and some after-births are very firmly attached. eventually it will come out with a little encouragement in the way of frictional massage of the womb through the abdominal walls. if the membranes remain in the womb after the body of the after-birth is out, do not pull on them. take the after-birth up in the palm of your hand and turn or twist it around, and keep turning it around gently, thereby loosening the membranes from the womb instead of pulling them, which would surely break them, leaving the broken ends in the womb, and, as a result, the[ ] chance of developing serious trouble. the patient should now be given one teaspoonful of the fluid extract of ergot, which should be repeated in an hour. should there be an excessive flow of blood after this period it may be again repeated at the third hour. cutting the cord.--as soon as the child is born, and of course long before the after-birth is expelled, the physician will tie the cord. this is best done at two places, one about two inches from the child, and the other two or three inches nearer the mother. cut the cord about one-half inch beyond the first ligature, which will be between the two ligatures. the cord should be tied with sterile tape made for the purpose, or heavy twisted ligature silk, or a narrow, ordinary, strong tape, previously boiled. it should be tied firmly and inspected a number of times within one hour of its birth. it is possible for a baby to lose enough blood from a cord badly tied to cause its death. a very good way to ensure against such an accident is to cut the cord one inch from the ligature nearest the baby, then turn this inch backward and retie with the same ligature, thus making a double tie at the same spot. cut the cord with scissors that have been boiled and reserved for this purpose. washing baby's eyes and mouth immediately after birth.--as soon after birth as is practicable, wash the baby's eyes with a saturated solution of boracic acid. immediately after the eyes have been washed the physician will drop into them a solution of silver nitrate, three drops of a two per cent. solution in each eye, or argyrol, three drops per cent. solution. this precaution is taken against possible infection during labor and, as explained elsewhere, it is a preventive against certain diseased conditions which, if present, would result in blindness. the physician should then wind a little sterile cotton round his moistened little finger, dip it in the boracic solution, and holding the baby up by the feet head down, insert this finger into the throat, thus clearing it of mucus. the tongue and mouth may be gently washed with the same [ ] solution. after the baby has cried lustily as an evidence of life and strength, he should be wrapped up in a warm blanket quickly, and immediately put in a cozy basket in a warm place, and left there undisturbed, with his eyes shaded from the light until the nurse is ready to attend to him. the baby should be laid on his right side. conduct immediately following labor.--as soon as the physician is satisfied that the patient is well enough to be left in care of the nurse or attendant, every effort should be made to favor a long, refreshing sleep. nothing will contribute to the patient's well-being so much as a quiet, restful sleep after labor. the nurse will therefore take the baby into another room, fix the mother comfortably, and give her a glass of warm milk,--draw the shades or lower the light and tell the tired-out mother to go to sleep. as a rule she will sleep easily, as she is sore and exhausted. after-pains.--in women who have had children the womb does not as a rule contract down as firmly as after the first confinement. this condition permits of slight relaxation of the muscular wall, at which times there is a slight oozing of blood. this blood collects and forms clots in the uterine cavity which acts as irritants, exciting contractions in the effort to expel them. these contractions cause what are commonly known as "after-pains." these pains last until the womb is free from blood-clots. they may be severe the first twenty-four hours and then gradually die out during the following two or three days. ordinarily in uncomplicated confinements they rarely annoy the patient longer than a few hours. it is a rare exception to observe them after the first confinement. rest and quiet after labor.--sometimes the birth chamber is the rendezvous for all the inquisitive ladies in the neighborhood. no one should be permitted in the lying-in chamber until the patient is sitting up, except the husband and the mother. this should be made an absolute rule in every confinement. this is a period that demands the maximum of uninterrupted rest and repose. the world and all its concerns should remain a blank to a woman during the whole period of her confinement. this is the only successful means of obtaining mental rest. the husband and mother [ ] should be instructed to present themselves just often enough to demonstrate their interest in the welfare of the patient and the baby. position of the patient after labor.--after delivery a woman should be instructed to lie on her back, without a pillow, for the first night. on the following morning she may have a pillow, but she must remain on her back for the first week. sometimes an exception may be made to this rule by letting the patient move around on the side, with a pillow supporting the back, on the fourth day. these exceptional cases are those whose womb has contracted firmly, as shown by the quick change in the amount and color of the lochia. women should be told why they must remain on their backs as explained in the chapter: "how long should a woman remain in bed?" the lochia.--the discharge which occurs after every labor is called the lochia. its color is red for the first four or five days; for the succeeding two or three days it is yellow; for the remainder of its existence it is of a whitish color. it lasts from ten days to three weeks. the odor of the lochia is at first that of fresh blood; later it has the odor peculiar to these parts. if at any time the odor should become foul or putrid it is a danger signal to which the nurse should immediately draw the physician's attention. if the amount of the lochia should be excessive it should be investigated. the events of the day following labor.--we will assume that the patient enjoyed a long sleep and wakes up refreshed, and with a thankful feeling that all is over and that baby is safely here. she will want to see and caress baby, of course. lay the baby down in bed beside her and let her love and mother it. tell her not to lift it, for the strain might injure her, then quietly steal away for ten or fifteen minutes, for these are precious, sacred moments. motherhood--that angel spirit, whose influence every human heart has felt--that guards and guides the world in its sheltering arms--is born in its divine sense, into the heart of every woman for the first time, as she gazes in ecstasy and wonder at her [ ] first-born. she feels that she has begotten a trust,--a trust direct from her creator, and she makes a silent resolve, as she gently and timidly feels the softness of baby's cheek, that she will watch over it, and guide it, and do all a mother can for it, with god's help. it is good for the race that mothers do feel this way: and it is good for all concerned that they be given the opportunity to be so inspired. just as gently take the baby away at the expiration of the allotted time. take it with a cheerful, smiling word, and do not comment upon mother's happy, thoughtful face, she will quickly collect herself and enter into the spirit of quiet congratulation that should now permeate the home. the first breakfast after labor.--if the patient has passed a comfortable night, feels well, and is free from temperature, and has a normal pulse, breakfast will consist of a cup of warm milk, or a cup of cocoa made with milk, a piece of toasted bread, and a light boiled egg; or if preferred a cereal with milk and toasted bread. this will be the breakfast for the two following days also. the milk, or the cocoa (whichever is taken), must be sipped, while the attendant supports the patient's head. the cereal, or the egg (whichever is taken), must be fed to the patient out of a spoon. the patient must not make any physical effort to help herself; she must remain relaxed. even when she sips her milk, or cocoa, she must not make any effort to raise her head; the nurse must support its entire weight. this will be the absolute routine of every meal until the physician gives permission to change the procedure. it is a waste of time to formulate rules only to disobey them. shortly after breakfast the patient's toilet should be attended to. she should have her hair combed, and her face and hands washed. the hair on the right half of her head should be combed while the head rests on the left side, and vice versa. the water used for washing the hands and face should be slightly warmed. it is best to keep the hair braided and to consult the wishes of the patient as to the frequency of combing it. [page ] the importance of emptying the bladder after labor.--an effort should be made now to have the patient urinate. this is very important at this time, as it is not an uncommon experience to find that the abdominal muscles are so worn out and overstrained with the fatigue of labor that they refuse to act when an effort is made to urinate. as a consequence the bladder becomes distended and may have to be emptied by other means. this condition is a temporary and a painless one, and will rectify itself in a day or two; meantime, if this accident has occurred, it is essential that the bladder should be emptied from time to time until the patient can do it herself. to test this function place the patient on the bed pan into which a pint of hot water has been put, and give her a reasonable time to make the effort to pass her water. should she fail, take an ordinary small bath towel and wring it out of very hot water, just as hot as she can tolerate, and spread it over the region of the bladder and genitals: if there is running water in the room, turn it on full and let it run while the towel is in position as above. if the bladder is full, there is a peculiar, irresistible desire to urinate when one hears running water. if this effort fails, report the fact to the physician when he makes his daily call; he will draw the urine and it will be part of his daily duty to give specific instructions regarding this function until nature reëstablishes it. no particular attention need be paid to the bowels for the first two days. on the morning of the third day, if they have not acted of their own accord, the physician will give the necessary instructions to move them. the means necessary to accomplish the first movement after a confinement is a matter of choice. the old-time idea was to use castor oil, and while other remedies are now more or less fashionable, castor oil is still an excellent agent. enemas are frequently used, but their use is questionable in this instance, inasmuch as a movement has not taken place for three days, the object is to clean out the whole length of the intestinal tract, and an enema is limited to part of the large intestine only,--according to how it is given. if the small intestines are not thoroughly emptied, [ ] particles of food may remain there, and if so, they will putrify and the patient runs the risk of developing gas,--sometimes to an enormous extent. this affliction is painful, and dangerous, and nearly always unnecessary. it is always, therefore, more safe, and more desirable, to use some agent by the mouth, and we know of no better one than castor oil; and as castor oil can be so masked as to be practically tasteless at any drug-store soda fountain there can be small objection to it. my custom is to send the nurse or husband with an empty glass to the drug store to have the mixture made there and brought back ready for use. we have frequently obtained it in this way and given it to the patient without her knowing what it was. the best time to give castor oil is two hours after a meal, and two hours before the next meal--i.e., on an empty stomach. it works quicker and does not nauseate when the stomach is empty. instructing the nurse in details.--the nurse will attend to the patient's discharges by changing the napkins frequently. the bruised parts should be washed twice daily, for the first three or four days. if the nurse is a trained graduate nurse a few directions will suffice. if she is not a trained nurse the physician should be explicit in his instructions. it would be better if he actually showed her just how he wanted this work done. the best way to cleanse the vulvæ or privates is to take an ordinary douche bag at the proper height (about three feet) and allow the solution ( to , bichlorid) to run over the parts into the douche pan, but do not touch any part of the patient with the nozzle of the douche bag. while she is directing the water with the left hand she should have a piece of sterile cotton in the right hand with which she will gently mop the parts. this method ensures disengaging any clotted blood and is aseptic. dry the parts afterwards with a soft sterile piece of gauze and apply a clean sterile napkin. douching after labor.--a nurse should never give a vaginal douche without instructions from the physician. douches are not necessary in the convalescence of ordinary uncomplicated confinement cases. when it is [ ] necessary to give vaginal douches after a confinement, there are good reasons why they should be given, and it is therefore absolutely essential that they should be given properly, and with the highest degree of aseptic precautions. if these rules are not observed, the danger of causing serious trouble is very great, and as the physician is directly responsible for the conduct of the case, he should in justice to himself and his patient, do the douching himself. how to give a douche.--the proper way to give a vaginal douche after a confinement, when the parts are bruised and lacerated, and when, as a consequence, the possibility of infection is very great, is as follows: instruct the nurse to boil and cool about two quarts of water and have another kettle of water boiling. boil the douche bag and its rubber tubing and the glass douche tube (do not use the hard rubber nozzle that comes with the ordinary douche bag). drain off the water after it has boiled for ten minutes, but instruct the nurse not to touch the bag or tube, to leave them in the pan, covered, till the physician uses them. when the physician calls, place the patient on a clean warm douche pan while he is sterilizing his hands and making the solution ready. while he is douching the patient the nurse will hold the bag. the bag should not be held higher than two feet above the level of the patient. advantages of putting baby to the breast early after birth.--the patient can now take, and will likely be ready for, an hour's nap. after the rest it is desirable to put the baby to the nipple, first carefully cleaning the nipple with a soft piece of sterile gauze dipped in a saturated solution of boracic acid. the reasons for this are as follows: st. there is in the breasts of every woman after confinement a secretion known as "colostrum" which has the property of acting as a laxative to the child, in addition to being a food. nd. it is advisable that the child's bowels should move during the first twenty-four hours and the colostrum was put there partly for that purpose. rd. the act of suckling has a well-known influence on the womb, in [ ] that it distinctly aids in contracting it, and thereby expelling blood-clots and small shreds of the after-birth which might cause trouble if left in. th. by nursing the colostrum out of the breasts, it will favor and hasten the secretion of milk. th. it is frequently easier for the baby to get the nipple before the breast is full of milk, and having once had the nipple it will be easier to induce him to take it again when it is more difficult to get. the first lunch after labor.--lunch will be next in order, and that should consist of a clear soup,--chicken broth, mutton broth, beef broth with a few graham wafers or biscuits, and a cup of custard or rice pudding. this will be the lunch for the two following days also. the same precautions are to be observed in giving this as were observed with breakfast and as will be observed with all other meals as clearly stated before, and repeated again, so that no mistake may be made. in the middle of the afternoon the patient can take a cup of beef tea or a cup of warm milk. the first dinner after labor.--dinner will consist of more broth, or a plate of clear consomme with a dropped egg, or a cereal, a little boiled rice with milk, and stewed prunes, or a baked apple. after the bowels have moved, on the third day, and provided the temperature and pulse have been normal since the confinement, the patient can be put on an ordinary mixed diet, particulars regarding which are given on page under the heading "diet for the nursing mother." * * * * * [ ] chapter ix confinement incidents regarding the dread and fear of childbirth--the woman who dreads childbirth--regarding the use of anesthetics in confinements--the presence of friends and relatives in the confinement chamber--how long should a woman stay in bed after a confinement?--why do physicians permit women to get out of bed before the womb is back in its proper place?--lacerations, their meaning and their significance--the advantage of an examination six weeks after the confinement--the physician who does not tell all of the truth regarding the more or less prevalent dread or fear of childbirth.--much has been written, and much more could be written upon this subject. inasmuch as this book is largely intended for prospective mothers to read and profit thereby, and is not for physicians and nurses whose actual acquaintance with confinement work would render such comments superfluous, it will not be out of place to consider this phase of the subject briefly, from a medical standpoint. when one considers that "a child is born every minute" as the saying goes, and which is approximately true, and at the same time remembers that statistics prove, as near as can be estimated, that there is only one death of a mother in twenty thousand confinements, it would really seem as though we were "looking for trouble" to even regard the subject as worthy of the smallest consideration. it is much more dangerous to ride five miles on a railroad, or on a street car, or even take a two-mile walk,--the percentage possibility of accident is decidedly in your favor to stay at home and have a baby. almost any disease you can mention has a higher, a much higher fatality percentage than the risks run by a [ ] pregnant woman. the real justification for actual fear of serious trouble is so small that it barely exists. these are facts that cannot be argued away by any specious if or and. why, therefore, should there be any real fear? did you ever hear of the remarks made by a famous philosopher who was given a dinner by his friends in celebration of his th birthday? in replying to the eulogisms of his friends he said in part: "as i look back into those blessed years that have faded away, i can recall a lot of troubles and many worries as well as much happiness and pleasure, and thinking of it all this evening i can truthfully say my worst troubles and worries never happened." so it is with the woman who for weeks or months has made her own life wretched, and possibly the life of her husband and friends, the same in imagining all kinds of dreadful things that never take place. it is undoubtedly an exhibition of weakness, an evidence of failure in the development of self-control. childbirth is a natural process,--there is nothing mysterious about it. if you do your part you have no cause to fear,--the very fact, however, that you entertain a dread of it, shows that you are not doing your part. one of the saddest parts of life, one of the real tragedies of living, is the fact that most of us have to live so long before we really begin to profit by our experiences. could we only be taught to learn the lesson of experience earlier, when life is younger and hope stronger, we would have so much more to live for and so many more satisfied moments to profit by. one of the most valuable lessons experience can teach any human being is not to worry and fret about the future. you can plant ahead of yourself a path of roses and be cheerful, or you can plant a bed of thorns and reap a thorny reward. cultivate the spirit of contentment, devote all your energy to making the actual present comfortable. don't fret about what is going to bother you next week, because, as the philosopher said, most of the troubles we anticipate and worry about never occur, but the worry kills. regarding the use of anesthetics in confinements.--anesthetics are as a rule given in all confinements that are not normal. to make this [ ] statement more plain it may be said, that, when it is necessary to use instruments, or to perform any operation of a painful character, it is the invariable rule to give anesthetics. as to the wisdom of giving an anesthetic when labor is progressing in a normal and satisfactory manner, there is a difference of opinion. much depends upon the disposition of the patient and the viewpoint of the physician in charge of the case. it is a fact that a large number of confinements are easy and are admitted to be so, by the patients themselves, and in which it would be medically wrong to give an anesthetic. in a normal confinement, however, when the pains are particularly severe and the progress slow, there is no medical reason why an anesthetic could not be given to ease the pain. in these cases it is not necessary to render the patient completely unconscious. sufficient anesthetic to dull each pain is all that is necessary, and as this can be accomplished with absolute safety by the use of an anesthetic mixture of alcohol, ether and chloroform, there can be no possible objection to it. the use of an anesthetic, however, is a matter that must be left entirely to the judgment of the physician as there are frequently good reasons why it should not be given under any circumstances. the presence of friends and relatives in the confinement chamber.--it is a safe rule to exclude every one from the confinement room during the later stages of labor. sometimes it is desirable to make an exception to this rule in the interest of the patient, by permitting the mother or husband to remain. if this exception is made, however, they must be told to conduct themselves in a way that will tend to keep the patient in cheerful spirits. they must not sympathize, or go around with solemn, gloomy faces. cheerfulness and an encouraging word will tide over a trying moment when the reverse might prove disastrous. practically the same rule applies to the entire period of convalescence during which time the patient is confined to bed. this is a very important episode in a woman's life and the consequences may be serious if it is misused in any way. friends and relatives do not appreciate the [ ] absolute necessity of guarding the patient from small talk and gossip, and an unwitting remark may cause grave mental distress, which may retard the patient's convalescence and disastrously affect the quality and quantity of her milk, thereby injuring the child. how long should a woman stay in bed after a confinement?--to answer this question by stating a specific number of days would be wrong, because, few women understand the need for staying in bed after they feel well enough to get up. if any answer was given, it should be at least fourteen days, and it would be nearer the truth medically to double that time. let us consider what is going on at this period. the natural size of the unimpregnated womb is three by one and three-quarter inches, and its weight is one to two ounces. the average size of the pregnant womb just previous to labor is twenty by fourteen inches, and its weight about sixteen ounces. we have, therefore, an increase of about % to be got rid of before it assumes again its normal condition. this decrease cannot be accomplished quickly by any known medical miracle. nature takes time and she will not be hurried: she will do it in an orderly, perfect manner if she is allowed to. the womb will again find its proper location and will resume its work, in a painless, natural way, in due time, if all goes well. the uterus or womb is held in its place by two bands or ligaments, one on either side, and is supported in front and back by the structures next to it. these bands keep the womb in place in much the same way as a clothes pin sits on a clothes line, and it will retain its proper place provided everything is just right. after labor, it is large and top heavy. if you put a weight on the top of a clothes pin as it sits on a clothes line, what will take place? it will tilt one way or the other, and if the weight is heavy, it will turn completely over. so long as the woman lies in bed the womb will gradually shrink back to its proper size and place; if she sits up or gets out of bed too soon, the weight of the womb, being top heavy, will cause it to tilt and sag out of its true position. as soon as it does this the weight of the bowels and other structures above will push and crowd it further out [ ] of place. this crowding and tilting interferes with the circulation in the womb and its proper contraction is interfered with, and thus is laid the foundation for the multitude of womb troubles that exist. it is a mechanical as well as a medical problem. being partly mechanical, it is subject to the rules that govern mechanical problems. the importance of this dual process will be appreciated by considering the following fact. many medical conditions tend to cure or rectify themselves because nature is always working in our behalf if we give her a chance. take for example an ordinary cold. you can have a very severe cold and you can neglect it, and in spite of your neglect you will get well. it is not wise to neglect colds, nevertheless, it is true that nature will cure, unaided, a great many diseased conditions, if she has half a chance. this, to a very large extent, is the secret of christian science, yet the principle is known to everyone. a mechanical condition, on the other hand, has absolutely no tendency to get well of its own accord, or without mechanical aid. this is why christian science cannot cure a broken leg. it is this principle that makes diseases of the womb so persistent, and so stubborn of cure. when a womb once becomes slightly displaced, the tendency always is for it to grow worse and never to cure itself. the longer it lasts the worse it gets. its cure depends upon mechanically putting it back in place and holding it long enough there to permit nature to reëstablish its circulation, and by toning and strengthening it so that when the mechanical support is taken away it will retain its position. there is no other possible way of doing it. now since it has been proved that nature takes many days to contract a pregnant womb, a woman is taking a risk, and inviting trouble by getting out of bed before that time. why do physicians permit women to get up before the womb is back in its proper place?--without offering the excuse that a woman will not stay in bed as long as a physician knows she should, there is, however, a large degree of truth in this excuse. and we are of the opinion that, if a physician made it a rule to keep all his confinement cases in bed for one month, [page ] he would very soon find himself without these patients. experience has taught us, however, that it is safe, under proper restrictions, and in uncomplicated confinements, to allow patients to sit up in bed on the th and in certain cases on the th day, and to get out of bed on the th or th day. when the patient is allowed to sit up, out of bed, it should not be for longer than one or two hours, and during that time she should sit in a comfortable rocking or morris chair, which should be placed by the side of the bed. each day the time can be lengthened, and the distance of the chair from the bed increased. this procedure gives her the opportunity to walk a little further each day, thereby to test her strength and ability to use her limbs. on the fourth day, if all has gone well, she may stay up all day and she may walk more freely about the room. she should be just to herself, however. as soon as she is fatigued she should not make any effort to try to "work it off." when a feeling of fatigue appears she should rest completely. if she has any pain or distress she should acquaint the physician with it at once. she should not try to hide anything on the mistaken idea that "it isn't much." she does not know, and she is not supposed to know what the pain may mean; it may be exceedingly significant. many women have saved themselves needless suffering, and their husbands unnecessary expenditure of money, by calling the physician's attention to conditions, which in time would have been serious, and would have necessitated long, expensive treatment. lacerations during confinement, their meaning and their significance.--the only interest a laceration or a tear has to a physician, is whether the laceration or tear is of sufficient importance to need surgical interference. the laceration can take place at the mouth of the womb, or on the outside, between the vagina and rectum. those of the mouth of the womb always take place, in every confinement, to some degree. they are never given any attention at the time of the confinement, unless under extraordinary circumstances, such as a more or less complete rupture of the womb, and this is such a rare accident [ ] that most physicians practice a lifetime and never see or hear of one single case. those on the outside are always attended to immediately after labor, or should be, unless they are very extensive and the patient is not in condition to permit of any immediate operative work. in such a case it is best to leave it alone until the patient is in condition to have it operated on at a later date. it is distinctly preferable to have it attended to immediately after labor when it is possible, and it is possible in a very large percentage of the cases. the explanation of this is because it is practically painless then, owing to the parts having been so stretched and bruised that they have little or no feeling. if it is left for a day or two and then repaired, it will be more painful, because the parts will have regained their sensitiveness. another good reason in favor of immediate repair is that a much better and quicker union will take place than if postponed. when a patient is torn, but not to the degree necessary to stitch, it is to her advantage to be told to lie on her back and keep her knees together for twelve hours, thus keeping the torn edges together and at rest, thereby favoring quick and healthy repair of the tear. some physicians go as far as to bind the patient's knees together so she cannot separate them during sleep. it is the custom of every conscientious physician to request every woman he confines to report at his office six or eight weeks after labor. the reason for this is to find out by examination the character and extent of the lacerations of the mouth of the womb. no physician can tell at the time of labor just how much damage has been done, because the mouth of the womb, at the time of labor, is so stretched and thinned out, that it is impossible to tell. after the womb has contracted to about its normal size, it is a very simple matter for any physician to tell exactly the character and extent of the lacerations. most of these tears need absolutely no attention; there are a few however that do. this is a very important matter for two very good reasons. st. every woman should know, and is entitled to know, just what [ ] condition she is in, because if she has been torn to an extent that needs attention, and is left in ignorance of it, her physical health may be slowly and seriously undermined and the cause of it may not be understood or even guessed at. a woman who becomes nervous and irritable, loses vim and vitality, has headaches, backaches and anemia, and no symptoms, or few, that point to disease of the womb, will suffer a long time before she seeks relief of the right kind, and will be astonished and outraged when she is told that it all results from a bad tear of her womb that she knew nothing about. nd. a physician should in justice to himself insist on this late examination, because if a woman is told, at some subsequent time, by another physician that she is badly torn, and she was not told of it by the physician who confined her, she is very apt to form an unjust opinion of his work and to entertain an unfriendly feeling toward him as a man. some physicians also, to their discredit, are not slow in permitting an unjust opinion of a colleague to be spread around, by preserving a silence, when an explanation would result in an entirely different opinion by the patient. they permit it to be inferred that the physician was responsible for the tear, when such is not the case. no physician on earth can prevent a tear of the mouth of the womb and this should be explained to the patient. where the physician is at fault is in the failure to examine his patients when it is possible to tell that a tear of any consequence exists. if such an examination is made, he is in a position to state that a tear exists of sufficient extent to justify careful attention. immediate operation is seldom necessary, and if the patient is comparatively young, it may not be wise to operate, because if pregnancy takes place within a reasonable time the womb will again tear. she should be told, however, that should she not become pregnant during the next three years she should be examined from time to time, and if the condition of her womb, or her health suggest it, she should have the tear attended to. if after this explanation she neglects herself she must blame herself, she will at least have no[ ] cause to harbor any resentment against her physician who has done all any physician is called upon to do under the circumstances. another important reason for finding out the character of the laceration is because these lacerations of the mouth of the womb frequently cause sterility. * * * * * [ ] chapter x nursing mothers the diet of nursing mothers--care of the nipples--cracked nipples--tender nipples--mastitis in nursing mothers--inflammation of the breasts--when should a child be weaned?--method of weaning--nursing while menstruating--care of breasts while weaning child--nervous nursing mothers--birth marks--qualifications of a nursery maid. the diet of nursing mothers.--a nursing mother should eat exactly the same diet as she has always been accustomed to before she became pregnant. if any article of diet disagrees with her she should give up that particular article. she should not experiment; simply adhere to what she knows agreed with her in the past. more, rather than less, should be taken, especially more liquids as they favor milk-making. it is sometimes advisable to drink an extra glass of milk in the mid-afternoon and before retiring. if milk disagrees, or is not liked, she may take clear soup or beef tea in place of it. in a general way milk in quantities not over one quart daily, eggs, meat, fish, poultry, cereals, green vegetables, and stewed fruit constitute a varied and ample dietary to select from. every nursing mother should have one daily movement of the bowels; she should get three or four hours' exercise in the open air every day; and she should nurse her child regularly. the diet of the nursing mother during the period immediately after confinement is given elsewhere. alcohol, of all kinds, should be absolutely avoided during the entire period of nursing. drugs of every variety, or for any purpose, should never be taken unless by special permission of her physician. care of the nipples.--as soon as the mother has had a good sleep after the confinement the nipples should be washed with a saturated solution of [ ] boracic acid, and the child allowed to nurse. the milk does not come into the breast for two or three days, but the child should nurse every four hours during that time. there is secreted at this time a substance called colostrum. this is a laxative agent which nature intends the child should have as it tends to move the bowels and at the same time it appeases the hunger of the infant. it also accustoms the child to nursing and gradually prepares the nipples for the work ahead of them. after each nursing the nipples should be carefully washed with the same solution and thoroughly dried. cracked nipples.--cracked nipples often result from lack of care and cleanliness. if they are not cared for as described above they are very apt during the first few days to crack. they should never be left moist. they should be washed and dried after every feeding. if the breasts are full enough to leak they should be covered with a pad of sterile absorbent gauze. nursing mothers should guard against cracked nipples, as they are exceedingly painful; frequently necessitating a discontinuance of nursing; and may produce abscess of the breast. treatment of cracked nipples.--in addition to washing the nipples, drying them thoroughly, and placing a pad of dry gauze over them after each feeding, they should be painted with an per cent. solution of nitrate of silver twice daily. before the next feeding, after the silver has been used, they should be washed with cooled boiled water. if the cracks are very bad it may be necessary to use a nipple-shield over them while nursing for a few days. tender nipples.--many women complain of the pain caused by the baby when it is first put to the breast. these nipples are not cracked, they are simple hypersensitive. they should be thoroughly cleansed and dried as above and painted with the compound tincture of benzoin. they should be washed off with the boracic acid solution before each feeding. after a few days under this treatment the tenderness will leave them. mastitis in nursing mothers.--when inflammation of the breast takes [ ] place in a nursing mother it is the result of exposure to cold, or it may result from injury. if infection occurs and an abscess develops, it results from the entrance, through the nipples, or cracks, or fissures in the nipple, of bacteria into the breast. there is fever, with chills and prostration, and very soon it is impossible to nurse the child because of the pain. nursing should be immediately discontinued, the breast supported by a bandage and the milk drawn, with a breast pump, at the regular nursing intervals. an ice-bag should be constantly applied to the painful area and the bowels kept freely open with a saline laxative. when the fever and the pain subside nursing may be resumed. if the gland suppurates in spite of treatment it must be freely opened and freely drained. weaning when to wean the baby.--medically there is no exact time at which the baby should be weaned. certain conditions indicate when it should be undertaken. it is desirable to wean the baby between the tenth and twelfth months. a month or two one way or another will not make much difference if the mother and child are in good condition. it should be weaned between the periods of dentition rather than when it is actively teething. the time of year is important. it would be better to wean it before the hot weather if it is strong and has been accustomed to taking other food than the breast milk. on the other hand it would be decidedly better to defer the weaning until the fall, rather than risk weaning at the tenth or twelfth months if these fall during the height of the hot weather. methods of weaning.--the best way to wean is to do it gradually. it is not desirable to take the mother's milk away suddenly unless there is a very good reason for it. the child should be fed small portions of suitable other food at the beginning of the tenth month. by the end of the tenth month he should be taking a feeding two or three times a day of food other than the breast milk. this feeding may be given in a bottle. in some [ ] cases the mother may be able to feed the child with a spoon instead of the bottle. the substitute feedings allowable at this age are given in another chapter. times when rapid weaning is necessary.--there are times when the child must be weaned suddenly, as, for example, at the death of the mother, serious sickness of the mother, or in cases where for any cause the mother suddenly loses her milk. in these cases it is best to wean at once. if an infant refuses to take the bottle under such circumstances, the best plan to adopt, and the wisest one in the long run, is to starve the child into submission. if he gets absolutely nothing but the bottle he will shortly take it without protest. if a meddling individual attempts to feed the child some other food and tries to coax it to take the bottle in the meantime, much harm may result; it is safe only to fight it out for a day or two and win than to half starve the child and lose in the end. the child should be weaned if it is not gaining in weight. this may indicate a deficient quality of the mother's milk, or it may indicate a lack of proportion between the child and mother. if a robust child is depending upon the nourishment furnished by a mother who is not in good physical condition the milk may not be adequate in quality and quantity. the child will not therefore develop normally and it may be necessary to wean it. if the mother becomes pregnant it will be necessary to wean, because pregnancy invariably affects the quality of the milk. it is a very good habit to accustom the child to take its daily supply of water from a bottle from a very early age. this procedure will make it easier to wean at any time. menstruation is not an indication for weaning as has been explained. if, however, the return of menstruation affects the milk so that it disagrees with, or fails to satisfactorily nourish the child, it may be necessary to wean, but not unless. the best reason for weaning a child at the twelfth month is that a mother's milk after that time is not adequate in quality for a child of that age. a child at one year of age has grown beyond the capability of its mother[ ] to nurse it: nature demands a stronger and a more substantial food than any mother can supply. a mother who nurses her child beyond that period is not only injuring herself, but she is cheating her child. the exception to this rule is, as has been explained, the second summer. the child will evidence its dissatisfaction with the breast supply if it is not enough; it will not gain in weight, it will be irritable and fretful, it will tug long and tenaciously at the nipple, it will be unwilling to cease nursing after it should have finished, and it will drop the nipple frequently with a dissatisfied cry. these are all signs of insufficient nourishment, and to the observant mother they will at once indicate that the child must be weaned and fed upon a mixed diet. care of breasts while weaning child.--the process of weaning should cause little or no discomfort. if the weaning is gradual it is necessary to press out enough milk to relieve the tension from time to time. it usually takes three or four days. if it is necessary to wean abruptly, as it is occasionally, there may be considerable distress. in these cases it is necessary to massage the breasts completely,--until all the milk is out, or as much as it is possible to get out,--then rub the breasts with warm camphorated oil, and bind them firmly. when the breasts are massaged for any reason, the rubbing should be toward the nipple and it should be done gently. if there are any hard lumps, or caked milk, in the breasts, they must be massaged until soft, and the binding renewed. it may be necessary to repeat this process for a number of days. in binding the breasts use a large wad of absorbent cotton at the sides, under the arms, to support the breasts, and another wad between the breasts. this renders the binding more effective; permits the binder to be put on tighter; and prevents it from cutting into the skin. when weaning has to be done quickly the patient should absolutely abstain from all liquids. a large dose of any saline, pluto, apenta, or hunyadi water, or rochelle salts, or magnesium citrate, should be given every morning for four or five days. [page ] if the weaning is gradually undertaken the child should be allowed to nurse less frequently. one less nursing every second day until two nursings daily are given. keep the two daily nursings up for one week and then discontinue them, after which the above measures may be adopted. to dry the milk up, the breasts may be anointed with the following mixture: ext. belladonna, drams; glycerine, ounces; oil of wintergreen, drops. nervous nursing mothers.--nervousness, considered not as the product of a diseased condition, but as a temperamental quality, is an unfortunate affliction in some nursing mothers. let us illustrate just how this characteristic is detrimental to the helpless baby. a mother was instructed to give her baby a half teaspoonful of medicine one-half hour after each feeding. she was told how to give it, and how to hold the baby when giving it. she was also told that the baby would not like it, and would try to eject it from its mouth rather than swallow it, and that when it did swallow it, it would make a little choking noise in its throat, but not to mind these, to go ahead and give it, as the baby could not strangle or choke. it was essential to give the baby this medicine, and hence the physician explicitly instructed her in these details. what was the result? on the following day when the physician called, and found the baby much worse, the mother said: "oh, doctor! i couldn't give the medicine, the baby wouldn't take it, she nearly strangled to death when i tried to give it." the physician asked for the medicine and placing the baby over his knee, gave it without the slightest trouble, much to the mother's amazement. the servant girl who was a hard-headed, cool, scotch girl, was instructed and shown how to give the medicine, which she did successfully. the mother was temperamentally nervous, was easily excited and became helpless the moment the baby objected, though she was a strong, robust, healthy woman. another mother was carefully instructed to drop into the eye of her baby two drops of medicine every four hours. she was told and apparently appreciated the urgent necessity of the medication as her baby's eye [ ] was badly infected. she was further told that if she did exactly as shown, the eye would be better in two or three days, and if she did not, the other eye would become infected, and blindness might result. she undertook to carry out the directions faithfully. she absolutely failed, however, to carry out the instructions. her husband informed the physician on the following day that she became so nervous and excited that she utterly failed to treat the eye once, and when he and a sister offered their assistance she became so unreasonable in her fear that "they might hurt the baby" that it was impossible to do anything with her. her sister was finally shown how to do it and carried the case through quite successfully. inasmuch as this book is intended to convey helpful instruction to every mother, the author would suggest to those of this type the necessity of resisting this tendency. it is a matter of will power, just make up your mind not to be silly and if you find that you cannot trust yourself to follow instructions, let someone else do it. when the physician tells you a certain thing must be done, and that no harm can result, do it, and don't imagine all kinds of impossible happenings. so much anguish and annoyance is caused in this world by imagining and anticipating trouble, that half the pleasure of life is denied us. you cannot do your whole duty by a helpless baby if you do not reason and act upon sound judgment. many babies are lost by mothers being afraid to do what should be done, and what they know should be done. it is not what the doctor does that brings a baby through a dangerous sickness; it is the faithfulness of the nurse in carrying out his instructions that is responsible for the outcome. a timid, halting, doubting nurse can quickly undo all a physician hopes to accomplish; while a prompt, faithful nurse, with initiative, and good judgment, can save a little life in a crisis, even in the absence of the physician. follow instructions implicitly, even though the carrying out of the instructions seem to cause the baby pain and suffering,--it is for the baby's best interest. [ ] birth marks.--much has been written on this subject which a later study of biology and eugenics have shown to be utterly false. let us consider the actual facts. the baby is already a baby, floating in a fluid of its own manufacture. it has absolutely no connection with its mother except by means of its umbilical cord,--which is composed of blood vessels. the blood in these vessels is the child's blood and never at any time does it even mix with the blood of the mother. it is sent along these vessels into the placenta, or after-birth, in which it circulates in small thin vessels, so close to the mother's blood that their contents can be interchanged. yet the two streams never actually mix. the carbonic acid and waste products, in the child's blood, are taken up by the mother's blood, and given in exchange oxygen and food, which is returned to nourish the child. there is absolutely no nervous connection between the mother and the child. how then is it possible for the mother to affect her child in any way except insofar as the quality of its nourishment is concerned? nor can a mother affect her child in any other sense. if the intermingling of blood could affect a child's education we would frequently resort to surgery. in the article on eugenics, under the heading, "education and eugenics," it is explained that the child is "created" at the moment of conception; that absolutely nothing can affect it after it is created; that no influence of the mother or father can in any way affect it for better or worse. a mother cannot create in her child any quality which she may desire no matter how she conducts herself. it was formerly thought that a mother could for example create a musical genius by devoting all her time to the study of music while she carried the unborn child; or that she could make a historian of it if she studied history; or an artist if she studied paintings. we now know this to be wholly wrong and for very excellent reasons. the mother must realize that the only aid she can bestow upon her unborn child is to give it the best possible nourishment. she must provide good blood because the quality of the maternal blood stream bespeaks a healthy or unhealthy, a fit or unfit, child. whatever the child is to be is [ ] already fixed, its innate characteristics art part of itself. whether it will have the vitality to develop its inherent possibilities depends, to a great degree, upon its intra-uterine environment,--and its intra-uterine environment depends upon the health of its mother and the quality of the blood she is feeding it upon. after birth its health, its success, its efficiency, depends upon the care it gets and the quality of its mother's milk. a mother therefore must be in good physical and mental health if she hopes to do her full duty as a mother. qualifications of a nursery maid.--when a helper, or maid, is employed to aid in caring for the baby, much precaution should be exercised in selecting her. the association of the nursery maid and the child, is necessarity an intimate one, and she should be willing to submit to a medical examination to prove her physical fitness. her lungs should be examined thoroughly, so also should the condition of her mouth, throat and nose be known. an observant and tactful mother will also find out if there are any other objectionable conditions existing, which would render her unfit for the position. a nursery maid should be naturally fond of children, she should be industrious, and sensible; of quiet tastes and good disposition. her work should be a pleasure not a task. * * * * * [ ] chapter xi convalescing after confinement the second critical period in the young wife's life--the domestic problem following the first confinement. the first three or four months following the first confinement is the second important period in the young wife's life. in one sense it is the most critical period. the first important period you will remember we stated to be the first few months after marriage. during these months the young wife passed through the period of adaptation. she found out that matrimony was not all sunshine and happiness. she learned that her husband was not the paragon she had idealized. she discovered his human side. she met daily trials and annoyances incident to domestic life. she found her level, and, in finding it, she discovered herself. she is not very safely anchored yet but she is trying to succeed and the future promises well. some day she awakes to the knowledge that she is pregnant and a multitude of new speculations enter into the situation. she finds she must go on striving and hoping and praying that she may have the strength and courage to do her part. time passes, and if she is an ordinary woman she scarcely does justice to herself. her duties are exacting, and her physical condition is not given the study and care which she ought to give it. she does not understand the importance of the hygiene of pregnancy, and the day of the confinement finds her more or less exhausted, and worn out. she passes through the crisis of maternity, however, and spends the customary ten days in bed. at the end of that period the nurse and physician leave her to face the most important problem of life alone. she is a mother, and has in her exclusive charge a human life. let us exactly understand what the real situation is. it would not further the object of this book or help in the solution of the problem the author has in mind to depict a false situation. we must concede the following[ ] facts to be true, if we understand the subject: . that the mothers of the human race are, in the vast majority, the poor. . that they are uneducated in the sense that they are not versed in the science of hygiene and sanitation, and consequently health preservation. . that even the fairly well educated are innocently ignorant of the science of heredity, environment, hygiene, sanitation and health preservation. . that to benefit the majority we must depict conditions as they exist among the poor, and reason from that standard. such books as have been written on this subject have based their facts upon too high a plane. their remedies are beyond the means and the understanding of the average poor mother. their analogies are based upon conditions that exist among the better class. the average poor housewife gets no practical assistance or help from their deductions, because her environment precludes any utilization of the data furnished; the data is not practical in her particular case. our young mother is in all probability a physically and mentally immature girl. she most likely entered the marriage relationship without a real understanding of its true meaning, or even a serious thought regarding its duties or its responsibilities. she was not taught the true meaning of motherhood before actual maternity was thrust upon her. she has probably innocently acquired habits which are detrimental to her health and her morals; and she has no conception of the fundamental duties of a homemaker. yet into the keeping of this woman a human life has been given. her home surroundings are not such as to inspire confidence or from which to elicit encouragement. it has been a struggle to make ends meet; to keep the peace; to be hopeful and cheerful. if she has succeeded in keeping her home neat and clean and comfortable, it has been at the expense of her not too robust constitution. if she has made efforts to observe the amenities of life, to be true as wife, companion and confidant, it has taxed her[ ] nerves, her courage and her vitality. she has frequently been at the breaking point but she has kept up because she felt it was her duty, and because there was nothing else to do. as she rests from her weary labor during the first long days after getting out of bed, the loneliness of it all crushes her. she is weak, nervous, and discouraged, and her white, wan face, with its tired, appealing eyes, bespeaks her anemic and hopeless condition. she is only a child herself, yet fate has crowned her with the holy diadem of motherhood. there are thousands of such mothers and yet posterity need not despair. this is just the beginning, and from such beginnings have sprung the heroes of the race. if the reader has carefully read the chapter on heredity she will understand that the temporary condition of this mother is not important so far as the destiny of the child is concerned. the really important question is, how will this mother develop? the environment of the child depends upon the conditions with which its mother surrounds it. if she is a failure, the child's environmental influences will be unfavorable; if she proves worthy of her trust, if she progresses and masters her difficulties; if she is a good mother and a good homemaker the child's surroundings and influences will be favorable to the full development of its hereditary endowment. but it must be remembered that even an unfavorable environment need not prevent the hereditary promise from dominating the life of the individual. to return to our girl mother, upon whose slender shoulders the weight of a great responsibility rests,--we wish to concede that her burden is great. her home duties are rendered more onerous because of her physical weakness and disability. the strain of nursing her fretful child is taxing her vitality and her nerves to the limit. her disposition is imposed upon by the exactions of an uncomprehending husband. she is inclined to fretfulness and melancholia by the seeming uncharitableness of fate and fortune. her moments of introspection are almost bitter. it is a critical period,--she has reached the breaking point. [page ] such moments are apt to be epochal. the turning of the wheel of fortune will decide the destiny of a human soul. it may be a friend who will supply the needed inspiration that will revitalize hope, and courage, and the determination to succeed. or it may be a prayer, breathed in the silence of despair that will inspire the courage to fight on, and change the complexion of life. once again we would advise such a young wife to calmly think matters over; to find out "what she is working for"; to assemble her ideals and to "know what she wants." there is nothing organically wrong. it is a condition, not a disease. she is discouraged, despondent, nervous and weak. the discouragement, despondency, and nervousness is a result of reduced physical vitality and lack of system. she is not efficient because she is not a trained worker. she is easily discouraged because anemia or bloodlessness fails to supply the oxygen necessary to a fight. there is no period in a woman's life when she is more apt to fall into a rut than at this time. every element, spiritual and physical, which is necessary to stagnation and indifference is present, and it will take a bold and brave effort to resist the temptation to failure which has encompassed her. how can we suggest a remedy? she must first regain her health. she has simply a condition to combat, not a disease, and a definite system, a well laid out plan strictly adhered to will effect the result. she must regain her health, because, without health, she cannot hope to be efficient in work or agreeable in disposition, and she owes both to herself, to her husband and to her child. she must get out of doors. she must walk in the open air. there is absolutely nothing in life that will effect so miraculous a transformation in a discouraged, tired, weary and sick woman, as systematic daily walks in the open air. she must walk briskly, however, and she must desire to get well. we cannot get well if we do not wish to get well. one who walks with a purpose will walk erect, firmly and briskly; she will hold her chest up, and will breathe deeply, and she will drink in hope, and health, and happiness. it takes time to regain strength [ ] after the strain of pregnancy and labor. many women complain that they feel weak and do not regain strength quickly, but they make no effort. they must make a beginning. sitting around waiting for it to come will not bring it. if they cannot walk a mile, they must walk half that distance to begin with; the five mile walk will follow in time. many young mothers get into the habit of taking baby out in his carriage for an airing, and regard this as exercise for themselves. they join the baby brigade and parade up and down the block, or select a sunny spot where there are others on a like quest, and sit around exchanging confidences. these outings usually degenerate into gossiping parties and are a dangerous and questionable practice. they are no doubt good for the baby, but they are morally and physically bad for the young mother. this daily habit is called exercise, but it is in no sense physical exercise. the young mother should select a certain time each day, immediately after a nursing when baby is likely to sleep, and devote this period to walking. one hour each day will accomplish much in regaining and establishing health and strength, and appetite for the mother. no indoor work can take the place of a walk out of doors. it is a duty on the part of the nursing mother to do this. it will enable her to supply better milk; it will banish her tendency to nervousness; it will ensure a good appetite, good spirits, and sound sleep. it will make her a better mother and a better wife. many young wives sow the first seeds of discontent, and ultimate failure during the natural depression that follows maternity. she must adopt system in the performance of her household duties. a good plan is to set aside a certain definite time for meals, when to begin cooking and when to end washing the dishes. then arrange regarding the general household duties. make a schedule for a week devoting each day to a certain task so that at the end of the week all the essential work will have been completed. by systematizing work in this way a great deal of ground can be covered and as time passes it will become easier, as many helpful ways will suggest themselves whereby time will be economized. [ ] adopt a system with the baby. many mothers are worn-out, nervous wrecks for no other reason than a lack of system in the management of the daily life of their offspring. if system is not adopted in feeding and caring for an infant it becomes irritable. to a sick, tired, weary mother an irritable child is an unspeakable torture. begin right. give it adequate, but no unnecessary attention. nurse it every two hours, and at no other time. wake it to nurse at its regular time. it will in a few days acquire the habit of feeding regularly and will sleep between feedings. do not overfeed it. remember babies never die from starvation, but many do by overkindness, and overfeeding is the most prolific cause of infant mortality known. read the article on "how long should a baby nurse?" keep the baby clean, comfortable and happy and you will not have a fretful child, but one that will be a constant inspiration and incentive to you. find time to rest, take a mid-day nap. get off occasionally to the country or the sea shore for a day or two. keep up your interest in your personal appearance, be neat and clean, and invite the attention of your husband during the evening hour. don't let him grow away from you. be cheerful, encourage him to tell of his hopes and plans, and show an interest in his health and in his work. do not forget the dominating influence on your efficiency, and on your happiness which the study habit possesses. interest yourself in some art, cultivate your mind, and soon, sooner than you think, you will have forgotten your troubles and you will have regained your health. there is no other way to do it. there is no royal way in which it can be done which is not open to the poorest mother. an ocean voyage, a trip to europe, a society doctor, a professional masseur, beauty experts and miracle workers cannot accomplish more than you can in your poor apartment, if you "go about it in the right way and in the right spirit." keep in mind always, that: "failure exists only in acknowledging it." every task that is worth while is won by self-sacrifice, by self-abnegation, by patient, persistent, enthusiastic effort, and in no other way. the joy of consummation is reward enough for all human sacrifice. * * * * * corrections made to printed original. index: constipation, in breast-fed infants: 'in-infants' (line-break) in original ibid.: gleet; mucous patches; pox; vol ii: vol i. in original ibid.: sanitary napkins; i, : i, in original ibid.: sexual intercourse; i, : i, in original page : whether there is such a thing: 'think' (hand-corrected) in original page : recruiting ground for the gangster: 'ganster' in original page : incident to a confinement: 'confiement' in original ibid.: the advantage of the kelly pad: 'paid' in original page : the patient should pass: 'pateint' in original page : advantages of putting baby to breast: 'adantages' in original page : anguish and annoyance: 'anoyance' in original woman and womanhood ----------------------------------------------------------------------- by dr. c. w. saleeby woman and womanhood health, strength and happiness the cycle of life evolution: the master key worry: the disease of the age the conquest of cancer: a plan of campaign parenthood and race culture ----------------------------------------------------------------------- woman and womanhood a search for principles by c. w. saleeby m.d., f.r.s.e., ch.b., f.z.s. fellow of the obstetrical society of edinburgh and formerly resident physician edinburgh maternity hospital; vice-president divorce law reform union; member of the royal institution and of council of the sociological society. mitchell kennerley new york and london mcmxi ----------------------------------------------------------------------- copyright by mitchell kennerley press of j. j. little & ives co. east twenty-fourth street new york ----------------------------------------------------------------------- contents page i. first principles ii. the life of the world to come iii. the purpose of womanhood iv. the law of conservation v. the determination of sex vi. mendelism and womanhood vii. before womanhood viii. the physical training of girls ix. the higher education of women x. the price of prudery xi. education for motherhood xii. the maternal instinct xiii. choosing the fathers of the future xiv. the marriage age for girls xv. the first necessity xvi. on choosing a husband xvii. the conditions of marriage xviii. the conditions of divorce xix. the rights of mothers xx. women and economics xxi. the chief enemy of women xxii. conclusion ----------------------------------------------------------------------- chapter i first principles we are often and rightly reminded that woman is half the human race. it is truer even than it appears. not only is woman half of the present generation, but present woman is half of all the generations of men and women to come. the argument of this book, which will be regarded as reactionary by many women called "advanced"--presumably as doctors say that a case of consumption is "advanced"--involves nothing other than adequate recognition of the importance of woman in the most important of all matters. it is true that my primary concern has been to furnish, for the individual woman and for those in charge of girlhood, a guide of life based upon the known physiology of sex. but it is a poor guide of life which considers only the transient individual, and poorest of all in this very case. if it were true that woman is merely the vessel and custodian of the future lives of men and women, entrusted to her ante-natal care by their fathers, as many creeds have supposed, then indeed it would be a question of relatively small moment how the mothers of the future were chosen. our ingenious devices for ensuring the supremacy of man lend colour to this idea. we name children after their fathers, and the fact that they are also to some extent of the maternal stock is obscured. but when we ask to what extent they are also of maternal stock, we find that there is a rigorous equality between the sexes in this matter. it is a fact which has been ignored or inadequately recognized by every feminist and by every eugenist from plato until the present time. salient qualities, whether good or ill, are more commonly displayed by men than by women. great strength or physical courage or endurance, great ability or genius, together with a variety of abnormalities, are much more commonly found in men than in women, and the eugenic emphasis has therefore always been laid upon the choice of fathers rather than of mothers. not so long ago, the scion of a noble race must marry, not at all necessarily the daughter of another noble race, but rather any young healthy woman who promised to be able to bear children easily and suckle them long. but directly we observe, under the microscope, the facts of development, we discover that each parent contributes an exactly equal share to the making of the new individual, and all the ancient and modern ideas of the superior value of well-selected fatherhood fall to the ground. woman is indeed half the race. in virtue of expectant motherhood and her ante-natal nurture of us all, she might well claim to be more, but she is half at least. and thus it matters for the future at least as much how the mothers are chosen as how the fathers are. this remains true, notwithstanding that the differences between men, commending them for selection or rejection, seem so much more conspicuous and important than in the case of women. for, in the first place, the differences between women are much greater than appear when, for instance, we read history as history is at present understood, or when we observe and compare the world and his wife. uniformity or comparative uniformity of environment is a factor of obvious importance in tending to repress the natural differences between women. reverse the occupations and surroundings of the sexes, and it might be found that men were "much of a muchness," and women various and individualized, to a surprising extent. but, even allowing for this, it is difficult to question that men as individuals do differ, for good and for evil, more than women as individuals. such a malady as hæmophilia, for instance, sharply distinguishes a certain number of men from the rest of their sex, whereas women, not subject to the disease, are not thus distinguished, as individuals. but the very case here cited serves to illustrate the fallacy of studying the individual as an individual only, and teaches that there is a second reason why the selection of women for motherhood is more important than is so commonly supposed. in the matter of, for instance, hæmophilia, men appear sharply contrasted among themselves and women all similar. yet the truth is that men and women differ equally in this very respect. women do not suffer from hæmophilia, but they convey it. just as definitely as one man is hæmophilic and another is not, so one woman will convey hæmophilia and another will not. the abnormality is present in her, but it is latent; or, as we shall see the mendelians would say, "recessive" instead of "dominant." now i am well assured that if we could study not only the patencies but also the latencies of individuals of both sexes, we should find that they vary equally. women, as individuals, appear more similar than men, but as individuals conveying latent or "recessive" characters which will appear in their children, especially their male children, they are just as various as men are. the instance of hæmophilia is conclusive, for two women, each equally free from it, will respectively bear normal and hæmophilic children; but this is probably only one among many far more important cases. i incline to believe that certain nervous qualities, many of great value to humanity, tend to be latent in women, just as hæmophilia does. two women may appear very similar in mind and capacity, but one may come of a distinguished stock, and the other of an undistinguished. in the first woman, herself unremarkable, high ability may be latent, and her sons may demonstrate it. it is therefore every whit as important that the daughters of able and distinguished stock shall marry as that the sons shall. it remains true even though the sons may themselves be obviously distinguished and the daughters may not. the conclusion of this matter is that scientific inquiry completely demonstrates the equal importance of the selection of fathers and of mothers. if our modern knowledge of heredity is to be admitted at all, it follows that the choice of women for motherhood is of the utmost moment for the future of mankind. woman is half the race; and the leaders of the woman's movement must recognize the importance of their sex in this fundamental question of eugenics. at present they do not do so; indeed, no one does. but the fact remains. as before all things a eugenist, and responsible, indeed, for that name, i cannot ignore it in the following pages. there is not only to-day to think of, but to-morrow. the eugenics which ignores the natural differences between women as individuals, and their still greater natural differences as potential parents, is only half eugenics; the leading women who in any way countenance such measures as deprive the blood of the future of its due contribution from the best women of the present, are leading not only one sex but the race as a whole to ruin. if women were not so important as nature has made them, none of this would matter. to insist upon it is only to insist upon the importance of the sex. the remarkable fact, which seems to me to make this protest and the forthcoming pages so necessary, is that the leading feminists do not recognize the all-importance of their sex in this regard. they must be accused of neglecting it and of not knowing how important they are. they consider the present only, and not the composition of the future. like the rest of the world, i read their papers and manifestoes, their speeches and books, and have done so, and have subscribed to them, for years; but no one can refer me to a single passage in any of these where any feminist or suffragist, in great britain, at least, militant or non-militant, has set forth the principle, beside which all others are trivial, that _the best women must be the mothers of the future_. yet this which is thus ignored matters so much that other things matter only in so far as they affect it. as i have elsewhere maintained, the eugenic criterion is the first and last of every measure of reform or reaction that can be proposed or imagined. will it make a better race? will the consequence be that more of the better stocks, _of both sexes_, contribute to the composition of future generations? in other words, the very first thing that the feminist movement must prove is that it is eugenic. if it be so, its claims are unchallengeable; if it be what may contrariwise be called _dysgenic_, no arguments in its favour are of any avail. yet the present champions of the woman's cause are apparently unaware that this question exists. they do not know how important their sex is. thinkers in the past have known, and many critics in the present, though unaware of the eugenic idea, do perceive, that woman can scarcely be better employed than in the home. herbert spencer, notably, argued that we must not include, in the estimate of a nation's assets, those activities of woman the development of which is incompatible with motherhood. to-day, the natural differences between individuals of both sexes, and the importance of their right selection for the transmission of their characters to the future, are clearly before the minds of those who think at all on these subjects. on various occasions i have raised this issue between feminism and eugenics, suggesting that there are varieties of feminism, making various demands for women which are utterly to be condemned because they not merely ignore eugenics, but are opposed to it, and would, if successful, be therefore ruinous to the race. ignored though it be by the feminist leaders, this is the first of questions; and in so far as any clear opinion on it is emerging from the welter of prejudices, that opinion is hitherto inimical to the feminist claims. most notably is this the case in america, where the dysgenic consequences of the _so-called_ higher education of women have been clearly demonstrated. the mark of the following pages is that they assume the principle of what we may call eugenic feminism, and that they endeavour to formulate its working-out. it is my business to acquaint myself with the literature of both eugenics and feminism, and i know that hitherto the eugenists have inclined to oppose the claims of feminism, sir francis galton, for instance, having lent his name to the anti-suffrage side; whilst the feminists, one and all, so far as anglo-saxondom is concerned--for ellen key must be excepted--are either unaware of the meaning of eugenics at all, or are up in arms at once when the eugenist--or at any rate this eugenist, who is a male person--mildly inquires: but what about motherhood? and to what sort of women are you relegating it by default? i claim, therefore, that there is immediate need for the presentation of a case which is, from first to last, and at whatever cost, eugenic; but which also--or, rather, therefore--makes the highest claims on behalf of woman and womanhood, so that indeed, in striving to demonstrate the vast importance of the woman question for the composition of the coming race, i may claim to be much more feminist than the feminists. the problem is not easily to be solved; otherwise we should not have paired off into insane parties, as on my view we have done. nor will the solution please the feminists without reserve, whilst it will grossly offend that abnormal section of the feminists who are distinguished by being so much less than feminine, and who little realize what a poor substitute feminism is for feminity. there is possible no eugenic feminism which shall satisfy those whose simple argument is that woman must have what she wants, just as man must. i do not for a moment admit that either men or women or children of a smaller growth are entitled to everything they want. "the divine right of kings," said carlyle, "is the right to be kingly men"; and i would add that the divine right of women is the right to be queenly women. until this present time, it was never yet alleged as a final principle of justice that whatever people wanted they were entitled to, yet that is the simple feminist demand in a very large number of cases. it is a demand to be denied, whilst at the same time we grant the right of every man and of every woman to opportunities for the best development of the self; whatever that self may be--including even the aberrant and epicene self of those imperfectly constituted women whose adherence to the woman's cause so seriously handicaps it. but it is one thing to say people should have what is best for them, and another that whatever they want is best for them. if it is not best for them it is not right, any more than if they were children asking for more green apples. women have great needs of which they are at present unjustly deprived; and they are fully entitled to ask for everything which is needed for the satisfaction of those needs; but nothing is more certain than that, at present, many of them do not know what they should ask for. not to know what is good for us is a common human failing; to have it pointed out is always tiresome, and to have this pointed out to women by any man is intolerable. but the question is not whether a man points it out, presuming to tell women what is good for them, but whether in this matter he is right--in common with the overwhelming multitude of the dead of both sexes. as has been hinted, the issue is much more momentous than any could have realized even so late as fifty years ago. it is only in our own time that we are learning the measure of the natural differences between individuals, it is only lately that we have come to see that races cannot rise by the transmission of acquired characters from parents to offspring, since such transmission does not occur, and it is only within the last few years that the relative potency of heredity over education, of nature over nurture, has been demonstrated. not one in thousands knows how cogent this demonstration is, nor how absolutely conclusive is the case for the eugenic principle in the light of our modern knowledge. at whatever cost, we see, who have ascertained the facts, that we must be eugenic. this argument was set forth in full in the predecessors of this book, which in its turn is devoted to the interests of women as individuals. but before we proceed, it is plainly necessary to answer the critic who might urge that the separate questions of the individual and the race cannot be discussed in this mixed fashion. the argument may be that if we are to discuss the character and development and rights of women as individuals, we must stick to our last. any woman may question the eugenic criterion or say that it has nothing to do with her case. she claims certain rights and has certain needs; she is not so sure, perhaps, about the facts of heredity, and in any case she is sure that individuals--such as herself, for instance--are ends in themselves. she neither desires to be sacrificed to the race, nor does she admit that any individual should be so sacrificed. she is tired of hearing that women must make sacrifices for the sake of the community and its future; and the statement of this proposition in its new eugenic form, which asserts that, at all costs, the finest women must be mothers, and the mothers must be the finest women, is no more satisfactory to her than the crude creed of the kaiser that children, cooking and church are the proper concerns of women. she claims to be an individual, as much as any man is, as much as any individual of either sex whom we hope to produce in the future by our eugenics, and she has the same personal claim to be an end in and for herself as they will have whom we seek to create. her sex has always been sacrificed to the present or to the immediate needs of the future as represented by infancy and childhood; and there is no special attractiveness in the prospect of exchanging a military tyranny for a eugenic tyranny: "_plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose._" one cannot say whether this will be accepted as a fair statement of the woman's case at the present time, but i have endeavoured to state it fairly and would reply to it that its claims are unquestionable and that we must grant unreservedly the equal right of every woman to the same consideration and recognition and opportunity as an individual, an end in and for herself, whatever the future may ask for, as we grant to men. but i seek to show in the following pages that, in reality, there is no antagonism between the claims of the future and the present, the race and the individual. on philosophic analysis we must see that, indeed, no living race could come into being, much less endure, in which the interests of individuals as individuals, and the interest of the race, were opposed. if we imagine any such race we must imagine its disappearance in one generation, or in a few generations if the clash of interests were less than complete. living nature is not so fiendishly contrived as has sometimes appeared to the casual eye. on the contrary, the natural rule which we see illustrated in all species, animal or vegetable, high or low, throughout the living world, is that the individual is so constructed that his or her personal fulfilment of his or her natural destiny as an individual, is precisely that which best serves the race. once we learn that individuals were all evolved by nature for the sake of the race, we shall understand why they have been so evolved in their personal characteristics that in living their own lives and fulfilling themselves they best fulfil nature's remoter purpose. to this universal and necessary law, without which life could not persist anywhere in any of its forms, woman is no exception; and therein is the reply to those who fear a statement in new terms of the old proposition that women must give themselves up for the sake of the community and its future. here it is true that whosoever will give her life shall save it. women must indeed give themselves up for the community and the future; and so must men. since women differ from men, their sacrifice takes a somewhat different form, but in their case, as in men's, the right fulfilment of nature's purpose is one with the right fulfilment of their own destiny. there is no antinomy. on the contrary, the following pages are written in the belief and the fear that women are threatening to injure themselves as individuals--and therefore the race, of course--just because they wrongly suppose that a monstrous antinomy exists where none could possibly exist. "no," they say, "we have endured this too long; henceforth we must be free to be ourselves and live our own lives." and then, forsooth, they proceed to try to be other than themselves and live other than the lives for which their real selves, in nine cases out of ten, were constructed. it works for a time, and even for life in the case of incomplete and aberrant women. for the others, it often spells liberty and interest and heightened consciousness of self for some years; but the time comes when outraged nature exacts her vengeance, when middle age abbreviates the youth that was really misspent, and is itself as prematurely followed by a period of decadence grateful neither to its victim nor to anyone else. meanwhile the women who have chosen to be and to remain women realize the promise of wordsworth to the girl who preferred walks in the country to algebra and symbolic logic:-- thou, while thy babes around thee cling, shalt show us how divine a thing a woman may be made. thy thoughts and feelings shall not die, nor leave thee, when grey hairs are nigh, a melancholy slave; but an old age serene and bright and lovely as a lapland night, shall lead thee to thy grave. where is the woman, recognizable as such, who will question that the brother of dorothy wordsworth was right? in the following pages, it is sought to show that, women being constructed by nature, as individuals, for her racial ends, they best realize themselves, are happier and more beautiful, live longer and more useful lives, when they follow, as mothers or foster-mothers in the wide and scarcely metaphorical sense of that word, the career suggested in wordsworth's lovely lines. it remains to state the most valuable end which this book might possibly achieve--an end which, by one means or another, must be achieved. it is that the best women, those favoured by nature in physique and intelligence, in character and their emotional nature, the women who are increasingly to be found enlisted in the ranks of feminism, and fighting the great fight for the women's cause, shall be convinced by the unchangeable and beneficent facts of biology, seen in the bodies and minds of women, and shall direct their efforts accordingly; so that they and those of their sisters who are of the same natural rank, instead of increasingly deserting the ranks of motherhood and leaving the blood of inferior women to constitute half of all future generations, shall on the contrary furnish an ever-increasing proportion of our wives and mothers, to the great gain of themselves, and of men, and of the future. for in some of its forms to-day the woman's cause is _not_ man's, nor the future's, nor even, as i shall try to show, woman's. but a eugenic feminism, for which i try to show the warrant in the study of woman's nature, would indeed be the cause of man, and should enlist the whole heart and head of every man who has them to offer. for here is a principle which benefits men to the whole immeasurable extent involved in decreeing that the best women must be the wives. "the best women for our wives!" is not a bad demand from men's point of view, and it is assuredly the best possible for the sake of the future. it is claimed, then, for the teaching of this book that, being based upon the evident and unquestionable indications of nature, it is calculated to serve her end, which is the welfare of the race as a whole, including both sexes. no one will question that the position and happiness and self-realization of women in the modern world would be vastly enhanced by the reforms for which i plead, though some men will not think that game worth the candle. but i have argued that men also will profit; nor can there be any question as to the advantage for children. it is just because our scheme and our objects are natural that they require no support from and lend no warrant to that accursed spirit of sex-antagonism which many well-meaning women now display--doubtless by a natural reflex, because it is the spirit of the worst men everywhere. it is primarily men's desire for sex-dominance that engenders a sex-resentment in women; but the spirit is lamentable, whatever its origin and wherever it be found. it is most lamentable in the bully, the drunkard, the cad, the mammonist, the satyr, who are everywhere to be found opposing woman and her claims. there is no variety of male blackguardism and bestiality, of vileness and selfishness, of lust and greed, whose representatives' names should not be added to those of the illustrious pro-consuls and elegant peeresses and their following who form anti-suffrage societies. before we criticise sex-antagonism in women, let us be honest about it in men; and before we sneer at the type of women who most display it, let us realize fully the worthlessness of the types of men who display it. but if this be granted--and i have never heard it granted by the men who deplore sex-antagonism as if only women displayed it--we must none the less recognize that this spirit injures both sexes, and that it is necessarily false, since none can question that nature devised the sexes for mutual aid to her end. by this first principle sex-antagonism is therefore condemned. this book, written by a man in behalf of womanhood--and therefore in behalf of manhood and childhood--is consistently opposed to all notions of sex-antagonism, or sex-dominance, male or female, or of competing claims between the sexes. man and woman are complementary halves of the highest thing we know, and just as the men who seek to maintain male dominance are the enemies of mankind, so the women who preach enmity to men, and refusal of wise and humane legislation in their interests because men have framed it, are the enemies of womankind. at the beginning of the "suffragette" movement in england, i had the pleasure of taking luncheon with the brilliant young lady whose name has been so prominent in this connection; and my lifelong enthusiasm for the "vote" has been chastened ever since by the recollection of the resentment which she exhibited at every suggestion of or allusion to any legislation in favour of women--notably with reference to infant mortality and to alcoholism--whilst the suffrage was withheld. substitute "destroyed" or "reversed" for "chastened," and you have a more typical result in quite well-meaning men of sex-antagonism as many "advanced" women now display it. further, this book may be regarded as an appeal to those women who are responsible for forming the ideals of girls. the idea of womanhood here set forth on natural grounds is not always represented in the ideals which are now set before the youthful aspirant for work in the woman's cause. it is not argued that the principles of eugenics are to be expounded to the beginner, nor that she is to be re-directed to the nursery. it is not necessarily argued, by any means, that marriage and motherhood are to be set forth as the goal at which _every_ girl is to aim; such a woman as miss florence nightingale was a foster-mother of countless thousands, and was only the greatest exemplar in our time of a function which is essentially womanly, but does not involve marriage. i desire nothing less than that girls should be taught that they must marry--any man better than none. i want no more men chosen for fatherhood than are fit for it, and if the standard is to be raised, selection must be more rigorous and exclusive, as it could not be if every girl were taught that, unmarried, she fails of her destiny. the higher the standard which, on eugenic principles, natural or acquired, women exact of the men they marry, the more certainly will many women remain unmarried. but i believe that the principles here set forth are able to show us how such women may remain feminine, and may discharge characteristically feminine functions in society, even though physical motherhood be denied them. the _racial_ importance of physical motherhood cannot be exaggerated, because it determines, as we have seen, not less than half the natural composition of future generations. but its _individual_ importance can easily be over-estimated, and that is an error which i have specially sought to avoid in this book, which is certainly an attempt to call or recall women to motherhood. it is not as if physical motherhood were the whole of human motherhood. racially, it is the substantial whole; individually, it is but a part of the whole, and a smaller fraction in our species than in any humbler form of life. everyone knows maiden aunts who are better, more valuable, completer mothers in every non-physical way than the actual mothers of their nephews and nieces. this is woman's wonderful prerogative, that, in virtue of her _psyche_, she can realize herself, and serve others, on feminine lines, and without a pang of regret or a hint anywhere of failure, even though she forego physical motherhood. this book, therefore, is a plea not only for motherhood but for foster-motherhood--that is, motherhood all-but-physical. in time to come the great professions of nursing and teaching will more and more engage and satisfy the lives and the powers of virgin-mothers without number. let no woman prove herself so ignorant or contemptuous of great things as to suggest that these are functions beneath the dignity of her complete womanhood. but many a young girl, passing from her finishing-school--which has perhaps not quite succeeded, despite its best efforts, in finishing her womanhood--and coming under the influence of some of our modern champions of womanhood, might well be excused for throwing such a book as this from her, scorning to admit the glorious conditions which declare that woman is more for the future than for the present, and that if the future is to be safeguarded, or even to be, they must not be transgressed. i have watched young girls, wearing the beautiful colours which have been captured by one section of the suffrage movement, asking their way to headquarters for instructions as to procedure, and i have wondered whether, in twenty years, they will look back wholly with content at the consequences. some time ago the illustrated papers provided us with photographs of a person, originally female, "born to be love visible," as ruskin says, who had mastered jiu-jitsu for suffragette purposes, and was to be seen throwing various hapless men about a room. and only the day before i write, the papers have given us a realistic account of a demonstration by an ardent advocate of woman, the chief item of which was that, on the approach of a burly policeman to seize her, she--if the pronouns be not too definite in their sex--fell upon her back and adroitly received the constabulary "wind" upon her upraised foot, thereby working much havoc. no one would assert that the woman's movement is responsible for the production of such people; no reasonable person would assert that their adherence condemns it; but we are rightly entitled to be concerned lest the rising generation of womanhood be misled by such disgusting examples. nothing will be said which militates for a moment against the possibility that a woman may be womanly and yet in her later years, when so many women combine their best health and vigour with experience and wisdom, might replace many hundredweight of male legislators upon the benches of the house of commons, to the immense advantage of the nation. if our present purpose were medical in the ordinary sense, the reader would come to a chapter on the climacteric, dealing with the nervous and other risks and disabilities of that period, and notably including a warning as to the importance of attending promptly to certain local symptoms which may possibly herald grave disease. an abundance of books on such subjects is to be had, and my purpose is not to add to their number. yet the climacteric has a special interest for us because the special case of those women who have passed it is constantly ignored in our discussions of the woman question--which is not exclusively concerned with the destiny of girls and the claims of feminine adolescence to the vote. the work of lord lister, and the advances of obstetrics and gynecology, largely dependent thereon, are increasing the naturally large number of women at these later ages--naturally large because women live longer than men. at this stage the whole case is changed. the eugenic criterion no longer applies. but though the woman is past motherhood, she is still a woman, and by no means past foster-motherhood. though her psychological characters are somewhat modified, it is recorded by my old friend and teacher, dr. clouston, that never yet has he found the climacteric to damage a woman's natural love for children: the maternal instinct will not be destroyed. see, then, what a valuable being we have here; none the less so because, as has been said, she now begins to enjoy, in many cases, the best health of her life. whatever activities she adopts, there is now no question of depriving the race of her qualities: if they are good qualities, it is to be hoped they are already represented in members of the rising generation. the scope of womanhood is now extended. the principles to be laid down later still apply, but they are entirely compatible with, for instance, the discharge of legislative functions. the nation does not yet value its old or elderly women aright. we use as a term of contempt that which should be a term of respect. savage peoples are wiser. we need the wisdom of our older women. it would be well for us to have mrs. fawcett and mrs. humphry ward in parliament. the distinguished lady who approves of woman's vote in municipal affairs, and fights hard for her son's candidature in parliament, but objects to woman suffrage on the ground that women should not interfere in politics, could doubtless find a good reason why women should sit in parliament; and though she would scarcely be heeded on matters of political theory, her splendid championship of vacation schools and play centres would be more effective than ever in the house, and might instruct some of her male _confrères_ as to what politics really is. the prefatory point here made is, in a word, that the following doctrines are perhaps less reactionary than the ardent suffragette might suppose, compatible as they are with an earnest belief in the fitness and the urgent desirability of women of later ages even as members of parliament. it may be added that, on this very point, there is a ridiculous argument against woman suffrage--that it is the precursor of a demand to enter parliament, which would mean (it is assumed), women being numerically in the majority, that the house would be filled with girls of twenty-two and three. men of a sort would be likelier than women, it could be argued, to vote for such girls; but the wise of both sexes might well vote for the elderly women whose existence is somehow forgotten in this connection. no chapter will be found devoted to the question of the vote. the omission is not due to reasons of space, nor to my ever having heard a good argument against the vote--even the argument that women do not want it. that women did not want the vote would only show--if it were the case--how much they needed it. nor is the omission due to any lukewarmness in a cause for which i am constantly speaking and writing. my faith in the justice and political expediency of woman suffrage has survived the worst follies, in speech and deed, of its injudicious advocates: i would as soon allow the vagaries of mrs. carrie nation to make me an advocate of free whiskey. causes must be judged by their merits, not by their worst advocates, or where are the chances of religion or patriotism or decency? the omission is due to the belief that votes for women or anybody else are far less important than their advocates or their opponents assume. the biologist cannot escape the habit of thinking of political matters in vital terms; and if these lead him to regard such questions as the vote with an interest which is only secondary and conditional, it is by no means certain that the verdict of history would not justify him. the present concentration of feminism in england upon the vote, sometimes involving the refusal of a good end--such as wise legislation--because it was not attained by the means they desire, and arousing all manner of enmity between the sexes, may be an unhappy necessity so long as men refuse to grant what they will assuredly grant before long. but now, and then, the vital matters are the nature of womanhood; the extent of our compliance with nature's laws in the care of girlhood, whether or not women share in making the transitory laws of man; and the extent to which womanhood discharges its great functions of dedicating and preparing its best for the mothers, and choosing and preparing the best of men for the fathers, of the future. the vote, or any other thing, is good or bad in so far as it serves or hurts these great and everlasting needs. i believe in the vote because i believe it will be eugenic, will reform the conditions of marriage and divorce in the eugenic sense, and will serve the cause of what i have elsewhere called "preventive eugenics," which strives to protect healthy stocks from the "racial poisons," such as venereal disease, alcohol, and, in a relatively infinitesimal degree, lead. these are ends good and necessary in themselves, whether attained by a special dispensation from on high, or by decree of an earthly autocrat or a democracy of either sex or both. for these ends we must work, and for all the means whereby to attain them; but never for the means in despite of the ends. this first chapter is perhaps unduly long, but it is necessary to state my eugenic faith, since there is neither room nor need for me to reiterate the principles of eugenics in later chapters, and since it was necessary to show that, though this book is written in the interests of individual womanhood, it is consistent with the principles of the divine cause of race-culture, to which, for me, all others are subordinate, and by which, i know, all others will in the last resort be judged. * * * * * the whole teaching of this book, from social generalizations to the details of the wise management of girlhood, is based upon a single and simple principle, often referred to and always assumed in former writings from this pen, and in public speaking from many and various platforms. if this principle be invalid, the whole of the practice which is sought to be based upon it falls to the ground; but if it be valid, it is of supreme importance as the sole foundation upon which can be erected any structure of truth regarding woman and womanhood. our first concern, therefore, must be to state this principle, and the evidence therefor. this will occupy not a small space: and the remainder will be amply filled with the details of its application to woman as girl and mother and grandmother, as wife and widow, as individual and citizen. woman is nature's supreme organ of the future, and it is as such that she will here be regarded. the purpose of adding yet another to the many books on various aspects of womanhood is to propound and, if possible, establish this conception of womanhood, and to find in it a never-failing guide to the right living of the individual life, an infallible criterion of right and wrong in all proposals for the future of womanhood, whether economic, political, educational, whether regarding marriage or divorce, or any other subject that concerns womanhood. a principle for which so much is claimed demands clear definition and inexpugnable foundation in the "solid ground of nature." cogent in some measure though the argument would be, we must appeal in the first place neither to the poets, nor to our own naturally implanted preferences in womanhood, nor to any teaching that claims extra-natural authority. our first question must be--do nature and life, the facts and laws of the continuance and maintenance of living creatures, lend countenance to this idea; can it be translated from general terms, essentially poetic and therefore suspect by many, into precise, hard, scientific language; is it a fact, like the atomic weight of oxygen or the laws of motion, that woman is nature's supreme instrument of the future? if the answer to these questions be affirmative, the evidence of the poets, of our own preferences, of religions ancient and modern, is of merely secondary concern as corroborative, and as serving curiosity to observe how far the teachings of passionless science have been divined or denied by past ages and by other modes of perception and inquiry. therefore this is to be in its basis none other than a biological treatise; for the laws of reproduction, the newly gained knowledge regarding the nature of sex, and the facts of physiology, afford the evidence of the essentially biological truth which has been so often expressed by the present writer in the quasi-poetic terms already set forth. let us, then, first remind ourselves how the individual, whether male or female, is to be looked upon in the light of the work of weismann in especial, and how this great truth, discovered by modern biology and especially by the students of heredity, affects our understanding of the difference between man and woman. setting forth these earlier pages in the year of the darwin centenary, and the jubilee of the "origin of species," a writer would have some courage who proposed to discuss man and woman as if they were unique, rather than the highest and latest examples of male and female: their nature to be rightly understood only by due study of their ancestral forms, ancient and modern. the biological problem of sex is our concern, and we may have to traverse many past ages of "æonian evolution," and even to consider certain quite humble organisms, before we rightly see woman as an evolutionary product of the laws of life. but, first, as to the individual, of whatever sex. observing the familiar facts of our own lives and of the higher forms of life, both animal and vegetable, with which we are acquainted, we must naturally at first incline to regard as worse than paradoxical the modern biological concept of the individual as existing for the race, of the body as merely a transient host or trustee of the immortal germ-plasm. since life has its worth and value only in individuals, and since, therefore, the race exists for the production of individuals, in any sense that we human beings, at any rate, can accept, we must be reasonable in expressing the apparently contrary but not less true view that the individual exists for the race. after all, that does not mean that individuals exist and are worth nature's while merely in order to see the germ-plasm on its way. to say that the individual exists for the race is to say that he, and, as we shall see, pre-eminently she, exist for future individuals; and that is not a destiny to be despised of any. let us attempt to state simply but accurately what biologists mean in regarding the individual as primarily the host and servant of something called the germ-plasm. when the processes of development and of reproduction are closely scrutinized, we find evidence which, together with the conclusions based thereon, was first effectively stated by august weismann, of freiburg, in his famous little book, "the germ-plasm."[ ] the marvellous cells from which new individuals are formed must no longer be regarded, at any rate in the higher animals and plants, as formerly parts of the parent individuals. on the contrary, we have to accept, at least in general and as substantially revealing to us the true nature of the individual, the doctrine of the "continuity of the germ-plasm," which teaches that the race proper is a potentially immortal sequence of living germ-cells, from which at intervals there are developed bodies or individuals, the business and _raison d'être_ of which, whatever such individuals as ourselves may come to suppose, is primarily to provide a shelter for the germ-plasm, and nourishment and air, until such time as it shall produce another individual for itself, to serve the same function. this is another way of saying what will often be said in the following pages--that the individual is meant by nature to be a parent. we shall later see that this great truth by no means involves the condemnation of spinsterhood, but since it determines not only the physiology, but also the psychology, of the individual, and especially of woman, it will guide us to a right appreciation of the dangers and the right direction of spinsterhood, and the means whereby it may be made a blessing to self and to others. this must be said lest the reader should be deterred by the unquestionably true assertion that the individual is meant by nature to be a parent, and has no excuse for existence in nature's eyes except as a parent. if we are to regard the body as a trustee of the germ-plasm, it is evident that the body which carries the germ-plasm with itself to the grave--the "immortality of the germ-plasm" being only conditional and at the mercy of the acts of individuals--has stultified nature's end; and it will be a serious concern of ours in the present work to show how, amongst human beings, at any rate, this stultification may be averted, many childless persons of both sexes having served the race for evermore in the highest degree. we must ask in what directions especially may woman, most profitably for herself or for others, seek to express herself apart from motherhood. it will appear, if our leading principle be valid, that it affords us a sure guide in the welter of controversy and baseless assertion of every kind, in which this vastly important question is at present involved. this conception of the individual as something meant to be a parent will not be questioned by anyone who will do himself or herself the justice to look at it soberly and reverently, without a trace of that tendency to levity or to something worse which here invariably betrays the vulgar mind, whether in a princess or a prostitute. for it needs little reflection to perceive that the most familiar facts of our experience and observation never fail to confirm the doctrine based by weismann upon the revelations of the microscope when applied to the developmental processes of certain simple animal and vegetable forms. the doctrine that the individual body was evolved by the forces of life, acted on and directed by natural selection, as guardian and transmitter of the germ-plasm, assumes a less paradoxical character when we perceive with what unfailing art nature has constructed and devised the body and the mind for their function. we flatter ourselves hugely if we suppose that even our most enjoyable and apparently most personal attributes and appetites were designed by nature for us. not at all. it is the race for which she is concerned. it is not the individual as individual, but the individual as potential parent, that is her concern, nor does she hesitate to leave very much to the mercy of time and chance the individual from whom the possibility of parenthood has passed away, or the individual in whom it has never appeared. our appetites for food and drink, well devised by nature to be pleasant in their satisfaction--lest otherwise we should fail to satisfy them and a possible parent should be lost to her purposes--are immediately rendered of no account when there stirs within us, whether in its crude or transmuted forms, the appetite for the exercise of which these others, and we ourselves, exist, since in nature's eyes and scheme we are but vessels of the future. in later chapters we shall have much occasion, because of their great practical importance in the conduct of woman's life from girlhood onwards, to discuss the physiological and psychological facts which demonstrate overwhelmingly the truth of the view that the individual was evolved by nature for the care of the germ-plasm, or, in other words, was and is constructed primarily and ultimately for parenthood. nor is this argument, as i see it and will present it, invalidated in any degree by the case of such individuals as the sterile worker-bee; any more than the argument, rightly considered, is invalidated by any instance of a worthy, valuable, happy life, eminently a success in the highest and in the lower senses, lived amongst mankind by a non-parent of either sex. on the contrary, it is in such cases as that of the worker-bee that we find the warrant--in apparent contradiction--for our notion of the meaning of the individual, and also the key to the problem placed before us amongst ourselves by the case of inevitable spinsterhood. here, it must be granted, is an individual of a very high and definite and individually complete type, no accident or sport, but, in fact, essential for the type and continuance of the species to which she belongs, and yet, though highly individualized and worthy to represent individuality at its best and highest, the worker-bee, so far from being designed for parenthood, is sterile, and her distinctive characters and utilities are conditional upon her sterility. but when we come to ask what are her distinctive characters and utilities we find that they are all designed for the future of the race. she is, in fact, the ideal foster-mother, made for that service, complete in her incompleteness, satisfied with the vicarious fulfilment of the whole of motherhood except its merely physical part. the doctrine, therefore, that the individual is designed by nature for parenthood, the individual being primarily devised for the race, finds no exception, but rather a striking and immensely significant illustration in the case of the worker-bee, nor will it find itself in difficulties with the case of any forms of individual, however sterile, that can be quoted from either the animal or the vegetable world. natural selection, of which the continuance of the race is the first and never neglected concern, invariably sees to it that no individuals are allowed to be produced by any species unless they have survival-value, a phrase which always means, in the upshot, value for the survival of the race--whether as parents, or foster-parents, protectors of the parents, feeders or slaves thereof. our primary purpose throughout being practical, it is impossible to devote unlimited time and space to proceeding formally through the known forms of life in order to marshal all the proofs or a tithe of them, that all individuals are invented and tolerated by nature for parenthood or its service. we shall in due course consider the peculiar significance of this proposition for the case of woman--a significance so radical for our present argument, even to its _minutiæ_ of practical living, that it cannot be too early or too thoroughly insisted upon. but before we proceed to the special case of woman it is well that we should clearly perceive as a general guiding truth, which will never fail us, either in interpretation, prediction, or instruction, the unfailing gaze of nature, as manifested in the world of life, towards the future. there is no truth more significant for our interpretation of the meaning of the universe, or at least of our planetary life: there is none more relevant to the fate of empires, and therefore to the interests of the enlightened patriot: there is none more worthy to be taken to heart by the individual of either sex and of any age, adolescent or centenarian, as the secret of life's happiness, endurance, and worth. it may be permitted, then, briefly to survey the main truths, and, therefore, the main teachings of the past, as they may be read by those who seek in the facts of life the key to its meaning and its use. chapter ii the life of the world to come when we survey the past of the earth as science has revealed it to us, we gain some conceptions which will help us in our judgments as to what this phenomenon of human life may signify in the future. we are accustomed to look upon the earth as aged, but these terms are only relative; and if we compare our own planet with its neighbours in the solar system, we shall have good reason to suppose that, though the past of the earth is very prolonged, its future will probably be far more so. as for life--and we must think not only of human life, but of life as a planetary phenomenon--that is necessarily much more recent than the formation even of the earth's crust, the existence of water in the liquid state being necessary for life in any of its forms. and human life itself, though the extent of its past duration is seen to be greater the more deeply we study the records, is yet a relatively recent thing. the utmost, it appears, that we can assign to our past would be perhaps six million years, taking our species back to mid-miocene times. doubtless this is a mighty age as compared with the few thousand years allotted to us in bygone chronologies; but, looked at _sub specie æternitatis_, and with an eye which is prepared to look forward also, and especially with relation to what we know and can predict regarding the sun, these past six million years may reasonably be held to comprise only the infantine period of man's life. it is very true that on such estimates as those of lord kelvin, and according to what astronomers and geologists believed not more than twelve or even eight years ago, regarding the secular cooling of earth and sun--that, according to these, the time is by no means "unending long," and we may foresee, not so remotely, the end of the solar heat and light of which we are the beneficiaries. but the discovery of radium and the phenomena of radio-activity have profoundly modified these estimates, justifying, indeed, the acumen of lord kelvin, who always left the way open for reconsideration should a new source of heat and energy in general be discovered. we know now that, to consider the earth first, its crust is not self-cooling, or at any rate not self-cooling only, for it is certainly self-heating. there is an almost embarrassing amount of radium in the earth's crust, so far as we have examined it; a quantity, that is to say, so great that if the same proportion were maintained at deeper levels as at those which we can investigate, the earth would have to be far hotter than it is. similar reasoning applies to the sun. definite, immediate proof of the presence of radium there is not forthcoming yet, but that presence is far more than probable, especially since the existence of solar uranium, the known ancestor of radium, has been demonstrated. the reckonings of helmholtz and others, based upon the supposition that the solar energy is entirely derived from its gravitational contraction, must be superseded. it would require but a very small proportion of radium in the solar constitution to account for all the energy which the centre of our system produces; and, as we have already seen, the earth is to no small extent its own sun--its own source of heat. the prospect thus opened out by modern physical inquiry supports more strongly than ever the conviction that the life of this world to come will be very prolonged. it is true that there is always the possibility of accident. encountering another globe, our sun would doubtless produce so much heat as to incinerate all planetary life. but the excessive remoteness of the sun from the nearest fixed star suggests that the constitution of the stellar universe is such that an accident of this kind is extremely improbable. as for comets, the earth's atmosphere has already encountered a comet, even during the brief period of astronomical observation. this thick overcoat of ours protects us from the danger of such chances. what, then, is the record? we are told that the belief in progress is a malady of youth, which experience and the riper mind will dissipate. some such argument from the lips of the disillusioned or the disidealized has been possible, perhaps, with some measure of probability, until within our own times. they must now forever hold their peace. we know as surely as we know the elementary phenomena of physics or chemistry, that the record of life upon our planet, though not only a record of progress by any means, has nevertheless included that to which the name of progress cannot be denied in any possible definition of the word. for myself, i understand by progress _the emergence of mind, and its increasing dominance over matter_. such categories are, no doubt, unphilosophical in the ultimate sense, but they are proximately convenient and significant. now, if progress be thus defined, we can see for ourselves that life has truly advanced, not merely in terms of anatomical or physiological--_i. e._ mechanical or chemical--complexity, but in terms of mind. the facts of nutrition teach us that the first life upon the earth was vegetable; and though the vegetable world displays great complexity, and that which, on some definitions, would be called progress, yet we cannot say that there is any more mind, any greater differentiation or development of sentience, in the oak than in the alga. when we turn, however, to the animal world--which is parasitic, indeed, upon the vegetable world--we find that in what we may call the main line of ascent there has been, along with increasing anatomical complexity, the far greater emergence of mind. in its earliest manifestations, sentience, consciousness, the psychical in general, and the capacity for it, must be regarded merely as phenomena of the physical organism; the capacity to feel, as no more than a property of the living body; and such mind as there is exists for the body. but, as we may see it, there has been a gradual but infinitely real turning of the tables, so that, even in a dog, as the lover of that dog would grant, the loss of limbs and tail, or, indeed, of any portion of the body not necessary to life, does not mean the loss of the essential dog--not the loss of that which the lover of the dog loves. already, that which is not to be seen or handled has become the more real. in ourselves, it is a capital truth, which asceticism, old or new, perverted or sane, has always recognized, that the mind is the man, and must be master, and the body the servant. yet, historically, this creature, who by the self means not the body, but, as he thinks, its inhabitant, is historically and lineally developed--is also, indeed, developed as an individual--from an organism in which anything to be called psychical is but an apparently accidental attribute, to be discerned only on close examination. this emergence of mind is progress; and this, notwithstanding the sneers of those who do not love the word or the light, has occurred. its history is written indelibly in the rocks. and, as we shall argue, this is the supreme lesson of evolution--that progress is possible, because progress has occurred. assuredly we should never use this word "progress" without reminding ourselves of the cardinal distinction that exists between two forms that it may manifest. there is a progress which consists in and depends upon an advance in the constitution of the living individual; and, so far as we are more mental and less physical than the men who have left us such relics as the neanderthal skull, in so far we exemplify this kind of progress. but, on the other hand, we can claim progress as compared with even the greeks in some respects, though there is no evidence whatever that, so far as the individual is concerned, there is any natural, inherent, organic progress. but we know more. our school-boys know more than aristotle. we stand upon greek shoulders. this is traditional progress--something outside the germ-plasm; a thing dependent upon our great human faculty of speech. that, surely, is why the word infantine was rightly used in our first paragraph. for we may ask why, if man be millions of years old, any record of progress should be a matter of only a few thousand years--perhaps not more than fifteen or twenty. the answer, i believe, is that traditional progress depends upon the possibility of tradition. now speech, apart from writing, involves the possibility of tradition from generation to generation, and i am very sure that "man before speech" is a myth; the more we learn of the anthropoid apes the surer we may be of that. but, after all, the possibilities of progress dependent upon aural memory are sadly limited; not only because it is easy to forget, but because it is also conspicuously easy to distort, as a familiar round-game testifies. the greatest of all the epochs in human history was that which saw the genesis of written speech. i believe that hundreds of thousands, nay millions, of preceding years were substantially sterile just because the educational acquirements of individuals could be transmitted to their children neither in the germ-plasm (for we know such transmission to be impossible), nor outside the germ-plasm, by means of writing. the invention of written language accounts, then, we may suppose, for the otherwise incomprehensible disparity between the blank record of long ages, and the great achievement of recent history--an achievement none the less striking if we remember that the historical epoch includes a thousand years of darkness. thus, as was said at the royal institution in , when discussing the nature of progress, we may argue in a new sense that the historians have made history: it is the possibility of recording that has given us something to record. now, it is in terms of this latter kind of progress that our duty to the past, as we conceive it, may be defined. and in its terms also must we define the grounds of our veneration for the past. none of us invented language, spoken or written; nor yet numbers, nor the wheel, nor much else. we see further than our ancestors because we stand upon their shoulders, and, as coleridge hinted, this may be so even though we be dwarfs and they were giants. some of us see this. how can we fail to do so? and the past becomes in our eyes a very real thing, to which we are so greatly indebted that we should even live for it. but there is a great danger, dependent upon a great error, here. let us consider what is our right attitude towards the past. we are its children and its heirs. we are infinitely indebted to it. we must love and venerate that which was lovable and venerable in it. but are we to live for it? if we could imagine ourselves coming from afar and contemplating the sequence of universal phenomena now for the first time, we should realize that the past, though real, because it was once real, is yet a fleeting aspect of change, and, in a very real sense also, _is_ not. nor, indeed, _is_ the future; but it will be. we cannot alter, we cannot benefit, we cannot serve the past, because it is not and will not be. our besetting tendency as individuals is to live for our own pasts, more especially as we grow old; to become retrospective, to cease to look forward, even to dedicate what remains to us of life to the service of what is not at all. in this respect, as in so many others, we are less wise than children. we will not let the dead bury its dead. this is also the tendency of all institutions. even if there were founded an institute of the future, dedicated to the life of this world to come, after only one generation its administrators would be consulting the interests of the past, turning to the service of the name and the memory of their founder, though it was for the future that he lived. throughout all our social institutions we can perceive this same worship of what no longer is at the cost of the most real of all real things, which is the life of the generation that is and the generations that are to be. everywhere the price for this idolatry is exacted. the perpetual image of it is lot's wife, who, looking backwards upon that from which she had escaped, was turned into a pillar of salt. nature may or may not have a purpose, and exhibit designs for that purpose; she may or may not, in philosophical language, be teleological. man is and must be teleological. we must live for the morrow, for what will be, whether as individuals or as a nation, or our ways are the ways of death. this is looked upon as a human failing--that man never is, but always to be blest; that man is never satisfied, that he will not rest content with present achievement. well, it is stated of our first cousin, once removed, the orang-outang, that in the adult state he is aroused only for the snatching of food, and then "relapses into repose." his reach does not exceed his grasp, and one need not preach contentment to him. but we, the latest and highest products of the struggle for existence, we are strugglers by constitution; and when we relapse into repose we degenerate. only on condition of living for the morrow can we remain human. put a sound limb on crutches and you paralyze it; wear smoked glasses and your eyes become intolerant of light, or wear glasses that make the muscle of accommodation superfluous and it atrophies; take pepsin and hydrochloric acid and the stomach will become incapable of producing them; cease to chew and your teeth decay; let the newspaper prepare your mental food as the cook cuts up your physical food, and you will become incapable of thought--that is, of mental mastication and digestion. it is above all things imperative to strive, to have a goal, to seek it on our own legs, to cry for the moon rather than for nothing at all. and nature teaches us unequivocally that our purpose is ever onward-- to sail beyond the sunset, and the baths of all the western stars, until we die. it is to go, and not to get, that is the glory. to be content is to have no ideal beyond the real; we were better dead and nourishing grass. it is part of the whole structure of life, as we can read it, whether in the animal or in the vegetable world, but pre-eminently in ourselves, that the very body of the individual is constructed as for purpose; nay more, as for the purposes of the future. every little baby girl that is born into the world bears upon her soft surface signs and portents--not merely promise, but the promise of provision--for the life of the world to come. at her very birth she teaches us that she is not created for self alone, but for what will be. running through the whole body--and this the more markedly the higher the type of life--we find organs, tissues, functions, co-ordinations existing not for the present, but for the life of the world to come. when, some day, the social organism is as rightly constructed as the body of any woman, or even, in some measure, of any man, when it is similarly dedicated to the real future, and as resolutely turned away from any worship of what no longer is, then heaven will be nearer to earth. it is quite clear that the supreme choice for any individual or institution or nation is between unborn to-morrow and dead yesterday. no one who concerns himself in the current political controversies, as, for instance, that thing of unspeakable shame which is called the "education question," will doubt that the present and the future are constantly being sacrificed to the past. it may be that the spirit of a trust is being grossly violated; but, rather than infringe the letter of it, the life of to-day and to-morrow must suffer: thus do the worshippers of dead yesterday--the most lethal idol before which fond humanity ever prostrated itself. if it be our duty to do--not "as though to breathe were life"--and if nature indicates the future as that which we are to serve, what evidence have we, or what likelihood, that such service is worth our while? of course, such a question as this may be answered in some such terms as those of the further question, what has posterity done for us? and it is interesting, perhaps, to consider that, so far as we can judge the attitude of our ancestors towards ourselves, their chief interest in us seems to have been as to what we should think of them--"what will posterity say?" they left their records, as we leave our records, for posterity to discover. with singular lack of judgment, as i think, we bury examples of our newspapers for posterity to discover: these are amongst the things which i should rather not have posterity discover. but this is no right outlook upon the future. it is not a question of what posterity can do for us. posterity is here within us. the life of the world to come is in our keeping. we carry it about with us in all our goings and comings. it is at the mercy of what we eat and drink, at the mercy of the diseases we contract. its fate is involved when we fall in love with each other, or out of love with each other; it is we ourselves. just as the father who perhaps is losing his own hair may like to see how pleasantly his children's hair is growing, and finds consolation therein; just as, indeed, all the hopes of the parent become gradually transferred from self to that further self, those further selves, which his children are, so we are to look upon the future as our continuing self. to ask, what has posterity done for us? should be looked upon as if one should say, what have my children done for me? the parallel is indeed a very close one: and it is pointed out by the fine sentence from herbert spencer, which should be known to all of us--"a transfigured sentiment of parenthood regards with solicitude not child and grandchild only, but the generations to come hereafter--fathers of the future, creating and providing for their remote children." we may grant that there is no money in posterity. the germ-plasm has infinite possibilities; but, so long as it remains germ-plasm, it can write no cheques in our favour. if you serve the present, the present will pay; posterity does not pay. if you write a "merry widow," the present will pay; if you write an "unfinished symphony," you will be dust ere it is performed. if you create that which will last forever, but which makes no appeal to the transient tastes of the moment, you may starve and die and rot, because the future, for which you work, cannot reward you. life is so constructed that only in our own day, and not always now, is the mother--even nature's own supreme organ of the future--rewarded for her maternal sacrifice. nature does not trouble about the fate of the present, because she is always pressing on and pressing on towards something more, higher, better. the present, the individual, are but the organs of her purpose. we are to look upon ourselves as ends in ourselves; but we are also means towards ends which we can only dimly conceive, but towards which we may rightly work, and the service of which, though by no means freedom in the ordinary sense, is yet of that higher kind, that perfect freedom, which consists in the development of all the higher attributes of our nature. for it is in our nature to work and to feel and to live for the life that will be. that, as i say, is because living creatures are so constructed. huxley said that if the present level of human life were to show no rising in the future, he should welcome the kindly comet that should sweep the whole thing away. none of us is content with things as they are. if we are, better were it for us to be nourishing the grass and serving the things that will be in that way, if we cannot in any other. what promise, then, have we that things as they will be are worth working for? we live now in an age to which there has been revealed the fact of organic evolution. from the fire-mist, from the mud, from the merely brutal, there have been evolved--such is the worth of nature's womb--there have been evolved intelligence and love, sacrifice, ideals; splendours which no splendour to come can utterly dim. these things are in the power of nature. this is what "dead matter" can mother. so much the worse for our contemptible conceptions of matter, and that of which matter is the manifestation. but if it be that from the slime, by natural processes, there can grow a st. francis, surely our dim notions of the potencies of nature must be exalted. the forces that have erected us from the worm, are they necessarily exhausted or exhaustible? who will dare to set limits to the promise of nature's womb? i mean, in a word, that the history of evolution is a warrant for the idea that we ourselves, even erected men and women, are but stages to what may be higher. we look with contempt upon the apes, but time must have been when "simian" would have been as proud an adjective as "human" is to-day: and human may become superhuman. many passages might be quoted to show that our expectation of future progress is well based, and i will content myself with a single excerpt from the final page of the masterpiece of which all the civilized world was lately celebrating the jubilee. says darwin: "hence we may look with some confidence to a secure future of great length. and as natural selection works solely by and for the good of each being, all corporeal and mental endowments will tend to progress towards perfection." the quotation will suffice to remind us that, if we are to serve the life of the world to come in the surest way, we must become eugenists, accepting and applying to human life nature's great principle of the selection of worth for parenthood and the rejection of unworth. we must modify and adapt our conceptions of education thereto. we must make parenthood the most responsible thing in life. we must teach the girl--aye, and the boy too--that the body is holy, for it is the temple of life to come. we must perceive in our most imperious instincts nature's care for the future, and must humanize and sanctify them by conscious recognition of their purpose, and by provident co-operation with nature towards her supreme end. we could spare from education, perhaps, those fictions concerning the past which are sometimes called history, were they replaced by a knowledge of our own nature and constitution as instruments of the future. let us grant even, for the argument, that nothing more is possible than mankind has yet achieved. there remains the hope that that which human nature at its best has been capable of may be realized by human nature at large. in their great moments the great men have seen this. that last sentence is, indeed, a paraphrase from a remark at the end of herbert spencer's "ethics." ruskin--to choose the polar antithesis of the spencerian mind--declares that "there are no known limits to the nobleness of person or mind which the human creature may attain if we wisely attend to the laws of its birth and training." wordsworth asks whether nature throws any bars across the hope that what one is millions may be. take it, then, that nothing more is conceivable in the way of mathematics than a newton, or of drama than an Æschylus or a shakespeare, or of sacrifice than a christ. these, then, are types of what will be. they demonstrate what human nature is capable of. what one is, why may not millions be? here is an ideal to work for. here is something real to worship, to dedicate a life to. it is not merely that we can make smoother the paths of future generations--which george meredith declared to be the great purpose and duty of our lives--but that, as ruskin suggests in the foregoing quotation, we may raise the inherent quality of those future generations, so that they can make their own ways smooth and straight and high. it is our business, i repeat, to conceive of parenthood as the most responsible and sacred thing in life. true, it now follows, according to physiological law, upon the satisfaction of certain tendencies of our nature, which in themselves may be gratified, and even worthily gratified, without reference to anything but the present; yet these tendencies, commonly reviled and regarded with contempt--at least overt contempt--exist, like most of our attributes, for the life of the world to come. and that in which they may result, the bringing of new human life into the world, is the most tremendous, as it is the most mysterious, of our possibilities. the laws of life are such that at any given moment the entire future is absolutely at the mercy of the present. the laws of life, indeed; one might have said the law of universal causation. but so it is. there is no conceivable limit to our responsibility. we act for the moment, we act for self; but there will be no end to the consequences. when the stuff of which our bodies are made has passed through a thousand cycles, the consequences of our brief moments will still be felt. this dependence of the future upon the present in the world of life is an almost unrealizable thing. life could not have persisted upon such conditions had not nature from the first, and increasingly up to our own day (for it is the human infant that is the most helpless, and the longest helpless), had not nature, i say, persistently constructed the individual, in all his or her attributes, as a being whose warrant and purpose lay yet beyond. we are organs of the race, whether we will or no. we are made for the future, whether we will, whether we care, or no. we are only obeying nature, and therefore in a position to command her, in dedicating ourselves and our purposes, our customs, our social structures, to the life of the world to come. we shall be there. our purposes and hopes, the flesh and blood of many of us, will be there. posterity will be what we make it, as we, alas! are what our ancestors have made us. to this increasing purpose there will come, i suppose, an end--an inscrutable end. yearly the evidence makes it more probable that in a sister world we are gazing upon the splendid efforts of purposeful, intelligent, co-ordinated life to battle against planetary conditions which threaten it with death by thirst. how long intelligence has existed upon mars, if intelligence there be, no one can say; nor yet what its future will be. it would seem probable that our own fate must be similar, but it is far removed. and though the whole may seem wanton, purposeless, stupid, we are very little folk; we see very dimly; we see only what we have the capacity to see; and there are more things in heaven and earth than are dreamt of in the philosophy of the wisest of us. so also there are many events in the womb of time which will be delivered. we are the shapers, the creators, the parents of those events. the still, small voice of the unborn declares our responsibility. there may be no reward. what does reward mean? who rewards the sun, or the rain, or the oak, or the tigress? but there is the doing of one's work in the world, the serving of the highest and most real purpose that may be revealed to us. that is to be oneself, to fulfil one's destiny, to be a part of the universe, and worthy to be such a part. and though it be even unworthy for us to suggest that at least posterity will be grateful to us, such a thought may perhaps console us a little. at any rate, to those who worship and live for the past, we may offer this alternative: let them work for what will be. perhaps the reward will be as real as any that the worship of what is not can offer. and, reward or no reward, it is something to have an ideal, something to believe that earth may become heavenly, and that, in some real sense which we can dimly perceive, we may be part--must be part, indeed--of that great day which is in our keeping, and which it is our privilege to have some share in shaping. thus we may repeat, and thrill to repeat, with new meaning, the old but still living words, _expecto resurrectionem mortuorum, et vitam venturi sæculi_--"i look for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come." chapter iii the purpose of womanhood in due course we shall have to discuss the little that is yet known and to discuss the much that is asserted by both sides, for this or that end, regarding the differences between men and women. by this we mean, of course, the natural as distinguished from the nurtural differences--to use the antithetic terms so usefully adapted by sir francis galton from shakespeare. our task, we shall soon discover, is not an easy one: because it is rarely easy to disentangle the effects of nature from those of nurture, all the phenomena, physical and psychical, of all living creatures being not the sum but the product of these two factors. the sharp allotment of this or that feature to nature or to nurture alone is therefore always wholly wrong: and the nice estimation of the relative importance of the natural as compared with the nurtural factors must necessarily be difficult, especially for the case of mankind, where critical observation, on a large scale, and with due control, of the effects of environment upon natural potentialities is still lacking. but here, at least, we may unhesitatingly declare and insist upon, and shall hereafter invariably argue from, _the_ one indisputable and all-important distinction between man and woman. we must not commit the error of regarding this distinction as qualitative so much as quantitative: by which is meant that it really is neither more nor less than a difference in the proportions of two kinds of vital expenditure. nor must we commit the still graver error of asserting, without qualification, that such and such, and that only, is the ideal of womanhood, and that all women who do not conform to this type are morbid, or, at least, abnormal. it takes all sorts to make a world, we must remember. further, the more we learn, especially thanks to the modern experimental study of heredity, regarding the constitution of the individual of either sex, the more we perceive how immensely complex and how infinitely variable that constitution is. nay more, the evidence regarding both the higher animals and the higher plants inclines us to the view, not unsupported by the belief of ages, that woman is even more complex in constitution than man, and therefore no less liable to vary within wide limits. on what one may term organic analysis, comparable to the chemist's analysis of a compound, woman may be found to be more complex, composed of even more numerous and more various elementary atoms, so to say, than man. and if these new observations upon the nature of femaleness were not enough to warn the writer who should rashly propose, after the fashion of the unwise, who on every hand lay down the law on this matter, to state once and for all exactly what, and what only, every woman should be, we find that another long-held belief as to the relative variety of men and women has lately been found baseless. it was long held, and is still generally believed--in consequence of that universal confusion between the effects of nature and of nurture to which we have already referred--that women are less variable than men, that they vary within much narrower limits, and that the bias towards the typical, or mean, or average, is markedly greater in the case of women than of men. a vast amount of idle evidence is quoted in favour of a proposition which seems to have some _a priori_ plausibility. it is said--of course, without any allusion to nurture, education, environment, opportunity--that such extreme variations as we call genius are much commoner amongst men than women: and then that the male sex also furnishes an undue proportion of the insane--as if there were no unequal incidence of alcohol and syphilis, the great factors of insanity, upon the two sexes. nevertheless, observant members of either sex will either contradict one another on this point according to their particular opportunities, or will, on further inquiry, agree that women vary surely no less generally than men, at any rate within considerable limits, whatever may be the facts of colossal genius. indeed, we begin to perceive that differences in external appearance, which no one supposes to be less general among women than among men, merely reflect internal differences; and that, as our faces differ, so do ourselves, every individual of either sex being, in fact, not merely a peculiar variety, but the solitary example of that variety--in short, unique. the analysis of the individual now being made by experimental biology lends abundant support to this view of the higher forms of life--the more abundant, the higher the form. so vast, as yet quite incalculably vast, is the number of factors of the individual, and such are the laws of their transmission in the germ-cells, that the mere mathematical chances of a second identical throw, so to speak, resulting in a second individual like any other, are practically infinitely small. the greater physiological complexity of woman, as compared with man, lends especial force to the argument in her case. the remarkable phenomena of "identical twins," who alone of human beings are substantially identical, lend great support to this proposition of the uniqueness of every individual: for we find that this unexampled identity depends upon the fact that the single cell from which every individual is developed, having divided into two, was at that stage actually separated into two independent cells, thus producing two complete individuals of absolutely identical germinal constitution. in no other case can this be asserted; and thus this unique identity confirms the doctrine that otherwise all individuals are indeed unique. it is necessary to state this point clearly in the forefront of our argument, both lest the reader should suppose that some foolish ideal of feminine uniformity is to be argued for, and also in the interests of the argument as it proceeds, lest we should be ourselves tempted to forget the inevitable necessity--and, as will appear, the eminent desirability--of feminine, no less than of masculine, variety. nevertheless, there remains the fact that, in the variety which is normally included within the female sex, there is yet a certain character, or combination of characters, upon which, indeed, distinctive femaleness depends. it may in due course be our business to discuss the subordinate and relatively trivial differences between the sexes, whether native or acquired; but we shall encounter nothing of any moment compared with the distinction now to be insisted upon. one may well suggest that insistence is necessary, for never, it may be supposed, in the history of civilization was there so widespread or so effective a tendency to declare that, in point of fact, there are no differences between men and women except that, as plato declared, woman is in all respects simply a weaker and inferior kind of man. great writer though plato was, what he did not know of biology was eminently worth knowing, and his teaching regarding womanhood and the conditions of motherhood in the ideal city is more fantastically and ludicrously absurd than anything that can be quoted, i verily believe, from any writer of equal eminence. if, indeed, the teaching of plato were correct, there would be no purpose in this book. if a girl is practically a boy, we are right in bringing up our girls to be boys. if a woman is only a weaker and inferior kind of man, those women--themselves, as a rule, the nearest approach to any evidence for this view--who deny the weakness and inferiority and insist upon the identity, are justified. their error and that of their supporters is twofold. in the first place, they err because, being themselves, as we shall afterwards have reason to see, of an aberrant type, they judge women and womanhood by themselves, and especially by their abnormal psychological tendencies--notably the tendency to look upon motherhood much as the lower type of man looks upon fatherhood. it requires closer and more intimate study of this type than we can spare space for--more, even, than the state of our knowledge yet permits--in order to demonstrate how absurd is the claim of women thus peculiarly constituted to speak for their sex as a whole. but, secondly, those women and men who assert the doctrine of the identity of the sexes are led to err, not because it can really be hidden from the most casual observer that there is a profound distinction between the sexes, apart from the case of the defeminized woman--but because, by a surprising fallacy, they confuse the doctrine of sex-equality with that of sex-identity; or, rather, they believe that only by demonstrating the doctrine that the sexes are substantially identical, can they make good their plea that the sexes should be regarded as equal. the fallacy is evident, and would not need to detain us but for the fact that, as has been said, the whole tendency of the time is towards accepting it--the recent biological proof of the fundamental and absolute difference between the sexes being unknown as yet to the laity. yet surely, even were the facts less salient, or even were they other than they are, it is a pitiable failure of logic to suppose, as is daily supposed, that in order to prove woman man's equal one must prove her to be really identical in all essentials, given, of course, equal conditions. controversialists on both sides, and even some of the first rank, are content to accept this absurd position. the one party seeks to prove that woman is man's equal because rosa bonheur and lady butler have painted, sappho and george eliot have written, and so forth; in other words, that woman is man's equal because she can do what he can do: any capacities of hers which he does not share being tacitly regarded as beside the point or insubstantial. the other party has little difficulty in showing that, in point of fact, men do things admittedly worth doing of which women are on the whole incapable; and then triumphantly, but with logic of the order which this party would probably call "feminine," it is assumed that woman is not man's equal because she cannot do the things he does. that she does things vastly better and infinitely more important which he cannot do at all, is not a point to be considered; the baseless basis of the whole silly controversy being the exquisite assumption, to which the women's party have the folly to assent, that only the things which are common in some degree to both sexes shall be taken into account, and those peculiar to one shall be ignored. it is my most solemn conviction that the cause of woman, which is the cause of man, and the cause of the unborn, is by nothing more gravely and unnecessarily prejudiced and delayed than by this doctrine of sex-identity. it might serve some turn for a time, as many another error has done, were it not so palpably and egregiously false. advocated as it is mainly by either masculine women or unmanly men, its advocates, though in their own persons offering some sort of evidence for it, are of a kind which is highly repugnant to less abnormal individuals of both sexes. hosts of women of the highest type, who are doing the silent work of the world, which is nothing less than the creation of the life of the world to come, are not merely dissuaded from any support of the women's cause by the spectacle of these palpably aberrant and unfeminine women, but are further dissuaded by the profound conviction arising out of their woman's nature, that the doctrine of sex-identity is absurd. many of them would rather accept their existing status of social inferiority, with its thousand disabilities and injustices, than have anything to do with women who preach "rouse yourselves, women, and be men!" and who themselves illustrate only too fearsomely the consequences of this doctrine. certainly not less disastrous, as a consequence of this most unfortunate error of fact and of logic, is the alienation from the woman's cause of not a few men whose support is exceptionally worth having. there are men who desire nothing in the world so much as the exaltation of womanhood, and who would devote their lives to this cause, but would vastly rather have things as they are than aid the movement of "woman in transition"--if it be transition from womanhood to something which is certainly not womanhood and at best a very poor parody of manhood except in cases almost infinitely rare. i have in my mind a case of a well-known writer, a man of the highest type in every respect, well worth enlisting in the army that fights for womanhood to-day, whose organic repugnance to the defeminized woman is so intense, and whose perception of the distinctive characters of real womanhood and of their supreme excellence is so acute that, so far from aiding the cause of, for instance, woman's suffrage, he is one of its most bitter and unremitting enemies. there must be many such--to whom the doctrine of sex-identity, involving the repudiation of the excellences, distinctive and precious, of women, is an offence which they can never forgive. one may be permitted a little longer to delay the discussion of the distinctive purpose and character of womanhood, because the foregoing has already stated in outline the teaching which biology and physiology so abundantly warrant. for here we must briefly refer to the work of a very remarkable woman, scarcely known at all to the reading public, either in great britain or in america, and never alluded to by the feminist leaders in those countries, though her works are very widely known on the continent of europe, and, with the whole weight of biological fact behind them, are bound to become more widely known and more effective as the years go on. i refer to the swedish writer, ellen key, one of whose works, though by no means her best, has at last been translated into english. all her books are translated into german from the swedish, and are very widely read and deeply influential in determining the course of the woman's movement in germany. at this early stage in our argument i earnestly commend the reader of any age or sex to study ellen key's "century of the child." it is necessary and right to draw particular attention to the teaching of this woman since it is urgently needed in anglo-saxon countries at this very time, and almost wholly unknown, but for this minor work of hers and an occasional allusion--as in an article contributed by dr. havelock ellis to the _fortnightly review_ some few years ago. especial importance attaches to such teaching as hers when it proceeds from a woman whose fidelity to the highest interests, even to the unchallenged autonomy, of her sex cannot be questioned, attested as it is by a lifetime of splendid work. the present controversy in great britain would be profoundly modified in its course and in its character if either party were aware of ellen key's work. the most questionable doctrines of the english feminists would be already abandoned by themselves if either the wisest among them, or their opponents, were able to cite the evidence of this great swedish feminist, who is certainly at this moment the most powerful and the wisest living protagonist of her sex. from a single chapter of the book, to which it may be hoped that the reader will refer, there may be quoted a few sentences which will suffice to indicate the reasons why ellen key dissociated herself some ten years ago from the general feminist movement, and will also serve as an introduction from the practical and instinctive point of view to the scientific argument regarding the nature and purpose of womanhood, which must next concern us. hear ellen key:-- "doing away with an unjust paragraph in a law which concerns woman, turning a hundred women into a field of work where only ten were occupied before, giving one woman work where formerly not one was employed--these are the mile-stones in the line of progress of the woman's rights movement. it is a line pursued without consideration of feminine capacities, nature and environment. "the exclamation of a woman's rights champion when another woman had become a butcher, 'go thou and do likewise,' and an american young lady working as an executioner, are, in this connection, characteristic phenomena. "in our programme of civilization, we must start out with the conviction that motherhood is something essential to the nature of woman, and the way in which she carries out this profession is of value for society. on this basis we must alter the conditions which more and more are robbing woman of the happiness of motherhood and are robbing children of the care of a mother. "i am in favour of real freedom for woman; that is, i wish her to follow her own nature, whether she be an exceptional or an ordinary woman ... i recognize fully the right of the feminine individual to go her own way, to choose her own fortune or misfortune. i have always spoken of women collectively and of society collectively. "from this general, not from the individual, standpoint, i am trying to convince women that vengeance is being exacted on the individual, on the race, when woman gradually destroys the deepest vital source of her physical and psychical being, the power of motherhood. "but present-day woman is not adapted to motherhood; she will only be fitted for it when she has trained herself for motherhood and man is trained for fatherhood. then man and woman can begin together to bring up the new generation out of which some day society will be formed. in it the completed man--the superman--will be bathed in that sunshine whose distant rays but colour the horizon of to-day." chapter iv the law of conservation students of the physical sciences discovered in the nineteenth century a universal law of nature, always believed by the wisest since the time of thales, but never before proven, which is now commonly known as the law of the conservation of energy. when we say to a child, "you cannot eat your cake and have it," we are expressing the law of the conservation of matter, which is really a more or less accurate part-expression of the law of the conservation of energy. the law that from nothing nothing is made--and further, though here this concerns us less, that nothing is ever destroyed--is the only firm foundation for any work or any theory whether in science or philosophy. the chemist who otherwise bases his account of a reaction is wrong; the sociologist who denies it nature will deny. it was the sure foundation upon which herbert spencer erected the philosophy of evolution; and every page of this book depends upon the certainty that this law applies to woman and to womanhood as it does to the rest of the universe. further, it may be shown that certain less universal but most important generalizations made by two or three biologists are indeed special cases of the universal law. there is, first, the law of herbert spencer, which states that for every individual there is an inevitable issue between the demands of parenthood and the demands of self; and there is, secondly, the law of professors geddes and thomson, which asserts that this issue specially concerns the female as compared with the male sex, the distinguishing character of femaleness being that in it a higher proportion of the vital energy is expended upon or conserved for the future and therefore, necessarily, a smaller proportion for the purposes of the individual. it is of service to one's thinking, perhaps, to regard geddes and thomson's law as a special case of spencer's, and spencer's as a special case of the law of the conservation of energy. first, then, somewhat of detail regarding the law of balance between expenditure on the self and expenditure upon the race; and then to the all-important application of this to the case of womanhood--for upon this application the whole of the subsequent argument depends. when he set forth, with great daring, to write the "principles of biology," spencer was already at an advantage compared with the accepted writers upon the subject, not merely because of his stupendous intellectual endowment, but also because the idea of the conservation of energy was a permanent guiding factor in all his thought. thus it was, one supposes, that this bold young amateur, for he was little more, perceived in the light of the evolutionary idea of which he was one of the original promulgators, a simple truth which had been unperceived by all previous writers upon biology, from aristotle onwards. it is in the last section of his book that spencer propounds his "law of multiplication," depending upon what he calls the "antagonism between individuation and genesis." as i have observed elsewhere, the word antagonism is perhaps too harsh, and may certainly be misleading, for it may induce us to suppose that there is no possible reconciliation of the claims and demands of the race and the individual, the future and the present. i believe most devoutly that there is such a reconciliation, as indeed spencer himself pointed out, and a central thesis of this book is indeed that in the right expression of motherhood or foster-motherhood, woman may and increasingly will achieve the highest, happiest, and richest self-development. thus one may be inclined to abandon the word antagonism, and to say merely that there is a necessary inverse ratio between "individuation" and "genesis," to use the original spencerian terms. this principle has immense consequences--most notably that as life ascends the birth-rate falls, more of the vital energy being used for the enrichment and development of the individual life, and less for mere physical parenthood. we shall argue that, in the case of mankind, and pre-eminently in the case of woman, this enrichment and development of the individual life is best and most surely attained by parenthood or foster-parenthood, made self-conscious and provident, and magnificently transmuted by its extension and amplification upon the psychical plane in the education of children and, indeed, the care and ennoblement of human life in all its stages. this law of spencer's has been discussed at length by the present writer in a previous volume,[ ] and we may therefore now proceed to its notable illustration in the case of womanhood and the female sex in general, as made by geddes and thomson now more than twenty years ago. it is surprising that the distinguished authors do not seem to have recognized that their law is a special case of spencer's; but one of them granted this relation in a discussion upon the present writer's first eugenic lecture to the sociological society.[ ] we must therefore now briefly but adequately consider the argument of the remarkable book published by the scottish biologists in , and presented in a new edition in . the latter date is of interest, because it coincides with the re-discovery of the work of mendel, published in , to which we must afterwards more than once refer; and the work of the mendelians during the subsequent decade very substantially modifies much of the authors' teaching upon the determination of sex, and the intimate nature of the physiological differences between the sexes. we have learnt more about the nature of sex in the decade or so since the publication of the new edition of the "evolution of sex" than in all preceding time. such, at least, is the well-grounded opinion of all who have acquainted themselves with the work of the mendelians, as we shall see: and therefore that book is by no means commended to the reader's attention as the last word upon the subject. the rather would one particularly direct him to the following prophetic and admirable passage in the preface of :-- "our hope is that the growing strength of the still young school of experimental evolutionists may before many years yield results which will involve not merely a revision, but a recasting of our book." --a passage which may well content the authors to-day, when its fulfilment is so signal. yet assuredly the main thesis of the volume stands, and profoundly concerns every student of womanhood in any of its aspects. it will continue to stand when the brilliant foolishness of such writers as poor weininger, the author of that evidently insane product "sex and character," is rightly estimated as interesting to the student of mental pathology alone. there has lately been a kind of epidemic citation from weininger, whose book is obviously rich in characters that make it attractive to the ignorant and the many; and it is high time that we should concern ourselves less with the product of a suicidal and much-to-be-pitied boy, and more with the sober and scientific work for which daily verification is always at hand. we cannot do better than have before us at the outset the authors' statement of their main proposition, in the preface to the new edition of their work:-- "in all living creatures there are two great lines of variation, primarily determined by the very nature of protoplasmic change (metabolism); for the ratio of the constructive (anabolic) changes to the disruptive (katabolic) ones, that is of income to outlay, of gains to losses, is a variable one. in one sex, the female, the balance of debtor and creditor is the more favourable one; the anabolic processes tend to preponderate, and this profit may be at first devoted to growth, but later towards offspring, of which she hence can afford to bear the larger share. to put it more precisely, the life-ratio of anabolic to katabolic changes, a/k, in the female is normally greater than the corresponding life-ratio, a/k, in the male. this for us, is the fundamental, the physiological, the constitutional difference between the sexes; and it becomes expressed from the very outset in the contrast between their essential reproductive elements, and may be traced on into the more superficial sexual characters." a little further on (p. ), the authors say:-- "without multiplying instances, a review of the animal kingdom, or a perusal of darwin's pages, will amply confirm the conclusion that on an average the females incline to passivity, the males to activity. in higher animals, it is true that the contrast shows itself rather in many little ways than in any one striking difference of habit, but even in the human species the difference is recognized. every one will admit that strenuous spasmodic bursts of activity characterize men, especially in youth, and among the less civilized races; while patient continuance, with less violent expenditure of energy, is as generally associated with the work of women." we must shortly proceed to study the origin and determination of sex, and more especially of femaleness, in the individual, and here we shall be entirely concerned with the new knowledge commonly called mendelism, to which there is no allusion in our authors' pages. meanwhile it must be insisted that the reader who will either read their pages for a survey of the evidence in detail, or who will for a moment consider the evident necessities imposed by the facts of parenthood, cannot possibly fail to satisfy himself that the main contention, as stated in the foregoing quotations, is correct. a further point of the greatest importance to us requires to be made. it is that, owing to profound but intelligible causes, the contrast which necessarily obtains between the sexes in respect of their vital expenditure is most marked in the case of our own species. it is one of the conditions of progress that the young of the higher species make more demands upon their mothers than do the young of humbler forms. in other words, progress in the world of life has always leant upon and been conditioned by motherhood. thus, as one has so frequently asserted in reference to the modern campaign against infant mortality, the young of the human species are nurtured within the sacred person--the _therefore_ sacred person--of the mother for a longer period in proportion to the body weight than in the case of any other species; and the natural period of maternal feeding is also the longest known. on the other hand, the physical demands made by parenthood upon the male sex are no greater in our case than in that of lower forms; though upon the psychical plane the great fact of increasing paternal care in the right line of progress may never be forgotten. but thus it follows that the law of conservation, asserting that what is spent for self cannot be kept for the race, and that if the demands of the future are to be met the present must be subordinated, not merely applies to woman, but applies to her in unique degree. there are grounds, also, for believing that what is demonstrably and obviously true on the physical plane has its counterpart in the psychical plane; and that, if woman is to remain distinctively woman in mind, character, and temperament, and if, just because she remains or becomes what she was meant to be, she is to find her greatest happiness, she must orient her life towards life orient, towards the future and the life of this world to come. some such doctrines may help us at a later stage to decide whether it be better that a woman should become a mother or a soldier, a nurse or an executioner. chapter v the determination of sex we must regard life as essentially female, since there is no choice but to look upon living forms which have no sex as female, and since we know that in many of the lower forms of life there is possible what is called parthenogenesis or virgin-birth. it has, indeed, been ingeniously argued by a distinguished american writer, professor lester ward,[ ] that the male sex is to be looked upon as an afterthought, an ancillary contrivance, devised primarily for the advantages of having a second sex--whatever those advantages may exactly be; and secondarily, one would add, becoming useful in adding fatherhood to motherhood upon the psychical plane of post-natal care and education as well. but whatever was the historical or evolutionary origin of sex, we may here be excused for attaching more importance--for it is of great practical consequence--to the origin or determination of sex in the individual. at what stage and under what influences did the child that is born a girl become female? to what extent can we control the determination of sex? why are the numbers of the sexes approximately so equal? what determines the curious disproportions observed in many families, which may be composed only of girls or only of boys; and, as is asserted, also observed after wars and epidemics or during sieges, when an abnormally high proportion of boys is said to be born? these are some of the deeply interesting questions which men have always attempted to answer--with the beginnings of substantial success during the present century at last. in general it is true that, the more we learn of the characters and histories of living beings, the more importance we attach to nature or birth and the less to nurture or environment, vastly important though the latter be. thus to the student of heredity nothing could well seem more improbable, at any rate amongst the higher animals, than that characters so profound as those of sex should be determined by nurture. he simply cannot but believe that the sex of the individual is as inborn as his backbone, and as incapable of being created by varying conditions of nurture. the causation of sex is therefore really a problem in heredity; and we may most confidently assert, in the first place, that the sex of every human being is already determined at the moment of conception when, indeed, the new individual is created: determined then by the nature and constitution of the living cells--or of one of them--which combine to form the new being. subsequent attempts to affect the sex, as by means of the mother's diet and the like, are palpably hopeless from the outset and always will be. this is by no means to say that conditions affecting the mother--as, for instance, the semi-starvation of a prolonged siege--may not affect the construction of the germ-cells which she houses, and which are constantly being formed within her from the mother germ-cells, as they are called. but any given final germ-cell, such as will combine with another from an individual of the opposite sex to form a new being, is already determined, once for all, to be of one sex or the other. we naturally ask, then, how the two parents are concerned in this matter; and the first remarkable answer returned by the mendelian workers during the last three or four years is that it is the mother who determines the sex of her children in the case of all the higher animals. her contribution to the new being is called the ovum, and it is believed that ova are of two kinds, or, we are quite right in saying, of two sexes. those who are now working at these problems experimentally, actually seeing what happens in given cases, and whom we may for convenience call mendelians after the master who gave them their method and their key, have latterly obtained results the main tenour of which must be stated here, as they indicate the lines of a portion of the succeeding argument. the task was to attack experimentally the determination of sex--a fascinating problem for which so many solutions that failed to hold water have been found, but hitherto no others. in finding the answer to it, as they appear certainly to have done so far as the higher animals are concerned, the mendelians are also beginning to ascertain, as we shall see, certain basal facts as to the composition or constitution of the individual; and to us, who wish to know exactly what a woman is, and what she is as distinguished from a man, this discovery is of the most vital importance. the experimental facts are not yet numerous, and if they were not consonant with facts of other orders, it would be rash to proceed; but it will be evident, in the sequel, that common experience is well in accord with the experimental evidence. it appears that, amongst at any rate the higher animals, the sex of offspring is determined by the nature of the mother's contribution. the cell derived from the father is always male--as goes without saying, we might add, if we knew little of the subject. but the ovum, the cell derived from the mother, may carry either femaleness or maleness. when an ovum bearing maleness meets the invariably maleness-bearing sperm, the resultant individual is a male, of course, and he is male all through. but when an ovum bearing femaleness meets a sperm, the resulting individual is female, femaleness being a mendelian "dominant" to maleness; if both be present, femaleness appears. the female, however, is not female all through as the male is male all through. so far as sex is concerned, he is made of maleness _plus_ maleness; but she is made of femaleness _plus_ maleness. in mendelian language the male is homozygous, so-called "pure" as regards this character. but the female is heterozygous, "impure" in the sense that her femaleness depends upon the dominance of the factor for femaleness over the factor for maleness, which also is present in her. in the mendelian terminology, she is an instance of impure dominance. the observed practical equality in the numbers of the two sexes is in exact accord with this interpretation of the facts, this proportion being the expected and observed one in many other cases which doubtless depend upon parallel conditions of the reproductive cells. surely there is great enlightenment here: for the discovery of the factors determining sex is a very small affair compared with the suggestive inference as to the constitution of womanhood. let us compare man and woman on the basis of this assumption. in the man there is nothing but maleness. this is not to deny that he may possess the protective instinct and the tender emotion which is its correlate, even though these were undoubtedly feminine in origin. but it is to deny that any injury to, or arrested development of, the male can reveal in him characters distinctively female. he may fail to become a man and may remain a boy; or, having been a man, he may perhaps return, under certain conditions, to a more youthful state; but he will never, can never, display anything distinctive of the woman. not such, however, must be the woman's case. if anything should interfere with the development and dominance of the femaleness factor in her, there is not another "dose" of femaleness, so to speak, to fall back upon; but a dose of maleness. we may be right in thus seeking to explain certain familiar phenomena, observed in women under various conditions--as, for instance, the growth of hair upon the face in elderly women, the assumption of a masculine voice and aspect, and so forth. such facts are frequently to be observed after the climacteric or "change of life," which probably denotes the termination of the dominance of the femaleness factor. they are also to be observed as a consequence of operations much more commonly and irresponsibly performed a few years ago than now, which abruptly deprived the organism of the internal secretion through which, as we may surmise, the femaleness factor in the germ makes its presence effective. if these propositions are valid, they are certainly important. our attitude towards them will depend upon our estimates of the worth of distinctive womanhood. we may regard it as a loss to society that what might have been a woman should become only a sort of man of rather less than average efficiency. or we may hail with delight the possibility that, after all, we may be able, by judicious education, to make men of our daughters. but, whatever our estimates, certainly it is of great interest to inquire how far and in what directions education may affect the development of what was given in the germ. we cannot yet answer this question. in a thousand matters it is all-important to know in what degree education can control nature, but until we know what the nature of the individual is we cannot decide. professor bateson has clearly shown that we shall be able duly to estimate environment only when mendelian analysis has gone much further, and has instructed us in detail as to the nature of the material upon which environment is to act. for instance, there is the well-established fact that women who have undergone "higher education" show a low marriage-rate, and produce very few children. however considered, the fact is of great importance. but the right interpretation of it is not certain. there are women of a type approaching the masculine, who are evidently so by nature. is it these women, already predestined for something other than distinctive womanhood, that offer themselves for "higher education"? in other words, is there a selective process at work, the results of which in choosing a certain type of woman we attribute to the education undergone? if we answer this question wrongly, and act upon our erroneous interpretation, we shall certainly do grave injury to individuals and society. thus, we might roundly condemn the higher education of women _in toto_, and hold up the "domestic woman" as the sole type to which every woman can and must be made to conform. or, on the other hand, we may argue that it is well to provide suitable opportunities of self-development for those women whose nature practically unfits them for the ordinary career of a woman. i do not think that any one who has had opportunities of first-hand observation will question the presence in university and college class-rooms of girls of the anomalous type. each generation produces a certain number of such. probably no education will alter their nature in any radical or effective way. on every ground, personal and social, we must be right in providing for them, as for their brothers, all the opportunities they may desire. but i am convinced that their relative number is not large. the great majority of those girls who are nowadays subjected to what we call "higher education" are of the normal type; and this is none the less true because the proportion of the anomalous is doubtless higher here than in the feminine community at large. the ordinary observation of those teachers who year by year see young girls at the beginning of their higher education will certainly confirm the statement that by far the greater number of them are of the ordinary feminine type. if this be so, the necessary inference is that education _has_ a potent influence, and that it must be held accountable for the observed facts of later years, whether those facts please or displease us. the human being is the most adaptable--that is to say, educable--of all living creatures. this is true of women as well as men. the response of girls to ideas, ideals, suggestion, the spirit of the group, is an unquestioned thing. further, there are basal facts of physiology, ultimately dependent on the law of the conservation of energy, and the circumstance that you cannot eat your cake and have it, which work hand-in-hand, on their own effective plane, with the psychological influences already referred to. all physiology and psychology lead us to expect those results of "higher education" upon its subjects or victims which, in fact, we find, and which, in the main, are indeed its results and not dependent upon the exceptional natures of those subjected to it. the more general higher education becomes, and the less selection is exercised upon the candidates for it, the more evident, i believe, will it appear that woman responds in high degree to the total circumstances of her life; and that if we do not like the fruits of our labour it is we indeed that are to blame. chapter vi mendelism and womanhood we are accustomed to think of mendelism as simply a theory of heredity, by which term we should properly understand the relation between living generations. now mendelism is certainly this, but i believe that it is vastly more. already the claim has been made, though not, perhaps, in adequate measure, by the mendelians, and i am convinced that their title to it will be upheld. mendelism has already effected a really epoch-making advance in our knowledge of heredity--the relations between parents and offspring; but we shall learn ere long that it has yet more to teach us regarding the very constitution of living beings. as modern chemistry can analyse a highly complex molecule into its constituent elementary atoms, so the mendelians promise ere long to enable us to effect an _organic analysis_ of living creatures. for many decades past theory has perceived that, in the germ-cells whence we and the higher animals and plants are developed, there must exist--somewhere intermediate between the chemical molecule and the vital unit, the cell itself--units which herbert spencer, the first and greatest of their students, called physiological or constitutional units. since his day they have been re-discovered--or rather re-named--by a host of students, including haeckel, weismann, and many of scarcely less distinction. the mendelian "factors," as i maintain must be clear to any student of the idea, are spencer's physiological units. of course neither spencer nor any one else, until the re-discovery of mendel's work, had any notion at all of the remarkable fashion in which these units are treated in the process whereby germ-cells are prepared for their great destiny. the rule, as we now know, is that one germ-cell contains any given unit, while another does not. the process of cell-division, whereby the germ-cells or gametes[ ] are made, is called gameto-genesis. somewhere in its course there occurs the capital fact discovered by mendel and called by him segregation. a cell divides into two--which are the final gametes. one of these will definitely contain the mendelian factor, and the other will be as definitely without it. definite consequences follow in the constitution of the offspring; and such is the mendelian contribution to heredity. but we must see that these inquiries cannot be far pursued without telling us vastly more than we ever knew before of not only the relation between individuals of successive generations, but the very structure of the individuals themselves. it is by the study of heredity that we shall learn to understand the individual. for instance, experimental breeding of the fowl reveals the existence of the brooding instinct as a definite unit, which enters, or does not enter, into the composition of the individual, and which is quite distinct from the capacity to produce eggs. here is a definite distinction suggested, for the case of the fowl, between two really distinct things which, for several years past, i have called respectively physical and psychical motherhood. the analysis will doubtless go far further, but already the facts of experiment help us to realize the composition of the individual mother--for instance, the number of possible variants, and the non-necessity of a connection between the capacity to produce children and the parental instinct upon which the care of them depends, and without which entire and perfect motherhood cannot be. the mendelians are teaching us, too, that their "factors," the units of which we are made, are often intertangled or mutually repellent. if such-and-such goes into the germ-cell, so must something else; or if the one, then never the other. there may thus be naturally determined conditions of entire womanhood; just as one may be externally a woman, yet lack certain of the fractional constituents which are necessary for the perfect being. complete womanhood, like genius--rarer though not more valuable--depends upon the co-existence of _many_ factors, some of which may be coupled and segregated together in gameto-genesis, while others may be quite independent, only chance determining the throw of them. and the question of incompatibility or mutual repulsion of factors is of the gravest concern; as, for instance, if it were the case--and the illustration is perhaps none too far-fetched--that the factor for the brooding instinct and the factor for intellect can scarcely be allotted together to a single cell. this question of compatibilities is illustrated very strikingly by the case of the worker-bee. there is as yet no purely mendelian interpretation of this case, mendel's own laborious work upon heredity in bees having been entirely lost, and practically nothing having been done since. yet, as will be evident, the main argument of geddes and thomson leads us to a similar interpretation of this case in terms of compatibility. the worker-bee is an individual of a most remarkable and admirable kind, from whom mankind have yet a thousand truths to learn. she is distinguished primarily by the rare and high development of her nervous apparatus. in terms of brain and mind, using these words in a general sense, the worker-bee is almost the paragon of animals. the ancients supposed that the queen-bee was indeed the queen and ruler of the hive. here, they thought, was the organizing genius, the forethought, the exquisite skill in little things and great, upon which the welfare of the hive and the future of the race depend. but, in point of fact, the queen-bee is a fool. her brain and mind are of the humblest order. she never organizes anything, and does not rule even herself, but does what she is told. she is entirely specialized for motherhood; but the thinking, and the determination of the conditions of her motherhood, are in the hands of other females, also highly specialized, and certainly the least selfish of living things--_yet themselves sterile, incapable of motherhood_. observe, further, that these wonderful workers, so highly endowed in terms of brain, are amongst the children of the queen, herself a fool; and that it was the conditions of nourishment, the conditions of environment or education, which determined whether the young creatures should develop into queens or workers, fertile fools or sterile wits. we have here an absolute demonstration that environment or nurture can determine the production of these two antithetic and radically opposed types of femaleness. now, amongst the bees, this high degree of specialization works very well. how old bee-societies are we cannot say. we do know, at any rate, that bees are invertebrate animals, and therefore of immeasurable antiquity compared with man. no one can for a moment question the eminent success of the bee-hive; and that success depends upon the extreme specialization of the female, so as in effect to create a third sex. further, we know that nurture alone accounts for this remarkable splitting of one sex into two contrasted varieties. i have little doubt that a process which is, at the very least, analogous, is possible amongst ourselves; nay more, that such a process is already afoot. in japan they have actually been talking of a deliberate differentiation between workers and breeders; such differentiation, though indeliberate, is to be seen to-day in all highly civilized communities. is it likely to be as good for us as for the bee-hive? and, granted its value as a social structure, is it, even then, to be worth while? no one can answer these questions, though i venture to believe that it is something to ask them. so far as the last is concerned, we must not admit the smallest infringement of the supreme principles that every human being is an end in himself or herself, and that the worth of a society is to be found in the worth and happiness of the individuals who compose it. can we, as human beings, regard a human society as admirable because it is successful, stable, numerous? the question is a fundamental one, for it matters at what we aim. as it becomes increasingly possible for man to realize his ideals, it becomes increasingly important that they shall be right ones; and there is a risk to-day that the growth of knowledge shall be too rapid for wisdom to keep pace with. we are reaching towards, and will soon attain in very large and effective measure, nothing less than a _control of life_, present and to come. it may well be that a remodelling of human society upon the lines of the bee-hive is feasible. it was his study of bees that made a socialist of professor forel, certainly one of the greatest of living thinkers; and his assumption is that in the bee-hive we have an example largely worthy of imitation. but he would be the first to admit that, as the ordinary socialist has yet to learn, the nature of the society is ultimately determined by the nature of the individuals composing it. it follows that the bee-society can be completely, or, at all events substantially, imitated only by remodelling human nature on the lines of the individual bee. this is very far from impossible; there is a plethora of human drones already, and we see the emergence of the sterile female worker. but is such a change--or any change at all of that kind--to be desired? _the terms of specialization._--it surely cannot be denied that there may be a grave antagonism between the interests of the society and those of the individual. it is a question of the terms of specialization or differentiation. in the study of the individual organism and its history we discern specialization of the cell as a capital fact. organic evolution has largely depended upon what milne-edwards called the "physiological division of labour." in so far as organic evolution has been progressive, it has entirely coincided with this process of cell-differentiation. that is the clear lesson which the student of progress learns from the study of living nature. let him hold hard by this truth, and by it let him judge that other specialization which human society presents. for this primary and physiological division of labour has its analogue in a much later thing, the division of labour in human society, upon which, indeed, the possibility of what we call human society depends. and it is plain that the time has come when we must determine the price that may rightly be paid for this specialization. assuredly it is not to be had for nothing. dr. minot considers that death, as a biological fact, is the price paid for cell-differentiation. now surely the death of individuality is the price paid for such specialization as that of the workman who spends his life supervising the machine which effects a single process in the making of a pin, and has never even seen any other but that stage in the process of making that one among all the "number of things" of which the world is full. here, as in a thousand other cases, it has cost a man to make an expert. how far we are entitled to go we shall determine only when we know what it is that we want to attain. if we desire an efficient, durable, numerous society, there are probably no limits whatever that we need observe in the process of specialization. pins are cheaper for the sacrifice of the individual in their making. in general, the professional must do better than the amateur; the lover of chamber music knows that a joachim or brussels quartet is not to be found everywhere. specialization we must have for progress, or even for the maintenance of what the past has achieved for us; but we shall pay the right price only by remembering the principle that all progress in the world of life has depended on cell-differentiation. if we prejudice that we are prejudicing progress. now nothing can be more evident than that, in some of our specializations of the individual for the sake of society, we are _opposing_ that specialization within the individual which, it has been laid down, we must never sacrifice. and so we reach the basal principle to which the preceding argument has been guiding us. it is that the specialization of the individual for the sake of society may rightly proceed to any point short of reversing or aborting the process of differentiation within himself. every individual is an end in himself; there are no other ends for society; and that society is the best which best provides for the most complete development and self-expression of the individuals composing it. but how, then, is the division of labour necessary for society to be effected, the reader may ask? the answer is that the human species, like all others, displays what biologists call variation--men and women naturally differ within limits so wide that, when we consider the case of genius, we must call them incalculable, illimitable. the difference of our faces or our voices is a mere symbol of differences no less universal but vastly more important. it is these differences, in reality, that are the cause of the development of human society and of that division of labour upon which it depends. in providing for the best development of all these various individuals we at the same time provide for the division of labour that we need; nor can we in any other fashion provide so well. thus we shall attain a society which, if less certainly stable than that of the bees, is what that is not--progressive, and not merely static; and a society which is worth while, justified by the lives and minds of the individuals composing it. we are not, then, to make a factitious differentiation of set purpose in the interests of society and to the detriment of individuals. we are not to take a being in whom nature has differentiated a thousand parts, and, in effect, reduce him, in the interests of others, to one or two constituents and powers, thus nullifying the evolutionary course. but we shall frame a society such as the past never witnessed, and we shall achieve a rate of progress equally without parallel, by consistently regarding society as existing for the individual, and not the individual for society, and by thus realizing to the full his characteristic powers _for himself and for society_. in so far as all this is true it is true of woman. it has long been asserted that woman is less variable than man; but the certainty of that statement has lately lost its edge. it is probably untrue. there is no real reason to suppose that woman is less complex or less variable than man. she has the same title as he has to those conditions in which her particular characters, whatever they be, shall find their most complete and fruitful development. there is no more a single ideal type of woman than there is a single ideal type of man. it takes all sorts even to make a sex. it has been in the past, and always must be, a piece of gross presumption on man's part to say to woman, "thus shalt thou be, and no other." whom nature has made different, man has no business to make or even to desire similar. the world wants all the powers of all the individuals of either sex. on the other hand, no good can come of the attempt to distort the development of those powers or to seek conformity to any type. much of the evil of the past has arisen from the limitation of woman to practically one profession. even should it be incomparably the best, in general, it is by no means necessarily the best, or even good at all, for every individual. men are to be heard saying, "a woman ought to be a wife and mother." it is, perhaps, the main argument of this book that, for most women, this is the sphere in which their characteristic potencies will find best and most useful expression both for self and others; but that is very different from saying that every woman ought to be a mother, or that no woman ought to be a surgeon. we may prefer the maternal to the surgical type, and there may be good reason for our preference; but the surgeon may be very useful, and, useful or not, the question is not one of ought. thoughtful people should know better than to make this constant confusion between what ought to be and what is. let us hold to our ideals, let us by all means have our scale of values; but the first question in such a case as this is as to what _is_. in point of fact all women are not of the same type; and our expression of what ought to be is none other than the passing of a censure upon nature for her deeds. we may know better than she, or, as has happened, we may know worse. vii before womanhood we have seen that the sex of the individual is already determined as early as any other of his or her characters, though the realization of the potentialities of that sex may be much modified by nurture, as in the contrasted cases of the queen bee and the worker bee. children, then, are already of one sex or other, and though our business in the present volume is not childhood of either sex, a few points are worth noting before we take up the consideration of the individual at the period when the distinctive characteristics of sex make their effective appearance. despite the abundance of the material and the opportunities for observation, we are at present without decisive evidence as to the distinctiveness of sex in any effective way during childhood. here, as elsewhere, we have to guard ourselves against the influences of nurture in the widest sense of the word; as when, to take an extreme case, we distinguish between the boy and the girl because the hair of the one is cut and of the other is not. the natural, as distinguished from the nurtural, distinctions at this period are probably much fewer than is supposed. it is asserted--to take physical characters first--that the girl of ten gives out in breathing considerably less carbonic acid than her brother of the same age, thus foreshadowing the difference between the sexes which is recognized in later years. if this fact be critically established it is of very great interest, showing that the sex distinction effectively makes its presence felt in the most essential processes of the body. but we should require to be satisfied that the observations were sufficiently numerous, and were made under absolutely equal conditions, and with due allowance for difference in body-weight. they would be the more credible if it were also shown that the number of the red blood corpuscles were smaller in girls than in boys in parallel with the difference between the sexes in later years. children of both sexes have fewer red blood corpuscles in a given quantity of blood and a smaller proportion of the red colouring matter, or hæmoglobin, than adults. women have very definitely fewer red blood corpuscles than men, and a smaller proportion of hæmoglobin, and their blood is more watery. according to one authority this difference in the hæmoglobin can be observed from the ages of eleven to fifty, but not before. the specific gravity of the blood is found to be the same in both sexes before the fifteenth year. thereafter, that of the boy's blood rises, and between seventeen and forty-five is definitely higher than in women of the corresponding age. it thus seems quite clear that, as we should expect, these differences in the blood, which are certainly, as dr. havelock ellis says, fundamental, make their appearance definitely at puberty--a fact which supports the view that fundamental differences of practical importance between the two sexes before that age are not to be found. careful comparative study of the pulse of children is hitherto somewhat inconclusive, though it is well known that the pulse is more rapid in women than in men. on the other hand, it seems clear as regards respiration that as early as the age of twelve there are definite differences between the sexes. several thousands of american school children were examined, and between the ages of six and nineteen the boys were throughout superior in lung capacity. the girls had almost reached their maximum capacity at the age of twelve, and thereafter the difference, till then slight, rapidly increased.[ ] it appears that from eight to fifteen years of age a boy burns more carbon than a girl, the difference, however, being not great. but at puberty the boy proceeds to consume very nearly twice as much carbon per hour as his sister. perhaps the matter need not be pursued further. it is sufficient for us to recognize that puberty is really the critical time, and that in the consideration of womanhood we may, on the whole, be justified in looking upon the problem of the girl before that age as almost identical with her brother's. yet we must be reasonably cautious, since our knowledge is small, and there is some by no means negligible evidence of fundamental physiological differences between the sexes before puberty, relatively slight though these may be. therefore, though on the whole we need make few distinctions between the girl and her brother, and though we are doubtless wrong in the magnitude of the practical distinctions which we have often made hitherto, yet we must remember that these are going to be different beings, and that the main principles which determine our nurture of womanhood may be recalled when we are doubtful as to practice in the care of the girl child. physiological distinctions, we have seen, probably exist during these early years, but are of less importance than we sometimes have attached to them, and of no importance at all compared with what is to come. psychological distinctions, we may believe, are still more dubious. for instance, it is generally believed that the parental instinct shows itself much more markedly in girls than in boys, and the commonly observed history of the liking for dolls is quoted in this connection. as this instinct bears so profoundly upon the later life of the individual, and as we may reasonably suppose the child to be the mother of the woman as well as the father of the man, the matter is worth looking at a little further. but, in the first place, it has been asserted that the doll instinct has really nothing whatever to do with the parental instinct in either sex. psychologists, whom one suspects of being bachelors, tell us that what we really observe here is the instinct of acquisition: it really does not matter what we give the child, though it so happens that we very commonly present it with dolls; it is the lust of possession that we satisfy, and in point of fact one thing will satisfy it as well as another. the evidence against this view is quite overwhelming. we might quote the universal distribution of dolls in place and in time as revealed by anthropology. wherever there is mankind there are dolls, whether in mayfair or in whitechapel, japan, the south sea islands, ancient egypt or mexico. further, there is the observed behaviour of the child, opportunities for which have presumably been denied to the psychologists whose opinion has been quoted. the only objection to the theory that the child will be content with the possession of anything else as well as of a doll is the circumstance that the child is not so content, but asks for a doll for choice, and will lavish upon any doll, however diagrammatic, an amount of love and care which no other toy will ever obtain. further, if the child has opportunities for playing with a real baby, it will be perfectly evident, even to the bachelor psychologist, that the doll was the vicarious substitute for the real thing. but now, what as to the comparative strength of this instinct in the two sexes? here we must not be deceived by the effects of nurture, environment, or education. though finding, as we do, that the little boy enjoys playing with his dolls as his sister does, we refrain from buying dolls for him, and may indeed, underestimating the importance of human fatherhood, declare that dolls are beneath the dignity of a boy though good enough for his sister. he, destined rather for the business of destroying life, so much more glorious than saving it, must learn to play with soldiers. in this fashion we at least deprive ourselves of any opportunity of critically comparing the strength and the history of the instinct in the two sexes. there is good reason to suppose that the distinction between the psychology of the boy and that of the girl in these early years is very small. if boys are not discouraged they will play with dolls for choice, just as their sisters do, and may be just as charming with younger brothers or sisters. nor is it by any means certain that this misleading of ourselves is the worst consequence of the common practice. it is possible that we lose opportunities for the inculcation of ideals which are of the highest value to the individual and the race. i am reminded of the true story of a small boy, well brought up, who, being jeered at in the street by bigger boys because he was carrying a doll, turned upon his critics with the admirable retort--slightly wanting in charity, let us hope, but none the less pertinent--"none of you will ever be a good father." thus, on the whole, one is inclined to suppose that the general resemblance in facial appearance, bodily contour, and interests which we observe in children of the two sexes, indicates that deeper distinctions are latent rather than active. this is much more than an academic question, for if our subject in the present volume were the care of childhood, it is plain that we should have to base upon our answer to this question our treatment of boy and girl respectively. probably we are on the whole correct in instituting no deep distinction of any kind in the nurture, either physical or mental, of children during their early years. nor can there be any doubt, at least so far, as to the rightness of educating them together, and allowing them to compete, in so far as we allow competition at all, freely both in work and in games. however this may be, there comes at an age which varies somewhat in different races and individuals, a period critical to both sexes, in which the factors of sex differentiation, hitherto more or less latent, begin conspicuously to assert themselves. here, plainly, is the dawn of womanhood, and here, in our consideration of woman the individual, we must make a start. if we recall the tentative mendelian analysis already referred to, we may suppose that the "factor" for womanhood begins to assert itself, at any rate in effective degree, at this period of puberty, when a girl becomes a woman; and that its most effective reign is over at the much later crisis which we call the change of life or climacteric. in other words, though sex is determined from the first, and though certain of its distinctive characters remain to the end, we may say that our study of womanhood is practically concerned with the years between twelve or thirteen, and forty-five or fifty. before this period, as we have suggested, the distinction between the sexes is of no practical importance so far as _regimen_ and education are concerned. after this period also it is probable that the difference between the two sexes is diminished, and would be still more evidently diminished were it not for the effects which different experience has permanently wrought in the memory. we begin our practical study, then, of woman the individual, with the young girl at the age of puberty; and we must concern ourselves first with the care of her body. viii the physical training of girls we shall certainly not reach right conclusions about the physical training of girls unless we rightly understand what physical training does and does not effect, and what we desire it should effect. this applies to all education--that our aim be defined, that we shall know "what it is we are after," and it applies pre-eminently to the education, both physical and mental, of girls. now it will be granted, in the first place, that by physical training--whether in the form of gymnastics or games or what not--we desire to produce a healthier and more perfectly developed body. some will add a stronger body, but as this term has two meanings constantly confused, it really contains the crux of the question. stronger may mean stronger in the sense of resistance to disease or fatigue or strain of any kind, or it may mean stronger in the sense of the capacity to perform feats of strength. it being commonly assumed that vitality and muscularity are identical, this distinction is, on that assumption, merely academic and trivial. but as muscularity and vitality are not identical, and have indeed very little to do with each other, and as muscularity may even in certain conditions prejudice vitality, the distinction is not academic but all-important. i freely assert that it is substantially ignored by those who concern themselves with physical training, whether of boys or girls or recruits, all the world over. though a woman is naturally less muscular than a man, her vitality is higher. this seems to be a general truth of all female organisms. the evidence is of many orders. thus, to begin with, women live longer, on the average, than men do. in the light of our modern knowledge of alcohol, however, we cannot regard this fact by itself as conclusive, since the average age attained by men is undoubtedly considerably lowered by alcohol, and of course to a much greater extent than obtains in the case of women. but women recover better from poisoning, such as occurs in infectious disease, and they are far more tolerant of loss of blood, as indeed they have to be. the same applies to loss of sleep or food, and to injurious influences generally. these indisputable proofs of superior vitality co-exist with much inferior muscularity, and are conclusive on the point. if men would make observations among themselves and think for a moment, they would soon perceive how foolish they are in crediting the assumptions of the strong men who so successfully persuade the public that the great thing is for a man to have big muscles. men, muscular by nature, and still more so by nurture, are often in point of fact really weak compared with much less muscular men who, though they cannot put forth so much mechanical energy at a given moment, can yet endure fifty times the fatigue or stress or poisoning of any order. from the point of view of any sound physiology there is no comparison at all between the absurd strong man and the slight marathon runner of small muscles but splendid vitality. if we are to test vitality in muscular terms at all--that in itself being a quite indefensible assumption--we must do so in terms of endurance, and not in terms of horse power or ass power, at any given moment. if, then, vitality be our aim in physical training, and not muscularity as such, nor in any degree except in so far as it serves vitality, it is plain that we shall to some extent reconsider our methods. pre-eminently will this apply to the girl. just because she is now becoming a woman, her vital energies are in no small degree pledged for special purposes of the highest importance, from which we cannot possibly divert them if we desire that she shall indeed become a woman. thus, though muscular exercise of any kind is certainly not to be condemned, we must be cautious; for, in the first place, muscular exercise is no end in itself; in the second, the production of big muscles by exercise is no end in itself; and in the third place, all muscular exercise is expenditure of energy in those outward directions which are not characteristic of womanhood, and which must always be subordinated to those interests that are. at this period of which we are speaking there are constructions of the most important kind going on in the girl's body, compared with which the construction of additional muscular tissue is of much less than no importance. these building-up processes are, we know, characteristic of the woman. their right inception is a matter of the greatest importance. they involve the actual accumulation of food material and the building up of it into gland cells and other highly organized tissues upon which complete womanhood depends. these all-important concerns are prejudiced by excessive external expenditure, and thus the care necessary for the boy at puberty is a thousandfold more necessary for the girl, though the obvious changes in her appearance and her voice may be much less marked. greater and more costly constructions are afoot in her case than her brother's, grossly though these facts are at present ignored in what we are pleased to call education, both physical and mental. if we are to decide what kinds of physical exercise will be most desirable, we must come to some conclusion as to what is the object of our labours, it being granted that muscular activity and the making of big muscles are not ends in themselves. the answer to this question is to be found in what i have elsewhere called the new asceticism. in tracing the history of animal progress, we find that it coincides with and has consisted in the emergence of the psychical and its predominance over the physical. the history of progress is the history of the evolving nervous system. muscles are the servants of the nervous system. in man progress has reached its highest phase in that the nervous system, which at first was merely a servant of the body, has become the essential thing, so that the brain is the man. the old asceticism was at least right in regarding the soul as all-important, though it was utterly wrong in considering the interests of soul and body to be entirely antagonistic, and in teaching that for the elevation of the soul we must outrage, mutilate, and deny the body. the new asceticism accepts the first principle of the old, but bases its practice on a truer conception of the relations between mind and body. the greater part of the body is composed of muscles, and it is with muscles that physical training is concerned. on our principles, then, any system of physical training worth a straw must have primary reference to the brain, since the body, including the muscles, is only the servant of the ego or self which resides in the brain. for this reason, if for no other, the development of muscle as an end in itself is beneath human dignity; the value of a muscle lies not in its size or strength, but in its capacity to be a useful and skilful agent of the brain. the exceptions to this rule are furnished by precisely those muscles which the usual forms of physical training and gymnastics ignore and subordinate to the development of the muscles of the limbs. it does matter very much that man or woman shall have the heart, which is the most important muscle in the body, and the muscles of respiration in good order. these muscles are directly necessary for life, and are therefore servants of the brain, even though they are not in any appreciable degree the direct agents of its purposes. any kind of physical exercise then which, while developing the muscles of the arm, for instance, throws undue strain upon the heart or involves the fixation of the chest for a considerable period--as occurs in various feats of strength, whether with weights or upon bars or the like--is _ipso facto_ to be condemned. it is now recognized that in the training of soldiers much harm is often done in this way to the essential muscles, while others, more conspicuous but of relatively no importance, are being developed. but before we consider in detail what kinds of exercise and with what accompaniment may be permitted for the muscles of the limbs, it is well that we should agree upon some method of deciding as to the quantity of such exercise. we cannot go by such measures as hours per week, for individuals vary. we must find some criterion which will guide us for each individual. the pendulum has swung in this regard from one extreme to another. both extremes were adopted and permitted because in our guidance of girlhood we ignored facts of physiology, and, notably, because educators had not a clear conception of what it was that they desired to attain. by the consent of all who have given any attention to the subject, the great educational reformer of the nineteenth century was herbert spencer, and not the least of his services was his liberation of girls from the extraordinary _regimen_ of fifty years ago. there needs no excuse for a long quotation from the volume in which, just short of half a century ago, herbert spencer discussed this matter. thereafter we may observe how the pendulum has swung to the other extreme:-- "to the importance of bodily exercise most people are in some degree awake. perhaps less needs saying on this requisite of physical education than on most others; at any rate, in so far as boys are concerned. public schools and private schools alike furnish tolerably adequate play-grounds; and there is usually a fair share of time for out-door games, and a recognition of them as needful. in this, if in no other direction, it seems admitted that the promptings of boyish instinct may advantageously be followed; and, indeed, in the modern practice of breaking the prolonged morning's and afternoon's lessons by a few minutes' open-air recreation, we see an increasing tendency to conform school-regulations to the bodily sensations of the pupils. here, then, little need be said in the way of expostulation or suggestion. "but we have been obliged to qualify this admission by inserting the clause in so far as boys are concerned. unfortunately, the fact is quite otherwise with girls. it chances, somewhat strangely, that we have daily opportunity of drawing a comparison. we have both a boys' school and a girls' school within view; and the contrast between them is remarkable. in the one case nearly the whole of a large garden is turned into an open, gravelled space, affording ample scope for games, and supplied with poles and horizontal bars for gymnastic exercises. every day before breakfast, again towards eleven o'clock, again at mid-day, again in the afternoon, and once more after school is over, the neighbourhood is awakened by a chorus of shouts and laughter as the boys rush out to play; and for as long as they remain, both eyes and ears give proof that they are absorbed in that enjoyable activity which makes the pulse bound and ensures the healthful activity of every organ. how unlike is the picture offered by the establishment for young ladies! until the fact was pointed out, we actually did not know that we had a girls' school as close to us as the school for boys. the garden, equally large with the other, affords no sign whatever of any provision for juvenile recreation; but is entirely laid out with prim grass-plots, gravel-walks, shrubs, and flowers, after the usual suburban style. during five months we have not once had our attention drawn to the premises by a shout or a laugh. occasionally girls may be observed sauntering along the paths with their lesson-books in their hands, or else walking arm-in-arm. once, indeed, we saw one chase another round the garden; but, with this exception, nothing like vigorous exertion has been visible. "why this astonishing difference? is it that the constitution of a girl differs so entirely from that of a boy as not to need these active exercises? is it that a girl has none of the promptings to vociferous play by which boys are impelled? or is it that, while in boys these promptings are to be regarded as stimuli to a bodily activity without which there cannot be adequate development, to their sisters nature has given them for no purpose whatever--unless it be for the vexation of schoolmistresses? perhaps, however, we mistake the aim of those who train the gentler sex. we have a vague suspicion that to produce a robust physique is thought undesirable; that rude health and abundant vigour are considered somewhat plebeian; that a certain delicacy, a strength not competent to more than a mile or two's walk, an appetite fastidious and easily satisfied, joined with that timidity which commonly accompanies feebleness, are held more lady-like. we do not expect that any would distinctly avow this; but we fancy the governess-mind is haunted by an ideal young lady bearing not a little resemblance to this type. if so, it must be admitted that the established system is admirably calculated to realize this ideal. but to suppose that such is the ideal of the opposite sex is a profound mistake. that men are not commonly drawn towards masculine women is doubtless true. that such relative weakness as asks the protection of superior strength is an element of attraction we quite admit. but the difference thus responded to by the feelings of men is the natural, pre-established difference, which will assert itself without artificial appliances. and when, by artificial appliances, the degree of this difference is increased, it becomes an element of repulsion rather than of attraction. "'then girls should be allowed to run wild--to become as rude as boys, and grow up into romps and hoydens!' exclaims some defender of the proprieties. this, we presume, is the ever-present dread of schoolmistresses. it appears, on inquiry, that at establishments for young ladies noisy play like that daily indulged in by boys is a punishable offence; and we infer that it is forbidden, lest unladylike habits should be formed. the fear is quite groundless, however. for if the sportive activity allowed to boys does not prevent them from growing up into gentlemen, why should a like sportive activity prevent girls from growing up into ladies? rough as may have been their play-ground frolics, youths who have left school do not indulge in leap-frog in the street, or marbles in the drawing-room. abandoning their jackets, they abandon at the same time boyish games, and display an anxiety--often a ludicrous anxiety--to avoid whatever is not manly. if now, on arriving at the due age, this feeling of masculine dignity puts so efficient a restraint on the sports of boyhood, will not the feeling of feminine modesty, gradually strengthening as maturity is approached, put an efficient restraint on the like sports of girlhood? have not women even a greater regard for appearances than men? and will there not consequently arise in them even a stronger check to whatever is rough or boisterous? how absurd is the supposition that the womanly instincts would not assert themselves but for the rigorous discipline of schoolmistresses! "in this, as in other cases, to remedy the evils of one artificiality, another artificiality has been introduced. the natural, spontaneous exercise having been forbidden, and the bad consequences of no exercise having become conspicuous, there has been adopted a system of factitious exercise--gymnastics. that this is better than nothing we admit, but that it is an adequate substitute for play we deny." the pendulum has indeed swung across from those days to these of the hockey-girl, not to mention the girl who throws a cricket-ball and bowls very creditably overhand. there can be no doubt that this state of things is vastly better than that was, yet, as one has endeavoured to insist, this also has its risks. apart from the question as to the particular game or form of exercise, we must be guided in each case by the first signs of anything approaching undue strain. we must look out for lack of energy, for a lessening of joy in the exercise and of spontaneous desire therefor. fatigue that interferes with appetite, digestion, or sleep is utterly to be condemned. _the specific criterion._--such criteria apply, of course, equally to either sex, though it is more important to be on the look-out for them in the case of the developing girl. but in her case there is another criterion, which is of special importance, because it concerns not only her development as an individual, but her development as a woman. that criterion is furnished us by the menstrual function. it may safely be said that that exercise is excessive and must be immediately curtailed which leads to the diminution of this function, much more to its disappearance. i would, indeed, urge this as a test of the highest importance, always applicable to whatever circumstances. defect in this respect should never be looked upon lightly; it may, indeed, be a conservative process, as in cases of anæmia, but the cause which produces such an effect is always to be combated. _the kinds of exercise._--given, then, this most important test as to the quantity of exercise of whatever kind--a test which indeed applies no less to mental exercise--we may pass on to consider the kinds of exercise best suited for the girl, it being premised that any one of them, however good in itself and in moderation, is capable of being pursued to excess, and that the danger of this is specially noticeable in the case of the girl, because, as we have seen, the effects of excess are more serious in her case, and also because girls are very apt to take things up with immense keenness, and sometimes, in even greater degree than their brothers, to devote themselves too much to the competitive aspect of things. the girl should certainly be content to play a game for the joy of it, and be scarcely less happy to lose than to win if her side has played the game and made a good fight of it. the competitive element is excessive in almost all sports to-day, and it is especially to be deplored in the games of girls, who are so liable to overstrain and so apt to take trifles to heart. in what has been already said and in the end of our quotation from herbert spencer, it will be evident that purposeful games rather than exercises are to be commended. there is indeed no comparison for a moment possible between nature's method of exercise, which is obtained through play, and the ridiculous and empty parodies of it which men invent. the truth is that nature is aiming at one thing, and man at another. man's aim, for reasons already exploded, is the acquirement of strength; nature's is the acquirement of skill. it is really nervous development that nature is interested in when she appears to be persuading the young thing to exercise its muscles. man notices only the muscular contractions involved, thinks he can improve upon nature, and invents absurdities like dumb-bells. it is the nervous system by which we human beings live. our voluntary muscles are agents of the will, agents of purpose; and while strength is a trifle, skill is always everything. we know now that it is impossible to carry out any human purpose by the contraction of one muscle or even one group of muscles. even when we merely bend the arm we are doing things with the muscles which extend it, and when we raise it sideways we are modifying the whole trunk in order to preserve the balance. we have only to watch the clumsiness of an infant or a small child to realize how much skill the nervous system has to acquire. this skill may be mainly expressed as co-ordination, the balanced use of many muscles for a purpose and, as a rule, their co-ordinated use with one of the senses, more especially vision, but also touch and hearing. this is the first of the physiological reasons why games and play of all sorts are so incomparably superior to the use of dumb-bells and developers, where movement and increase of muscular strength are made ends in themselves; whereas in play we are making relations with the outside world, responding to stimuli, educating our nerve muscular apparatus as an instrument of human purpose. it is in part true to suppose that the play of children expresses an overflow of superfluous energy, but a still deeper and much more important conception of play is that which recognizes in it nature's method of nervous development, the attainment of control and co-ordination, the capacity of quick and accurate response to circumstances and obedience to the will. compare, for instance, the girl who has played games, avoiding danger as she crosses the road, with another whose youth has been made dreary by dumb-bells. it may freely be laid down, then, that systems of physical training are good in proportion as they approximate to play, and bad in proportion as they depart from it; and, further, that the very best of them ever devised is worthless in comparison with a good game. this evidently does not refer to, say, special exercises for a curved back. however, systems of physical training we shall still have with us for a long time to come, and perhaps the mere difficulty of finding room for games makes them necessary, though it may be noted in passing that the last touch of absurdity is accorded to our frequent preference for exercises over games when we conduct the exercises in foul air and prefer them to games in the open air. if exercises we are to have, then they must at least be modelled so as to come as near as possible to play in the two essentials. the first of these has already been mentioned--the preference of skill to strength as an object. the second, though less obvious, is no less important. what is the most palpable fact of the child's play? it is enjoyment. we have done for ever with the elegant morality which grown-up people, very particular about their own meals, used to impose upon children, and which was based upon the idea that everything which a child enjoys is therefore bad for it. we are learning the elements of the physiology of joy. we find that pleasure and boredom have distinct effects upon the body and the mind, notably in the matter of fatigue. careful study of fatigue in school children has shown that the hour devoted to physical exercise of the dreary kind under a strict disciplinarian may, instead of being a recreation, actually induce more fatigue than an hour of mathematics. if, then, we cannot allow the girl to play, but must give her some kind of formal exercise, we must at least make it as enjoyable as possible. there are continental systems of gymnastics which do not believe in the use of music because, forsooth, they find that the music diminishes the disciplinary effect! such an argument dismisses those who adduce it from the category of those entitled to have anything to do with young people. they should devote themselves to training the rhinoceros, these martinets; the human spirit is not for their mauling. in point of fact one of the redeeming features of physical training is the use of music, which goes far to supply the pleasure that accrues from the natural exercise of games, and greatly reduces the fatigue of which the risk is otherwise by no means inconsiderable. we leave this subject, then, for the nonce, having arrived at the conclusion that the objects of physical training are skill and pleasure rather than strength and discipline; that the system is best which is nearest to play; and that the use of music is specially to be commended. but, as we have said, artificial physical training at its best is not to be compared with the real thing; more especially if, as is usually the case, the real thing has the advantage of being practised in pure air. we must ask ourselves, then, what sort of games are suitable for girls, and to what extent, if at all, mixed games are desirable. we must first remind ourselves of the proviso that any game may be played to excess, whether physical excess or mental excess, the risk of both of these being involved when the competitive element is made too conspicuous. if this risk be avoided there is no objection, perhaps, to even such a vigorous game as hockey in moderation for girls. the present writer has observed mixed hockey for many years, and finds it impossible to believe that the game should be condemned for girls, but he has always seen it under conditions where the game was simply played for the fun of the thing, and that makes a great difference. it is certainly open to argument whether, in such a game as hockey, it is not better, on the whole, that girls shall play by themselves, but, as has been urged elsewhere, there is a good deal to be said for the meeting of the sexes elsewhere than in the artificial conditions of the ball-room, since these mixed games widen the field of choice for marriage and provide far more natural and desirable conditions under which the choice may be made. there can be no question that an epoch has been created by the freedom of the modern girl to play games, and to enjoy the movements of a ball, as her brother does. the very fact of her pleasure in games indicates, to those who do not believe that the body is constructed on essentially vicious principles, that they must be good for her. the mere exercise is the least of the good they do. the open air counts for more, as does the development of skill, and the girl's opportunity of sharing in that moral education which all good games involve and which there is no need to insist upon here. amongst the many things alleged against woman as natural defects by those who have never for a moment troubled to distinguish between nature and nurture, are an incapacity to combine with her sisters, petty dishonour in small things, a blindness to the meaning of "playing the game." it is similarly alleged by such persons against the lower classes that they also do not know how to "play the game," and do not understand the spirit of true sportsmanship, preferring to win anyhow rather than not at all. but those who conduct the children's vacation schools in london--that remarkable arrangement by which children are damaged in school time and educated in holidays--are aware that in a short time children of any class can be taught to "play the game," if only they can be made to see it from that point of view. so also women can learn to combine, to be unselfish, to avoid petty deceits even in games, to obey a captain and to accept the umpire's decision, when they are taught, as we all have to be taught, that that is playing the game. these immense virtues of the new departure must by no means be forgotten in the course of the reaction which is bound to occur, and is indeed necessary, against the contemporary practice of trying to demonstrate that boys and girls are substantially identical. he who pleads for the golden mean is always abused by extremists of both parties, but is always justified in the long run, and this is a case where the golden mean is eminently desirable, being indeed vital, which is much more than golden. safety is to be found in our recognition of elementary physiological principles, assuming from the first that though it is not difficult to turn a girl into something like a boy, it is not desirable; and especially in attending carefully, in the case of each individual, to the indications furnished by that characteristic physiological function, interference with which necessarily imperils womanhood. the organism is a whole; it reacts not only to physical strain but to mental strain. there are parts of the world, including a country no less distinguished as a pioneer of education than scotland, where serious mental strain is now being imposed upon girls at this very period of the dawn of womanhood, when strain of any kind is especially to be deplored. utterly ignoring the facts of physiology, the laws and approximate dates of human development, official regulations demand that at just such ages as thirteen, fourteen, and fifteen large numbers of girls--and picked girls--shall devote themselves to the strain of preparing for various examinations, upon which much depends. worry combines to work its effects with those of excessive mental application, excessive use of the eyes at short distances, and defective open-air amusement. the whole examination system is of course to be condemned, but most especially when its details are so devised as to press thus hardly upon girlhood at this critical and most to be protected period. many years ago herbert spencer protested that we must acquaint ourselves with the laws of life, since these underlie all the activities of living beings. the time is now at hand when we shall discover that education is a problem in applied biology, and that the so-called educator, whether he works destruction from some board of education or elsewhere, who knows and cares nothing about the laws of the life of the being with whom he deals, is simply an ignorant and dangerous quack. what has been said about the reaction against excess in the physical education of girls applies very forcibly to excess in their mental education. we are undoubtedly coming upon a period when more and more will be heard of the injurious consequences of such ill-timed preparation for stupid examinations as has been referred to; and there will be not a few to sigh for the return to the bad old days which a certain type of mind always calls good. here, again, we must find the golden mean, recognizing that the danger lies in excess, and especially in ill-timed excess. we shall further discover that if we desire a girl to become a woman, and not an indescribable, we must provide for her a kind of higher education which shall take into account the object at which we aim. it will be found that there are womanly concerns, of profound importance to a girl and therefore to an empire, which demand no less of the highest mental and moral qualities than any of the subjects in a man's curriculum, and the pursuit of which in reason does not compromise womanhood, but only ratifies and empowers it. _muscles worth developing._--when men and women are carefully compared, it is found that women, muscularly weaker as a whole, are most notably so as regards the arms, the muscles of respiration, and the muscles of the back. the muscles of the legs, and especially of the thighs, are relatively stronger. in these facts we can find some practical guidance. the muscles of all the limbs may be left comparatively out of account; whether naturally weak or naturally strong they are of subordinate importance. on the other hand, it is always worth while to cultivate the muscles of respiration, as it is always worth while to keep the heart in good order. again, the weakness of the muscles of the back, and more especially in the case of the growing girl, is not a thing to be accepted as readily as the weakness of the biceps and the forearm muscles. various observers find a proportion of between per cent. and per cent. of those suffering from lateral curvature of the spine to be girls, the great majority of these cases occurring between the ages of ten and fifteen. everywhere it is our duty to prevent such cases, and everywhere physical training will find only too abundant opportunities for endeavouring to correct them. it may be doubted perhaps whether we may rightly follow havelock ellis in attributing woman's liability to backache to the relative weakness of the muscles of the back, for we know how often this symptom depends upon not muscular but internal causes peculiar to woman. on the other hand, we may certainly follow havelock ellis when he says, regarding this lateral curvature of the spine, from which so many girls and women suffer: "there can be no doubt that defective muscular development of the back, occurring at the age of maximum development, and due to the conventional restraints on exercises involving the body, and also to the use of stays, which hamper the freedom of such movements, is here a factor of very great importance." we shall not here concern ourselves with the details of practice, but the principle is to be laid down that perhaps second only in importance to the right development of the heart and the muscles of respiration is that of the muscles of the back. always, however, we are apt to judge by the obvious and to value it unduly. nature makes the biceps and the muscles of the forearm naturally the weakest in woman compared with man, but it is just the bending of the elbow that makes a good show on a horizontal bar or rope; and so we devote too much time to the training of these muscles in our girls, with the results which make such creditable exhibitions at the end of the session, while we forget the muscles of the back, the right development of which is far more valuable, but does not lend itself to display. in this connection it is to be added last, but not least, that special importance attaches in woman to those muscles which one may perhaps call the muscles of motherhood. it is common experience amongst physicians to find the appropriate muscularity defective at childbirth in women the muscles of whose limbs may have been very highly developed. thus dr. havelock ellis, amongst other evidence, quotes that of a physician, who says: "in regard to this interesting and suggestive question, it does seem a fact that women who exercise all their muscles persistently meet with increased difficulties in parturition. it would certainly seem that excessive development of the muscular system is unfavourable to maternity. i hear from instructors in physical training, both in the united states and in england, of excessively tedious and painful confinements among their fellows--two or three cases in each instance only, but this within the knowledge of a single individual among his friends. i have also several such reports from the circus--perhaps exceptions. i look upon this as a not impossible result of muscular exertion in women, the development of muscle, muscular attachments, and bony frame leading to approximation to the male." in his lectures ten years ago, the distinguished obstetrician, sir halliday croom, now professor of midwifery in the university of edinburgh, used to criticise cycling on this score, not as regards its development of the muscles of the lower limbs, but as tending towards local rigidity unfavourable to childbirth. it may be doubted, perhaps, whether longer and wider experience of cycling by women warrants this criticism, but it is probably worth noting. on the other hand, while exercise of certain muscles may interfere obscurely or mechanically with motherhood, we are to remember that the muscles of the abdomen are indeed the accessory muscles of motherhood, and therefore specially to be considered. according to mosso of turin, it is only in modern times that civilized woman shows the comparative weakness of these muscles which is indeed commonly to be found. there is verily no sign of it in the venus of milo, as any one can see. that statue represents very highly developed abdominal muscles in a woman less notably muscular elsewhere. the muscles lie near the skin, the disposition of fat being very small, yet the woman is distinctively maternal in type, and every kind of æsthetic praise that may be showered upon the statue may be supplemented by the encomiums of the physiologist and the worshipper of motherhood. it is highly desirable that, in physical training to-day, attention should be paid to the development of the abdominal muscles. holding the abdomen together by means of a corset may serve its own purpose, but does less than nothing in the crisis of motherhood. the corset indeed conduces to the atrophy of the most important of all the voluntary muscles for the most important crisis of a woman's life. "some of the slower spanish dances" are commended for the development of the abdominal muscles, but one would rather recommend swimming, the abandonment of the corset, and, if the gymnasium is to be used, some of the various exercises which serve these muscles, however little they may serve to exploit the apparatus of the gymnasium when visitors are invited. there is no occasion in the present volume to discuss in detail any such thing as a course of physical exercises, but it is a pleasure, and, for the english reader, a convenience to direct attention to the syllabus of physical exercises for public elementary schools, issued by the english board of education in .[ ] after nearly forty years of folly, the dawn is breaking in our schools. it is evident that the board of education has followed the best medical advice. indeed, now that medical knowledge is actually represented upon the board, and represented as it is, there is no need to go far. the principles which have been laid down in previous pages are abundantly recognized in this admirable syllabus. the exercises recommended for the nation's children are based upon the swedish system of educational gymnastics. but it is fortunately recognized that that system requires modification, since "freedom of movement and a certain degree of exhilaration are essentials of all true physical education. hence it has been thought well not only to modify some of the usual swedish combinations in order to make the work less exacting, but to introduce games and dancing steps into many of the lessons." "the board desire that all lessons in physical exercises in public elementary schools should be thoroughly enjoyed by the children." "enjoyment is one of the most necessary factors in nearly everything which concerns the welfare of the body, and if exercise is distasteful and wearisome, its physical as well as its mental value is greatly diminished." an interesting paragraph on music recognizes its value in avoiding fatigue, but underestimates, perhaps, the desirability of including music for use at later years as well as for infant classes. the syllabus contains admirably illustrated exercises in detail. they are earnestly to be commended to the reader who is responsible for girlhood, and notably to those who are interested in the formation and conducting of girls' clubs. the syllabus is excellent in the attention paid to games, in the commendation of skipping and of dancing. the following quotation well illustrates the spirit of wisdom which is at last beginning to illuminate our national education:--"the value of introducing dancing steps into any scheme of physical training as an additional exercise especially for girls, or even in some cases for boys, is becoming widely recognized. dancing, if properly taught, is one of the most useful means of promoting a graceful carriage, with free, easy movements, and is far more suited to girls than many of the exercises and games borrowed from boys. as in other balance exercises, the nervous system acquires a more perfect control of the muscles, and in this way a further development of various brain centres is brought about.... dancing steps add very greatly to the interest and recreative effect of the lesson, the movements are less methodical and exact, and are more natural; if suitably chosen they appeal strongly to the imagination, and act as a decided mental and physical stimulus, and exhilarate in a wholesome manner both body and mind." plainly, our educators have begun to be educated since . of course, there is dancing and dancing. the real thing bears the same relation to dancing as it is understood in mayfair, as the music of schubert does to that of sousa. the ideal dancing for girls is such as that illustrated by the children trained by miss isadora duncan. some of these girls were seen for a short time at the duke of york's theatre in london not long ago, and the american reader, rightly proud of miss duncan, should not require to be told what she has achieved. just as we are learning the importance of games and play, so that a syllabus issued by the board of education instructs one how to stand when "giving a back" at leap-frog, so also we shall learn again from nature that dancing of the natural and exquisite kind, never to be forgotten or confused with imitations by any one who has seen miss duncan's children, must be recognized as a great educative measure--educative alike of mind, body, ear, and eye, and better worth while for any girl of any rank than volumes of fictitious history concocted by fools concerning knaves. _girls' clubs._--allusion has been made to girls' clubs, and one may be fortunate enough to have some readers who may feel inclined to partake in the splendid work which may be done by this means. it requires high qualities and a certain amount of expert knowledge. much of the latter can be obtained from the little book recommended above. for the rest, it is worth while briefly to point out what the girls' club may effect, and why it is so much needed. it has been insisted that puberty is a critical age because it means the dawn of womanhood. it is critical in both sexes, not only for the body but also for the mind. it is now that the intellect awakes; it is now that the real formation of character begins. we often talk about spoilt children at three or four, but any kind of making or marring of character at such ages can be undone in a few weeks or less--that is, in so far as it is an effect of training and not of nature that we are dealing with. the real spoiling or making is at that birth of the adult which we call puberty. during adolescence the adult is being made, and everything matters for ever. this is true of physique, of mind, and of character. the importance of this period is recognized by modern churches in their rite of confirmation, and it was recognized by ancient religions, by greeks and by romans. our national appreciation of it is expressed by our devotion of vast amounts of money and labour to the child, until the all-important epoch is reached, when we wash our hands of it. we educate away, for all we are worth, when what is mainly required is plenty of good food and open air; and we have done with the matter when the age for real education arrives. in time to come our neglect of adolescence in both sexes, more especially in girls, will be marvelled at, and many of the evils from which we suffer will cease to exist because the fatal and costly economy of the practical man is dismissed as a delusion and a sham, and it is perceived that whether for the saving of life or for the saving of money, adolescence must be cared for. meanwhile, it behoves private people who care about these things to do what they can. if they rightly influence but ten girls, it was well worth doing. the girls' club is a very inexpensive mode of social activity. practically the only substantial item of expenditure is the hire of a gymnasium, say for two evenings in a week. the girls' dresses can be made at home at quite a trivial cost. the primary attraction would be the gymnasium. it must, of course, contain a piano, not necessarily one on which pachmann would play, but a piano nevertheless. there is also required a pianist, not necessarily a pachmann. two girls are better than one to run such a club. they will not find it difficult to obtain material to work upon. they must acquire at a polytechnic, or perhaps they have acquired themselves at school, some knowledge of how to conduct the work and play of the gymnasium. it will depend upon the conductors of the club how far its virtues extend. much elementary hygiene may be taught as well as practised, and if it confine itself only to matters of ventilation, clothing, care of the teeth and feet, it is abundantly worth while. it is often possible to get medical men or women to come and talk to the girls, and in the best of these clubs there will be some more or less conscious and overt preparation in one way and another for matters no less momentous alike for the individual and the race than marriage and motherhood. _girls' clothing._--there is little good to be said about much of the clothing of girls and women. all clothing should of course be loose, on grounds which have been fully gone into in the previous volume on personal hygiene. a woman's headgear is perhaps too often the only article of her dress which conforms to this rule. it is good that the stimulant effect of air, and air in motion, upon the skin should be as widely extended as is compatible with sufficient warmth and decency. thus most women wear far too many clothes, apart from the question of tightness. a woman handicaps herself seriously as compared with a man, in that, while she is much less muscular, her clothes are often so much heavier. all this applies with great force to girls. the following quotation from the syllabus referred to above is worth making:-- "_a suitable dress for girls._--a simple dress for girls suitable for taking physical exercises or games consists of a tunic, a jersey or blouse, and knickers. the tunic and knickers may be made of blue serge, and, if a blouse is worn, it should be made of some washing material. the tunic, which requires two widths of serge, may be gathered or, preferably, pleated into a small yoke with straps passing over the shoulders. the dress easily slips on over the head, and the shoulder straps are then fastened. it should be worn with a loose belt or girdle. in no case should any form of stiff corset be used. the knickers, with their detachable washing linen, should replace all petticoats. they should not be too ample, and should not be visible below the tunic. they are warmer than petticoats and allow greater freedom of movement. any plain blouse may be worn with the tunic, or a woollen jersey may be substituted in cold weather. with regard to the cost of such a dress, serge may be procured for s. d. to s. per yard. for the tunic some to - / yards are usually required, and for the knickers about - / to yards. it may be found possible in some schools to provide patterns, or to show girls how to make such articles for themselves. such a dress, though primarily designed for physical exercises, is entirely suitable for ordinary school use. though it is, of course, not practicable to introduce this dress into all public elementary schools, or in the case of all girls, yet in many schools there are children whose parents are both willing and able to provide them with appropriate clothing. the adoption of a dress of this kind, which is at the same time useful and becoming, tends to encourage that love of neatness and simplicity which every teacher should endeavour to cultivate among the girls. and as it allows free scope for all movements of the body and limbs, it cannot fail to promote healthy physical development." ix the higher education of women in the last chapter brief reference was made to the effects of ill-timed mental strain. our principles have already led us to the conclusion that there are special risks for girls involved in educational strain, and that is, of course, equally true whatever the curriculum. but that being granted, it is necessary to draw very special attention to a new movement in the higher education of women which is based upon the principle that a woman is not the same as a man; that she has special interests and duties which require no less knowledge and skill than those with which men are concerned. a tentative experiment in this direction has already, we are assured, altered the whole attitude towards life of those girls who partook in it, and there is no question that we now see the beginning of a new epoch in the higher education of women upon properly differentiated lines such as have been utterly ignored in the past. i refer to the "special courses for the higher education of women in home science and household economics," which now form part of the activities of the university of london at king's college. "the main object of these courses," we are told, "is to provide a thoroughly scientific education in the principles underlying the whole organization of 'home life,' the conduct of institutions, and other spheres of civic and social work in which these principles are applicable." the lecturers are mainly highly qualified women, and the courses are extremely thorough and comprehensive. the following are the subjects which are dealt with: economics and ethics, psychology, biology, business matters, physiology, bacteriology, chemistry, domestic arts, sanitary science and hygiene, applied chemistry and physics.[ ] it will be seen that there is no underrating here of the capacities of women. the courses are not limited merely to cooking and washing, though these are most carefully gone into. it is a far cry from them to psychology and ethics or "a sketch of the historical development of the household in england." one can imagine the joy with which girls, largely nourished on the husks which constitute most of the educational curricula of boys, will turn to a series of lectures on child psychology, that deal with the general course of mental development in the child, with interest and attention, the processes of learning, mental fatigue and adolescence. the highest capacities of the mind in women are not ignored when we find included a course of which the special text-book is spencer's "data of ethics." one can imagine also that the course on the elements of general economics, with its study of wealth and value and price, the laws of production and distribution, may bring into being a kind of housewife who, whether or not eligible for parliament, would certainly be a much more desirable member thereof than nine-tenths of the prosperous gentlemen who daily record their opinions there upon matters they know not of. all who care at all for womanhood or for england must rejoice in the beginnings of this revised version of higher education for women which, for once in a way, finds london a pioneer. we must have such courses all over the country. every father who can afford it must give his girls the incalculable benefit of such opportunities. the girl thus educated will glory in her womanhood, and will help to gain for it its right estimation and position in the state. but it is to be pointed out that such courses as these, admirable though they be, are yet not everything. the influence of our great national deity, which is mrs. grundy, is apparent still. it is not specifically recognized that the highest destiny of a woman is motherhood, though in such courses as this motherhood will doubtless be served directly and indirectly in many ways. there is, nevertheless, required something more--something indeed no less than conscious, purposeful education for parenthood. the chief obstacle in the way of this ideal is anglo-saxon prudery, and, perhaps, the reader will not be persuaded that education for parenthood is our greatest educational need to-day, more especially for girls, until he or she has been persuaded of the magnitude of the preventable evils which flow from our present neglect of this matter. in the following chapter, therefore, one may point out what prudery costs us at present, and indeed, the reader may then be persuaded that education for parenthood, or, as it may be called, eugenic education, is, perhaps, the most important subject that can be discussed to-day in any book on womanhood. x the price of prudery just after we had succeeded in getting the notification of births act put upon the statute book, the present writer occupied himself in various parts of the country in the efforts which were necessary to persuade local authorities to adopt the provisions of that act. addressing a meeting of the clergy of islington, he endeavoured to trace back to the beginning the main cause of infant mortality, and endeavoured to show that that lay in the natural ignorance of the human mother, about which more must later be said. in the discussion which followed, an elderly clergyman insisted that the causes had not been traced far enough back, maternal ignorance being itself permitted in consequence of our national prudery. ever since that day one has come to see more and more clearly that the criticism was just. maternal ignorance, as we shall see later, is a natural fact of human kind, and destroys infant life everywhere, though prudery be or be not a local phenomenon. but where vast organizations exist for the remedying of ignorance, prudery indeed is responsible for the neglect of ignorance on the most important of all subjects. let it not be supposed for a moment that in this protest one desires, even for the highest ends, to impart such knowledge as would involve sullying the bloom of girlhood. it is not necessary to destroy the charm of innocence in order to remedy certain kinds of ignorance; nor are prudery and modesty identical. whatever prudery may be when analyzed, it seems perfectly fair to charge it as the substantial cause of the ignorance in which the young generation grows up, as to matters which vitally concern its health and that of future generations. let us now observe in brief the price of prudery thus arraigned. there is, first, that large proportion of infant mortality which is due to maternal ignorance, as we shall see in a subsequent chapter. at present we may briefly remind ourselves that the nation has had the young mother at school for many years; much devotion and money have been spent upon her. yet it is necessary to pass an act insuring, if possible, that when she is confronted with the great business of her life--which is the care of a baby--within thirty-six hours the fact shall be made known to some one who, racing for life against time, may haply reach her soon enough to remedy the ignorance which would otherwise very likely bury her baby. prudery has decreed that while at school she should learn nothing of such matters. for the matter of that she may even have attended a three-year course in science or technology, and be a miracle of information on the keeping of accounts, the testing of drains, and the principles of child psychology, but it has not been thought suitable to discuss with her the care of a baby. how could any nice-minded teacher care to put such ideas into a girl's head? never having noticed a child with a doll, we have somehow failed to realize that nature, her ancient mother and ours, is not above putting into her head, when she can scarcely toddle, the ideas at which we pretend to blush. prudery on this topic, and with such consequences, is not much less than blasphemy against life and the most splendid purposes towards which the individual, "but a wave of the wild sea," can be consecrated. this question of the care of babies offers us much less excuse for its neglect than do questions concerned with the circumstances antecedent to the babies' appearance. yet we are blameworthy, and disastrously so, here also. prudery here insists that boys and girls shall be left to learn anyhow. that is not what it says, but that is what it does. it feebly supposes not merely that ignorance and innocence are identical, but that, failing the parent, the doctor, the teacher, and the clergyman--and probably all these do fail--ignorance will remain ignorant. there are others, however, who always lie in wait, whether by word of mouth or the printed word, and since youth will in any case learn--except in the case of a few rare and pure souls--we have to ask ourselves whether we prefer that these matters shall be associated in its mind with the cad round the corner or the groom or the chauffeur who instructs the boy, the domestic servant who instructs the girl, and with all those notions of guilty secrecy and of misplaced levity which are entailed; or with the idea that it is right and wise to understand these matters in due measure because their concerns are the greatest in human life. after puberty, and during early adolescence, when a certain amount of knowledge has been acquired, we leave youth free to learn lies from advertisements, carefully calculated to foster the tendency to hypochondria, which is often associated with such matters. of this, however, no more need now be said, since it scarcely concerns the girl. it is the ignorance conditioned by prudery that is responsible later on for many criminal marriages; contracted, it may be, with the blind blessing of church and state, which, however, the laws of heredity and infection rudely ignore. parents cannot bring themselves to inquire into matters which profoundly concern the welfare of the daughter for whom they propose to make what appears to be a good marriage. they desire, of course, that her children shall be healthy and whole-minded; they do not desire that marriage should be for her the beginning of disease, from the disastrous effects of which she may never recover. but these are delicate matters, and prudery forbids that they should be inquired into; yet every father who permits his daughter to marry without having satisfied himself on these points is guilty, at the least, of grave delinquency of duty, and may, in effect, be conniving at disasters and desolations of which he will not live to see the end. young people often grow fond of each other and become engaged, and then, if the engagement be prolonged--as all engagements ought to be, as a general rule--they may find that, after all, they do not wish to marry. yet the girl's mother, an imprudent prude, may often in this and other cases do her utmost to bring the marriage about, not because she is convinced that it means her daughter's highest welfare and happiness, but because prudery dictates that her daughter must marry the man with whom she has been so frequently seen; hence very likely lifelong unhappiness, and worse. society, from the highest to the lowest of its strata, is afflicted with certain forms of understood and eminently preventable disease, about which not a word has been spoken in parliament for twenty years, and any public mention of which by mouth or pen involves serious risk of various kinds. here it is perhaps not necessary for us to consider the case of the outcast, and of the diseases with which, poor creature, she is first infected, and which she then distributes into our homes. our present concern is simply to point out that prudery, again, is largely responsible for the continuance of these evils at a time when we have so much precise knowledge regarding their nature and the possibility of their prevention. medical science cannot make distinctions between one disease and another, nor between one sin and another, as prudery does. prudery says that such and such is vice, that its consequences in the form of disease are the penalties imposed by its abominable god upon the guilty and the innocent, the living and the unborn alike, and that therefore our ordinary attitude towards disease cannot here be maintained. physiological science, however, knowing what it knows regarding food and alcohol, and air and exercise and diet, can readily demonstrate that the gout from which mrs. grundy suffers is also a penalty for sin; none the less because it is not so hideously disproportionate, in its measure and in its incidence, to the gravity of the offence. these moral distinctions between one disease and another have little or no meaning for medical science, and are more often than not immoral. it would be none too easy to show that the medical profession in any country has yet used its tremendous power in this direction. professions, of course, do not move as a whole, and we must not expect the universal laws of institutions to find an exception here. but though they do not move, they can be moved. it is when the public has been educated in the elements of these matters, and has been taught to see what the consequences of prudery are, that the necessary forces will be brought into action. meanwhile, what we call the social evil is almost entirely left to the efforts made in rescue homes and the like. despite the judgment of a popular novelist and playwright, it is much more than doubtful whether rescue homes--the only method which mrs. grundy will tolerate--are the best way of dealing with this matter, even if the people who worked in them had the right kind of outlook upon the matter, and even if their numbers were indefinitely multiplied. every one who has devoted a moment's thought to the matter knows perfectly well that this is merely beginning at the end, and therefore all but futile. i mention the matter here to make the point that the one measure which prudery permits--so that indeed it may even be mentioned upon our highly moral stage, and passed by the censor, who would probably be hurried into eternity if m. brieux's _les avariés_ were submitted to him, and who found "mrs. warren's profession" intolerable--is just the most useless, ill-devised, and literally preposterous with which this tremendous problem can be mocked. this leads us to another point. it is that the means of our education, other than the schools, are also prejudiced by prudery. upon the stage there is permitted almost any indecency of word, or innuendo, or gesture, or situation, provided only that the treatment be not serious. almost anything is tolerable if it be frivolously dealt with, but so soon as these intensely serious matters are dealt with seriously, prudery protests. the consequence is that a great educative influence, like the theatre, where a few playwrights like m. brieux, and mr. bernard shaw, and mr. granville barker, and mr. john galsworthy, might effect the greatest things, is relegated by mrs. grundy to the plays produced by mr. george edwardes and other earnest upholders of the censorship. publishers also, while accepting novels which would have staggered the restoration dramatists, can scarcely be found, even with great labour, for the publication of books dealing with the sex question from the most responsible medical or social standpoints. it is just because public opinion is so potent, and, like all other powers, so potent either for good or for evil, that its present disastrous workings are the more deplorable. it is not unimaginable that prudery might undergo a sort of transmutation. as i have said before, we might make a eugenist of mrs. grundy, so that she might be as much affronted by a criminal marriage as she is now by the spectacle of a healthy and well-developed baby appearing unduly soon after its parents' marriage. the power is there, and it means well, though it does disastrously ill. public opinion ought to be decided upon these matters; it ought to be powerful and effective. we shall never come out into the daylight until it is; we shall not be saved by laws, nor by medical knowledge, nor by the admonitions of the churches. our salvation lies only in a healthy public opinion, not less effective and not more well-meaning than public opinion is at present, but informed where it is now ignorant, and profoundly impressed with the importance of realities as it now is with the importance of appearances. so much having been said, what can one suggest in the direction of remedy? first, surely it is something that we merely recognize the price of prudery. personally, i find that it has made all the difference to my calculations to have had the thing pointed out by the clerical critic whose eye these words may possibly meet. it is something to recognize in prudery an enemy that must be attacked, and to realize the measure of its enmity. in the light of some little experience, perhaps a few suggestions may be made to those who would in any way join in the campaign for the education and transmutation of public opinion on these matters. first, we must compose ourselves with fundamental seriousness--with that absolute gravity which imperils the publication of a book and entirely prohibits the production of a play on such matters. there is something in human nature beyond my explaining which leads towards jesting in these directions. an instinct, i know, is an instinct; of which a main character is that its exercise shall be independent of any knowledge as to its purpose. we eat because we like eating, rather than because we have reckoned that so many calories are required for a body of such and such a weight, in such and such conditions of temperature and pressure. it is not natural, so to say, just because man is in a sense rather more than natural, that we should be provident and serious, self-conscious, and philosophic, in dealing with our fundamental instincts. but it is necessary, if we are to be human: and only in so far as, "looking before and after," we transcend the usual conditions of instinct, are we human at all. the special risk run by those who would deal with these matters seriously--or rather one of the risks--is that they will be suspected, and may indeed be guilty, of a tendency to priggishness and cant. youth is very likely not far wrong in suspecting those who would discuss these matters, for youth has too often been told that they are of the earth earthy, that these are the low parts of our nature which we must learn to despise and trample on, and youth knows in its heart that whatever else may or may not be cant, this certainly is. so any one who proposes to speak gravely on the subject is a suspect. meetings confined to persons of one sex offer excellent opportunities. much can be done, if the suspicion of cant be avoided, by men addressing the meetings of men only which gather in many churches on sunday afternoons, and which have a healthy interest in the life of this world and of this world to come, as well as in matters less immediate. it seems to me that women doctors ought to be able to do excellent work in addressing meetings of girls and women, provided always that the speaker be genuinely a woman, rightly aware of the supremacy of motherhood. most of us know that it is possible to read a medical work on sex, say in french, without any offence to the æsthetic sense, though a translation into one's native tongue is scarcely tolerable. this contrasted influence of different names for the same thing is another of those problems in the psychology of prudery which i do not undertake to analyze, but which must be recognized by the practical enemy of prudery. it is unquestionably possible to address a mixed audience, large or small, of any social status, on these matters without offence and to good purpose. but certain terms must be avoided and synonyms used instead. there are at least three special cases, the recognition of which may make the practical difference between shocking an audience and producing the effect one desires. reproduction is a good word from every point of view, but its associations are purely physiological, and it is better to employ a word which renders the use of the other superfluous and which has a special virtue of its own. this is the term parenthood, a hybrid no doubt, but not perhaps much the worse for that. one may notice a teacher of zoology, say, accustomed to address medical students, offend an audience by the use of the word reproduction, where parenthood would have served his turn. it has a more human sound--though there is some sub-human parenthood which puts much of ours to shame--and the fact that it is less obviously physiological is a virtue, for human parenthood is only half physiological, being made of two complementary and equally essential factors for its perfection--the one physical and the other psychical. thus it is possible to speak of physical parenthood and of psychical parenthood, and thus not only to avoid the term reproduction, but to get better value out of its substitutes. one may be able to show, perhaps, that in the case of other synonyms also a hunt for a term that shall save the face of prudery may be more than justified by the recovery of one which has a richer content. terms are really very good servants, if they are good terms and we retain our mastery of them. let any one without any previous practice start to write or speak on "human reproduction," and on "human parenthood, physical and psychical," and he will find that, though naming often saves a lot of thinking, as george meredith said, wise naming may be of great service to thought. in these matters there is to be faced the fact of pregnancy. here, again, is a good word, as every one knows who has felt its force or that of the corresponding adjective when judiciously used in the metaphorical sense. the present writer's rule, when speaking, is to use these terms only in their metaphorical sense, and to employ another term for the literal sense. i should be personally indebted to any reader who can inform me as to the first employment of the admirable phrase, "the expectant mother." the name of its inventor should be remembered. in any audience whatever--perhaps almost including an audience of children, but certainly in any adult audience, whether mixed or not, medical or fashionable, serious or sham serious--it is possible to speak with perfect freedom on many aspects of pregnancy, as for instance the use of alcohol, exposure to lead poisoning, the due protection at such a period, by simply using the phrase "the expectant mother," with all its pregnancy of beautiful suggestion. here, again, our success depends upon recognizing the psychical factor in that which to the vulgar eye is purely physiological--not that there is anything vulgar about physiology except to the vulgar eye. for myself, the phrase "the expectant mother" is much more than useful, though in speaking it has made all the difference scores of times. it is beautiful because it suggests the ideal of every pregnancy--that the expectant mother shall indeed _expect_, look forward to the life which is to be. her motto in the ideal world or even in the world at the foundations of which we are painfully working, will be those words of the nicene creed which the very term must recall to the mind--_expecto resurrectionem mortuorum et vitam venturi sæculi_. let any one who fancies that these pre-occupations with mere language are trivial or misplaced here take the opportunity of addressing two drawing-rooms under similar conditions, on some such subject as the care of pregnancy from the national point of view. let him in the one case speak of the pregnant woman, and so forth, and in the other of the expectant mother. he will be singularly insensitive to his audience if he does not discover that sometimes a rose by any other name is somehow the less a rose. the more fools we perhaps, but there it is, and in the most important of all contemporary propaganda, which is that of the re-establishment of parenthood in that place of supreme honour which is its due, even such "literary" debates as these are not out of place. sex is a great and wonderful thing. the further down we go in the scale of life, whether animal or vegetable, the more do we perceive the importance of the evolution of sex. the correctly formed adjective from this word is sexual, but the term is practically taboo with mrs. grundy. only with caution and anxiety, indeed, may one venture before a lay audience to use darwin's phrase, "sexual selection." the fact is utterly absurd, but there it is. one of the devices for avoiding its consequences is the use of sex itself as an adjective, as when we speak of sex problems; but the special importance of this case is in regard to the sexual instinct, or, if the term offends the reader, let us say the sex instinct. here prudery is greatly concerned, and our silence here involves much of the price of prudery. now since the word sexual has become sinister, we cannot speak to the growing boy or girl about the sexual instinct, but we may do much better. for what is this sexual instinct? true, it manifests itself in connection with the fact of sex, but essentially that is only because sex is a condition of human reproduction or parenthood. it is this with which the sexual instinct is really concerned, and perhaps we shall never learn to look upon it rightly or deal with it rightly until we indeed perceive what the business of this instinct is, and regard as somewhat less than worthy of mankind any other attitude towards it. of course there are men who live to eat, yet the instincts concerned with eating exist not for the titillation of the palate but for the sustenance of life; and, likewise, though there are those who live to gratify this instinct, it exists not for sensory gratification, but for the life of this world to come. can we not find a term which shall express this truth, shall be inoffensive and so doubly suitable for the purposes of our cause? the term reproductive instinct is often employed. it is vastly superior to sexual instinct, because it does refer to that for which the instinct exists; but it hints at reproduction, and though mrs. grundy can tolerate the idea of parenthood, reproduction she cannot away with. we cannot speak of it as the parental instinct, because that term is already in employment to express the best thing and the source of all other good things in us. further, the sexual instinct and the parental instinct are quite distinct, and it would be disastrous to run the possibility of confusing them--one the source of all the good, and the other the source of much of the evil, though the necessary condition of all the good and evil, in the world. for some years past, in writing and speaking, i have employed and counselled the employment of the term "the racial instinct." this seems to meet all the needs. it avoids the tabooed adjective, and if it fails to allude at all to the fact of sex, who needs reminding thereof? it is formed from the term race, which prudery permits, and it expresses once and for all that for which the instinct exists--not the individual at all, but the race which is to come after him. doubtless its satisfaction may be satisfactory for him or her, but that does not testify to nature's interest in individuals, but rather to her skill in insuring that her supreme concern shall not be ignored, even by those who least consciously concern themselves with it. these are perhaps the three most important instances of the verbal, or perhaps more than verbal, issues that arise in the fight with prudery. one has tried to show that they are not really in the nature of concessions to mrs. grundy, but that the terms commended are in point of fact of more intrinsic worth than those to which she objects. other instances will occur to the reader, especially if he or she becomes in any way a soldier in this war, whether publicly or as a parent instructing children, or on any other of the many fields where the fight rages. it is not the purpose of the present chapter to deal with that which must be said, notwithstanding prudery, and in order that the price of prudery shall no longer be paid. but one final principle may be laid down which is indeed perhaps merely an expression of the spirit underlying the foregoing remarks upon our terminology. it is that we are to fly our flag high. we may consult mrs. grundy's prejudices if we find that in doing so we may directly serve our own thinking, and therefore our cause. this is very different from any kind of apologizing to her. all such i utterly deplore. we must not begin by granting mrs. grundy's case in any degree. somewhere in that chaos of prejudices which she calls her mind, she nourishes the notion, common to all the false forms of religion, ancient or modern, that there is something about sex and parenthood which is inherently base and unclean. the origin of this notion is of interest, and the anthropologists have devoted much attention to it. it is to be found intermingled with a by no means contemptible hygiene in the mosaic legislation, is to be traced in the beliefs and customs of extant primitive peoples, and has formed and forms an element in most religions. but it is not really pertinent to our present discussion to weigh the good and evil consequences of this belief. without following the modern fashion, prevalent in some surprising quarters, of ecstatically exaggerating the practical value of false beliefs in past and present times, we may admit that the cause of morality in the humblest sense of that term may sometimes have been served by the religious condemnation of all these matters as unclean, and of parenthood as, at the best, a second best. but for our own day and days yet unborn this notion of sex and its consequences as unclean or the worser part is to be condemned as not merely a lie and a palpably blasphemous one, grossly irreligious on the face of it, but as a pernicious lie, and to be so recognized even by those who most joyfully cherish evidence of the practical value of lies. whatever may have been the case in the past or among present peoples in other states of culture than our own, no impartial person can question that during the christian era what may be called the pauline or ascetic attitude on this matter has been disastrous; and that if the present forms of religion are not completely to outlive their usefulness, it is high time to restore mother and child worship to the honour which it held in the religion of ancient egypt and in many another. if the mother and child worship which is to be found in the more modern religions, such as christianity, is to be worth anything to the coming world it must cease to have reference to one mother and one child only; it must hail every mother everywhere as a madonna, and every child as in some measure deity incarnate. by no church will such teaching be questioned to-day; but if it be granted the churches must cease to uphold those conceptions of the superiority of celibacy and virginity which, besides involving grossly materialistic conceptions of those states, are palpably incompatible with that worship of parenthood to which the churches must and shall now be made to return. all this will involve many a shock to prudery; to take only the instance of what we call illegitimate motherhood, our eyes askance must learn that there are other legitimacies and illegitimacies than those which depend upon the little laws of men, and that if our doctrine of the worth of parenthood be a right one it is our business in every such case to say, "here also, then, in so far as it lies in our power, we must make motherhood as good and perfect as may be." these principles also will lead us to understand how differently, were we wise, we should look upon the outward appearances of expectant motherhood. in his masterpiece, forel--of all living thinkers the most valuable--has a passage with which mrs. grundy may here be challenged. it is too simple to need translating from the author's own french:[ ]-- "la fausse honte qu'out les femmes de laisser voir leur grossesse et tout ce qui a rapport à l'accouchement, les plaisanteries dont on use souvent à l'égard des femmes enceintes, sont un triste signe de la dégénérescence et même de la corruption de notre civilization raffinée. les femmes enceintes ne devraient pas ce cacher, ni jamais avoir honte de porter un enfant dans leur ventre; elles devraient au contraire en être fières. pareille fierté serait certes bien plus justifiée que celle des beaux officiers paradant sous leur uniforme. les signes extérieurs de la formation de l'humanité font plus d'honneur à leurs porteurs que les symboles de sa destruction. que les femmes s'imprègnent de plus en plus de cette profonde vérité! elles cesseront alors de cacher leur grossesse et d'en avoir honte. conscientes de la grandeur de leur tâche sexuelle et sociale, elles tiendront haut l'étendard de notre descendance, qui est celui de la véritable vie à venir de l'homme, tout en combattant pour l'émancipation de leur sexe." this passage recalls one of ruskin's, which is to be found in "unto this last":-- "nearly all labour may be shortly divided into positive and negative labour--positive, that which produces life; negative, that which produces death; the most directly negative labour being murder, and the most directly positive the bearing and rearing of children; so that in the precise degree in which murder is hateful on the negative side of idleness, in that exact degree child-rearing is admirable, on the positive side of idleness." here is the right comment upon the swaggering display of the means of death and the hiding as if shameful of the signs of life to come. what has mrs. grundy to say to this? will she consider the propriety of urging in future that it is murder and the means of murder, and the organized forces of capital and politics making for murder, that must not be mentioned before children, and must be hidden as shameful from the eyes of men; and while a woman may still glory in her hair, according to that spiritual precept of st. paul: "but if a woman have long hair it is a glory to her; for her hair is given her for a covering," perhaps she may be permitted even to glory in her motherhood, contemptible as such a notion would doubtless have seemed to the apostle of the gentiles. xi education for motherhood it is our first principle in this discussion that the individual exists for parenthood, being a natural invention for that purpose and no other. it has been shown further that this is more pre-eminently true of woman than of man, she being the more essential--if such a phrase can be used--for the continuance of the race. if these principles are valid they must indeed determine our course in the education of girls. some incidental reference has already been made to this subject, but the matter must be more carefully gone into here. we have seen that there are right and wrong ways of conducting the physical training of girls, according as whether we are aiming at muscularity or motherhood. we have seen also that there is a thing called the higher education of women, apparently laudable and desirable in itself, which may yet have disastrous consequences for the individual and the race. in a book devoted to womanhood, and written at the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, the reader might well expect that what we call the higher education of women would be a subject treated at great length and with great respect. such a reader, turning to the chapter that professedly deals with the subject, might well be offended by its brevity. it might be asked whether the writer was really aware of the importance of the subject--of its remarkable history, its extremely rapid growth, and its conspicuous success (in proving that women can be men if they please--but this is my comment, not the reader's). nor can any one question that the so-called higher education of women is a very large and increasingly large fact in the history of womanhood during the last half century in the countries which lead the world--whither it were perhaps not too curious to consider. further, this kind of education does in fact achieve what it aims at. women are capable of profiting by the opportunities which it offers, as we say. this is itself a deeply interesting fact in natural history, refuting as it does the assertions of those who declared and still declare that women are incapable of "higher education," except in rare instances. it is important to know that women can become very good equivalents of men, if they please. further, this higher education of women--and we may be content to accept the adjective without qualification, since it is after all only a comparative, and leaves us free to employ the superlative--may be and often is of very real value in certain cases and because of certain local conditions, such as the great numerical inequality of the sexes in nearly all civilized countries. it is valuable for that proportion of women, whatever it be, who, through some throw of the physiological dice, seem to be without the distinctive factor for psychical womanhood, the existence of which one has tentatively ventured to assume. these individuals, like all others, are entitled to the fullest and freest development of their lives, and it is well that there shall be open to them, as to the brothers they so closely resemble, opportunities for intellectual satisfaction and self-development. therefore, surely, by far the most satisfactory function of higher education for women is that which it discharges in reference to these women. their destiny being determined by their nature, and irrevocable by nurture, it is well that, though we cannot regard it as the highest, we should make the utmost of it by means of the appropriate education. only because sometimes we must put up with second bests can we approve of higher education for women other than those of the anomalous semi-feminine type to which we have referred. at present we must accept it as an unfortunate necessity imposed upon us by economic conditions. so long as society is based economically, or rather uneconomically, upon the disastrous principles which so constantly mean the sacrifice of the future to the present, so long, i suppose, will it be impossible that every fully feminine woman shall find a livelihood without some sacrifice of her womanhood. this is a subject to which we must return in a later chapter. meanwhile it is referred to only because its consideration shows us some sort of excuse, if not warrant, for the higher education of woman, even though in the process of thus endowing her with economic independence, we disendow her of her distinctive womanhood, or at the very least imperil it; even though, more serious still, we deprive the race of her services as physical and psychical mother. we have seen that there is just afoot a new tendency in the higher education of women, and it is indeed a privilege to be able to do anything in the way of directing public attention to this new trend. in reference thereto, it was hinted that though this newer form of higher education for woman is a great advance upon the old, and is so just because it implies some recognition of woman's place in the world, yet for one reason or another it falls short of what this present student of womanhood, at any rate, demands. as has been hinted further, probably those responsible for the new trend are by no means unaware that, though their line is nearer to the right one, the direct line to the "happy isles" has not quite been taken. but great is mrs. grundy of the english, and those who devised the new scheme--one is willing to hazard the guess--had to be content with an approximation to what they knew to be the ideal. that is why we devoted the last chapter to the question of prudery, inserting that between a discussion of the "higher education" of women and the present discussion, which is concerned with the _highest education_ of women. words are only symbols, but, like other symbols, they are capable of assuming much empire over the mind. man, indeed, as stevenson said, lives principally by catchwords, and though woman, beside a cot, is less likely to be caught blowing bubbles and clutching at them, she also is in some degree at the mercy of words. the higher education of women is a good phrase. it appeals, just because of the fine word higher, to those who wish women well, and to those who are not satisfied that woman should remain for ever a domestic drudge. the phrase has had a long run, so to say, but i propose that henceforth we should set it to compete with another--the highest education of women. whether this phrase will ever gain the vogue of the other even a biased and admiring father may well question. but if there is anything certain, having the whole weight of nature behind it, and only the transient aberrations of men opposed thereto, it is that what i call the highest education of women will be and will remain the most central and capital of society's functions, when what is now called the higher education of women has gone its appointed way with nine-tenths of all present-day education, and exists only in the memory of historians who seek to interpret the fantastic vagaries of the bad old days. perhaps it is well that we should begin by freeing the word education from the incrustations of mortal nonsense that have very nearly obscured its vitality altogether. before we can educate for motherhood, we must know what education is, and what it is not. we must have a definition of it and its object; in general as well as in this particular case, otherwise we shall certainly go wrong. perhaps it may here be permitted to quote a paragraph from a lecture on "the child and the state," in which some few years ago i attempted to express the first principles of this matter:-- "now, as a student of biology, i will venture to propose a definition of education which is new, so far as i know, and which i hope and believe to be true and important. comprehensively, so as to include everything that must be included, and yet without undue vagueness, i would define education as _the provision of an environment_. we may amplify this proposition, and say that it is the provision of a fit environment for the young and foolish by the elderly and wise. it has really scarcely anything in the world to do with my trying to make you pay for the teaching to my children of dogmas which i believe, and you deny. it neither begins nor ends with the three r's; and it does not isolate, from that whole which we call a human being, the one attribute which may be defined as the intellectual faculty. it is the provision of an environment, physical, mental, and moral, for the whole child, physical, mental, and moral. that is my _definition_ of education. now, what are we to say of the _object_ of education? in providing the environment--from its mother's milk to moral maxims--for our child, what do we seek? some may say, to make him a worthy citizen, to make him able to support himself; some may say, to make him fit to bear arms for his king and country; but i will give you the object of education as defined by the author of the most profound and wisest treatise which has ever been written upon the subject--plato, locke, and milton not forgotten. 'to prepare us for complete living,' says herbert spencer, 'is the function which education has to discharge.' the great thing needed for us to learn is how to live, how rightly to rule conduct in all directions under all circumstances; and it is to that end that we must direct ourselves in providing an environment for the child. _education is the provision of an environment, the function of which is to prepare for complete living._" perhaps the only necessary qualification of the foregoing is that, though it refers specially to the child, yet the need of education does not end with childhood, becoming indeed pre-eminent when childhood ends. so we may apply what has been said in the case of the girl, and we shall find it a sure guide to the highest education of women. first, education being the provision of an environment in the widest sense of that very wide word, always misused when it is used less widely, we must be sure that in our scheme we avoid the errors of past or passing schemes which concern themselves only with some aspect of the environment, and so in effect prepare for something much less than complete living. it is not sufficient to provide an environment which regards the girl as simply a muscular machine, as is the tendency, if not actually the case, in some of the "best" girls' schools to-day; it is not sufficient to provide an environment which looks upon the girl as merely an intellectual machine, as in the higher education of women; it is not sufficient to provide an environment which looks upon the girl as a sideboard ornament, in ruskin's phrase, such as was provided in the earlier victorian days. in all these cases we are providing only part of the environment, and providing it in excess. none of them, therefore, satisfies our definition of education, which conceives of environment as the sum-total of all the influences to which the whole organism is subjected--influences dietetic, dogmatic, material, maternal, and all other.[ ] who will question that, according to this conception of education, such a thing as the higher education of women must be condemned as inadequate? no more than a man is woman a mere intellect incarnate. her emotional nature is all-important; it is indeed the highest thing in the universe so far as we know. the scheme of education which ignores its existence, and much more than fails to provide the best environment for it, is condemnable. but the scheme of education which derides and despises the emotional nature of woman, looking upon it as a weakness and seeking to suppress it, is damnable, and has led to the damnation--or loss, if the reader prefers the english term--of this most precious of all precious things in countless cases. the only right education of women must be that which rightly provides the whole environment. the simpler our conception of woman, the more we underrate her complexity and the manifoldness of her needs, the more certainly shall we repeat in one form or another the errors of our predecessors. complete living is a great phrase; perhaps not for a lizard or a mushroom, but assuredly for men and women. perhaps it involves more for women even than for men; indeed it must do so if we are to adhere to our conception of women as more complex than men, having all the possibilities of men in less or greater measure, and also certain supreme possibilities of their own. whatever complete living may mean for men, it cannot mean for women anything less than all that is implied in wordsworth's great line-- "wisdom doth live with children round her knees." that line was written in reference to the unwisdom of a man, napoleon, the greatest murderer in recorded time, and i believe it to be true of men, but it is pre-eminently true of women. there needs no excuse for quoting from herbert spencer, since we have already accepted his definition of the subject of education, a notable passage which is perhaps at the present time the most needed of all the wisdom with which that great thinker's book on education is filled:-- "the greatest defect in our programmes of education is entirely overlooked. while much is being done in the detailed improvement of our systems in respect both of matter and manner, the most pressing desideratum, to prepare the young for the duties of life, is tacitly admitted to be the end which parents and schoolmasters should have in view; and, happily, the value of the things taught, and the goodness of the methods followed in teaching them, are now ostensibly judged by their fitness to this end. the propriety of substituting for an exclusively classical training, a training in which the modern languages shall have a share, is argued on this ground. the necessity of increasing the amount of science is urged for like reasons. but though some care is taken to fit youth of both sexes for society and citizenship, no care whatever is taken to fit them for the position of parents. while it is seen that, for the purpose of gaining a livelihood, an elaborate preparation is needed, it appears to be thought that for the bringing up of children no preparation whatever is needed. while many years are spent by a boy in gaining knowledge of which the chief value is that it constitutes the education of a gentleman; and while many years are spent by a girl in those decorative acquirements which fit her for evening parties, not an hour is spent by either in preparation for that gravest of all responsibilities--the management of a family. is it that the discharge of it is but a remote contingency? on the contrary, it is sure to devolve on nine out of ten. is it that the discharge of it is easy? certainly not; of all functions which the adult has to fulfil, this is the most difficult. is it that each may be trusted by self-instruction to fit himself, or herself, for the office of parent? no; not only is the need for such self-instruction unrecognized, but the complexity of the subject renders it the one of all others in which self-instruction is least likely to succeed." if we were wise enough, therefore, we should recognize all education, in the great sense of that word, to be _as for parenthood_. that ideal will yet be recognized and followed for both sexes, as it has for long been followed, consciously as well as unconsciously, by that astonishing race which has survived all its oppressors, and is in the van of civilization to-day as it was when it produced the mosaic legislation. the time is not yet when one could accept with a light heart an invitation to lecture on fatherhood to the boys at eton. boys to-day are taught by each other, and by those who give them what they call "smut jaws," that what exists for fatherhood, and thus for the whole destiny of mankind, is "smut." when such blasphemies pass for the best pedagogic wisdom, to preach parenthood as the goal of all worthy education is to run the risk of being looked upon as ridiculous. but the time will come when the hideous empire-wrecking imperialisms of the present are forgotten, and when we have a new patriotism--which suggests, first and foremost, as that word well may, the duty of fatherhood; and then, perhaps, "smut jaws" will not be the phrase at eton for discussion of those instincts which determine the future of mankind. but girls are our present concern, and we may indeed hope that, though the day is still far when the motto of eton will be education as for fatherhood, yet the ideal of education as for motherhood may yet triumph wherever girls are taught within even a few years to come. on all sides to-day we see the aberrations of womanhood in a hundred forms, and the consequences thereof. wrong education is partly, beyond a doubt, to be indicted for this state of things, and the right direction is so clearly indicated by nature and by the deepest intuitions of both sexes that we cannot much longer delay to take it. perhaps the reader will have patience whilst for a little we discuss the facts upon which right education for motherhood must be based. some may suppose that by education for womanhood is meant simply one form or other of instruction; say, for instance, in the certainly important matter of infant feeding. at present, however, i am not thinking of instruction at all, but of education--the leading forth, that is to say, in right proportion and in right direction of the natural constituents of the girl. if we are to be right in our methods we must have some clear understanding of what those constituents are, and we must therefore address ourselves now to getting, if possible, clear and accurate notions of the material with which we have to deal; in other words, we must discuss the psychology of parenthood. we shall perhaps realize then that though the instruction of mothers in being is very necessary and very important, that comes in at the end of our duty, and that we shall never achieve what we might achieve unless we begin at the beginning. xii the maternal instinct the deeds of men and women proceed from certain radical elements of their nature, some evidently noble, others, when looked at askew, apparently ignoble. these elements are classed as instinctive. we are less intelligent than we think. reason may occupy the throne, but the foundations upon which that throne is based are not of her making. to change the image, reason is the pilot, not the gale or the engine. she does not determine the goal, but only the course to that goal. we are what our nature makes us; our likes and our dislikes determine our acts, and we are guided to our self-determined ends by means of our intelligence. more often, indeed, we use our intelligence merely to justify to ourselves the likes and dislikes, the action and the inaction, which our instinctive tendencies have determined. many of our natural instincts, impulses, and emotions bear only remotely upon our present inquiry; as, for instance, the instinct of flight and the emotion of fear, the instinct of curiosity and the emotion of wonder, the instinct of pugnacity and the emotion of anger. certain others, however, are not merely radical and permanent parts of our nature, but determine human existence, the greater part of its failures and successes, its folly and wisdom, its history and its destiny. two of these--the parental and racial instincts--we must carefully consider here, and also, very briefly, a supposed third, the filial instinct. i am inclined to question whether such a specific entity as the filial instinct exists at all; it is rather, i believe, a product, by transmutation, of the parental instinct which, in its various forms and potencies and through the tender emotion which is its counterpart in the affective realm of our natures, is the noblest, finest, and most promising ingredient of our constitution. _instinct and emotion._--we must be sure, in the first place, that we have a sound idea of what we mean by the word "instinct." it is absurd, for instance, to speak of "acquiring a political instinct"--or any other. that is the most erroneous possible use of the word. an instinct is eminently something which cannot be "acquired"; it is native if anything is native; as native as the nose or the backbone. instincts may be developed or repressed; it is the great mark of man that in him they may even be transmuted--but _acquired_ never. when we come to examine the laws of activity we find that, on the application of certain kinds of stimulus, there are certain very definite responses, and these we call instinctive. if the arm or the leg of a sleeper be stroked or touched, or a cold breath of air blows thereon, it will be withdrawn, and such withdrawal is what we call a reflex action. now, an instinctive action, as herbert spencer saw long ago, is a "complex reflex action." it differs from a simple reflex, a mere twitch, such as winking, but it is a complicated, and possibly prolonged, action, which is, at bottom, of the nature of a reflex. one may instance the instinct of flight, which is correlated with fear. in crossing the street we hear "toot, toot," and we run. we do not ratiocinate, we run. all the primary instincts of mankind act similarly. take, for contrast, the instinct of curiosity. consider a child watching a mechanical toy; the impulse of this instinct of curiosity is such that he goes to the thing and examines it. by means of the transmutation, which it is the prerogative of man to effect, this instinct may work out into a lifetime devoted to the study of nature. there is an unbroken sequence from the interest in the unknown which we see in a kitten or a child up to that which triumphs in a newton or a darwin. thus we begin to learn that human nature is largely a collection of instincts, more or less correlated, and that at bottom we act on our instincts--in accordance with certain innate predilections, likings, and dislikings with which we were born, and which we have inherited from our ancestors. indissolubly associated therewith is what we call emotion. for instance, in the exercise of the instinct of curiosity we feel a certain emotion, which we call wonder. there is an ignoble wonder and there is a noble wonder; but whether it be an astronomer watching the stars, or the crowd at a cinematograph show, there exists an association between the emotion of wonder and the instinct of curiosity. dr. mcdougall, of oxford, elaborated some few years ago, and has now established, an extremely important theory of the relation between instinct and emotion. he has shown that our emotions are correlated with our instincts; that the emotion is the inward or subjective side of the working of the instinct. thus an instinct is more than a "complex reflex action"; it is more than merely that, on hearing something, or seeing something, certain muscles are thrown into action, because along with the action there is emotion, and this is a natural and necessary correlation. we should do well to carry about with us, as part of our mental furniture, this idea of the correlation between instinct and emotion. now, if it be true that man is not primarily a rational animal, if he be rather, _au fond_, a bundle, an assemblage, _an organism of instincts_, it behoves us to recognize in ourselves and in others the primary instincts, because from them flows all that goes to make up human nature, whether it be good or evil. amongst these, certainly, is the parental instinct. let us first consider its development in the individual, for this bears on the question when to begin education for motherhood. we find it very early indeed. it is commonly asserted that the doll instinct is the precursor, the infantile and childish form, of the parental instinct. some psychologists, as we have already noted, assure us that this is wrong, that a small child will be just as content to play with anything else as with a doll; that the child gets fond of its possession, and that what we are really witnessing is the instinct of acquisitiveness. the rest may reason and welcome, but those who are fathers know. we have only to watch a child to learn that it very soon differentiates its doll, or rather, the shapeless mass it calls its doll, from other things. try with your own children and see if you can get them to like anything else as well as they like a doll. they will not. there are few settled questions as yet in psychology, but we may certainly be sure that the parental instinct and its associated emotion may be unmistakably displayed as the master-passion in a child who is not yet two years old. in a case where the possibility of imitation was excluded i have seen a little girl adore a small baby, stroke its hands, whisper quasi-maternal sweet nothings to it--"mother it," in short--as plainly as i have seen the sun at noon; and there is no reason to suppose that this deeply impressive spectacle was exceptional. the parental instinct is connected subtly with the racial instinct; and it is undisputed that, except in utterly degraded persons, the object of the feelings which are associated with the racial instinct becomes the object of the feelings which are associated with the parental instinct. the object of the emotion of sex becomes also the object of tender emotion. thus "love," in its lower sense, becomes exalted by love in the noble sense. there is also in us an instinct of pugnacity, which especially appears when the working of any other instinct is thwarted. we know that the parental instinct when thwarted, as in the tigress robbed of her whelps, shows itself in pugnacity--even in the female, which commonly has no pugnacity; and in the emotion of anger. it is a reasonable supposition that the fine anger, the passion for justice, the passion against, say, slavery or cruelty to children--that these indignations which move the world are at bottom traceable to the workings of the outraged parental instinct. when we have tender emotion towards a child, or towards an animal, whatever it be, this is really the subjective side of the working of the parental instinct. now, tender emotion is what has made and makes everything that is good in the individual, and in human society. it is the basis of all morality--all morality that is real morality--everything that permits us to hold up our heads at all, or to hope for the future of the race. that is why the study of the parental instinct, its correlate or source, is as important and serious as any that can be imagined. let us begin by a quotation from dr. mcdougall, author of the best and most searching account of this instinct yet written:-- "the maternal instinct, which impels the mother to protect and cherish her young, is common to almost all the higher species of animals. among the lower animals the perpetuation of the species is generally provided for by the production of an immense number of eggs or young (in some species of fish a single adult produces more than a million eggs), which are left entirely unprotected, and are so preyed upon by other creatures that on the average but one or two attain maturity. as we pass higher up the animal scale, we find the number of eggs or young more and more reduced, and the diminution of their number compensated for by parental protection. at the lowest stage this protection may consist in the provision of some merely physical shelter, as in the case of those animals that carry their eggs attached in some way to their bodies. but, except at this lowest stage, the protection afforded to the young always involves some instinctive adaptation of the parent's behaviour. we may see this even among the fishes, some of which deposit their eggs in rude nests and watch over them, driving away creatures that might prey upon them. from this stage onwards protection of offspring becomes increasingly psychical in character, involves more profound modification of the parent's behaviour, and a more prolonged period of more effective guardianship. the highest stage is reached by those species in which each female produces at a birth but one or two young, and protects them so efficiently that most of the young born reach maturity; the maintenance of the species thus becomes in the main the work of the parental instinct. in such species the protection and cherishing of the young is the constant and all-absorbing occupation of the mother, to which she devotes all her energies, and in the course of which she will at any time undergo privation, pain, and death. the instinct becomes more powerful than any other, and can override any other, even fear itself; for it works directly in the service of the species, while the other instincts work primarily in the service of the individual life, for which nature cares little.... when we follow up the evolution of this instinct to the highest animal level, we find among the apes the most remarkable examples of its operation. thus in one species the mother is said to carry her young one clasped in one arm uninterruptedly for several months, never letting go of it in all her wanderings. this instinct is no less strong in many human mothers, in whom, of course, it becomes more or less intellectualized and organized as the most essential constituent of the sentiment of parental love. like other species, the human species is dependent upon this instinct for its continual existence and welfare. it is true that reason, working in the service of the egotistic impulses and sentiments, often circumvents the ends of this instinct and sets up habits which are incompatible with it. but when that occurs on a large scale in any society, that society is doomed to rapid decay. but the instinct itself can never die out save with the disappearance of the human species itself; it is kept strong and effective just because those families and races and nations in which it weakens become rapidly supplanted by those in which it is strong. "it is impossible to believe that the operation of this, the most powerful of the instincts, is not accompanied by a strong and definite emotion; one may see the emotion expressed unmistakably by almost any mother among the higher animals, especially the birds and the mammals--by the cat, for example, and by most of the domestic animals; and it is impossible to doubt that this emotion has in all cases the peculiar quality of the tender emotion provoked in the human parent by the spectacle of her helpless offspring. this primary emotion has been very generally ignored by the philosophers and psychologists; that is, perhaps, to be explained by the fact that this instinct and its emotion are in the main decidedly weaker in men than women, and in some men, perhaps, altogether lacking. we may even surmise that the philosophers as a class are men among whom this defect of native endowment is relatively common." dr. mcdougall goes on to show how from this emotion and its impulse to cherish and protect spring generosity, gratitude, love, true benevolence, and altruistic conduct of every kind; in it they have their main and absolutely essential root without which they would not be. he argues that the intimate alliance between tender emotion and anger is of great importance for the social life of man, for "the anger invoked in this way is the germ of all moral indignation, and on moral indignation justice and the greater part of public law are in the main founded."[ ] the reader may be earnestly counselled to acquaint himself with dr. mcdougall's book, which, in the judgment of those best qualified, definitely advances the science of psychology in its deepest and most important aspects. _the transmutation of instinct._--the last thing here meant by the transmutation of instinct is that by any political alchemy it is possible--to quote herbert spencer's celebrated aphorism--to get golden conduct out of leaden instincts. but it is the mark of man, the intelligent being, that in him the instincts are plastic, and even capable of amazing transmutations. in the lower animals there is instinct, but that instinct is an almost completely fixed, rigid, and final thing. in ourselves there is a limitless capacity for the development, the humanization of instinct along many lines, as when the primitive infantile curiosity works out into the speculations of a thinker. in other words, _we_ are educable, the lower animals are not, or only within very narrow limits. yet in one respect the lower animals have the advantage over us. their instincts are often perfect. we cannot teach a cat anything about how to look after a kitten; but parallel instincts amongst ourselves, though not less numerous or potent, are not perfected, not sharp-cut. in the cat there is no need for education; in woman there is eminent need for it. indeed it is the lack of education that is largely responsible for our large infant mortality; not that woman is inferior to the cat, but that, being not instinctive but intelligent, she requires education in motherhood. human instincts in general are capable of modification; sometimes they may take bizarre forms, and so we find that there are people without children of their own--more commonly women--who will have twenty cats in the house and look after them, or who will devote their whole lives to the cause of the rat or the rabbit, or whatever it may be, while the children of men are dying around them. these things are indications of the parental instinct centred on unworthy objects. it is a common thing to laugh at these aberrations--thoughtlessly, may we not say? while orphans are to be found, we should do better if we try to bring together the woman who needs to "mother" and the child who needs to be "mothered." conduct is at least three-fourths of life, and the great business of education is the direction of conduct. we have seen how modern psychology illuminates what has been so long dark, by directing us to our instincts as the sources of our needs, and by showing us that it is the possibility of the education of instinct which essentially distinguishes us from the lower animals. we must therefore distinguish between education for motherhood and education or instruction in motherhood. it is very important that a woman should know the elements of infant feeding, but it is more important that, in the first place, her whole life before she becomes a mother--nay, even before she chooses her child's father--shall centre in the education of her instincts for motherhood. finding good evidence, as we do, of the maternal instinct at a very early age, and recognizing its importance in conduct and in the formation of ideals long before the marriage age, we are justified in discussing the maternal instinct here instead of postponing it, as some might argue, until after we have discussed marriage. there is nothing which i wish to assert more strongly than that we are radically wrong in this postponement, which is indeed our customary practice. partly because we are blind, partly because of our most imprudent prudery, we ignore and pervert the due sequence of development, but here i deliberately prefer to follow the indications of nature, and to discuss the maternal instinct now because, in the matter of the education of girls, this is precisely the most important subject that can be named. let us now note some popular misconceptions which cumber our minds and often interfere with the work of the reformer. to begin with what is perhaps the oldest of these, though indeed scarcely entitled to the appellation of popular, let us assure ourselves once and for all that we are talking about a fact natural, innate, not acquired. the modern criticism of ancient notions of human nature, such as those expressed in the theologians' conception of "conscience," has inclined some to the view that our best feelings are indeed not at all innate. no one can for a moment analyze conscience without observing the immense disparity between the facts and the theologians' theory. and thus we are apt to fall into the opposite error of supposing that our impulses towards good action are entirely the products of education, training, public opinion, and so forth. let the reader refer, for instance, to such a celebrated work as john stuart mill's "utilitarianism," and it will be seen how wide of the mark it was possible for even a great thinker to go, when his ideas of mind were unguided by the light of evolution. even in the greatest writer of that time not a syllable do we find as to the parental instinct. "as is my own belief," says mill, "the moral feelings are not innate but acquired." yet we have seen convincing evidence which teaches us that the moral feelings spring essentially from the root of the parental instinct, without which mankind could not continue for another generation, and than which there is nothing more fundamental and essential in any type of human nature that can persist. the importance of noting this can be clearly stated. we are here dealing with something which is not for us to implant, but which is already part of the plant, so to speak, and which it is for us to tend. like other innate features of mankind, its transmission from generation to generation is notably independent of the effects of education, the effects of use and disuse. this is a difficult thing of which to persuade people, but it is the fact. education, environment, training, opportunity, habit, public opinion, social prejudice--all these and such other influences may and do affect the maternal instinct in the individual for good or for evil. no fact is more certain or important, and that is precisely why we must study this instinct. but the effect upon the individual does not involve any effect upon the native constitution of the individual's children. from age to age the general facts and features of the human backbone persist. we do not expect to find notable differences between the generations in such a radical feature of our constitution, no matter what particular habits of posture, play, and the like we adopt. the maternal instinct is scarcely less fundamental; it is certainly no whit less essential for the species. it is the very backbone of our psychological constitution. thus it is nonsense to assert that, for instance, women are becoming less motherly, if by this is meant that the maternal instinct is failing. that bad education may affect it for evil no one can question, but we must distinguish between nature and nurture. we may be perfectly confident that so far as the _natural_ material of girl-childhood and girlhood is concerned, there is no falling off; there will not, for there cannot, be any falling off either in the quality or in the quantity of the maternal instinct. on the contrary, it can, and will later be shown that through the action of heredity this instinct will be strengthened in the future, just in so far as motherhood becomes more and more a special privilege of those women in whom this instinct is strong, and who become mothers for the _only good reason_--that they love to have children of their own. i protest, then, against many critics, especially those who used to raise their now silent voices in opposition to the beginnings of the infant mortality campaign a few years ago, that we who criticize modern motherhood and find in its defects the causes of many and great evils, as we do, are asserting nothing whatever against the women of this day as compared with the women of former days, so far as their natural constitution is concerned; and if we criticize the results of bad education, that is mainly criticism of the blindness, the stupidity, and the carelessness of men, who are responsible for the parodies of education and the misdirection of ideals which have so grossly afflicted, and still afflict, childhood and girlhood in all civilized communities. yet, again, there is another misconception of the maternal instinct as it exists in our own species, which is still more serious in its results. the argument is that, not only does the maternal instinct exist, but it is a sure guide to its possessor, who therefore requires no instruction--least of all at the hands of men. a woman being a woman knows all about babies, a man being a man knows nothing. against this error the present writer has endeavoured to inveigh for many years past, and it is always retorted that insistence upon the ignorance of mothers is a very unwarrantable piece of discourtesy. it is nothing of the sort. native ignorance is the mark of intelligence. it is just because instinct in us has not the perfection of detail which it has in, say, the insects, that it is capable of that limitless modification which shows itself in educated intelligence, and all that educated intelligence has achieved and will yet achieve. it may be permitted to quote from a former statement of this point:--[ ] "the mother has only the maternal instinct in its essence. that could not be permitted to lapse by natural selection, since humanity could never have been evolved at all if women did not love babies. but of all details she is bereft. she has instead an immeasurably greater thing, intelligence, but whilst intelligence can learn everything it has everything to learn. subhuman instinct can learn nothing, but is perfect from the first within its impassable limits. it is this lapse of instinctive aptitude that constitutes the cardinal difficulty against which we are assembled. the mother cat not merely has a far less helpless young creature to succour, but she has a far superior inherent or instinctive equipment; she knows the best food for her kitten, she does not give it 'the same as we had ourselves'--as the human mother tells the coroner--but her own breast invariably. none of us can teach her anything as to washing her kitten, or keeping it warm. she can even play with it and so educate it, in so far as it needs education. there are mothers in all classes of the community who should be ashamed to look a tabby cat in the face." the human mother has instinctive love and the uninstructed intelligence which is the form, at once weak and incalculably strong, that instinct so largely assumes in mankind. this cardinal distinction between the human and all sub-human mothers is habitually ignored, it being assumed that the mother, as a mother, knows what is best for her child. but experience concurs with comparative psychology in showing that the human mother, just because she is human, intelligent, which means more than instinctive, does not know. this is the theory upon which all our practice is to be based, and upon which the need for it mainly depends. we must never forget the cardinal peculiarity of human motherhood, its absolute dependence upon education, needless for the cat, needed by the human mother in every particular, small and great, since she relies upon intelligence alone, which is only a potentiality and a possibility until it be educated. educate it, and the product transcends the cat, and not only the cat, but all other living things. as coleridge said-- "a mother is a mother still, the holiest thing alive." perhaps the foregoing will make it clear that to insist upon the natural ignorance of the human mother and upon the necessity for adding instruction to the maternal instinct, and even to make comparisons with the cat (which are, in point of fact, quite worth making, even though some women resent them) is in no way to depreciate or decry womanhood, but simply to demonstrate that it is human and not animal, suffering from the disabilities or necessities which are involved in the possession of the limitless possibilities of mankind. what, then, is it in our power to do; and how are we to do it? it may be argued that if the maternal instinct is a thing which cannot be made or acquired, our study of it has little relation to practice. but indeed it is eminently practical. for, in the first place, this priceless possession, this parental instinct and tenderness, is inheritable. we know by observation amongst ourselves that hardness and tenderness are to be found running through families--are things which are transmissible. let us, then, make parenthood the most responsible, the most deliberate, the most self-conscious thing in life, so that there shall be children born to those who love children, and only to those who love children, to those who have the parental instinct naturally strong, and who will, on the average, transmit a high measure of it to their offspring. in a generation bred on these principles--a generation consisting only of babies who were loved before they were born--there would be a proportion of sympathy, of tender feeling, and of all those great, abstract, world-creating passions which are evolved from the tender emotion, such as no age hitherto has seen. it was necessary to insert this eugenic paragraph because it expresses the central principle of all real reform, as fundamental and all-important as it is unknown to all political parties, and i fear to nearly all philanthropists as well. but, for the present, our immediate concern is the application, if such be possible, of our knowledge of the parental instinct to the education of girls. being indeed an instinct it can be neither made nor acquired, but, like every other factor of humanity that is given by inheritance, it depends upon the conditions in which it finds itself. education being the provision of an environment, there is no higher task for the educator than to provide the right environment for the maternal instinct in adolescence. we are to look upon it as at once delicate and ineradicable. these are adjectives which may seem incompatible, yet they may both be verified. any one will testify that, in a given environment, say that of high school or university or that of the worst types of what is called society, the maternal instinct may then and there, and for that period, become a nonentity in many a girl. hence we are entitled to say that it is delicate; much more delicate, for instance, than what we have agreed to call the racial instinct, which is far more imperious and by no means so easily to be suppressed. but, on the other hand, just because this is an instinct, part of the fundamental constitution, and not a something planted from without, it is ineradicable. i doubt whether even in the most abandoned female drunkard it would not be possible to find, when the right environment was provided, that the maternal instinct was still undestroyed. one is, of course, not speaking of that rare and aberrant variety of women in whom the instinct is naturally weak--naturally weak as distinguished from the atrophy induced by improper nurture. our business, then, having recognized, so to speak, the natural history of this instinct, and further, having come to realize its stupendous importance for the individual and the race, is to tend it assiduously as the very highest and most precious thing in the girls for whom we care. as educators we must seek to provide the environment in which this instinct can flourish. it is a good thing to be an elder sister, not merely because the girl has opportunities of learning the ways of babies and the details of their needs, but for a far deeper reason. babies do have very detailed and urgent needs, but these can be learnt without much difficulty, and, if necessary, at very short notice. more important is it for the whole development of the character and for the making of the worthiest womanhood that an elder sister is provided with an environment in which her maternal instinct can grow and grow in grace. much might be said on this head as to some of our present educational practices. the kind of educationist with whom no one would trust a poodle for half an hour may and does constantly assume, on a scale involving millions of children, from year to year, that all is well if the girl be taken from home and put into a school and made to learn by heart, or at any rate by rote, the rubbish with which our youth is fed even yet in the great name of education: though perchance whilst she is thus being injured in body and mind and character, she might at home be playing the little mother, helping to make the home a home, serving the highest interests of her parents, her younger brothers and sisters and herself at the same time--not to mention the unborn. such a protest as this, however, will be little heeded. there is no political party which cares about education or even wants to know in what it consists. the most persistent and clever and resourceful of those parties--of which, i fear, the fabian society is far too good to be representative--only half believes in the family, and is daily, and ever with more lamentable success, seeking to substitute for the home some collective device or other precisely as rational as that scheme of plato's whereby the babies were to be shuffled so that no mother should recognize her own baby, while the fathers, need it be said, were to be as gloriously irresponsible as under the schemes for the endowment of motherhood. "socialism intervenes between the children and the parents.... socialism in fact is the state family. the old family of the private individual must vanish before it, just as the old waterworks of private enterprise, or the old gas company. they are incompatible with it." thus mr. h. g. wells. whilst this sort of thing passes for thinking, it is a task that has little promise in it to demand a return to the study of human nature, and insist that only by obeying it can we command it, as bacon said of nature at large. meanwhile the madness proceeds apace; nursery-schools, wretched parody of the nursery, are advocated at length in even fabian tracts, and the writer who suggests that an elder sister may be receiving the highest kind of education in staying at home and helping her mother, would sound almost to himself like an echo from the dead past did he not know that neither a plato nor a million tons of moderns can walk through human nature or any other fact as if it were not there. whatever be our duty to the girl of the working-classes, no man can deny the importance of performing it aright. she will become the wife of the working-man. from her thus flows most of the birth-rate. if our education of her is wrong, it is a very great wrong for millions of individuals and for the whole of society. but let us look at the case of her more fortunate sister. the girl of the more fortunate classes is certain to be well cared for in the matter of air and food and light and exercise. we have already seen how this matter of exercise requires to be qualified and determined as for motherhood--that is, unless we desire most suicidally to educate all the most promising stocks of the nation out of existence. but now what do we owe to her in the matter of providing the right kind of intellectual, moral, spiritual, psychical environment? it is a pity to flounder with so many adjectives, but nearly all the available ones are forsworn and fail to express my meaning. let us, however, speak of the spiritual environment, seeking to free that word from all its lamentable associations of superstition and cant, and to associate it rather with a humanized kind of religion that deals with humanity as made by, living upon, and destined for, this earth, whatever unseen worlds there may or may not be to conquer. it is our business, then, to provide the spiritual environment in which the maternal instinct is favoured and seen to be supremely honourable. if in the "best" girls' schools ideas of marriage and babies are ridiculed, the sooner these schools be rubbed down again into the soil, the better. there is no need to substitute one form of cant for another, but it is possible--possible even though the head-mistress should be a spinster, for whom physical motherhood has not been and never will be--to incorporate in the very spirit of the school, as part of its public opinion, no less potent though its power be not consciously felt, the ideals of real and complete womanhood, which mean nothing less than the consecration of the individual to the future, and the belief that such consecration serves not only the future but also the highest satisfaction of her best self. if it were our present task to define and specify the details of a school in which girls should be educated for womanhood, for motherhood, and the future, it would not be difficult, i think, to show how the services of painting and sculpture, of poetry and prose, should be enlisted. a word or two of outline may be permitted. there is, for instance, a noble madonna of botticelli which is supremely great, not because of the skill of the painter's hand, nor yet the delicacy of his eye, but because of the spirit which they express. botticelli speaks across the centuries, and is none other than an earlier voice uttering the words of coleridge, teaching that a mother is the holiest thing alive. the master may or may not have perceived that the madonna was a symbol; that what he believed of one holy mother was worth believing just in so far as it serves to make all motherhood holy and all men servants thereof. the painter can scarcely have looked at his model and appreciated her fitness for his purpose without realizing that he was concerned with depicting a truth not local and unique, but universal and commonplace. whether or not the painter saw this, we have no excuse for not seeing it. copies of such a painting as this should be found in every girls' school throughout the world. girls learn drawing and painting at school, and these are amongst the numerous subjects on which the present writer is entitled to no technical or critical opinion. but he sometimes supposes that a painting is not necessarily the worse because it represents a noble thing, and that it may even be a worthier human occupation to portray the visage of a living man or woman than the play of light upon a dead wall or a dead partridge. it might even be argued by the wholly inexpert that if the business of art is with beauty, the art is higher, other things being equal, in proportion as the beauty it portrays is of a higher order. thus in the painting of women, the ignorant commentator sometimes asks himself in what supreme sense it was worth while for an artist to expend his powers upon the portrait of some society fool who could pay him twelve hundred pounds therefor; or in what supreme sense a painter can be called an artist who prefers such a task, and the flesh-pots, to the portrayal of womanhood at its highest. there are attributes of womanhood which directly serve human life, present and to come--attributes of vitality and faithfulness, attributes of body and bosom, of mind and of feeling, which it is within the power of the great artist to portray; and it is in worthily portraying the greatest things, and in this alone, that he transcends the status of the decorator. it is worth while also to refer here to sculpture; something can be taught by its means. the venus of milo is not only a great work of art; it is also a representation of the physiological ideal. its model was a woman eminently capable of motherhood. the corset is beyond question undesirable from every point of view, and it may be of service by means of such a statue as this to teach the girl's eye what are the right proportions of the body. she is constantly being faced with gross and preposterous perversions of the female figure as they are to be seen in the fashion plates of every feminine journal. it is as well that she should have opportunities of occasionally seeing something better. a note upon the corset may not be out of place here. we know that its use is of no small antiquity. we have lately come to learn that civilization stepped across to europe from asia, using crete as a stepping-stone; and in frescoes found in the palace of minos, at knossos, by dr. arthur evans, we find that the corset was employed to distort the female figure nearly four thousand years ago, as it is to-day. there must be some clue deep in human nature to the persistence of a custom which is in itself so absurd. those who have studied the work of such writers as westermarck, and who cannot but agree that on the whole he is right in the contention that each sex desires to accentuate the features of its sex, will be prepared to accept dr. havelock ellis's interpretation of the corset. by constricting the waist it accentuates the salience of the bosom and hips. this may simply be an expression of the desire to emphasize sex, but it may with still more insight be looked upon, as the latter writer has suggested, as the insertion of a claim to capacity for motherhood. this claim is of course unconscious, but nature does not always make us aware of the purposes which she exercises through us. now, though the corset serves to draw attention to certain factors of motherhood, in point of fact it is injurious to that end, and is on that highest of all grounds to be condemned. i return to the point that possibly the direct and formal condemnation of the corset may be in some cases less effective than the method, which must have some value for every girl, of placing before her eyes representations of the female figure, showing beauty and capacity for motherhood as completely fused because they are indeed one. constrain the girl to admit that that is as beautiful as can be, and then ask her what she thinks the corset applied to such a figure could possibly accomplish. surely the same principle applies to what the girl reads. some of us become more and more convinced that youth, being naturally more intelligent than maturity, prefers and requires more subtlety in its teaching. in addressing a meeting of men, say upon politics, a speaker's first business is to be crude. he has no chance whatever unless he is direct, unqualified, allowing nothing at all for any kind of intelligence or self-constructive faculty in the minds of his hearers. let any one recall the catchwords, styled watchwords, of politics during the last ten or twenty years, and he will see how men are to be convinced. but it is all very well to treat men as fools, provided that you do not say so--the case is different with young people, and certainly not less with girls than with boys. mr. kipling, in one of those earlier moments of insight that sometimes almost persuade us to pardon the brutality which year by year becomes more than ever the dominant note of his teaching, once told us of the discomfiture of a member of parliament, or person of that kind, who went to a boys' school to lecture about patriotism, and who unfurled a union jack amid the dead silence of the disgusted boys. he forgot that, for once, he was speaking to an intelligent audience, which demands something a little less crude than the kind of thing which wins elections and makes and unmakes governments and policies. there is certainly a lesson here for those who are entrusted with the supreme responsibility, so immeasurably more political than politics, of forming the girl's mind for her future destiny. suggestion is one of the most powerful things in the world, but we must not forget that inverted form of it which has been called contra-suggestion. we all know how the first shoots of religion are destroyed on all sides in young minds by contra-suggestion. crude, ill-timed, unsympathetic, excessive, religious teaching and religious exercises achieve, as scarcely anything else could, exactly the opposite of that which they seek to attain. thus it is not here proposed that we should take any course at home or at school which should have the result of making motherhood as nauseous to the girl's mind through contra-suggestion, as it easily could be made if we did not set to work upon judicious lines. if we are in any measure to gain, by means of books, our end of forming right ideals in the girl's mind, i am certain that we must not expect to accomplish much with the help of any but very great writers. we may very well doubt the substantial value for the purpose of anything written for the purpose. such books may be of value for the teacher; they may possibly be of value in disposing of curiosity that has become overweening or even morbid, but their value as preachments i much question. the kind of writing upon which the young girl's mind will be nourished in years to come is best represented by the lecture on "queens' gardens" in ruskin's "sesame and lilies," though in that magnificent and immortal piece of literature there is nowhere any direct allusion to motherhood as the natural ideal for girlhood. yet if only one girl in a hundred who read that lecture can be persuaded, in the beautiful phrase to be found there, that she was "born to be love visible," how excellent is the work that we shall have accomplished! a chapter might well be devoted entirely to the teaching of wordsworth regarding womanhood. we need scarcely remind ourselves that this great poet owed an immeasurable debt to his sister, and in lesser, though very substantial, degree to his wife and daughters. he has left an abundance of poetry which testifies directly and indirectly to these influences. this poetry is not only utterly lovely as poetry; at once sane and passionate, steadying and thrilling, but it is also not to be surpassed, i cannot but believe, as a means for rightly forming the ideals of girlhood. every year sees an inundation of new collections of poetry. the anthologist might do worse than collect from wordsworth a small, but precious and quintessential volume under some such title as "wordsworth and womanhood." one would do it oneself but that literary people of a certain school regard it as an impertinence that any one who believes in knowledge should intrude into their sphere. wordsworth, it is true, said that "poetry is the breath and finer spirit of all knowledge; it is the impassioned expression which is in the countenance of all science." but most literary people are so busy writing that they have no time to read, and they forget these sayings of the immortal dead. yet that is just a saying which directly bears upon the present contention. we must be very careful lest we insult and outrage girlhood with our physiology, not that physiology is either insolent or outrageous, but that girlhood is girlhood. it is the "breath and finer spirit" of our knowledge of sex and parenthood that we must seek to impart to her. poetry is its vehicle, and the time will come when we shall consciously use it for that great purpose. but we cannot expect the adolescent girl to be content even with ruskin and wordsworth. she must, of course, have fiction, and under this heading there is more or less accessible to her every possibility in the gamut of morality, from the teaching of such a book as "richard feverel" down to the excrement and sewage that defile the railway book-stalls to-day under the guise of "bold, reverent, and fearless handling of the great sex problems." the present writer is one of those old-fashioned enough to believe that it matters a great deal what young people read. we are all hygienists nowadays, and very particular as to what enters our children's mouths. but what is the value of these precautions if we relax our care as to what enters their minds? it is my misfortune to be scarcely acquainted at all with fiction, and i can presume to offer no detailed guidance in this matter. the name of mr. eden phillpotts must certainly be mentioned as foremost among those living writers who care for these things. in the eugenics education society it was at one time hoped to see the formation of a branch of fiction in the library which might form the nucleus of a catalogue, well worth disseminating if only it could be compiled, of fiction worthy the consumption of girlhood. perhaps it would hardly be necessary for the present writer to protest that the didactic, the unnaturally good, the well-meaning, the entirely amateur types of fiction, including those which ignore the facts of human nature, and, above all, those which decry instead of seeking to deify the natural, would find no place in this catalogue. it is possible, though i much doubt it, that there may be many books unknown to me of the order and quality of "richard feverel." at any rate, that represents in its perfection--save, perhaps, for the unnecessary tragedy of its close, which the illustrious author himself in conversation did not find it quite possible to defend--the type of novel whose teaching the eugenist and the maternalist must recommend for the nourishment of youth of both sexes. as has been already hinted, discourses on how to wash a baby are less in place here; and in the following chapter the argument will be set forth in detail that the sequence of the common schemes for the education of girlhood and womanhood is, in one essential respect, logically and practically erroneous. xiii choosing the fathers of the future we live in a social chaos of which the evolution into anything like a cosmos is scarcely more than incipient. in such a case the reformer has to do the best he may; in the only possible sense in which that phrase can be defended, he has to take the world as he finds it. heartless heads will of course be found to comment upon the logical error of his ways, to which his only reply is that, while they stand and comment, what can be done he now will do. in this whole matter of the care and culture of motherhood--which is, verily, the prime condition, too often forgotten, of the care and culture of childhood--we have to do what we can, when and as we can. we live in a society where mankind, held individually responsible for all other acts whatsoever, is held entirely irresponsible for the act of parenthood which, being more momentous than any other, ought to be held more responsible than any other. marriage, the precedent condition of most parenthood, is thus regarded as the concern of the individuals and the present. individuals and the present therefore decide what marriages shall occur; but by some obscure fatality which no one had thought of, the future appears upon the scene: and when it is actually present, or rather not only present but visible, the responsibility for it is recognized. we have not yet gone so far as to see that a girl may be a good mother, in the highest sense, in her choice of a mate. but as things are, it is agreed that we are to act like blind automata, as improvident and irresponsible as the lower fishes, until the actual birth of the future. the philosophic truth that the future is nascent in the present--a truth so genuinely philosophic that it is also practical--is still hidden from us, and thus we are faced, in town and country alike, with ignorant motherhood, set to the most difficult, responsible, and expert of tasks--the right nurture of babyhood; babyhood, a ridiculous subject for grown men, yet somehow the condition of them and all their doings. in this state of affairs, those who began the modern campaign against infant mortality, or rather that small section of them who were not to be beguiled by secondaries, such as poverty, alcoholism, and the like, set to work to remedy maternal ignorance. having been engaged in this campaign for many years, one is not likely to decry it now, nor is there any occasion to do so. the movement for the instruction of motherhood and for the instruction even of girls in the duties of actual motherhood, is now not only started but making real progress, and will assuredly prosper. but here our business is to think a little in front of action done and doing, and we shall very soon discover that there is more for public opinion yet to learn, while we may be very certain that this last lesson will be less easily learnt than the former was, for it is based upon evidence much less obvious. i have long maintained that the movement against infant mortality must precede in logic and in practice movements for the physical training of boys and girls, for the medical inspection and treatment of school children, and so forth. relatively to these i have always asserted that the right care of babies has the immense superiority that it means beginning at the beginning, but i have always denied that it means beginning at the absolute beginning, if such a phrase be permitted. given the world as it is, the conditions of marriage as they are, the economic position of woman, the power of prudery, and the conventional supposition that babies occur by providential dispensation, we must act as if we really made the assumption that human parenthood, until the moment of birth, is as irresponsible as any sequence of events in the atmosphere or the world of electrons. but we who are thinking in front for humanity must make no such assumption. we must look forward to and hasten the time when we can act upon the _true_ assumption, which is that the more the knowledge the greater the responsibility, and more especially that our knowledge of heredity, so far from abolishing human responsibility--as the enemies of knowledge declare--immeasurably extends and deepens it. in the present volume we are proceeding upon the true assumption, and therefore in the study of womanhood we must now proceed, in defiance of conventional assumptions, to study the responsibility and duties of motherhood _as they exist for maidenhood_. to this end, it will be necessary that we remind ourselves of certain great biological facts which are of immense significance for mankind, and are doubtless indeed more important in their bearing upon ourselves than upon any other living species. the first of these is the fact of heredity; the second the fact that hereditary endowment, whether for good or for evil, or, as is the rule, both for good and for evil, goes vastly further than any one has until lately realized, in determining individual destiny. these are amongst the first principles of eugenics or race culture, and as they have been discussed at length elsewhere, one may here take them for granted. scarcely less important is the fact that the conditions of mating in the sub-human world--conditions which beyond dispute make for the continuance, the vigour, the efficiency, and therefore the happiness of the species--are largely modified amongst ourselves in consequence of certain human facts which have no sub-human parallel. the parallels and the divergences between the two cases are both alike of the utmost significance, and cannot be too carefully studied. it will here be possible, of course, merely to look at them as briefly as is compatible with the making of a right approach to the subject now before us, which is the girl's choice of a husband. but in right priority to the question of choice, we may for convenience discuss first the marriage age. the choice at one age may not be the choice at another, and in any case the question of the marriage age is so important for the individual woman, and so immensely effective in determining the composition of any society, that we cannot study it too carefully. xiv the marriage age for girls let us clearly understand, in the first place, that in this chapter we discuss principles and averages, and that, supposing our conclusions be accepted as true, they cannot for a moment be quoted as decisive in their bearing upon special cases. the impartial reader will not suppose that such folly is contemplated, but those who discuss and advocate new views very soon learn that many readers are not impartial, and that for one cause or another they do not fail of misrepresentation. this is not a case, then, of "science laying down the law," and ordering this individual to marry at this age, and that not to marry at another; and yet though this rigorous individual application of our principles is absurd, they are none the less worth formulating, if it be possible. the question before us is very far from simple: it is not in the nature of human problems to be simple, the individual and society being so immeasurably complex. we have to consider far more points than occur on first inspection. we have to ascertain when the average woman becomes fit for marriage. but we must remember that we are dealing with marriage under the conditions imposed by law and public opinion. therefore, fit for mating and fit for marriage are not synonymous, and to ascertain the age of physiological fitness for mating, though an important contribution to our problem, is not the solution of it. we have further to consider how the taste and inclination of the individual vary in the course of her development. we have to ask ourselves at what age in general she is likely to make that choice which her maturity and middle age will ratify rather than for ever regret. we have to consider the relations of different ages to motherhood, both as regards the quality of the children born, and as regards their probable number under natural conditions. these are questions which certainly affect the individual's happiness profoundly, and yet that is the least of their significance. again, we have to observe how the constitution of society varies as regards the age of its members, according as marriage be early or late. in the former case more generations are alive at the same time, and in the latter case fewer. the increasing age at marriage would have more conspicuous results in this respect if it were not for the great increase in longevity; so that, though the generations are becoming more spread out, we may have as many representatives of different generations alive at the same time as there used to be; but of course there is the great difference that society is older as a whole. this is a fact which in itself must affect the doings and the prospects of civilization. an assemblage of people in the twenties will not behave in the same way as those in the forties. the probable effect must be towards conservatism, and increasing rigidity. it is a question to be asked by the historian of civilization how far these considerations bear upon the history of past empires. another and most notable result of the modified relation between the generations which ensues from increasing the age at marriage, is that the parents, under the newer conditions, must necessarily be, on the average, psychologically further from their children. the man who first becomes a father at twenty-five, shall we say, may well expect still to have something of the boy in him at thirty, especially as children keep us young. he is thus a companion for his child and his child for him. the same is true of women. it is good that a woman who still has something of girlhood in her should become a mother. when the marriage age is much delayed, people of both sexes tend to grow old more quickly than if they had children to keep them young, and then when the children come the psychological disparity is greater than it ought to be--greater than is best either for parents or children. before we consider the question of individual development, let us note the general trend of the marriage age. there is no doubt that this is progressively towards a delay in marriage. we have only to study the facts amongst primitive races, and in low forms of civilization, to see that increase in civilization involves, amongst other things, increasing age at marriage. in his book, "the nature of man," professor metchnikoff quotes some statistics, now very nearly fifty years old, showing the age at first marriage in various european countries. the figure for england was nearly for males and . for females; in france, norway, holland, and belgium the figures for both sexes were considerably higher, the average age in belgium being very nearly for men and more than for women. in england the age has been rising for many years past, and probably stands now at about for men and for women. it need hardly be pointed out that this increase in the age of marriage is one of the factors in the fall of the birth-rate, which is general throughout the leading countries of the world, proceeding now with great rapidity even in germany. on the whole, it is further true that the marriage age rises as we ascend from lower to higher classes within a given civilization, though a very select class among the wealthy offer an exception to this. now nothing is more familiar to us all than that there is a disharmony, as professor metchnikoff puts it, between these ages for marriage and the age at which the development of the racial instinct is unmistakable and parenthood is indeed possible. the tendency of civilization is to increase this disharmony, and it is impossible to believe that this tendency can be healthy either for the civilization or for the individual. still concerning ourselves with the more general aspects of the question, let it be observed that, as regards men, this unnatural delay of marriage very frequently brings consequences which, bearing hardly on themselves, later bear not less hardly on hapless womanhood. the later the age to which marriage is delayed, the more are men handicapped in their constant struggle to control the racial instinct under the unnatural conditions in which they find themselves. the great majority of men fail in this unequal fight, and of those who fail an enormous number become infected by disease, with which, when they marry, they infect their wives, sometimes killing them, often causing them lifelong illness, often destroying for ever their chances of motherhood, or making motherhood a horror by the production of children that are an offence against the sun. these are facts known to all who have looked into the matter, but there is no such thing as decent public opinion on the subject, and the author or speaker who dares to allude to them takes his means of living, if not his life, into his hands. no doubt men are largely responsible themselves for the rising marriage age, but women are also responsible in some measure. this must mean on the whole an injury to themselves as individuals, to their sex, and to society. both sexes demand a higher standard of living; the man spends enough in alcohol and tobacco, as a rule, to support one or two children, and then says he is too poor to marry. there is everything to be said for the doctrine that people should be provident, and should bring no more children into the world than they are able to support; but before we accept this plea in any particular case, we should first inquire how the available income is being spent. at present, every indication goes to show that we are following in the track of all our predecessors, spending upon individual indulgence that which ought to be dedicated to the future, and thereby compromising the worth or the possibility of any future at all. in the light of these considerations and many more, some of which we shall later consider, i deplore and protest against with all my heart, as blind, ignorant, and destructive, the counsel of those women, some of them conspicuous advocates of the cause of woman's suffrage--in which i nevertheless believe--who advise women to delay in marriage, or who publish opinions throwing contempt upon marriage altogether. later, we must deal in detail with marriage; here we are only concerned with the marriage age. it will then be argued that the conditions of marriage must sooner or later be modified in so far as they are at present inacceptable to a certain number of women of the highest type. this may be granted without in any degree accepting the deplorable teaching of such writers as miss cicely hamilton, in her book entitled "marriage as a trade." every individual case requires individual consideration, and no less than any individual case ever yet received. but in general those women who counsel the delay of the marriage age are opposing the facts of feminine development and psychology. they are indirectly encouraging male immorality and female prostitution, with their appalling consequences for those directly concerned, for hosts of absolutely innocent women, and for the unborn. further, those who suppose that the granting of the vote is going to effect radical and fundamental changes in the facts of biology, the development of instinct, and its significance in human action, are fools of the very blindest kind. some of us find that it needs constant self-chastening and bracing up of the judgment to retain our belief in the cause of woman's suffrage, of the justice and desirability of which we are convinced, assaulted as we almost daily are by the unnatural, unfeminine, almost inhuman blindness of many of its advocates. we have constantly to remind ourselves that our immediate concern and duty are not with the world as it might be, or ought to be, or will be, but with the world as it is. there are many good arguments, admirably adapted to an imaginary world, why the marriage age should be increased. but these forget the possible, nay the inevitable, consequences, if such an increase show itself in one nation and not in another, in one class of society and not in another. it is a good thing, and it is the ideal of the eugenist, as i ventured to formulate some years ago, that every child who comes into the world should be desired, designed, and loved in anticipation. but if in france, shall we say, such a tendency begins to obtain a generation earlier than it does in germany, there will come to be a disparity of population which, continuing, must inevitably mean sooner or later the disappearance of france. or again, difference in the marriage age in different classes within a given community has very notable consequences, as sir francis galton showed in his book, "hereditary genius," and later, in more detail, in his "inquiries into human faculty." he shows that, other things being equal, the earlier marrying class or group will in a few generations breed down the others and completely supplant them. if the natural quality of the one class differ from that of the other, the ultimate consequences will be tremendous. it has been proved up to the hilt that in great britain these differences in marriage in different classes exist, and that, on the whole, the marriage age varies directly as the means of support for the children, to say nothing of natural and transmissible differences in different classes. one can only, therefore, repeat what was said some time ago in contribution to a public discussion on this subject that, "considering the present distribution of the birth-rate, nothing strikes a more direct blow at the future of england than that which tends to increase the marriage age of the responsible, careful, and provident amongst us whilst the improvident and careless multiply as they do." let us now consider another possible factor in this question, and then we must proceed to look at the individual woman as the question of the marriage age affects her. _the marriage age and the quality of the children._--both from the point of view of the race and from that of the individual who desires happy parenthood it is necessary to learn, if possible, how the age of the parents affects the quality of their offspring. if motherhood is to be a joy and a blessing, the children must be such as bring joy and blessing. my provisional judgment on this matter is that we are at present without anything like conclusive evidence proving that the age of the parents affects the quality of their children. let us look at some of the arguments which have been advanced. the school of biometricians, represented most conspicuously in latter years by professor karl pearson, have desired us to accept certain conclusions which are singularly incompatible with the opinion of their illustrious founder, sir francis galton, in favour of early marriages among those of sound stock. by their special procedure, as rigorously critical in the statistical treatment of _data_ as it is sweetly simple in its innocent assumption that all _data_ are of equal value, they have proposed to show that the elder members of a family are further removed from the normal, average, or mean type than the younger members. this, according to them, may sometimes work out in the production of great ability or genius in the eldest or elder members, but oftener still shows itself in highly undesirable characters, whether of mind or of body, the latter often leading to premature decease. there is hence inferred a powerful argument against the limitation of families, which means a disproportionate increase amongst the aberrant members of the population. this argument really offers as good an example as can be desired of the almost unimaginable ease with which these skilful mathematicians allow themselves to be confused. their inquiry has ignored the age of the parents at marriage--or, better still, at the births of their respective children--and has assumed that the number of the family was the all-important point: a good example of that idolatry of number as number which is the "freak religion" of the biometrician. supposing that the conclusion reached by this method be a true one--which it would need more credulity than i possess to assert--we must conclude that, somehow, primogeniture, as such, affects the quality of the offspring, and, on the other hand, that to be born fifth or tenth or fifteenth involves certain personal consequences of a special kind. evidently we here approach less sophisticated forms of number-worship, as that which attached a superstitious meaning to the seventh son of a seventh son. it seems, therefore, necessary to point out--surprising though the necessity be--that, if the biometrical conclusion be valid, what it demonstrates must surely be not the occult working of certain changes in the germ-plasm, for instance, of a father, because a certain number of his germ-cells, after separation from his body, have gone to form new individuals (changes which would not have occurred if those germ-cells had perished!), but rather a correlation between the _age_ of the parents and the quality of their offspring. how cleverly the biometricians have involved one muddle within another will be evident not only from considering the evident absurdity of supposing--as their argument, analyzed, necessarily supposes--that a man's body can be affected by the diverse fates of germ-cells that have left it, but also when we observe that one of the commonest and most obvious causes of the reduction in the size of families is the increasing age at marriage of both sexes. two persons may thus marry and become parents at the age of say thirty, their child ranking as first-born, of course, in the biometricians' tables; but had they married ten years sooner, a child born when the parents were thirty might rank as the tenth child, and would be so reckoned by the biometricians. one does not need to be a biologist to perceive that conclusions based upon assumptions so uncritical are worth nothing at all, and it is tempting to suggest that the biometricians are so called, on a principle long famous, because they measure everything but life. it is plainly unnecessary, therefore, for us to trouble about collecting the innumerable instances where children late in the family sequence have turned out to be illustrious, or have proved to be idiots. it is unnecessary because the most obvious criticism of the contention before us disposes of the proof upon which it is sought to be based. nevertheless, of course, though the particular contention about the size of the family must necessarily be meaningless, unless, as is so very improbable, it should be shown some day that the bearing of children affects the maternal organism in some way so as to cause subsequent children to approximate ever nearer to the type of the race; yet it is quite conceivable, though quite unproved, that the age of the parents involves changes in the body which affect, for good or for evil, either the construction or the general vigour of the germ-cells. as to this nothing is known, but a great weight of evidence suggests that little importance, if any, can be attached to this question. women marrying at forty or more may give birth to splendid specimens of humanity or to indifferent ones, and the same may be said of the girl of seventeen, though as to this more must be said. similarly, also, it is impossible to make any general contrasts between the offspring of fathers of eighteen or fathers of eighty. correlations may exist, but we know nothing of them yet. our conclusion then is that, with regard to the quality of the children of any given mother, we cannot say that she should marry at any particular age, within limits, rather than another. on the other hand, it is evident that if she be highly worthy of motherhood we shall desire her to have a large family, and therefore must encourage her early marriage, as the late sir francis galton so long maintained. _physical fitness for marriage._--we must carefully distinguish between the question we have just been discussing and that of the marriage age from the mother's point of view. we shall find that the best age for marriage, so far as this question is concerned, is neither puberty, on the one hand, nor the average marriage age amongst civilized women, on the other hand. if things were as we should like them to be, there would be a harmony between the occurrence of puberty and fitness for marriage. but there can be no question that the goal of evolution, which is perfect adaptation, has not yet been attained by mankind, and indeed reason can be given to show that the goal recedes as we advance towards it. the practice of lower races, amongst whom the girls often marry at puberty or before it, is much less injurious to the individual and the race than we might suppose; but the harmony between the maternal body and the maternal function is much less imperfect in lower races of mankind than it is among ourselves. just as we find that, among the lower animals, the phenomena of motherhood are simple, easy, and almost painless, so we find that, though owing to the erect attitude, as much cannot be said for human beings anywhere, yet these phenomena are far less severe among the lower races of mankind than among ourselves. the reason is to be found in the astonishing progressive increase in the size of the human head in the higher races. the large size of the head in adult life is foreshadowed in its size at birth, and this it is which constitutes the _crux_ of motherhood among the higher races. it is undoubtedly true that the maternal body, by a process of natural selection, has been evolved in the direction of better correspondence with, and capacity for, that enlarged head of which civilization is the product. but at the present stage in evolution the great function of giving birth to a human being of high race--more especially to a boy of such a race--is graver, more prolonged, and more hazardous than the maternal function has ever been before. the gravity of the process has increased proportionately with the worth of the product. there are yet further consequences of the development which will convince us how important it is that we should come to right conclusions regarding the physical fitness of girls for marriage. even to-day, when the work of lord lister has been done, and when maternity hospitals--far more dangerous than a battlefield less than two generations ago--can show records from year to year without the loss of a single mother, the fact remains that several thousands of women in great britain alone lose their lives every year in the discharge of their supreme duty. it is also the case that large numbers of infants lose their lives during, or shortly after, birth, owing to causes inherent in the conditions of birth, and practically beyond any but the most expert control. in many cases no skill will save the child. a considerable preponderance of the victims are of the male sex, so that there is thus early begun that process of higher male mortality, which is the chief cause of the female preponderance that is so injurious to womanhood and to society. there are thus many and weighty reasons, individual and social--reasons in the present generation and in the next--which conduce to the importance of discovering the best age for marriage from the physical point of view. we may probably accept the long-standing figures of dr. matthews duncan, one of edinburgh's many famous obstetricians, who found that the mortality rate in childbirth, or as a consequence of it, was lowest among women from twenty to twenty-four years of age. therefore it may safely be said that, on the average, and looking at the question, for the present, solely from this point of view, a girl of twenty-one to twenty-two is by no means too young to marry. of course it would be monstrously absurd to take such a statement as this and regard it as conclusive, even had it been communicated from on high, for any particular case; but as an average statement it may be confidently put forward. at this age, the all-important bones of the pelvis have reached all the development of which they are capable. this may be accepted, notwithstanding the fact that, especially in men, the growth of the long bones of the limbs continues to a considerably later age. women reach maturity sooner than men, and the pelvis reaches its full capacity at the age stated. obstetricians know further that if motherhood be begun at a considerably later date, there is less local adaptability than when the bones and ligaments are younger. the point lies in the date of the beginning of motherhood, for this is in general a conspicuous instance of the adage that the first step is the most costly.[ ] _psychical fitness for marriage._--at the beginning of this chapter it was insisted that we must carefully distinguish between physical or physiological fitness for mating and complete fitness for marriage--which, though it includes mating, is vastly more. few will question the proposition that physical fitness for marriage is reached only some years after puberty; so complete psychical fitness for marriage may well be later still. we should thus have a second disharmony superposed upon the first. but, instead, when we look round us, we may often be inclined to ask whether, for many girls and women, the age of psychical fitness for marriage is ever reached at all; and we have to ask ourselves how far this delay or indefinite postponement of such fitness is due to natural conditions, or how far it is due to the fact that we bring up our girls to be, for instance, sideboard ornaments, as ruskin said a generation ago. i believe that this disparity between the age of physical fitness for marriage and the attainment of that outlook upon life and its duties, without which marriage must be so perilous, is one of the most important practical problems of our time, and that its solution is to be found in the principle of education for parenthood, which we have already considered at such length. it is a most serious matter that marriage should be delayed as it is beyond the best age for the commencement of motherhood; it is injurious to the individual and her motherhood, and whether delay occurs, as it does, disproportionately in different cases, or disproportionately within a nation, in the different classes of which it is composed, the consequences, as we have seen, are of the most stupendous possible kind. yet observe what a difficulty we are faced with. perceiving the injurious consequences of delay in marriage--consequences which, as we have seen, if considered only as they show themselves in the most horrible department of pathology, would be sufficient to demand the most urgent consideration--we may almost feel inclined to agree with the utterly blind and deplorable doctrine too common amongst parents and schoolmistresses, who should know so much better, that it is good to see the young things falling in love, and that the sooner they are married the better. every one whose eyes are open knows how often the consequences of such teaching and practice are disastrous; and if there is anything which we should discourage in our present study, it is that marriage in haste and repentance at leisure to which these blind guides so often lead their blind victims. very different, however, will the case be when the victims are no longer blind. the condemnation of their blind guides at the present time is not that they regard it as right and healthy that young people should mate in their early twenties, but it is that by every means in their power, positive and negative, these blind guides have striven to prevent the light from reaching their victim's eyes. the day is coming, however, when the principles of education for parenthood--for which, if for anything, this book is a plea--will be accepted and practised, and then the case will be very different. convinced though i certainly am of the vast importance of nature or heredity in the human constitution, i am not one of those eugenists who, to the grave injury of their cause, declare that there are no such things as nurture and education, in that they effect nothing; nor do i believe it in any way inherently necessary that perhaps ten years after puberty a girl should still be irresponsible in those matters which, incomparably beyond all others, demand responsibility; or incapable, with wise help or even without it, of guiding her course aright. it is we, as i repeat for the thousandth time, who are to blame, for our deliberate, systematic, and disastrous folly in scrupulously excluding from her education that for which the whole of education, of any other kind, should be regarded as the preparation. no one can attach more than its due importance to woman's function of choosing the fathers of the future; rejecting the unworthy and selecting the worthy for this greatest of human duties. it would be a most serious difficulty for those who hold such a creed if it were that a girl's taste and judgment could be trusted, if at all, only some years after she had reached physical maturity for motherhood. it may be that in the present conditions of girls' education, such right direction of this choice as occurs, is just as likely to occur at the earlier age as at any later one, when indeed it may happen that considerations more worldly and prudential, less generally natural and eugenic, may come to have greater weight. one can, therefore, only leave it to the reader's consideration whether it is not high time that we should so seek to prepare the girl's mind, that when her body is ready for marriage her mind may, if possible, be ready also to guide her towards a worthy choice which the whole of her future life may ratify, and the life of her descendants thereafter. it must be insisted again that this question has many ramifications, and that not the least important of them are those which concern themselves with the kinds of disease already referred to. some enemy of god and man once invented a phrase about the desirability of young men sowing their wild oats, and subsequent enemies of life and the good and progress, or perhaps mere fools, animated gramophones of a cheap pattern, have repeated and still propagate that doctrine. it is poisonous to its core; it never did any one any good, and has done incalculable harm. it has blinded the eyes of hundreds of thousands of babies; it has brought hundreds of thousands more rotten into the world. hosts of dead men, women, and children are its victims. it is indeed good that a man should be a man, and not a worm on stilts; it is indeed good that women should prefer men to be men, and that as soon as possible they should cease to accept in marriage the feeble, the cowardly, the echoers, and the sheep. but this is a very different thing from asserting that it is good for young men, before marriage, to adopt a standard of morality which would be thought shameful beyond words in their sisters, and which has all the horrible consequences that have been alluded to, and many more. now, vicious though the wild oats doctrine be in itself and in its consequences, we have to grant that there is little need of it, for young manhood needs the insertion of no doctrines from without to encourage it towards the satisfaction of what are in themselves natural and healthy tendencies. our right procedure therefore should be--notwithstanding the unhealthy tendency of high civilization in this respect, and notwithstanding the terrible folly, traitorous to their sex, of those women who decry marriage, and seek to delay it--to prepare girlhood and public opinion, and even to modify, so far as may be necessary, economic conditions, in order that the girls who are worthy to marry at all shall do so at the right age, and shall join themselves for life with rightly chosen men. one more point may be conveniently considered here, though it is not strictly a matter of the marriage age for girls. the point is as to the most generally desirable age relation between husband and wife. here, again, we must remind ourselves that it is impossible to lay down the law for any case, and that that is not what we are now attempting to do. as every one knows, there is an average disparity of some few years in the ages of husband and wife. this may be referred probably to economic conditions in part, and also to the fact that girlhood becomes womanhood at a somewhat earlier age than boyhood becomes manhood. the girl is more precocious. thus though she be twenty and her husband twenty-three, she is as mature. it is probable that the economic tendencies of the day are in the direction of increasing this disparity, since more is demanded of the man in the material sense, and he therefore must delay. some authorities consider that seniority of six or eight years on the part of the husband constitutes the desirable average. but there are considerations commonly ignored that should qualify this opinion in my judgment. it is not that science has any information regarding the consequence upon the sex or quality of offspring of any one age ratio in marriage rather than another. on subjects like this wild statements are incessantly being made, and we are often told that certain consequences in offspring follow when the husband is older than the wife, and others when he is younger, and so forth. as to this, nothing is known, and it is improbable that there is anything to know. but it has usually been forgotten, so far as i am aware, that the disparity of age has a very marked and real consequence, which is, in its turn, the cause of many more consequences. we have seen that the male death-rate is higher than the female death-rate. at all ages, whether before birth or after it, the male expectation of life is less than the female. this is more conspicuously true than ever now that the work of lord lister, based upon that of pasteur, has so enormously lowered the mortality in childbirth. even now that mortality is falling, and will rapidly fall for some time to come, still further increasing the female advantage in expectation of life; the more especially this applies to married women. if now, this being the natural fact, we have most husbands older than their wives, it follows that in a great preponderance of cases the husband will die first; and so we have produced the phenomenon of widowhood. the greater the seniority of the husband, the more widowhood will there be in a society. every economic tendency, every demand for a higher standard of life, every aggravation for the struggle for existence, every increment of the burden of the defective-minded, tending to increase the man's age at marriage, which, on the whole, involves also increasing his seniority--contributes to the amount of widowhood in a nation. we therefore see that, as might have been expected, this question of the age ratio in marriage, though first to be considered from the average point of view of the girl, has a far wider social significance. first, for herself, the greater her husband's seniority, the greater are her chances of widowhood, which is in any case the destiny of an enormous preponderance of married women. but further, the existence of widowhood is a fact of great social importance because it so often means unaided motherhood, and because, even when it does not, the abominable economic position of woman in modern society bears hardly upon her. it is not necessary to pursue this subject further at the present time. but it is well to insist that this seniority of the husband has remoter consequences far too important to be so commonly overlooked. chapter xv the first necessity at this stage in our discussion it is necessary to consider a subject which ought rightly to come foremost in the provident study of the facts that precede marriage--a subject which craven fear and ignorance combine to keep out of sight, yet which must now see the light of day. for the writer would be false to his task, and guilty of a mere amateur trifling with the subject, who should spend page after page in discussing the choice of marriage, the best age for marriage, and so forth, without declaring that as an absolutely essential preliminary it is necessary that the girl who mates shall at least, whatever else be or be not possible, mate with a man who is free from gross and foul disease. the two forms of disease to which we must refer are appalling in their consequences, both for the individual and the future. in technical language they are called contagious; meaning that the infection is conveyed not through the air as, say, in the case of measles or small-pox, but by means of contact with some infected surface--it may be a lip in the act of kissing, a cup in drinking, a towel in washing, and so forth. of both these terrible diseases this is true. they therefore rank, like leprosy, as amongst the most eminently preventable diseases. leprosy has in consequence been completely exterminated in england, but though venereal disease--the name of the two contagions considered together--diminishes, it is still abundant everywhere and in all classes of society. here regarding it only from the point of view of the girl who is about to mate, i declare with all the force of which i am capable that, many and daily as are the abominations for which posterity will hold us up to execration, there is none more abominable in its immediate and remote consequences, none less capable of apology than the daily destruction of healthy and happy womanhood, whether in marriage or outside it, by means of these diseases. at all times this is horrible, and it is more especially horrible when the helpless victim is destroyed with the blessing of the church and the state, parents and friends; everyone of whom should ever after go in sackcloth and ashes for being privy to such a deed. the present writer, for one, being a private individual, the servant of the public, and responsible to no body smaller than the public, has long declined and will continue to decline to join the hateful conspiracy of silence, in virtue of which these daily horrors lie at the door of the most honoured and respected individuals and professions in the community. more especially at the doors of the church and the medical profession there lies the burden of shame that, as great organized bodies having vast power, they should concern themselves, as they daily do, with their own interests and honour, without realizing that where things like these are permitted by their silence, their honour is smirched beyond repair in whatever eyes there be that regard. i propose therefore to say in this chapter that which at the least cannot but have the effect of saving at any rate a few girls somewhere throughout the english-speaking world from one or other or both of these diseases, and their consequences. let those only who have ever saved a single human being from either syphilis or gonorrh[oe]a dare to utter a word against the plain speaking which may save one woman now. the task may be much lightened by referring the reader to a play by the bravest and wisest of modern dramatists, m. brieux, more especially because the reader of "les avariés" will be enabled to see the sequence of causation in its entirety. when first our attention is called to these evils, we are apt to blame the individuals concerned. the parents of youths, finding their sons infected, will blame neither their guilty selves nor their sons, but those who tempted them. it is constantly forgotten that the unfortunate woman who infected the boy was herself first infected by a man. either she was betrayed by an individual blackguard, or our appalling carelessness regarding girlhood, and the economic conditions which, for the glory of god and man, simultaneously maintain park lane and prostitution, forced her into the circumstances which brought infection. but she was once as harmless and innocent as the girl child of any reader of this book; and it was man who first destroyed her and made her the instrument of further destruction. ask how this came to be so, and the answer is that he in his turn was infected by some woman. it is time, then, that we ceased to blame youth of either sex, and laid the onus where it lies--upon the shoulders of older people, and more especially upon those who by education and profession, or by the functions they have undertaken, such as parenthood, ought to know the facts and ought to act upon their knowledge. it is necessary to proceed, therefore: though perfectly aware that in many ways this chapter will have to be paid for by the writer: that he has yet to meet the eye of his publisher; that there will be abundance of abuse from those "whose sails were never to the tempest given": but aware also that in time to come those few who dared speak and take their chance in this matter, whether remembered or not, will have been the pioneers in reforming an abuse which daily makes daylight hideous. he who does betray the future for fear of the present should tread timidly upon his mother earth lest he awake her to gape and bury her treacherous son. something is known by the general public of the individual consequences of syphilis. it is known by many, also, that there is such a thing as hereditary syphilis--babies being born alive but rotted through for life. further, it is not at all generally known, though the fact is established, that of the comparatively few survivors to adult life from amongst such babies, some may transmit the disease even to the third generation. there is a school of so-called moralists who regard all this as the legitimate and providential punishment for vice, even though ten innocent be destroyed for one guilty. such moralists, more loathsome than syphilis itself, may be left in the gathering gloom to the company of their ghastly creed. love and man and woman are going forward to the dawn, and if they inherit from the past no god that is fit to be their companion, they and the divine within them will not lose heart. the public knowledge of syphilis, though far short of the truth, is not merely so inadequate as that of gonorrh[oe]a. "no worse than a bad cold" is the kind of lie with which youth is fooled. the disease may sometimes be little worse than a bad cold in men, though very often it is far more serious; it may kill, may cause lasting damage to the coverings of the heart and to the joints, and often may prevent all possibility of future fatherhood. these evils sink almost into insignificance when compared with the far graver consequences of gonorrh[oe]a in woman. our knowledge of this subject is comparatively recent, being necessarily based upon the discovery of the microbe that causes the disease. now that it can be identified, we learn that a vast proportion of the illnesses and disorders peculiar to women have this cause, and it constantly leads to the operations, now daily carried out in all parts of the world, which involve opening the body, and all that that may entail. curable in its early stages in men, gonorrh[oe]a is scarcely curable in women except by means of a grave abdominal operation, involving much risk to life and only to be undertaken after much suffering has failed to be met by less drastic means. the various consequences of gonorrh[oe]a in other parts of the body may and do occur in women as in men. perhaps the most characteristic consequence of the disease in both sexes is sterility; this being much more conspicuously the case in women, and being the more cruel in their case. of course large numbers of women are infected with these diseases before marriage and apart from it, but one or both of them constitute the most important of the bridegroom's wedding presents, in countless cases every year, all over the world. the unfortunate bride falls ill after marriage; she may be speedily cured; very often she is ill for life, though major surgery may relieve her; and in a large number of cases she goes forever without children. one need scarcely refer to the remoter consequences of syphilis to the nervous system, including such diseases as locomotor ataxia, and general paralysis of the insane; the latter of which is known to be increasing amongst women. even in these few words, which convey to the layman no idea whatever of the pains and horrors, the shocking erosion of beauty, the deformities, the insanities, incurable blindness of infants, and so forth, that follow these diseases, enough will yet have been said to indicate the importance of what is to follow. medical works abound in every civilized language which, especially as illustrated either by large masses of figures or by photographs of cases, will far more than justify to the reader everything that has been said. and now for the whole point of this chapter. we are not here concerned to deal with prostitution or its possible control. we are dealing with girlhood before marriage and in relation to marriage, and the plea is goethe's--for _more light_. there is no need to horrify or scandalize or disgust young womanhood, but it is perfectly possible in the right way and at the right time to give instruction as to certain facts, and whilst quite admitting that there are hosts of other things which we must desire to teach, i maintain that this also must we do and not leave the others undone. it is untrue that it is necessary to excite morbid curiosity, that there is the slightest occasion to give nauseous or suggestive details, or that the most scrupulous reticence in handling the matter is incompatible with complete efficiency. such assertions will certainly be made by those who have done nothing, never will do anything, and desire that nothing shall be done; they are nothing, let them be treated as nothing. it is supposed by some that instruction in these matters must be useless because, in point of fact, imperious instincts will have their way. it is nonsense. here, as in so many other cases, the words of burke are true--fear is the mother of safety. it is always the tempter's business to suggest to his victim that there is no danger. often and often, if convinced there is danger, and danger of another kind than any he refers to, she will be saved. this may be less true of young men. in them the racial instinct is stronger, and perhaps a smaller number will be protected by fear, but no one can seriously doubt that the fear born of knowledge would certainly protect many young women. there is also the possible criticism, made by a school of moralists for whom i have nothing but contempt so entire that i will not attempt to disguise it, who maintain that these are unworthy motives to which to appeal, and that the good act or the refraining from an evil one, effected by means of fear, is of no value to god. in the same breath, however, these moralists will preach the doctrine of hell. we reply that we merely substitute for their doctrine of hell--which used to be somewhere under the earth, but is now who knows where--the doctrine of a hell upon the earth, which we wish youth of both sexes to fear; and that if the life of this world, both present and to come, be thereby served, we bow the knee to no deity whom that service does not please. how then should we proceed? it seems to me that instruction in this matter may well be delayed until the danger is near at hand. this is not really education for parenthood in the more general sense. that, on the principles of this book, can scarcely begin too soon; it is, further, something vastly more than mere instruction, though instruction is one of its instruments. but here what we require is simply definite instruction to a definite end and in relation to a definite danger. at some stage or other, before emerging into danger, youth of both sexes must learn the elements of the physiology of sex, and must be made acquainted with the existence and the possible results of venereal disease. a father or a teacher may very likely find it almost impossible to speak to a boy; even though he has screwed his courage up almost to the sticking place, the boy's bright and innocent eyes disarm him. unfortunately boys are often less innocent than they look. there exists far more information among youth of both sexes than we suppose; only it is all coloured by pernicious and dangerous elements, the fruit of our cowardice and neglect. let us confine ourselves to the case of the girl. before a girl of the more fortunate classes goes out into society, she must be protected in some way or another. if she be, for instance, convent bred, or if she come from an ideal home, it may very well be and often is that she needs no instruction whatever, because she is in fact already made unapproachable by the tempter. fortunate indeed is such a girl. but those forming this well-guarded class are few, and parents and guardians may often be deceived and assume more than they are entitled to. at any rate, for the vast majority of girls some positive instruction is necessary. it is the mother who must undertake this responsible and difficult task before she admits the girl to the perils of the world. further, by some means or other, instruction must be afforded for the ever-increasing army of girls who go out to business. it is to me a never ceasing marvel that loving parents, devoted to their daughters' welfare, should fail in this cardinal and critical point of duty, so constantly as they do. many employers of female labour nowadays show a genuine and effective interest in the welfare of their employees. as one might expect, this is notably the case with the quaker manufacturers of chocolate and cocoa. i have visited the works of one of these firms, and can testify to the splendidly intelligent and scrupulous care which is taken of the girls' general health, their eye-sight, their reading, and many aspects of their moral welfare. yet there still remains something to be done in regard to protection from venereal disease, and surely the suggestion that conscientious employers should have instruction given in these matters is one which is well worthy of consideration. it is known by all observers--but it is a very meagre "all"--of the realities of politics that in great britain, at any rate, there is an increase of drinking amongst women and girls. this is doubtless in considerable measure due to the increase of work in factories, and the greater liberty enjoyed by adolescence--liberty too often to become enslaved. this bears directly upon our present subject. in a very large number of cases, the first lapse from self-restraint in young people of both sexes occurs under the influence of alcohol, the most pre-eminent character of whose action upon the nervous system is the paralysis of inhibition or control. not only is alcohol responsible in this way, but also in any given case it renders infection more probable for more reasons than one. this abominable thing--in itself the immediate cause of many evils and, except as a fuel for lifeless machines and for industrial purposes, of no good--is thus the direct ally of the venereal diseases as of consumption and many more. we must return to this important subject later: meanwhile let it be noted that the influence of alcohol upon youth of both sexes greatly favours not only immorality but also venereal disease. the girl, therefore, who would protect herself directly will avoid this thing, and the girl who desires that neither she nor her children shall be destroyed after marriage, will exact from the man she chooses the highest possible standard of conduct in this matter. a friendly critic has told me that my books would be all very well, but that i have alcohol on the brain, and i am inclined to reply, better on the brain than in the brain. but a subject so serious demands more serious treatment, and the due reply is that there is no human prospect for which i care, no public advantage to be advocated, no good i know, of which alcohol is not the enemy; no abomination, physical, mental or moral, individual or social, of which it is not the friend. further, words like these will stand on record, and may be remembered when there has been achieved that slow but irresistible education of public opinion, to which some few have devoted themselves, and of which the triumph is as certain as the triumph of all truth was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be. to the many charges against alcohol made by the champions of life in the past, let there be added that on which all students of venereal diseases are agreed--that it is the most potent ally of the most loathsome evils that afflict mankind. this chapter is not yet complete. in many cases it may be read not by the girl who is contemplating marriage, but by one or both of her parents. if the reader be such an one i here charge him or her with the solemn responsibility which is theirs whether they realize it or not. you desire your daughter's welfare; you wish her to be healthy and happy in her married life; perhaps your heart rejoices at the thought of grand-children; you concern yourself with your prospective son-in-law's character, with his income and prospects; you wish him to be steady and sober; you would rather that he came of a family not conspicuous for morbid tendencies. all this is well and as it should be; yet there is that to be considered which, whilst it is only negative, and should not have to be considered at all, yet takes precedence of all these other questions. if the man in question is tainted with either or both of these diseases, he is to be _summarily rejected_ at any rate until responsible and, one may suggest, at least duplicated medical opinion has pronounced him cured. microscopic examination of the blood or otherwise can now pronounce on this matter with much more definiteness than used to be possible. but even so, there are possibilities of error, for experts are more and more coming to recognize the existence and the importance of latent gonorrh[oe]a, devoid of characteristic symptoms but yet liable to wake in the individual and always dangerous from the point of view of infection. no combination of advantages is worth the dust in the balance when weighed against either of these diseases in a prospective son-in-law: infection is not a matter of chance but of certainty or little short of it. everything may seem fair and full of promise, yet there may be that in the case which will wreck all in the present; not to mention destroying the chance of motherhood or bringing rotten or permanently blinded children into the world. it follows, therefore, that parents or guardians are guilty of a grave dereliction of duty if they neglect to satisfy themselves in time on this point. doubtless, in the great majority of cases no harm will be done. but in the rest irreparable harm is often done, and the innocent, ignorant girl who has been betrayed by father and mother and husband alike, may turn upon you all, perhaps on her death-bed, perhaps with the blasted future in her arms, and say "this is _your_ doing: behold your deed." "_but if ye could and would not_, oh, what plea, think ye, shall stead you at your trial, when the thunder-cloud of witnesses shall loom, with ravished childhood on the seat of doom at the assizes of eternity?" these pages may disgust or offend nine hundred and ninety-nine readers out of a thousand. they may yet save one girl, and will have justified themselves. one final word may be added on the relation of this subject to eugenics, to which this pen and voice have been for many years devoted. the subject of venereal disease is one of which we eugenists, like the rest of the world, fight shy; yet just because the rest of the world does so, we should not. nevertheless i mean to see to it that this subject becomes part of the eugenic campaign which will yet dominate and mould the future. for surely the present spectacle has elements in it which would be utterly farcical if they were not so tragic. here we have life present and life to come being destroyed for lack of knowledge. these horrible diseases, ravaging the guilty and the innocent, equally and indifferently, are at present allowed to do so with scarcely a voice raised against them. every day husbands infect their wives, who have no kind of protection or remedy, and the wicked, grinning face of the law looks on, and says "she is his wife; all is well." if we had courage instead of cowardice--the capital mark of an age that has no organ voice but many steam whistles--we could accelerate incalculably the gradual decrease of these diseases. the body of eugenic opinion which is being made and multiplied might succeed in allying the church and medicine and the law, with splendid and lasting effect. but we spend thousands of pounds in estimating correlations between hair colour and conscientiousness, fertility and longevity, stature and the number of domestic servants, and so forth, meanwhile protesting against too hasty attempts to guide public opinion on these refined matters; and this tremendous eugenic reform, which awaits the emergence of some courage somewhere, is left altogether out of account. there was no allusion to the existence of venereal disease, far and away the most appalling of what i have called dysgenic forces, in any official eugenic publication until april, , when in the eugenics review we dared to make a cautious and half-ashamed beginning; half-ashamed to stand up against syphilis and gonorrh[oe]a. when one thinks of the things that we are not ashamed to do, as individuals or as nations, it is to reflect that perhaps we have "let the tiger die" too utterly, and that just as woman is ceasing to be a mammal, man is perhaps ceasing to be even a vertebrate. is there no archbishop or principal of a university or chief justice or popular novelist or preacher or omnipotent editor, boasting a backbone still, who will serve not only his day and generation but all future days and generations, by devoting himself and his powers to this long-delayed campaign wherein, if it be but undertaken, success is certain, and reward so glorious?[ ] chapter xvi on choosing a husband brief reference was made in a previous chapter to woman's great function of choosing the fathers of the future. here we must discuss, at due length, her choice of a companion for life. it is repeatedly argued, by critics of any new idea, that the eugenist, in his concern for the race, is blind to the natural interests and needs of the individual; that "we are all to be married to each other by the police," as an irresponsible jester has declared; that the sanctities of love are to be profaned or its imperatives defied. even serious and responsible persons assume that there is here a necessary antagonism between the interests of the race and those of the individual,--that the girl would, presumably, choose one man to be her love and companion and partner for life, but another man as the father of her children. there are those whom it always rejoices to discover what they regard as antinomies and contradictions in nature, and they verily prefer to suppose that there is in things this inherent viciousness, which sets eternal war between one set of obligations, one set of ideals, and another. but nature is not made according to the pattern of our misunderstandings. we have seen that all individuals are constructed by nature for the future. we are certainly right to regard them as also ends in themselves, but nature conceived and fashioned them with reference to the future. in so far as marriage has a natural sanction and foundation--than which nothing is more certain--we may therefore expect to discover that the interests of the individual and of the race are indeed one. in a word, the man who is most worthy to be chosen as a father of the future is always the most worthy and, in the overwhelming majority of cases, is also the most individually suitable, to be chosen as a partner and companion for life. let the girl choose wisely and well for her own sake and in her own interests. if, indeed, she does so, the future will be almost invariably safeguarded. of course it is to be understood that we are here discussing general principles. everyone knows that cases exist, and must continue to exist, where an opposition between the interests of the race and those of the individual cannot be denied. some utterly unsuspected hereditary strain of insanity, for instance, may show itself or be discovered in the ancestry of an individual to whom a member of the opposite sex has already become devoted. i fully admit the existence of such exceptions, but it must be insisted that they are exceptions, and that they do not at all invalidate the general truth that if a girl really chooses the best man, she is choosing the best father for her children. it is when the girl chooses for something other than natural quality that the future is liable to be betrayed. but the point to be insisted upon is that it is far more worth her while to choose for natural quality than for any other considerations. the argument of this chapter is that it will not in the long run be worth the girl's while to be beguiled by a man's money, his position or his prospects, since all of these, without the one thing needful, will ultimately fail her. the truth is that very few girls realize how intimate and urgent and inevitable and unintermittent are the conditions of married life. it requires imagination, of course, to understand these things without experience. a girl observes a friend who has made what is called "a good marriage"; she goes to the friend's house, and sees her the triumphant mistress of a large establishment; she sees her friend at the theatre, meets her escorted by her husband at this place and that; hears of her holidays abroad, covets her jewelry, and she thinks how delightful it must be. she knows nothing at all of the realities; she sees only externals, and she is misled. whenever thus misled she is beguiled into marrying a man for any other reason than that his personal qualities compel her love, it is her seniors who are to blame for not having enlightened her. such a girl shall be enlightened if her eyes fall on these pages. happiness does not consist in external things at all. this is not to deny that external things may largely contribute to happiness if its primal conditions be first satisfied. failing those primal conditions, externals are a mockery and a burden. in the case of the vast majority of married people we see only what they choose that we shall see. almost everyone is concerned with keeping up appearances. things may be and very often are what they appear, but very often they are not. any woman of nice feeling is very much concerned to keep up appearances in the matter of her marriage. a few or none may guess her secret, but whatever we see, it is what we do not see--no matter how close our friendship may be--that determines the success or failure of marriage. the moments that really count are just those which we do not witness, and such moments are many in married life, or should be. if the marriage is what it ought to be, there is a vital communion, grave and gay, which occupies every available part of life. only the persons immediately concerned really know how much of this they have or, if they have it not, what they have in its place. but we may be well assured that, as every married person knows, it is the personal qualities that matter everything in this most intimate sphere of life, and naught else matters at all. when the girl marries so as to become possessed of any and every kind of external advantage, but there is that in the man which is unlovely or which she, at any rate, cannot love, her marriage will assuredly be a failure. as we have occasion to observe every day, she will be glad to jump at any chance of sacrificing all externals, where essentials thus fail her. this is only to preach once again the simple doctrine that a girl is to marry a man not for what he has but for what he is. if, as a eugenist, i am thinking at this time as much of the future as of the present, the advice is none the less trustworthy. it is certain that this advice is no less necessary than it ever was. everyone knows how the standard of luxury has risen during the last few decades, both in england and in the united states. all history lies if this be not an evil omen for any civilization. it means, among other things, that more effectively than ever the forces of suggestion and imitation and social pressure are being brought to bear, to vitiate the young girl's natural judgment, deceiving her into the supposition that these things which seem to make other people so happy are the first that must be sought by her. if only she had the merest inkling of what the doctor and the lawyer and the priest could tell her about the inner life of many of the owners of these well-groomed and massaged faces! we hear much of the failure of marriage, but surely the amazing thing is its measure of success under our careless and irresponsible methods. for happily married people do not require intrigues nor divorces, nor do they furnish subject matter for scandal. it is because people do not marry for their personal qualities, but for things which, personal qualities failing, will soon turn to dust and ashes in their mouths, that their disappointed lives seek satisfaction in all these unsatisfactory and imperfect ways. as we all know, social practice differs in say, france and england, in such matters as this; and there are those who tell us that the method whereby natural inclinations are ignored is highly successful, and has just as much to be said for it as has the more specially anglo-saxon method of allowing the young people to choose each other. it is incomprehensible how any observer of contemporary france, its divorce rate and its birth-rate, can uphold such a contention. on the contrary, we may be more and more convinced that nature knows her business, and that marriage, which is a natural institution, should be based, in each case, upon her indications. there is need here for a reform which is more radical and fundamental than any that can be named, just because it deals with our central social institution, and concerns the natural composition and qualities of the next generation. i mean that reform in education which will direct itself towards rightly moulding and favouring the worthy choice of each other by young people, and especially the worthy choice of men by women. it will further come to be seen that everything which vitiates this choice--as, for instance, the economic dependence of women, great excess of women in a community, the inheritance of large fortunes--is ultimately to be condemned on that final ground, if on no other. but whilst these sociological propositions may be laid down, let us see what can be said in the present state of things by way of advice to the girl into whose hands this book may fall. perhaps it may be permitted to use the more direct form of address. you may have been told that where poverty comes in at the door, love flies out at the window.[ ] you may have heard it said that so and so has made a good marriage because her husband has a large income. you may be inclined to judge the success of marriage by what you see. i warn you solemnly that the worth or unworth of your marriage, the success or failure of your life will depend, far more than upon all other things put together, upon the personal qualities of the man you choose. if these be not good in themselves, your marriage will fail, certainly; even if they be good in themselves your marriage will fail, probably, unless they also be nicely adapted to your own character and tastes and temperament and needs. there are thus two distinct requirements; the first absolutely cardinal, the second very nearly so. you are utterly wrong if you suppose that the first of these can be ignored: if your husband is not a worthy man, you are doomed. and you are almost certainly wrong if you suppose that lack of community in tastes and in interests, in objects of admiration and adoration does not matter. but let us consider what are the factors of the man for which a girl _does_ choose. for what, if it comes to that, does a man choose? here is herbert spencer's reply to that question:--"the truth is that out of the many elements uniting in various proportions, to produce in a man's breast the complex emotion we call love, the strongest are those produced by physical attractions; the next in order of strength are those produced by moral attractions; the weakest are those produced by intellectual attractions; and even these are dependent less on acquired knowledge than on natural faculty--quickness, wit, insight." it will probably be agreed that, on the whole, this analysis, which is certainly true in the direction it refers to, is also true in the converse direction. the girl admires a man for physical qualities, including what may be called the physical virtues, like energy and courage. she rates highly certain moral attractions, such as unselfishness and chivalry, but perhaps she attaches far more value to intellectual attractions than the man does in her case, doubtless because they are more distinctively masculine. no doubt, in this order of importance both sexes are consulting the eugenic end if they knew it, as spencer, indeed, pointed out nearly half a century ago. the passage from which we have quoted he thus continues:-- "if any think the assertion a derogatory one, and inveigh against the masculine character for being thus swayed, we reply that they little know what they say when they thus call in question the divine ordinations. even were there no obvious meaning in the arrangement, we may be sure that some important end was subserved. but the meaning is quite obvious to those who examine. when we remember that one of nature's ends, or rather her supreme end, is the welfare of posterity; further that, in so far as posterity are concerned, a cultivated intelligence based on a bad physique is of little worth, since its descendants will die out in a generation or two: and conversely that a good _physique_, however poor the accompanying mental endowments, is worth preserving, because, throughout future generations, the mental endowments may be indefinitely developed; we perceive how important is the balance of instincts above described." but here it will be well to consider and meet a possible criticism. this is none the less necessary because there is a very common type of mind which listens to the enunciation of principles not in order to grasp them, but in order to point out exceptions. such people forget that before one can profitably observe exceptions to a principle or a natural law it is necessary first of all to know rightly and wholly what the principle is. now in this particular case our principle is that the cause of the future must not be betrayed, and the essential argument of this chapter is that faithfulness to the cause of the future does not involve, as is commonly supposed, any denial of the interests of the present, since, as i maintain, he who is best worth choosing as a partner for life is in general best worth choosing as a father of the future. now what one must here reckon with is the existence of individual cases,--much commoner doubtless in the imagination of critics than in reality, but nevertheless worthy of study--where a man may gain a woman's love of the real kind and may return it, and yet may be unfit for parenthood. the converse case is equally likely, but here we are concerned especially with the interests of the woman. she is, shall we say, a nurse in a sanatorium for consumptives or, to suppose a case more critical and complicated still, she may herself be a patient in such a sanatorium. there she meets another patient with whom she falls in love. now these two may be well fitted to make each other happy for so long as fate permits, but if the interests of the future are to be considered they should not become parents. i must not be taken as here assenting to the old view, dating from a time when nothing was known of the disease, which regards consumption as hereditary. it is evident that quite apart from that question the couple of whom we are thinking should not become parents. it is possible that the disease may be completely cured, and the situation will then be altered. but only too often the patient's life will be much shortened and children will be left fatherless; they also in certain circumstances will run a grave risk of being infected by living with consumptive parents. if in the case we are supposing the woman be also consumptive, it is extremely probable that motherhood on her part would aggravate and hasten the course of the disease, it being well-known that pregnancy has an extremely unfavourable influence on consumption in the majority of cases. many other parallel cases may be imagined. woman's love, based perhaps mainly upon the maternal instinct of tenderness, may be called forth by a man who suffers from, shall we say, hæmophilia or the bleeding disease. he may be in every way the best of men, worthy to make any woman happy; but if he becomes the father of a son, it will probably be to inflict great cruelty upon his child. what, in a word, are we to say of such cases as these? there is here a real opposition, as it would appear, between the interests of the present and the interests of the future. but the answer is that, just because, and just in so far as, human beings are provident and responsible and worthy of the name of human beings, the opposition can be practically solved. not for anything must we betray the cause of the unborn, but marriage does not necessarily involve parenthood, and the right course--the profoundly right and deeply moral course--in such cases as these, is marriage without parenthood. on every hand in the civilized world we now see childless marriages, the number of which incessantly increases; they are an ominous symptom of excessive luxury and other factors of decadence, if history is to be trusted. but it is not permissible for us, without special knowledge, to condemn individuals, whatever we may think of the phenomenon as a whole. yet convention and prejudice are curious things, and people who are themselves married and deliberately childless, others of both sexes who are unmarried, people who have never raised their voices against themselves or their friends who, though married, are childless, because they have little courage or because they permit compliance with fashion's demands to stifle the best parts of their nature--such people, i say, will actually be found to protest, with the sort of canting righteousness which does its best to smirch the right, against this doctrine, _marry, but do not have children_, as the rule of life in the cases under discussion. nevertheless, this is the moral doctrine; this is the right fruit of knowledge, and knowledge will more and more be applied to this high end, the service alike of the present and the future. we must not allow our minds to be bullied out of just reasoning because the possibility of marriage without parenthood is often abused. all forms of knowledge, like all other forms of power, may be used or may be abused. knowledge has no moral sign attached to it, but neither has it any immoral sign attached to it. the power to control parenthood is neither good nor evil, but like any other power may serve either good or evil. dynamite may cause an explosion which buries a hundred men in a living grave, or it may blast the rock which buries them and set them free. the man of science is false to his creed and his cause if he declares that there is any order of knowledge or any kind of power which were better unknown or unavailable. for many years past we have been told that the power to control parenthood is wicked, flying in the face of providence, interfering with the order of nature--as if every act worthy of the human name were not an interference with the order of nature, as nature is conceived by fools; and even to-day the churches, violently differing from each other in the region of incomprehensibles, are at least agreed in anathematizing the knowledge and the power to control parenthood. the reply to them is the demonstration, here made, of the fact that this knowledge may be used for no less splendid a purpose than to make possible the happiness and mutual ennoblement of individual lives in cases where otherwise such a consummation would have been impossible without betrayal of the life of this world to come. there is another class of cases to which convenient reference may here be made. the solution to be found in childless marriage, for many cases, does not apply to those in which there is present disease due to living organisms, microbes or protozoa which, by the mere act of drinking from an infected cup, by kissing and so forth, may be passed from the sick to the sound. so far as these modes of infection are concerned, such a supposed case as that of the nurse and the consumptive patient who fall in love with each other comes into this category. but infection of that kind is preventable. in the case, however, of the terrible diseases to which reference has been made in a previous chapter, we must clearly understand that it is not only the future which is in danger, and that therefore the solution of childless marriage does not apply. here the danger is irremovable from the physical _essentia_ of the marriage itself, and in such a case, no matter how high the personal qualities of the man who may, for instance, have been infected by accident in the course of his duty as a doctor, even childless marriage other than the _mariage blanc_ must be, at any rate, postponed until the disease has been cured. it is to be hoped that the reader will not regard these last two points, which have had to be dealt with at some length, as irrelevant. they are not strictly part of the general proposition that a girl should marry a man for his personal qualities, but they are surely necessary as practical comments upon that proposition as it will work out in real life. we may now return to our main contention. in our quotation from herbert spencer we may notice the significant assertion that amongst intellectual attractions it is natural faculty, quickness, wit and insight, rather than acquired knowledge, that a man admires in a woman. in considering that point the somewhat hazardous assertion was ventured upon that the woman rates intellectual attractions in the man higher than he does in her. one has indeed heard it stated that a man marries for beauty and a woman for brains. a statement so brief cannot be accurate in such a case. but we may insist upon the contrast between acquired knowledge and natural faculty. spencer was no doubt right in believing that man values the natural faculty rather than the acquired knowledge. a woman no doubt does so too. if she admires a man for being an encyclopædia, it is only, one hopes, because she admires the natural qualities of studiousness, perseverance and memory which his knowledge involves. nor would she be long in finding out whether his knowledge is digested, and the capacity to digest it, remember, is a natural faculty. the reader who remembers our principle that the individual exists for the future will not fail to see what we are driving at. directly we study in any critical way the causes of attraction among the sexes, we see that under healthy conditions, unvitiated by convention or money, it is always the inborn rather than the acquired that counts. if spencer had cared to pursue his point half a century ago, he had the key to it in his hands. youth prefers the natural to the acquired qualities. nature, greatest of match-makers, has so constructed youth because she is a eugenist, and because she knows that it is the natural qualities and not the acquired ones which are transmitted to offspring. and now it may be shown that this fact wholly consorts with our contention that there is no antinomy between the happiness of the individual and the happiness of the race in the marriage choice. for the race it is only the natural qualities of its future parents that matter, for only these are transmissible. from the strictly eugenic point of view, therefore, the girl should be counselled to choose her mate, not merely on the ground of his personal qualities but, more strictly still, on the ground of those personal qualities which are natural and not acquired. and my last point is that these qualities, which are alone of lasting consequence to the race, alone will be of lasting consequence to her during her married life. veneers, acquirements, technical facilities, knowledge of languages, encyclopædic information, elegance of speech and even of conventional manners--all the things which, in our rough classification, we may call acquired, may attract or please or impress her for a time, but when the ultimate reckoning is made she will find that they are less than the dust in the balance. i do not know how and where to find for my words the emphasis with which it would be so easy to endow them if, instead of addressing an unseen and strange audience, one were counselling one's own daughter. i should say to her, for instance, "my dear, be not deceived. he dresses elegantly, i know, and makes himself quite nice to look at. yet it is not his clothes that you will have to live with, but himself; and the question is what do his clothes mean? it is his nature that you will have to live with. what fact of his nature do they stand for? is it that he is vain and selfish, preferring to spend his money upon himself and upon the exterior of his person rather than upon others and upon the adornment of his mind; or is it that he has fine natural taste, a sense of beauty and harmony and quiet dignity in external things?" the answer to these questions involves his wife's happiness. how strange that though no girl will marry a man because she is attracted by the elegance of his false teeth, yet she will often be deceived into admiring other things which are just as much acquired and just as little likely to afford her permanent satisfaction as the products of his dentist's work-room! if only she realized that these other things, though nice to look at, are no more himself than a well-fitting dental plate. or again: "you like his talk; he strikes you as well versed in human affairs; his knowledge of men and things impresses you; he has travelled and can talk easily of what he has seen, and his voice is elegant and can be heard in many tongues. but if he is going to say bitter things to you, will the facility of his diction make them less bitter? if he is a fool in his heart--and indeed the heart alone is the residence of folly or wisdom--do you think that he will be a fool the less for venting his folly in seven languages rather than in one? i quite understand your admiring his cleverness; people who study the subject tell us, you know, that a woman admires in a man things which are more characteristic of men than of women, and that men's admiration of women is based upon the same good principle. but in this bargain men have the best of it because the most characteristic thing in woman is tenderness, and the most characteristic thing in man is cleverness; and which do you think is the better to live with? what is the virtue in cleverness coupled with, for instance, a malicious tongue? what is the virtue in clever things if he says them at your expense? the vital thing for you is, what are the uses to which he puts his knowledge and capacities? that he knows the ways of the world may impress you, but does he know them to admire them? and if so, where does he stand compared with another, who is less versed and versatile, but who, as your heart tells you, would hate the ways of the world if he did know them?" ... indeed, i seem to see that one cannot adequately write a book on womanhood without including in it somewhere a statement of what manhood is and ought to be. surely one of our duties to girlhood is to teach it the elemental truths of manhood. such teaching must recognize the facts which modern psychology perceives more clearly every day, and it must combine that knowledge with the eternal truths of morality, which are so intensely real and practical in the great issues of life, such as this. the great fact which modern psychology has discovered is that intellect is less important, and emotion more important than we used to suppose; that knowledge, as we lately observed, is non-moral, and may be for good or for evil; that cleverness is merely cleverness, and may serve god or mammon; that it is the nature of the man or the woman which determines the influence and the uses of education. a girl should know something of what i have elsewhere called the transmutation of sex as it shows itself in the higher as distinguished from the lower types of manhood: she should know that it is good for a youth to spend his energy in visible ways and in the light of day; there is the less likelihood that it is being spent otherwise. she should prefer the man who is visibly active and who keeps his mind and body moving; she should know, as the school boy should know, that the capacity to smoke and drink really proves nothing as regards manhood. doubtless there is some courage required in learning to smoke, and so much, but it is not much, is to the smoker's credit; but for the rest, smoking and drinking are simply forms of self-indulgence, and though they are doubtless very excusable and are often practised by splendid men, they are of no virtue in themselves. further, they are open to the fundamental objection that they lessen the measure of a man's self-mastery. women should set a high standard in such matters as these. to take the case of smoking, very few smokers realize, in the first place, how much money they expend. it is money which, if not spent, would appreciably contribute to the cost of house-keeping in not a few cases. many a man who says he cannot afford to marry spends on tobacco and alcohol a sum quite sufficient to turn the scale. it will be argued that the smoking brings rest and peace, that it soothes, aids digestion, and so forth. but the non-smoker is not in need of these assistances: it is only the smoker who requires to smoke for these purposes. on this point i have said, in the volume of personal hygiene which this present work is meant to succeed, all that really requires to be said. it was there pointed out that nicotine doubtless produces secondary products in the blood which require a further dose of the nicotine as an antidote to them. thus there is initiated a vicious circle, the details of which have been fully worked out in the case of opium, or rather, morphia. all the good results which are obtained from smoking are essentially of the nature of neutralizing the secondary effects of previous smoking. here, then, is the scientific argument for the girl's hand if she proposes to deal with her lover on this point. it may be added that the writer can now quote personal experience in favour of his advice. he smoked incessantly for fourteen years--from seventeen to thirty-one--his quantum being five ounces in all per week--of the strongest egyptian cigarettes and the strongest pipe tobacco procurable. the practice did him no observable harm whatever. when he wrote the paragraph on "how to control one's smoking," in the book referred to, he was only wishing that he could control his own. at last he got disgusted with himself and stopped altogether. personally he is neither better nor worse, but he is buying books in proportion to the money formerly wasted on tobacco, and perhaps the change is worth while. the girl who reads this book may tell her lover with confidence that it is quite possible to stop smoking, and that after a little while the craving wholly disappears. if he has been a really confirmed, systematic smoker, he may have a very uncomfortable three weeks after he stops, but soon after that the time will come when he can stay in a room where others are smoking and not even desire to join them, which he could never have done before. he will have the advantage that he is definitely less likely to die of cancer of the mouth, more especially cancer of the tongue. that is a point which will affect his wife as well as himself. he will save a quite remarkable sum of money, and since object lessons are very valuable, he may follow the suggestion to lay it out in the form of books, as time goes on, though perhaps my reader can give him better advice from the point of view of the future housekeeper. of course there is the point of view expressed in a poem of mr. kipling's: "a woman is only a woman, but a good cigar is a smoke." if a man takes that point of view he is not good enough for a woman, i think; she may remember dogberry, take no note of him but let him go ... and thank god she is rid of a ---- fool. certainly, i am not saying anything which will be grateful to all ears, but while we are at it, and since this book is written in the interests of women, i must say what i believe. i counsel the girl to stop her lover's smoking; a thousandfold more strongly would i counsel her to stop his drinking. in a former volume on eugenics, some of the effects of parental drinking have been dealt with at length, and that subject need not be returned to here. but also from the point of view of the individual, a girl may be counselled to stop her lover's drinking. an excellent eugenic motto for a girl, as my friend canon horsley pointed out in discussing my paper on this subject read before the society for the study of inebriety in , is "the lips that touch liquor shall never touch mine." there are always plenty of people to sneer at the teetotaler; people who make money out of drink naturally do so; people who drink themselves naturally do so; the unmarried girl may do so, thinking that the teetotaler is a prig and not quite a man. _but there is one great class of the community, the most important of all, which does not sneer at teetotalers, and that is the wives._ they know better, nay, they know best, and their verdict stands and will remain against that of all others. i am now addressing the girl who may become a wife, and i tell her most solemnly that from her point of view she cannot afford to laugh at the teetotaler; and if she can stop her lover's drinking, whether he drinks much or little, she will do well for him and herself. she should know what the effect of alcohol is upon a man, and she should have imagination enough to realize that his hot breath, coming unwelcome, will not be more palatable in the future for its flavouring of whisky. it may be admitted that in saying all this the interests of the future are perhaps paramount in my mind. i am trying to do a service to the principle, "protect parenthood from alcohol," which i advocate as the first and most urgent motto for the real temperance reformer. yet the question of parenthood may be entirely left out of consideration, and even so the advice here given to the girl about to choose a husband--alas, that only a small proportion of maidenhood can be in that fortunate state, which is yet the right and natural one!--is warranted and more than warranted. we may go so far as to declare that it is a great duty, laid upon the young womanhood of civilization, to protect itself and the future, and to serve its own contemporary manhood, by taking up this attitude towards alcohol. would that this great missionary enterprise were now unanimously undertaken by these most effective and cogent of missionaries, whose own happiness so largely depends upon its success! of course it should not be necessary for any man to set forth, for the instruction of girlhood, the qualities which it should value in men. all who train and teach girlhood and form its ideals should devote themselves scarcely less to this than to the inculcation of high ideals for girlhood itself; yet it is not done. we do not yet recognize the supreme importance of the marriage choice for the present and for the future. fortunately, if nature alone gets a fair chance, she teaches the girl that a man should "play the game," and should not be afraid of "having a go," that of the two classes into which, as one used to tell a little girl, people are divided--those who "stick to it," and those who do not--the former are the worthy for her. but nature is specially handicapped by stupid convention, not least in anglo-saxon countries, as regards a woman's estimation of _tenderness_ in a man. the parental instinct with its correlate emotion of tenderness, is the highest of existing things, and though it is less characteristic of men than of women, it is none the less supreme when men exhibit it. in days to come, when women can choose, as they should be able to choose to-day, they may well be counselled to use as a touchstone of their suitor's quality that line of wordsworth, "wisdom doth live with children round her knees." a man who thinks that "rot" _is_ rot, or soon will be. but in the minds of men and women there is a half implicit assumption that tenderness is incompatible with manliness. "let not women's weapons, water-drops, stain my man's cheeks," says lear. but it is quite possible for a man to be manly and yet tender, and to the highest type of women it is the combination of strength and tenderness in a man that appeals beyond aught else. it has always seemed to the present writer that the followers of christ have done him far less than justice in insisting upon one aspect of his character disproportionately with another. they speak of him as the "gentle jesus, meek and mild "; they tend to describe him as almost or wholly effeminate; and the representations of him in art, with small, feminine and conspicuously un-jewish features, with long feminine hair and the hands of a consumptive woman, join with sacred poetry in furthering this impression. nothing can be truer than that he was tender, and that he had a passion for childhood and realized, as we may dare to say, its divinity, as only the very few in any age have done. but this "gentle jesus, meek and mild," was also he whose blazing words against established iniquity and hypocrisy constitute him the supreme exemplar not only of love but of moral indignation, and of a sublime invective which has been equalled not even by dante at his highest. we forget, perhaps, when we use such a phrase as "whited sepulchre," that we are quoting the untamable fierceness, the courage, fatal and vital, of the "gentle jesus, meek and mild," who was murdered not for loving children, but for hating established wickedness. why have christians not recognized that it is this perhaps unexampled combination of strength and tenderness which makes their founder worthy for all time to be regarded as the highest of mankind? one more counsel to the girl who can choose. it is contained in the saying of marcus aurelius that the worth of a man may be measured by the worth of the things to which he devotes his life. we must now pass to consider the sociological fact that, under present conditions, the sole use of this chapter for a very large proportion of women can merely consist in suggesting to them that they are better unmarried than married without love. it is not possible for them to exercise the great function of choice which is theirs by natural right. evil and ominous of more evil are whatever facts deprive woman of this her birthright. chapter xvii the conditions of marriage in my volume introductory to eugenics i have dealt at length with marriage from that point of view. here our concern is with the individual woman, and though neither in theory nor in practice can we entirely dissociate the question of the future from that of the individual's needs, it is necessary here to discuss the present conditions of marriage in the civilized world, from the woman's point of view. we have to ask ourselves how these conditions act in selecting women from the ranks of the unmarried; whether the transition proceeds from random chance, or whether there is a selection in certain definite directions, and if so, what directions? we have to ask whether different women would pass into the ranks of the married if the conditions of marriage were other than they are; and we shall assuredly arrive at the principle that whatever changes are necessary in the conditions of marriage, so that the best women shall become the mothers of the future, must be and will be effected. one has elsewhere argued at length that monogamy is the marriage form which has prevailed and will be maintained because of its superior survival-value--in other words, because it best serves the interests of the future. but what of the individual in a country where there are thirteen hundred thousand adult women in excess of men, which is the case of great britain? plainly, there is need for very serious criticism of such an institution in such circumstances. let the reader briefly be reminded, then, that, as i have previously argued, nature makes no arrangement for such a disproportion between the sexes. more boys than girls are indeed born, but from our infantile mortality, which is largely a male infanticide, onwards, morbid influences are at work which result in the disproportion already named. two excellent reasons may be adduced why any disproportion in the numbers of the sexes should be the opposite of that which now obtains. the ideal condition, no doubt, is that of numerical equality. failing that, the evils of a male preponderance, though very real, are comparatively small. for one thing, celibacy affects a woman more than a man: men, on the whole, suffer less from being unmarried. it is a more serious deprivation for the woman than for the man, in general, to be debarred from parenthood. this is a proposition which we need not labour here, for no reader will dispute its importance and its relevance. no less important is the economic question. specially consecrated as she is to the future, woman as distinctive woman is necessarily handicapped in relation to the present. she is at an economic disadvantage. one's blood boils at the cruel effrontery of men who protest against women's efforts to gain an honest living, but who have never a word or a deed against prostitution or against the causes which produce the numerical preponderance of women. but here again our proposition, though unfamiliar, and indeed so far as i know never yet stated, needs no labouring--that owing to the economic opportunities of the sexes, it is, at any rate, on that ground, of no significance that men shall be in excess in a community, but it is of very grave significance that women shall be in excess. it is pitiable, and indeed revolting, in this country where the excess of women is so marked, to hear from year to year the comments of men upon the supposed degeneration of women, upon their unnatural selfishness, their desire to invade spheres which do not belong to them, and so forth and so forth _ad nauseam_; whilst these commentators are themselves hand in hand with drink, with war and with mammon, destroying male children of all ages in disproportionate excess, sending our manhood to be slain in war, and sending it also in the cause of industry--that is to say, in the cause of gold--to our colonies, as if the culture of the racial life were not the vital industry of any people. a third very important reason why a numerical preponderance of women is more injurious to a country than a numerical preponderance of men is that, though the duty and responsibility of selection for parenthood devolves upon both sexes, it is normally discharged with greater efficiency by women than by men; and a numerical preponderance of women gravely interferes with their performance of this great function. it may obviously be argued that such a preponderance leaves a greater choice to the men. but i believe that men do not exercise their choice so well. in a word, women are more fastidious; the racial instinct is weaker in them, less rampant and less roving. in the exercise of this function women are therefore, on the whole, naturally more capable, more responsible, less liable to be turned aside by the demands of the moment. in his "pure sociology," professor lester ward has very clearly and forcibly discussed the comparative behaviour of the two sexes in this matter, and he shows how the great feminine sentiment, not confined merely to the human species, is to choose the best. the principle is also a factor in masculine action, but much less markedly so. what we call, then, the greater fastidiousness of the female sex is a definite sex character, and has a definite racial value, raising the standard of fatherhood where it is allowed free play. but in a nation which contains a great excess of women, under economic conditions which are greatly to their disadvantage, the value of this natural fastidiousness is practically lost. such are the conditions in great britain at present that practically any man, of however low a type, however diseased, however unworthy for parenthood, may become a father, if he pleases. the natural condition suitable to monogamy being a numerical equality of the sexes, the suggestion may obviously be made that where there is a great excess of women, monogamy should yield to polygamy; and indeed where there is such excess monogamy is more apparent than real--an ideal rather than a practice. thus we have one or two modern authors who have installed themselves in sociology by the royal road of romance--though even to this branch of learning, as to mathematics, there is no short cut whatsoever, even for those whose pens are naturally skilful--authors who tell us that, given this numerical preponderance of women, some kind of polygamous modification of the present marriage system should certainly be adopted. to one aspect of this contention we shall later return. meanwhile, the answer is that, rather than abolish monogamy, we should strive to alter the conditions which produce such an excess of women. if such an aim were necessarily impracticable, we might well feel inclined to vote for polygamy rather than the present state of things. it is a very decent alternative to prostitution. but in point of fact our aim of equalizing the numbers of the sexes, which i assert as a canon of fundamental politics, is eminently practicable; and here we may briefly outline, as very relevant to the problems of womanhood, the methods by which that aim is to be realized for the good of both sexes in the present and the future. nature gives us more than a fair start, almost as if she knew that the wastage of male life is apt to be higher at all ages even under the best conditions. she sends more male children into the world, as if to secure, on the whole, an equality of the sexes in adult life. that ideal is realizable, even allowing for a considerable excess of male deaths. one of our duties, then, is to control that part of the male death-rate, if any, which is controllable. to begin at the beginning, we find that infant mortality claims our attention at once. for years past in the campaign against infant mortality i have urged this as an apparently somewhat remote, yet very real and important issue. infant mortality bears heaviest upon male babies. it is largely, as i have so often said, a male infanticide, notably contrasting with the practice of deliberate female infanticide which is known in so many times and places. in lowering the infant mortality we shall reduce this disproportion of male deaths, and shall make for the survival of a larger number of men. bring down the infant mortality to proper limits and we shall have in adult life possible male partners for a large number of women who are now without such because of the male infanticide of twenty and thirty years ago. it is characteristic of the fashion in which the surface gains our attention while the substance evades it, that the question of the disproportion of the sexes should have been brought to the public notice in regard to a subject which, though not unimportant, is quite secondary compared with those which we are now discussing. only three or four years ago people were startled and incredulous when one told them by the pen or in lectures that there was a very great excess of women in these islands. nowadays everybody knows it. this is not because people have suddenly come to realize the fundamental importance for the state of such matters, but simply because the fact provides an argument regarding woman suffrage. this immensely important fact of female preponderance, with its gigantic consequences, which affect every aspect of the national life, was totally ignored by the public until, forsooth, it became an argument against woman suffrage; and then the foolish people whose voices are allowed to be heard on these complicated matters, but who would be laughed out of court if they expressed their opinions on other subjects equally outside their competence, told us that woman's suffrage would mean government by women, they being in the majority. for all other consequences of this gigantic fact they have no concern; not even the mental capacity to grasp that it must have consequences. but this, which happens not to be a consequence of it, they are loud to insist upon. at any rate, they have done this service until the public at last is acquainted with the demographic fact; and one of the suffragist leaders some time ago publicly expressed an old argument of the present writer's that in point of fact this grave supposed consequence of woman's suffrage need not be feared if only for the reason that woman suffrage would certainly mean increased attention to infant mortality, and therefore increased control of the morbid causes which at present account for female preponderance. it might indeed be added also that, in so far as woman suffrage operated against war, it would contribute in another way to the correction of this numerical disparity. not the least of the many evils which have flowed from the last hideous war in which great britain engaged--evils which glass-eyed politicians have since been exploiting in the interests of their own charlatanry--is the loss to scores of thousands of women in this country of the complemental manhood which was destroyed by wounds and more especially by disease in south africa. the wickedness with which that war was entered upon, and the criminal ignorance with which it was mismanaged, and the elementary principles of hygiene defied, have their consequences to-day in much of the unmated and handicapped womanhood of great britain. it may be noted that polygamy as a historical phenomenon has commonly and necessarily been associated with militarism. large destruction of manhood by war leads to a numerical excess of women, and polygamy is a consequence. if the consequences in our modern civilization are less decent than polygamy, which would affront the beautiful minds that are unconcerned for regent street, surely our duty is more strenuously than ever to combat the causes which, as we see, are quite definitely traceable and controllable. the increased attention paid to the conditions of child life is of direct service to the nation, and to womanhood in especial, by tending to interfere with the excessive and unnecessary mortality of boys. as we have elsewhere observed, the male organism has less vitality than the female organism. when both sexes at any age are subjected to the same injurious influences, more males than females die. thus all our work with such a measure as the children act, keeping children out of public-houses, and so forth, directly serves the womanhood of the not distant future by preserving a certain amount of manhood to keep it company. accepting the truth of the dictum that it is not good for man to be alone, we have to learn the still more general and profound truth that it is not good for woman to be alone, and, as we now learn, the modern movement for the care of childhood has this notable consequence, which i have been pointing out for many years and now insist upon once again, that it makes for the greater numerical equality of the sexes in adult life, and therefore for the relief of the many evils near and remote which flow from the numerical excess of women. answering the question, "whither are we tending?" in christmas, , mr. g. k. chesterton referred to our liability to "float feebly towards every sociological fad or novelty until we believe in some plain, cold, crude insanity, such as keeping children out of public-houses."[ ] considering the authority, i think this is fairly good testimony toward the wisdom of the achievement to which some of us devoted the greater part of three strenuous years; and if the question is to be asked "whither are we tending," part of the answer will be that by such measures as this for the care of child life, which means in practice especially for the keeping alive of boys, we are tending toward the correction of one of the gravest, though least recognized, evils of the present day. our business in the present volume is not with childhood. it is not possible to go fully into the statistical details of the comparative death-rate of the sexes, but the data can readily be obtained by any interested reader.[ ] it may be argued that the questions now under consideration are foreign to a chapter entitled "the conditions of marriage," but the excess of women in a community is one of the most fundamental conditions of marriage therein, and the question is not the less necessary to be dealt with because, so far as one can ascertain, its consequences have escaped the notice of previous students. having dealt with the waste of male life in infancy, in childhood and in war, we must pass on to a totally different factor of our problem, and that is the emigration to our colonies and elsewhere of a greatly disproportionate number of men. one does not assert for a moment that the men should not go, but merely that if they do, so should women also. as everyone knows they go for many reasons and purposes. these are largely industrial and imperial. the civil service claims a large number. these bachelors go in the cause of empire, whether as actual servants of the state or in the interests of commerce. they are largely picked men, capable of discipline and initiative and of withstanding hardships; and also in large degree intellectually able. it is certainly not good for them to be alone, and it is worse for the women whom they leave behind. all this may seem right and the only practicable thing for the day, but it is fundamentally wrong because it is wrong for the morrow. if other needs were not so pressing, one might well devote an entire volume, not inappropriately in these days of fiscal controversy, to the question of vital imports and exports. year after year passes, and politicians in great britain grow more and more voracious and, if possible, less and less veracious on the subject of what they misunderstand by imports and exports. the subject is really one for knowledge, not for politicians. with great ceremony at intervals, they go through the highly superfluous performance of calling each other liars, as who should say that queen anne is dead: and while this tragical farce continues the question of vital imports and exports is ignored. within it there lies the key to the irish question, for instance, since no nation can be saved which persistently exports the best of its life. and in this question also lies the key to a great part of the woman question and to a great part of the colonial question. politicians who have not even discovered yet that trade is a process of exchange, and who assume that in every bargain someone is being worsted, pay no heed to the questions what sort of people leave our shores, and what sort of people enter them. or rather, as if in order to emphasize their blindness to fundamentals, they make a point about passing an act against alien immigration, which merely serves to throw into prominence our national neglect of this great issue. this is not the time and the place in which i can deal with it in its entirety, but it must be referred to in so far as it bears on the proportion of the sexes. toward the end of there was a long correspondence in the _times_ on the subject of "unmarried daughters." one may print in the text the admirable letter in which a finger is put upon the heart of the question. we are told about the incompetence of women to deal with national affairs, but here we find a woman writing to the _times_ on a fundamental matter for the imperialist, though no member of our houses of parliament has yet given any attention to it. sir: only two of your numerous correspondents on this subject have really reached the root of the matter. for more than thirty years the young men of the british isles have found it increasingly difficult to make a living in their native land. therefore there has been--and still is--a steady exodus of our male population to our colonies, where they are unhampered by the many disadvantages prevailing here. unfortunately they are obliged to leave the corresponding proportion of women behind. the result is a surplus of , , women in great britain; but let me hasten to add (lest the mistake be laid upon nature when it is not hers) that there is a proportionate shortage of , , women in our colonies. i have recently been on a tour throughout canada and the states, and was most struck by the scarcity of women in western canada--there are about eight men to one woman. and in america the saddest sight of all is the appalling number of half-castes, a blot on the civilization of the states, but a blot for which europeans are responsible. the absence of white women is answerable for the worst type of population, so that in reality this is a very pressing imperial question; and all those interested in the growth and future of canada should turn their attention to it. for, unless we can induce the right sort of british women to emigrate we shall not have the colonies peopled with our own race or speaking our own mother tongue. canada wants unmarried women, her cry is for our marriageable daughters, and each one would find her vocation out there. canadian men are one of the finest types of manhood possible, but they are too hard working to be able to return here in search of a wife. how gladly they would welcome the possibility of sharing their homes with a sister or a wife can only be guessed by those who have been there. i am so greatly impressed with the advisability of encouraging english women to go out there that i strongly urge every suitable, healthy, and useful woman between the age of twenty-five and thirty-five to depart (if she has nothing to prevent her), and, through the british emigration society, imperial institute, i shall hope to do all that i can to assist them financially. i am, sir, yours faithfully, sophie k. bevan. (_times_, dec. , .) it was of interest for the student of opinion and practice to compare this letter with another which appeared in the _times_ within a few days of it. this was an official letter from another emigration society and advocated the object, worthy in itself, of sending boys to australasia. the letter ended with the following assertion regarding such boys: "they are the pioneers of empire, they will be the founders of nations to come." but the point exactly is that at present the nations to come in our colonies are not coming: much more likely as nations to come in australasia, as things go at present, are the chinese and japanese. before nations can be founded, the co-operation of women is indispensable. we complain of the birth-rate in our colonies, or at least those few persons do who know that parenthood is the key to national destiny. but we should complain of our own folly in so interfering with the natural balance of the sexes as to create pressing problems, wholly insoluble, alike at home and in our colonies. at all times "england wants men," but wherever it wants men it wants women,--even in war we are now beginning to realize the importance of the trained nurse. there can be no future for our colonies if they are to be inhabited by a bachelor generation, and the excess of women at home prejudices the stability of the heart of empire. either we must cease exporting our boys and young manhood--which i certainly do not advocate--or our girlhood must go also--which i certainly do advocate. this is only one aspect of the question of vital imports and exports, upon which a book of vital importance for any nation, and above all, for england, might well be written. once again let us remind ourselves how cogently this question concerns the conditions of marriage. it means that the conditions are now such that in our colonies a woman can exercise her rightful function of choosing the best man to be her husband and a father of the future, while at home this is possible only for the very few, and for vast numbers marriage is wholly impossible. i return, then, to the original proposition: are we to follow the advice of our gay, irresponsible sociologists so-called, who advise us to abolish monogamy in the circumstances, or are we to alter the alterable conditions which so disastrously prejudice and complicate that great institution in the heart of our empire to-day? surely there can be but one answer to this question when we realize that all the causes of the present disproportion between the sexes at home--causes such as infant mortality, child mortality, war, and the exportation of one sex in great excess to the colonies--are evil in themselves quite apart from their influence upon the practice of monogamy. unfortunately, it is a modern custom in this age of transition for clever people to criticize on abstract, patriotic, sociological, quasi-ethical, and such like grounds, institutions and practices which irk them personally. unfortunately, also, sociology is in the position, at present and yet for a little while inevitable, of shall we say medicine in its earliest stages, when anyone may be accepted as qualified who simply asserts that he is. lastly, sociology is the most complicated of all the sciences because the chain of causation is longer; and very few of those who write or read about it have the patience to go back through psychology to biology and the laws of life in their analyses. an institution like marriage is criticized by those who think that it is an ecclesiastical invention of yesterday, and that what hands have made, hands can destroy, though marriage is æons older even than the mammalian order. they take transient, artificial conditions, lasting not for a second in the history of mankind seen as a whole, and simply accepting these conditions as part of the order of nature, they ask us to overthrow an institution which is immeasurable ages older than man himself. the odds are somewhat against them, one may surmise, but they may do considerable injury to their own age notwithstanding. after having dealt with this fundamental biological condition of marriage, we must next turn to a psychological question which is scarcely less important. the human being is immensely complex both in composition and in needs, and the institution of monogamy does not become easier of maintenance as human complexity increases. amongst the lower animals or even amongst the lower races of mankind, the relations between the sexes are mostly confined to one sphere, but amongst ourselves the problem is to mate for life complex individuals whose needs are many, ranging from the purely physical to the purely psychical. thus it is a matter of common experience that whilst one woman meets one part of a man's needs, another meets another, and this of course with grave prejudice to monogamy. some of the modern writers to whom allusion has been made suggest that these different needs want sorting out; that one woman is to be the intellectual companion of a man, and another the mother of his children. but though men and women are multiple and complex, they are in the last resort unities. these absolute distinctions between one need and another do not work out in practice. anything which tends toward splitting up the human personality must be a disservice to it. nor do we desire that women of the higher type, best fitted to be the intellectual companions of men, shall be those who do not contribute to the future of the race. from the eugenic point of view the mother is every whit as important as the father. i do not believe for a moment that these more or less definite proposals of mr. shaw and mr. wells are soundly based, and perhaps indeed it is not necessary to argue against them at greater length. of more value is it to ask ourselves whether feminine nature may not prove itself quite equal to the task of meeting all the needs of masculine nature. it seems to me that the right answer, in many cases at any rate, to the wife's question, how is she to retain the whole of her husband's interest, is hinted at in mr. somerset maugham's recent play "penelope"--she must be many women to him herself. and this the wise and happy woman is, though i do not think the phrase "many women" at all covers the variety of feeling to which the ideal woman can appeal. the ideal love is that in which the whole nature is joined, in all its parts, upon one object which appeals alike to every fundamental instinct in our composition. the ideal woman does not require to be "many women" to a man of the right kind in the sense suggested in mr. maugham's play. she requires rather to be in herself at one and the same time or at different times, mother, wife and daughter. this condition satisfied, behold the ideal marriage. it is probably fair to say that the three strongest and most important needs of a man's nature are those which are satisfied by mother, wife, and daughter. primarily, perhaps, his wife must be to him his wife, his contemporary and partner, and there must be a physical bond between them. (doubtless there are many happy marriages where this primary condition is not satisfied, this primitive form of affection being substantially absent, and its presence being proved non-essential: but such must be a state of unstable equilibrium at best, though the concession must be made.) now the problem for the wife is to unite in her person and in her personality those other feelings which are part of normal human nature. every man likes to be mothered at times, and it is for his wife to see that she performs that function better than any other; better even than his own mother. where he finds merely physical satisfaction, he also finds, happy man, sympathy and comfort, protection and solace, balm for wounded self-esteem--everything that the hurt or slighted child knows he will find in his mother's arms. yet again, a man likes not only to be mothered but he likes to play the father. let his wife be a daughter to him; let her be capable of shrinking, so to say, into small space, becoming little and confident and appealing and calling forth every protective impulse of her husband's nature. to one who knew nothing of human nature it might sound as if we were asking more of womanhood than is within its capacity. but many a man and many a woman will know better. the right kind of woman can be and is mother, wife and daughter to her husband; and in every one of these capacities she strengthens her hold in the other two. let the happily married examine their happiness, and they will discover that the preacher was right when he said: "and a threefold cord is not quickly broken." what has here been said is perhaps far more fundamental, just because it is based upon the primary instincts of humanity, than much of the ordinary talk about intellectual companionship and the like. what a man wants is sympathy, not intellectual companionship as such; what a man wants from another man, indeed, is sympathy, and not merely intellectual parity as such. the man who annoys us is not he who is incapable of appreciating our arguments, or he who does not share our knowledge, but he who is out of sympathy with us, and we find far more happiness with the rawest youth who, though entirely ignorant, is at least on our side--caring for the things for which we care. capacity to share the same intellectual work may be a very pleasant addition to marriage, but it is no essential. what a man wants is that his wife shall be on his side in his pursuits. a boy does not require that his mother shall be able to play football with him, but he does require that she shall care whether his side wins or loses. the wife who is a true mother to her husband, in this sense, need not be concerned because she cannot, let us say, follow his working out of a geometrical proposition. let her be on his side whether he fails or succeeds, thus playing the mother; and for the rest, if she asks him what those funny marks mean, she can play the daughter too, and hold his heart with both hands at once. it is to be hoped that such arguments as these will persuade the reader to assent to our rejection of the psychological grounds on which it is proposed to abolish monogamy. we extend all the sympathy in the world to those whose fortune has been unfortunate, and we admit that the ideal does not always coincide with the real, but we deny that the supposed argument against monogamy is based upon a sound understanding of human nature, its needs and its unity in multiplicity. if we are to stand by monogamy it behoves us to examine very carefully certain of its present conditions which militate against the full realization of its value for the individual and for the race. the disproportion of the sexes we have already discussed, and it may here be assumed that that grave obstacle to the success of monogamy is removed. there remains the fact, probably on the whole a quite new fact of our day, that under modern conditions a large proportion of women, whose quality we must consider, are declining monogamy as at present constituted. let it be granted that a certain number of these women are cranks, aberrant in various directions, unfitted for any kind of marriage, undesirable from the eugenic standpoint, and perhaps less often declining to be married than failing of the opportunity. there remains the fact that a large and probably increasing number of women are nowadays being educated up to such a standard of ideals that, even though their decision involves the sacrifice of motherhood, they cannot consent to marriage under present conditions. it is not that they are without opportunity, for many of them during ten or fifteen years of their lives may refuse one proposal after another, and spend the intervals in avoiding the onset of such attentions. it is not necessarily that the men who propose are of an inferior type. such women may refuse many men who come well up to or far surpass the modern male standard. it is not that they are by any means without capacity for affection; nor can one be at all certain that in many cases they would not do better to marry, after all, heavy though the price may be. what we have to recognize is that this is a phenomenon in every way evil. there must be something wrong with any institution which does not appeal to many members of the highest types of womanhood. perhaps in certain of its details this institution must be an anachronism, a survival from times to which it may have been well suited when the development of womanhood was habitually stunted, but inadequate to satisfy the demands of fully developed womanhood in our own days. now from the eugenic point of view it is of course the finest kind of women that we desire to be the mothers of the future--the more and not the less fastidious, those who are capable of the highest development, those who hold themselves in the highest honour, those who are least willing to renounce their possession of themselves. men are to be heard who say that this is all nonsense; that it is natural for women to surrender themselves, that motherhood is a splendid reward, and that they are handsomely paid as well in material things. but how many men would be willing to marry on the conditions with which marriage is offered to a woman? how many men would be willing to surrender their possession of themselves to an owner for life, so that at no future hour can they have the right to privacy? of course if the conditions for marriage were for a man what they are for a woman, scarcely any men would marry, and men would very soon see to it that these conditions were utterly altered. they are conditions imposed in a past age by the stronger sex upon the weaker, and no moral defence of them is possible. it may be argued, and might long have been argued, that a practical defence of them is possible, but that is undermined in our own time when we find that under these conditions marriage is declined by a large number of the best women. the practical argument is now the other way. in the interests of elementary justice, of marriage, of the individual and of the race, the conditions of marriage must be so modified that they shall be equal for both sexes, and that the best members of both sexes shall find them acceptable. this last is of course the fundamental eugenic requirement. the initial criticism of some will be, no doubt, that many men who now marry will decline the bargain. but surely we need not care at all--if the right kind of men accept it. as for the others, in the coming time, when we take more care of our womanhood, and when they are deprived of the economic weapon, they may go whither they will, their non-representation in the future of the race being precisely what we desire. women, then, are entitled to demand that the conditions of marriage be so modified as, above all things, to allow them the possession of themselves as the married man has possession of himself. the imposition of motherhood upon a married woman in absolute despite of her health and of the interests of the children is none the less an iniquity because it has at present the approval of church and state. it is woman who bears the great burden of parenthood, and with her the decision must rest. it is idle to reply that this is impossible, for it is possible, as there are not a few happy wives throughout the civilized world to bear testimony. every new life that comes into being is to be regarded as sacred from the first. the accident of birth at a particular stage in its development does not in the slightest degree affect this ethical principle, as even the law, for a wonder, recognizes. the full acceptance of the principle that woman must decide is, i am convinced, the only right and effective way in which to abolish altogether the dangers at present run by the life which is at once unborn and unwanted. the decision must be made once and for all _before_ the new life is called into initial being, and the last word must lie with her who is to bear it. i am strengthened in the enunciation of this principle by the reflection that it would be ridiculed and condemned by the vote of every public-house and music-hall throughout the civilized world. let it be observed that in thus allowing the wife the possession of her own person, we are giving her only what her husband possesses, and that her possession of herself is of vastly more moment to her than his own liberty to him. nothing more than sheer equality is being claimed for her, and the claim in her case has a double strength, since it is made valid not only by her own interests but by those of the future. the future must be protected, and therefore she who is its vessel must be protected. this is no more than the sub-human mother everywhere has as her birthright, and however much this teaching may offend the common male assumption that a wife is a form of property, the future certainly holds within itself the establishment of this principle. the question of divorce is so important that we must defer it to the next chapter. we have briefly alluded to the question of the wife's possession of herself. we must now refer to the question, scarcely less important, of her possession of her own property and her claims upon her husband's. it is difficult for the present generation to realize that very few decades have passed since the time when everything which a woman possessed became, when she married, the property of her husband. that is now a question which there is no need to discuss, but there remains a very great issue, lately become prominent, and suggested by the popular phrase, the endowment of motherhood. we should obviously be false to our first principles if we did not assent with all our hearts to the _fundamental_ principle expressed by this phrase. if it is necessary that the wife be protected as a wife, it is even more necessary that she be protected as a mother. there are twelve hundred thousand widows in this country at the present time, and of these a large number stand in unaided parental relation to a great multitude of children. i showed some years ago that, as we shall see in more detail in a later chapter, alcohol makes not less than forty-five thousand widows and orphans every year in england and wales. nothing can be more certain than that, in the interests of all except the worthless type of man, the economic protection of motherhood is an urgent need, less open to criticism perhaps than any other economic reconstruction proposed by the reformer. some will argue, of course, that the state is to look after children directly, but i, for one, as a biologist, have no choice but to believe that the way to save children is to safeguard parenthood, and i cannot question that our duty is to provide the mother with the necessary means for performing her supreme function, whether she has a living husband or is a widow or is unmarried. the question remains, how is this to be done, and whence is the money to be obtained? here we join issue with those socialist writers who advocate the endowment of motherhood and give it their own meaning; and that is why in a preceding paragraph the word fundamental has been emphasized, since in the endowment of motherhood as understood by socialists there are two principles, one which i call fundamental, and a second--that the endowment shall be by the state--which now falls to be considered. i do not see how any one can challenge the following sentences from mr. h. g. wells: "so the monstrous injustice of the present time which makes a mother dependent upon the economic accidents of her man, which plunges the best of wives and the most admirable of children into abject poverty if he happens to die, which visits his sins of waste and carelessness upon them far more than upon himself, will disappear. so too the still more monstrous absurdity of women discharging their supreme social function, bearing and rearing children in their spare time, as it were, while they earn their living by contributing some half mechanical element to some trivial industrial product, will disappear."[ ] but the remarkable circumstance is that mr. wells proposes to remedy these consequences of, for instance, "sins of waste and carelessness," not by dealing with those sins but by the simple method that "a woman with healthy and successful offspring will draw a wage for each one of them from the state so long as they go on well. it will be her wage. under the state she will control her child's upbringing. how far her husband will share in the power of direction is a matter of detail upon which opinion may vary--and does vary widely amongst socialists." how far a father is to share in directing his children's upbringing is "a matter of detail," we are told. the phrase suffices to show that whatever we are dealing with here is either sheer fantasy or else thinking of so crude a kind as to be unworthy of the name. since early in the history of the fishes paternal responsibility has been a factor of ascending evolution. it has ever been a more and more responsible thing to be a father. it is now proposed to reduce fatherhood to the purely physiological act--as amongst, shall we say, the simpler worms; and the proposal is only "a matter of detail." probably we had better go our own way, and waste no more time upon this kind of thing. there remains to answer our question, how is motherhood to be endowed; and the answer i propose is _by fatherhood_. motherhood is already so endowed in many a happy case. there are quite a number of men to be found who take such a remarkable pride and interest in their own children that their "share in the power of direction" is a real one, and would never occur to them to be "a matter of detail." they regard their earnings, these unprogressive fathers, as in large measure a trust for their wives and children, and expend them accordingly. they are not guilty of "sins and waste and carelessness"; and some of them are even inclined to question whether they should pay for the results of such sins on the part of other men: and since those who believe in the "fetish of parental responsibility," to quote the favourite socialist _cliché_, can show that this is not a fetish but a tutelary deity of society, whose power has been increasing since backbones were invented, they may be well assured that the last word will be with them. what we require is the application of the principle of insurance; we must compel a husband and father to do his duty, as many husbands and fathers do their duty now without compulsion. we must regard him as responsible in this supremely important sphere, as we do in every other. doubtless, this will often mean some interference with his "sins of waste and carelessness"; and so much the better for everybody. those who prefer to be wasteful and careless had best remain in the ranks of bachelorhood. we have no desire for any representation of their moral characteristics in future generations, but if they do marry they must be controlled. meanwhile our champions of paternal irresponsibility are having things all their own way. every year more children are being fed at the expense of the state, and there is no one to challenge the father who smokes and drinks away any proportion of his income that he pleases. * * * * * perhaps we may now attempt to sum up the suggestion of this chapter. it is based upon a belief in the principle of monogamy--without, as some would assert, a credulous acceptance of all the present conditions of that institution. the principle underlying it may be right and impossible of improvement, but our practice may be hampered by any number of superstitions, traditions, injustices, economic and other difficulties, which nevertheless do not invalidate our ideal. therefore, instead of proposing to abolish monogamy or that great principle of common parental care of children, the support of motherhood by fatherhood, which is perfectly expressed in monogamy alone, let us seek rather, in the interests of the future--which will mean proximately in the interests of woman, the great organ of the future--to make the conditions of marriage such that it best serves the highest interests. we need not cavil at those who look upon marriage as a symbol of the union between christ and his church, but we must look upon it also as a human institution which exists to serve mankind and must be treated accordingly. we are quite prepared to accept in its place any other institution which will serve mankind better, and we adhere to monogamy only because such an alternative cannot be named. we are to regard any disproportion in the number of the sexes as inimical to monogamy. we know that in the past, when there has been a great excess of women, as owing to chronic militarism, polygamy has been the natural consequence; and we must recognize that such an excess of women at the present day is a predisposing cause, if not of polygamy, of something immeasurably worse. the causes of that excess of women have therefore been examined in some degree, and our duty of opposing them is laid down as a fundamental political proposition. we then discussed and criticized a second argument for polygamy, based upon the assumption that a man requires more from women than one woman can afford him. the answer to that argument is that many women exist who meet all their husbands' needs and satisfy all their instincts, and that for this end the intensive education of woman's intellect is not a necessary condition. it may be added that if the race is to rise, the highest type of women as well as the highest type of men must be its parents, the mothers being exactly as important as the fathers on the score of heredity. any attempt, therefore, to split up womanhood, so that the lower types shall become the mothers, and the higher the companions of men, is a directly dysgenic proposal, opposing the great eugenic principle that the best of both sexes must be the parents of the future. when we find, therefore, that marriage under present conditions does not satisfy many of the highest kinds of women, we must ask whether their dissatisfaction is warranted, and if, as we do, we find it based upon the fact that the present conditions are grossly unjust to women, we must modify those conditions so that, at the very least, the wife and mother shall not have the worst of them. finally, whatever we may fail to achieve because, for instance, of some fundamental facts of human nature against which it is vain to legislate, at least we have economic conditions under our control, and control them we must, so that, whoever shall be in a position of economic insecurity, at least it shall not be the mothers of the future. our first concern must be to safeguard them, whosoever else is inconvenienced. in deciding how this is effected we are to be guided by that great fact of increasing paternal responsibility which is demonstrated by the history of animal evolution since the appearance of the earliest vertebrates, and of which marriage, in all its forms, is at bottom the human and social expression. we are to recognize that if sub-human fathers are in any degree held by nature responsible with their mates for the care of their offspring, much more should this be true of man, "made with such large discourse, looking before and after," who is to be held responsible for all his acts, and most of all for those most charged with consequence. the man who brings children into the world is responsible to their mother and through her to society at large, which must see to it that that responsibility is not evaded. at present in england the working man spends on the average not less than one-sixth of his entire income on alcoholic drinks, whilst society yearly pays for the feeding of more of his children. but it is not good enough that the father shall swallow the interests of the future in this fashion. as the state in germany takes a percentage of his earnings in order to protect him against the risks of the future, so we must see to it that the necessary proportion of his earnings is devoted towards discharging the responsibilities which he has incurred. a notable consequence must follow from many such reforms as this chapter suggests. the marriage rate must fall, and the birth-rate, already falling, must fall much further; and so assuredly in any case they will; nor need anyone be alarmed at such a prospect. even from the point of view of quantity, the future supply of "food for powder," and so forth, the question is not how many babies are born, as people persist in thinking, but how many babies survive. for seven years past i have been preaching, in season and out of season, that our bishops and popular vaticinators in general are utterly wrong in bewailing the falling birth-rate, whilst the unnecessary slaughter of babies and children stares them in the face. how dare they ask for more babies to be similarly slain! it may be permitted to quote a passage written several years ago. "my own opinion regarding the birth-rate is that so long as we continue to slay, during the first year of life alone, one in six or seven of all children born (the unspeakably beneficent law of the non-transmission of acquired characters permitting these children to be born amazingly fit and well, city life notwithstanding), the fall in the birth-rate should be a matter of humanitarian satisfaction. let us learn how to take care of the fine babies that are born, and when we have shown that we can succeed in this, as we have hitherto most horribly failed, we may begin to suggest that perhaps, if the number were increased, we might reasonably expect to take care of that number also. babies are the national wealth, and in reality the only national wealth; and just as a sensible father will satisfy himself that his son can take care of his pocket-money, before he listens to a demand for its augmentation, so, as a people, we are surely responsible to the higher powers, or our own ideals, for the production of proof that we can take care of the young helpless lives which are daily entrusted to us, before we cry for more. it would be easy to quote episcopal denouncements regarding the birth-rate, but i am at a loss for references to similarly influential opinions about the slaughter of the babies that are born--a matter which surely should take precedence. may i, in all deference, commend for consideration a parable which always comes to my mind when i read clerical comments on the birth-rate, without reference to the infant-mortality? it was figured by the supreme lover of children that a wicked servant, entrusted with a portion of his master's wealth to turn to good account, went and hid it in the earth. he was not rewarded by the charge of more such wealth. we, as a people, are entrusted with living wealth, and, whilst we demand more, we go and bury much of it in the earth--whence, alas! it cannot be recovered. not an increase of opportunity, thus wasted, was the reward of the unprofitable servant, but to be cast into outer darkness. is there no moral here?" very distinguished recent authority may be quoted in favour of this principle. at the annual public meeting of the academy of sciences, held in paris in december, , professor bouchard discussed the question of the population of france, and came to the conclusion that the birth-rate "depended upon social conditions which it was difficult if not altogether impossible to modify, and in these circumstances the alternative remedy was to reduce the number of deaths." it must surely be plain that those reforms in the conditions of marriage which have been advocated in this chapter will meet this need, and are not necessarily to be feared even by those who, in this matter, devote their solicitude entirely to the question of numbers, quality apart. for the eugenist who is primarily concerned with quality these reforms are surely unchallengeable. chapter xviii the conditions of divorce a brief chapter must be devoted to the question of the conditions of divorce, which are really part of the conditions of marriage. here, as in every other case, we must apply the universal and unchallengeable eugenic criterion: the conditions of divorce, like the conditions of marriage itself, must be such as best serve the future of the race. this will mean that, in the first place, in entering upon marriage--which of necessity means so much more to a woman than it does to a man--the woman must have the assurance that when the conditions of the contract are broken she will be liberated. the law must bear equally upon the two sexes. this condition of safety, once established, may determine toward marriage a certain number of women at present deterred by what they know of the manner in which our unjust laws now work. secondly, divorce law reform in the right interests of women and the future must involve the complete protection of both from, for instance, the drunken husband. the male inebriate is on all grounds unfitted to be a father, and the laws of divorce must ensure that if he be married, his wife and therefore the future shall be protected from him. those of us who believe in the movement for women suffrage will be grievously disappointed if, when that movement at last succeeds, such fundamental and urgent reforms as these are not promptly effected. a royal commission is now sitting in england upon this subject of divorce law reform, and i wish to repeat here with all the emphasis possible what has been already said in indirect contribution to the evidence laid before that commission. it is that the first principle of judgment in all such matters is the eugenic one. primarily marriage is an invention for serving the future by buttressing motherhood with fatherhood. the judgment of all our methods of marriage and divorce lies with their products. "by their fruits ye shall know them." if there were any antagonism between the interests of the individual and those of the race we should indeed be in a quandary, but as i have shown a hundred times there is no such antagonism. the man or woman from whom a divorce ought to be obtained is _ipso facto_ the man or woman who ought not to be a parent. when it is a question of life or gold, we in england are consistent mammon worshippers. woe to the poacher, but the wife beater has only strained a right and may be leniently dealt with; woe to the destroyer of pheasants, but the destruction of peasants is a detail. thus it is that the great fundamental questions which, because they determine the destiny of peoples, are the great imperial questions, are unknown even by repute to our professed imperialists. every kind of industry except the culture of the racial life interests them profoundly--if there is money in it. the whole nation can go wild over a budget or the proposal to revive protection, but the conditions under which the race is recruited are the concern of but a few, who are looked upon as cranks. in the case of such a question as our divorce laws the public is substantially unaware that we are hundreds of years behind the rest of the civilized world; that our practice is utterly unthought out, and that the supposed compromise of separation orders is insane in principle and hideous in result. the present law bears very hardly upon both sexes in a thousand cases, but more especially upon women, toward whom it is grossly unjust. all honour is due to the divorce law reform union,[ ] which for many years has devoted itself to this important subject, and has at last succeeded in obtaining the formation of a royal commission, the upshot of which, we may hope, will be to reform our law on moral, humane, and eugenic lines. the following is a striking quotation from a pamphlet written on behalf of this union by mr. e. s. p. haynes, a distinguished expert. "but our law of divorce is only one example among many of our hide-bound attachment to ancient abuses. it is of the utmost importance to realize that divorce law reform will merely bring our jurisprudence up to the level of the modern enlightened state. it involves no revolutionary disturbance of anything but our crusted ignorance of how modern civilization works outside england. it sets out to place the family on a firmer basis, to regulate the marriage contract on equitable lines, and to improve the chances of the future generation in a country where deserted wives fill the work-houses and forty thousand illegitimate children are born every year." in germany, which we are always being asked to imitate in non-essentials by the more stupid kind of imperialist--the kind which only very strong empires can survive--the law of divorce is vastly superior to ours. there is no such thing as judicial separation, which "is rightly condemned as being contrary to public policy." further, as mr. haynes points out, "in germany a male cannot marry under twenty-one or a female under eighteen, whether parental consent is available or not. in england a man may and not infrequently does cut his wife and family out of his will; in germany the rights of wife and children are properly safeguarded by limiting this liberty of disposition. in england a father need not do more for his children than keep them out of the work-house unless he has brought himself under divorce jurisdiction; in germany he is obliged to maintain them in a suitable manner. in england a spendthrift or dipsomaniac can only be controlled when he has spent all his money. in germany such persons are protected from themselves by the family council. in england an illegitimate child can never be legitimated by the subsequent marriage of the parents. in germany this humane and reasonable opportunity of making reparation to the child exists as a matter of course." here in england we have one law for the rich and another for the poor, for the average cost of a decree is about £ ; and a case was recently reported in which a woman had saved up for twenty years in order to obtain a divorce. what an absolutely abominable scandal; how hideously beneath the level of practice amongst what we are pleased to call savage peoples. as everyone knows, the present law directly encourages immorality, pronouncing separation _without_ the power of re-marriage--that is to say, the greater punishment, for lesser offences, and divorce _with_ the power of re-marriage, that is to say, the lesser punishment, for greater offences. further, the law totally ignores the interests of the future in conspicuous cases where one or other possible parent is hopelessly unfit for such a function. in the interests not only of the individual but the future it would be advisable to grant divorce to a person whose partner had been confined in a lunatic asylum for, say five years, and who could be certified as likely to remain insane permanently, or whose partner had been confined in an inebriates' home for, say, two terms of one year, or who could be proved and certified to be an incurable drunkard. we must abolish these atrocious separation orders, with their direct promotion of every kind of immorality, illegitimacy and cruelty to women. but perhaps this chapter may be brought to a close since in england the matter is now before a royal commission, and since our stupidities are of no direct interest to the american reader. it was necessary, however, to deal with the subject because of its immediate and urgent bearing upon many of the problems of womanhood. chapter xix the rights of mothers we reach here a central question which must be approached from the right point of view or we shall certainly fail to solve it. that point of view is the child's. there is a school of thought which approaches the question otherwise--on abstract principles of justice and individual independence. the only objection to them is that, if upheld on modern conditions, these principles would soon leave us without anyone to uphold them. the relation of the mother to the state is central and fundamental, however considered, and the principles on which it must be settled must, above all, be principles which are compatible with the fundamental conditions on which states can endure. those principles, surely, are two. the first is that in a state we are members one of another, and that those who need help must be helped. this will be indignantly repudiated by a stern school of thought, but what if it applies, everywhere, always and above all, to children? they are members of the community who need help and they must be helped. the second principle is indeed only a special case of the first. it is that if the state is to continue, it must rear children. we take it then, first, that the moral and social law is perfectly final as to the right of every child to existence. there are no principles of national welfare which can divorce us from the simple truth that we must regard every human individual as sacred from the moment of its coming into existence--and that is a long time before birth. a familiar medical dogma is, "keep everything alive." there may be exceptions to it, but it is dangerous to discuss them with the unprepared. the only safe principle is to maintain, as long as possible, the life of all--the centenarian or the embryo conceived since the sun set. at times the state deliberately takes life on behalf of life. the sentence of execution passed upon the murderer may be warrantably passed by the state of the future or its officers upon a monstrous birth, a baby riddled with congenital syphilis or some such horrible fruit of our present carelessness and wickedness in such matters. the state may regard such children or their survival as illegitimate, since the laws of nature as we see them at work throughout the living world do not approve the survival of such. apart from these cases, all children are legitimate, and all children are natural. whatever the history of the reader's parents, he or she was assuredly both a legitimate child and a natural child--a paradox which may be left to the solution of the curious. directly a new human being has been conceived, its right to existence and survival may be conceded. vast numbers of human beings are conceived every year whose conception is a sin against themselves and the state. that is a question on which the present writer has written and spoken incessantly for years, and which no one can accuse him of neglecting. but here we have to deal with the facts of the world as they are and as they will be for some time to come. all children are to be cared for. no child should die; there should be no infant mortality; the children that are not fit to live should not be conceived, and those that are fit to live should be allowed to live; all children are legitimate. if the state has any kind of business at all, this is its business. our subject here, the reader may say, is not children, but woman and womanhood. the reply is that unless we have our principles rightly formulated, we cannot solve this question of the rights of women as mothers. failing our principles, we shall be reduced to the prejudices which serve as principles for our political parties. we shall have individualist and socialist at loggerheads, the friends of marriage and its enemies, and many other opposing parties who cannot solve the question for us because they have not waited first to discover its fundamentals. the rights of mothers can be approached only from the point of view of the rights of children. we may happen to believe, as the present writer certainly does, that parents should be responsible for their children. he once lectured for, and published the lectures in association with, a body called the british constitution association, which holds the same belief, but when he found as he did that protests were raised against any suggestion to help children whose parents do not do their duty, it became plain that principles which were right in a merely secondary and conditional way were being made absolute and fundamental. the fundamental is that the child shall be cared for; the conditional and secondary principle is that this is best effected through the parents. to say that if the parents will not do it, the child must be left to starve, is immoral and indecent. worse words than those, if such exist, would be required to describe our neglect of illegitimate infancy; our cruelty toward widows and orphans; our utterly careless maintenance of the conditions which produce these hapless beings in such vast numbers. if every child is sacred, every mother is sacred. if every child is to be cared for, every mother must be cared for. it is true that we may make experiment with devices for superseding the mother. man has impudent assurance enough for anything, and if nature has been working at the perfection of an instrument for her purpose during a few score million years--an instrument such as the mammalian mother, for instance--man is quite prepared to invent social devices, such as the incubator, the _crèche_, the infant milk _dépôt_, and so forth; not merely to make the best of a bad case when the mother fails, but to supersede the mother altogether directly the baby is born. such cases, except in the last resort, are more foolish than words can say. we have to save our children; we can only do so effectively through the naturally appointed means for saving children, which is motherhood. the rights of mothers follow as a necessary consequence from our first principle, which was the rights of children. because every child must be protected, every mother must be protected, if not in one way, in another. the state may not be able to afford this. the necessities of existence may be so difficult to obtain, not to mention for a moment such luxuries as alcohol and motor-cars and warships and fine clothes and art, and so forth, that no arrangements for the support of motherhood can be made. if we lay down the proposition that no mother should work because she is already doing the supreme work, it may be replied that this is economically impossible; the thing cannot be done. the only reply to this is that the state which cannot afford to provide rightly for the means of its continuance had better discontinue, and must in any case soon do so. motherhood is rapidly declining as a numerical fact in civilized communities generally. not merely does the birth-rate fall persistently and without the slightest regard to the commentators thereon, but it will continue to do so for many years to come. in the light of this fact the great argument of presidents and bishops, politicians and journalists, moralists and social censors generally is that somehow or other this decline must be arrested. to all of which one replies, for the thousand and first time, that, whatever it ought to be, it will not be arrested; that the really moral policy, the really human one, and the only possible one, is to take care of the children that are born. then when we have abolished our infant and child mortality and have solved the substantial problem of finding room for all new-comers, having ceased to far more than decimate them, we may begin cautiously to suggest that perhaps if the birth-rate were slightly to rise we might be able to cope with the product. at present the disgraceful fact is not the birth-rate, but what we do with the birth-rate; though more disgraceful perhaps are the blindness and ignorance and assurance of the host of commentators in high places who waste their time and ours in animadverting upon a fact--the falling birth-rate--which is a necessary condition and consequence of organic progress, whilst the motherhood we have is so urgently in need of protection and idealization in the minds of the people. we have reached the conclusion that all motherhood is to be protected. this means that from some source or other the money shall be forthcoming for the maintenance of the mother and her children. for, in the first place, the children are not to work because, if they do, they will not be able to work as they should in the future. the state cannot afford to let them work. further, the proper care of childhood is so continuous and exacting a task, and of such supreme moment, that it is the highest and foremost work that can be named; and therefore, in the second place, she whose business it is must not be hampered by having to do anything else. if any labourer is worthy of his hire, she is. her economic security must be absolute. she must be as safe as the bank of england, because england and its banks stand or fall with her. in the rightly constituted state, if there be any one at all whose provision and maintenance are absolutely secure, it will be the mothers. whoever else has financial anxiety, they shall have none. any state that can afford to exist can afford to see to this. no economist can inform me what proportion of the labour and resources of england are at this moment devoted to the means of life, and what proportion to superfluities, luxuries and the means of death. but it is a very simple matter with which the reader, who is doubtless a better arithmetician than i am, may amuse himself, to estimate the number of married women of reproductive age in the community, and allowing anything in reason for illegitimate motherhood and nothing at all for infertile wives, to satisfy himself that the total cost which would be involved in the adequate care of motherhood, is a mere fraction of the national expenditure. few of us realize how extraordinary and how unprecedented is the margin of security for existence which modern civilization affords. a savage community may have scarcely any margin at all. the same may be true of many primitive communities which cannot be called savage. they maintain life under such conditions, whether in greenland or in a thousand other parts of the world, that they cannot afford to labour for anything which is not bread. the primary necessities of existence take all their getting. some transient accident of weather or the balance of nature in the sea or in the fields imperils the existence of the whole community. they, at any rate, are wise enough to take good care of their women and children. but in civilization we have an enormous margin of security. not only are we dependent on no local crop or harvest, but the getting of necessities has become so effective and secure that we are able to spend a vast amount of our time and energy on the production of luxuries and evils. how little, then, is our excuse if we fail to provide the first conditions for continuance and progress! our first principles of the value of the child and therefore of motherhood are unchallengeable, nor will anyone nowadays be found to question that neither children nor mothers should work in the ordinary sense of that word, since the proper work of children who are to work well when they grow up is play, and since the mother's natural work is the most important that she can perform. it remains, then, for us to determine by whom mothers and children in the modern and future state are to be provided for. the conditions of mothers are various, and we shall best approach the problem by the consideration of different cases. the simplest is that of the widowed mother who is without means. it is only too common a case, and we have already seen certain causes which contribute to the enormous number of widows in the community. men do not live as long as women, and men are older when they marry. these natural causes of widowhood, as they may be called, are greatly aggravated by the destructive influence of alcohol upon fatherhood, as will be shown in the chapter dealing with alcohol and womanhood. on the individualistic theory of the state, a theory so brutal and so impracticable that no one consistently upholds it, the widow's misfortune is her private affair, but does not really concern us. her husband should have provided for her. indeed she should, and indeed we should have seen that he did. but if he and we failed in our duty to her, the consequences must be met. the hour is at hand when the state will discover that children are its most precious possessions, more precious as they grow scarcer, and efficient support will then be forthcoming, as a matter of course, for the widowed mother and her children. the feature which will distinguish this support from any past or present provision will be that it recognizes the natural sanctity and the natural economy of the relation between mother and children. it will be agreed not merely that the children must be provided for, but that they must be provided for through her. the current device is to divorce mother and children. "whom god hath joined together, let no man put asunder," is quoted by many against the divorce of a married pair whom, as is plain, not god but the devil has joined together; but the principle of that quotation verily applies to the natural and divine association of mother and children. if, then, the state is to provide in future for all widowed mothers and their children, husbands need no longer trouble to insure or make provision for them. such is the proper criticism. the reply to it is that the state will have to see to it that, in future, husbands _do_ take this trouble. to this we shall return. next we may consider the case of the unmarried mother and her "illegitimate" child or children. here, again, the child must be cared for, and the care of the child is the work which has been imposed upon the mother. we must enable her to do it, nor must we countenance the monstrous and unnatural folly, injurious to both and therefore to us, of separating them. napoleon, desirous of food for powder, forbade the search for the father in such a case, though the french are now seeking to abrogate that abominable decree. our law recognizes that the father is responsible, and under it he may be made to pay toward the upkeep of the child. some contemporary writers on the endowment of motherhood are advocating changes which would make this law absurd, for they are seeking to free the married father from any responsibility for his children, and could scarcely impose it upon the unmarried father. such proposals, however, are palpable reversions to something much lower and æons older in the history of life than mere barbarism, and i have no fear of their success. assuredly the unmarried father must be held responsible; and no less certainly must we see to it that, with or without his help, the unmarried mother and her children are adequately provided for. the present death-rate amongst illegitimate children is a scandal of the first order and must be ended. if we are wise, our provision will involve protecting ourselves against the need for new provision, especially where the mother is feeble-minded or otherwise defective, as is so often the case: but provision there must be. finally, we come to the central problem of the mother who has a living husband in employment. it is the case of the working classes that really concerns us, not least because the greater part of the birth-rate comes therefrom. it is the contemporary settling-down of the birth-rate in this class, combined with the novel consequences of modern industrialism, especially in the form of married women's labour, that makes the question so important. before we go any further, the proposition may be laid down that married women's labour, as it commonly exists, is an intolerable evil, condemned already by our first principles. it need scarcely be said that one is not here referring to the labours of the married woman who writes novels or designs fashion-plates. there is no condemnation of any kind of labour, in the home or outside it, if the condition be complied with, that it does not prejudice the inalienable first charge upon the mother's time and energy. her children are that first charge. it may perfectly well be, and often is, chiefly though not exclusively in the more fortunate classes, that the mother may earn money by other work without prejudice to her motherhood. such cases do not concern us, but we are urgently concerned with married women's labour in the ordinary sense of the term, which means that the mother goes out to tend some lifeless machine, whilst her children are left at home to be cared far anyhow or not at all. no student of infant mortality or the conditions of child life and child survival in general has any choice but to condemn this whole practice as evil, root and branch. and from the national and economic point of view it may be said that whatever the mother makes in the factory is of less value than the children who consequently die at home. the culture of the racial life is the vital industry of any people, and any industry that involves its destruction and needs the conditions which make up that destruction, is one which the country cannot afford, whatever its merely monetary balance-sheet. a complete balance-sheet, with its record of children slain, would only too readily demonstrate this. our right attitude toward married women's labour must depend upon a right understanding of the social meaning of marriage. this was a question which had to be dealt with at length in a previous volume and i can only state here in a word, what was the conclusion come to. it was that marriage is a device for supporting and buttressing motherhood by fatherhood. its mark is that it provides for _common parental care of offspring_. a more prosaic way of stating the case would be that marriage is a device for making the father responsible. if we go far back in the history of the animal world, we find mating but not marriage. the father's function is purely physiological, transient and wholly irresponsible. the whole burden of caring for offspring, when first there comes to be need for that care, in the history of organic progress, falls upon the mother. but even amongst the fishes we find that sometimes, as in the case of the stickleback, the father helps the mother to build a sort of nest, and does "sentry-go" outside it to keep off marauders. in this common care of the young we see what is in all essentials marriage, though some may prefer to dignify the word by confining it to those human associations which have been blessed by church and state, even though the father throws the baby at the mother, or sends her into the streets to earn her bread and his beer. if some of our modern reformers knew any biology, or even happened to visit a music-hall where the biograph was showing scenes of bird-life, they would learn that the human arrangement whereby the father goes out and forages for mother and children has roots in hoary antiquity. the pity is that there is no one to point the moral to the crowd when the father-bird is seen returning with delicacies for the mother, who tends her nest and its occupants. the reader will already have anticipated the conclusion, to which, as i see it, the study of the fundamental laws of life must lead the sociologist in this case. it is that the duty of the father is to support the mother and children, and that the duty of the state is to see that he does this. thus, if asked whether i believe in the endowment of motherhood, i reply, yes, indeed, i believe in the endowment of motherhood by the corresponding fatherhood. if our first principles are sound, we must believe that the mother must be endowed or provided for; there can be no difference of opinion so far. often, as we have seen, there is no corresponding fatherhood, for the mother may be a widow, or unmarried and unable to find the father. but where the corresponding fatherhood exists, we fly directly in the face of nature, we deny the consistent teaching of evolution as the study of sub-human life reveals it to us, if we do not turn to the father and say, this is your act, for which you are responsible. at all times the community has been entitled to say this to the father. it is even more entitled to say so now, when, as everyone knows, parenthood has come so entirely under the sway of human volition. the more knowledge and power the more responsibility. the more important the deed, the more responsible must we hold the doer. the time has come when fatherhood, whether within marriage or without it, must be reckoned a deliberate, provident, foreseen, all-important, responsible act, for which the father must always be held to account. on a recent public occasion, having endeavoured to show that the history of animal evolution teaches us the increasing importance and dignity of fatherhood, i was asked whether i had any argument in favour of parental responsibility. to this the fitting reply seemed to be that, primarily, i believe in parental responsibility because i believe in human responsibility. it need hardly be said that the questioner belonged to that important political party which loathes the idea of paternal responsibility and styles it a "fetish." without it none of us would be here. yet the socialists are less likely than any other party to abandon the idea of human responsibility. they propose to hold men responsible for the remoter effects of their acts--upon the present--as no other party does. the maker of money is held to account for his deeds and their effect upon the life around him. i agree with the principle: but i maintain that the maker of men is also to be held to account for his deeds and their effect upon the future and the life of this world to come. no socialist can afford to question the practical political principle that men are to be held responsible for their deeds: and no socialist can explain the sudden and unexplained abandonment of this principle when we come to the most important of all a man's deeds. to be consistent, the socialist should uphold the doctrine of a man's responsibility for the remoter consequences of his acts in this supreme sphere, more earnestly and thoughtfully and providently than any of his opponents. the position of those who would free the father from responsibility is even less defensible when, as we commonly find, they are prepared to make the mother's responsibility more extensive and less avoidable than ever. why this distinction? and if parental responsibility is a "fetish" when it refers to a father, why is it not the same when it refers to a mother? in the schemes of mr. h. g. wells, kaleidoscopic in their glitter and inconsistency, there remains from year to year this one permanent element, that while the mother must attend to her business, it is no business of the father. this is the essential feature, the one novelty of his scheme. already the married mother--he proposes nothing for the unmarried mother--is legally entitled to some measure of support. his endowment of motherhood is essentially a _discharge of fatherhood_, and should be so called. there can be no compromise, nothing but a fight to the finish, between the principle of endowing motherhood by making fatherhood less responsible, and the principle here fought for, of endowing motherhood by making fatherhood more responsible. as nature has been doing so, in the main line of progress for many millions of years,--a statement not of interpretation or theory but of observed fact--i have no fear of the ultimate issue. but it might well be that any portion of mankind, perhaps a portion ill to be spared, should destroy itself by an attempt to run counter to the great principle of progress here stated. there is an abundance of men who will be very happy to side with mr. wells. men have never been wanting, in any time or place, who were happy to gratify their instincts without having to answer for the consequences; and it has always been the first issue of any society that was to endure, to see that they did not have their way: hence human marriage. the "endowment of motherhood" sounds as if it were a scheme greatly for the benefit of women. let them beware. let them begin to think of, not the remoter, but the immediate and obvious consequences of any such schemes as are proffered by the overt or covert enemies of marriage, and they will quickly perceive that _the last way in which to secure the rights of women is to abrogate the duties of men_. the support allotted to such schemes as these is not feminine but masculine. that is the impression i derive from discussions following lectures on the subject; and that is what i should expect, judging from the natural tendencies of men, and the profound intuition of women in such matters. and, conversely, the opposition to such principles as are expressed here, and embodied in the "women's charter," will be masculine. but woman has been civilizing man from the beginning, and she will have her way here also--for, in the last resort, not merely youth, but the unborn must be served. before we consider the alternative suggestions that some are making, and proceed to indicate how the paternal endowment of motherhood can be enforced in every class, as public opinion practically enforces it in the upper and middle classes, let us meet the objection that, if fatherhood is to be made so serious an act, and if so much self-sacrifice is to be exacted from those who undertake it, the marriage-rate and the birth-rate will fall more rapidly. and as regards the marriage-rate, the answer is that marriage and parenthood are not inseparable, a proposition which might be much amplified if a writer who wishes to be heard could afford to have the courage of everybody's convictions. but already, in the middle classes, men limit their families to the number they can support. they simply practise responsible fatherhood, and the mothers and children are protected. on what moral grounds this is to be condemned, no one has yet told us. and as regards the effect of more stringent responsibility for fatherhood upon the birth-rate, it must be replied, for the thousandth time in this connection, that the question for a nation is not how many babies are born, but how many survive. the idea of a baby is that it shall grow up and become a citizen; if babies remained babies people would soon cease to complain about the fall in the birth-rate. but, in point of fact, a vast number of babies and children are unnecessarily slain, and if we could suddenly arrest the whole of this slaughter, the increase of population would become so formidable that everyone would deplore the unmanageable height of the birth-rate. its present fall is quite incapable of arrest, and is perfectly compatible with as rapid an increase of population as any one could desire. we must arrest the destruction of so much of the present birth-rate, so that it means nought for the future. by nothing else will this arrest be so accelerated as by those very measures for making fatherhood more responsible for the care of motherhood, which are here advocated. let it be freely granted that these measures will lower the birth-rate. much more will they lower the infant mortality and child death-rate, and diminish the permanent damaging of vast multitudes of children who escape actual destruction. and now we can turn to those proposals which have lately been revived by one or two popular writers in england, for the endowment of motherhood by the state, leaving the fathers in peace to spend their earnings as they please, whilst others support their children. detailed criticism is not needed, for the details to criticize are not forthcoming, and the opinions on principles and on details of these imaginative writers are never twice the same. it suffices that proposals such as these, apart from their vagueness and their obvious impracticability in any form, are directly condemned by the fundamental principle that a man shall be responsible for his acts. the endowment of motherhood, as mr. wells means it, is simply a phrase for making men responsible for their neighbours' acts and for striking hard and true at the root principle of all marriage, human or sub-human, which is the common parental care of offspring. reference is made to this proposal here, not that it really needs criticism, but in order that one may be clearly excluded from any participation in such proposals. the difference between such schemes for the endowment of motherhood and the proposal here advocated is that those seek to endow the mother by making the father less responsible--or, rather, wholly irresponsible--while this seeks to endow her by making the father more responsible. the whole verdict of the ages is, as we have seen, on the side of this principle. it has been practised for æons, and it is the aim of sound legislation and practice everywhere to-day. as has been admitted, the more we express this principle, the lower will fall, not necessarily the marriage-rate, but the parent-rate; fewer men will become fathers, _but they will be fitter_. there will be fewer children born, but they will be children planned, desired and loved in anticipation, as every child should be, and will be in the golden future. these children will not die, but survive; nor will their development be injured by early malnutrition and neglect. the believer in births as births will not be gratified, but there will be abundance of gratification for the believer in births as means to ends. the practical working-out of our principle is no more difficult than might be expected if it be remembered that we are counselling nothing revolutionary nor even novel. the demand simply is that the practice which obtains among the more fortunate classes shall be made universal, and that the state shall see that all fathers who can, do their duty. the state will be quite busy and well employed in this task, which may legitimately be allotted to it even on the strictly individualist and spencerian principles, that the maintenance of justice is alone the state's province. we allot a great function to the state, but deny that it can rightly or safely set the father aside and perform his duty for him. the kind of means whereby the rights of mothers may be granted them is indicated in the women's charter which has lately been formulated and advocated by lady maclaren. the principle there recognized is that the husband's wages are not solely his own earnings, but are in part handed to him to be passed on to his wife. directly children are concerned, the state should be. whatever the answer to the crudely-stated question, "should wives have wages?" it is certain that mothers should and must have wages or their equivalent. to many of the well-wishers of women it is disappointing that the women's charter is not more keenly supported by women themselves. unfortunately the suffrage has become a fetish, the mere means has become an end, preferred even to the offer of the real ends, such as would be attained in very large measure by this charter. we see here, it is to be feared, the same spirit which protests against the wisest and most humane legislation in the interests of women and children because "men have no business to lay down the law for women." in general terms, one would argue that the principle of insurance must be applied to this case, as it is now voluntarily applied by thousands of provident fathers. here the state may guarantee and help, even by the expenditure of money. it should help those who help themselves. this is a principle which may apply to many forms of insurance or provision, whether for old age or against invalidity; just as non-contributory old-age provisions are fundamentally wrong in principle, and have never been defended on any but party-political grounds of expedience, even by their advocates, so the "endowment of motherhood" which meant the complete liberation of fatherhood from its responsibilities would be wrong in principle. but in both of these cases the state might rightly undertake to help those who help themselves. fatherhood of the new order will not be so wholly irksome and unrewarded as might at first appear to the critic who does not reckon children as rewards themselves. it may involve some momentary sacrifices, but it needs very little critical study of the ordinary man's expenditure to discover that, on the whole, these sacrifices will be more apparent than real. it is, for instance, a very great sacrifice indeed for the smoker to give up tobacco; but once he has done so, he is as happy as he was, and suffers nothing at all for the gain of his pocket. both as regards alcohol and tobacco, the common expenditure which would so amply provide milk and the rest for children, is necessitated by an acquired habit which, like all acquired habits, can be discarded. the non-smoker and non-drinker does _not_ suffer the discomfort of the smoker and drinker who is deprived of his need. these things cease to be needs at all, soon after they are dispensed with, or if the habit of taking them is never begun. they are luxuries only to those who use them. to those who do not they are nothing, and the lack of them is nothing. the sheer waste they entail is gigantic, and the expenditure on them in such a country as england would endow all its motherhood and provide good conditions for all its children. the father who, in the future, is compelled to yield the rights of mothers and children, may sometimes be compelled to practise what at first looks like great self-restraint in these respects. the point i wish to make is that the sacrifice and the need for restraint are transient, and that thereafter there is simply more liberty and the promise of longer life for the wise. the working-out will be that the legislation of the future will benefit the right kind of husband and father, but will restrain and irk the wrong kind. but that is precisely what good legislation should do. thus the right kind of father, who in any case will do his best to care for his wife and children, will be helped in the future by the state. it will insist that he does the duty which in any case he means to do, but it will make the doing easier. we see admirably working parallels to this in the german insurance laws and their provision for death, disease and old age. they benefit those whom they appear to harass. insurance against fatherhood will work in the same way. the state will not be antagonistic to the father, but will be his best friend, knowing that _its_ best friends are good fathers and mothers. there will be far less worry and anxiety for well-meaning parents, especially for mothers, but also for fathers. nor do i, for one, much mind how substantial may be the state's contribution to the father's efforts, provided only that those efforts are demanded and obtained. nothing is more certain than that we are about to free ourselves from the crass blindness of the nineteenth century in its great delusion that the wealth of a nation consists in the number of things it makes and possesses. parenthood and childhood will shortly come to be recognized as the first concern of the state that is to continue, and whilst the birth-rate continues to fall, the honour paid to fathers and mothers will continue to rise. we shall become as wise in time as the jews have been ever since we have record of them. we shall estimate the relative value of these things as well as if we were the kinds of people we call "savages." fatherhood will not be such an uncompensated sacrifice in those days, even apart from its inherent rewards. the point i am trying to make is that the legislation and the social changes here advocated as necessary in the interests of women, and indeed asserted to be their rights, do not involve any injury to men. this common delusion is a mere instance of the poisonous principle of politicians, notably fiscal politicians, and of many business men. their belief is that what benefits germany must hurt england, that what hurts germany must benefit england, that all trade is a question of somebody scoring off another or being scored off. the idea that there are great games in which both sides stand to win, if they "play the game," is meaningless to them. that german prosperity can favour english prosperity, that true commerce is a mutual exchange for mutual benefit--these are notions obviously absurd to people who think on this horrible assumption which reigns unchallenged in a thousand columns of fiscal controversy every morning. and when these people turn to the question of legislation as between the sexes, they naturally assume that anything which promises to benefit women will injure men. the vote is thus regarded as a means of injuring men--necessarily, because it advantages women--and assuredly such people will suppose that any measures in the direction of granting what i here prefer to call the "rights of mothers" (leaving to one side the "rights of women"), necessarily involve a proportionate disadvantage to men. i deny it utterly: the woman's cause is man's: they rise or sink together, dwarfed or god-like, bond or free. the rights of mothers, we have seen, are fundamental for any society, and to satisfy them is to meet the most clearly primary of social needs. but there will be some readers of this book, perhaps, who miss any discussion of the "rights of women." i do not care for the phrase, because i do not think that we often see it usefully employed. for me the propositions are self-evident that men and women, being human beings, have the rights of human beings. each of us has the right to the conditions of the most complete self-development and expression that is compatible with the granting of the same right to others. it is true that women have been largely debarred from these conditions as a sex, and in so far there is some meaning in the phrase "women's rights." but otherwise we all agree that men and women alike have the right which has just been stated in terms that are a paraphrase of herbert spencer's definition of liberty. men's rights and women's rights are the rights to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." if any one disputes the application of this principle to women as unreservedly as to men, i will not argue with him. i write for decent people. at this stage in the development of civilization, our business is to see, first, that our social proceedings and reconstructions of enterprises are compatible with the nature of the human individual, male and female. it is always necessary for us to be reminded of the facts of the individual, for in the last resort they will determine the failure or the success of all our schemes. and then we must see where our existing social structure fails to satisfy the needs of individual development and of individual duty. in seeking to rectify what may here be wrong, of course we must take first things first--we must set the case right for the most important people before we go on to the others. now it is the simple, obvious truth,--so obvious and unchallengeable that somehow it has never been stated--that in any human society the parents are the most important people. the division is not between education and the lack of it, or wealth and the lack of it, or breeding and the lack of it. it is not the aristocracy that matters supremely; nor the "great middle-class"; nor the masses; nor the teachers; nor the doctors; nor the servants of modern industrialism. the classification is a biological one--into parents and non-parents. the non-parents may be invaluable in their way, if only they beget something that is valuable. heaven forbid that i should undervalue the children of the mind. but if we are to classify any nation, the first and last classification of any moment is none of those in which we always indulge and which all our customs and traditions and prejudices are ever seeking to perpetuate; but the classification into those who will die childless and those who create the future race. that is why, for me at any rate, the subject of women's rights is jejune and sterile compared with the subject of this chapter. first let us ascertain the rights of mothers and grant them, to the very uttermost; then let us do the same for the fathers. let us exact of each the corresponding duties; and the next generation, brought into being under such conditions, will solve all our problems. but whilst we neglect the first things we shall permanently solve no problem at all. we may seem to do so, but if we dishonour parenthood, if we leave the inferior women to mother the future, the degenerate race that must ensue will find itself in difficulties compared with which ours are trivial, and our solutions of them impotent. that is why i seek to draw attention to the rights not of women as women,--for neither men nor women have any peculiar rights as men or women--nor yet to the rights of wives as wives, but to the rights of mothers as mothers, whether married or unmarried, whether husbanded or widowed. the rights of women are the rights of human beings, and no special concern of a writer on woman and womanhood, paradoxical as the assertion may be. the rights of wives are often discussed, but i question whether the discussion ever helped a wife yet, except solely in the matter of her monetary claims upon her husband. discussion and public opinion and consequent legislation can effect, and have effected, something for wives as wives in this matter. in other matters, much more vital to their happiness, each case is unique because all individuals are unique; and the discussion of the questions can amount to no more than futile and obvious platitude. but when motherhood is concerned the monetary question becomes worthy of the adjective economic, so often prostituted, for the making of future life depends upon the provision of adequate means. the whole essence of motherhood is that it is a dedication of the present to the future. every mother is in the position of the inventor or the poet or the musician for whose work the present makes no demand and no payment. the future is being served, but the future is not there to pay. the rights of mothers are the rights of the future, and its claims upon the present. it can be abundantly shown that increasing prevision or provision marks the ascent of organic nature; that as life ascends the present is more and more dedicated to the future. the completeness of this dedication is the most exemplary fact of the many which the bee-hive provides for our instruction and following. consider the dedication of the hive to the queen. realize that she is not in any way the ruler of the hive, but she is _the only mother in it_. she is the parent, and, on our principles, she is therefore the most important person in the hive. no one else has any rights but to serve her, for the future absolutely depends upon her. so does the future of our society depend upon its mothers. in our species there are many and not one, as in the bee-hive. if there were just one individual who was to be the mother of the next generation, even our politicians would perceive that she was the most important person in the community, and that her rights were supreme. but the principle stands, though, as it happens, human mothers are not one in each generation, but many. they are in our society what the queen bee is in the hive, and the future will transcend the present and the past just in so far as they are well-chosen, and well cared for. to the best of my belief this principle has not yet been recognized by any one. the rights of women and the rights of wives are often discussed, but the rights of mothers is a term expressing a principle which is not to be called new, only because in the bee-hive, for instance, we see it expressed and inerrably served. perhaps it may be permitted to close with a personal reminiscence which, at any rate, bears on the genesis of this chapter. some nine years ago when i was resident-surgeon to the edinburgh maternity hospital, i proposed to get up a concert for the patients on boxing day, and on asking permission of the distinguished obstetrician who was in supreme charge, was met with the question, "do they deserve it?" after several seconds there slowly dawned the fact which i knew but had long forgotten, that the mothers in the large ward where the music was proposed, were all unmarried, and finally i answered, "i don't know." nor do i know to this day, and though the answer was given in weakness and in a disconcerted voice, i doubt whether any wiser one could be framed. we all know what desert means, and merit and credit, until we begin to think and study: and we end by discovering that we do not know what, in the last analysis, these terms mean. but, at any rate, these women,--one of them, i remember, was a child of fourteen--were mothers, and whatever favoured their convalescence unquestionably made for the survival of their babies. it might have been argued that if the patients did not deserve music, they did not deserve the air and light and food and skill and kindness with which they were being restored to health. but it is not a question of deserts. these women were mothers. if they should not have been, they should not have been, and if the blame was theirs, they were blameworthy. but mothers they were, with the duties of mothers to perform, and therefore with the rights of mothers. they got their concert and were all the better for the remarkably indifferent music of which it consisted, as such concerts commonly do; and i am only very sorry if any of them argued therefrom that she had nothing in the past to regret. but the spiritual attitude revealed in the question, "do they deserve it?" is one which must speedily go to its own place. let us strive to dignify marriage, to educate the young of both sexes for parenthood, to reduce illegitimacy, to reward virtue. but where there is motherhood in being, whether expectant or achieved, we have a duty which is the highest and most sacred of all because it is the future that we are called upon to serve, and upon us it wholly depends. as mr. john burns said to our first infant mortality conference in great britain in , "let us dignify, purify and glorify motherhood by every means in our power." evidently this can only be done through marriage, which is in its very essence an institution for the dignifying of motherhood. but a biological writer cannot distinguish as a theologian can between legal and extra-legal motherhood. he may declare that motherhood is hideously illegitimate when it is forced upon a wife married to an inebriate degenerate. he may accept marriage with all his heart as an institution which for him has natural sanctions millions of years older than any church or state or mankind itself. but for him as a student of life all motherhood must be guarded as such--even if it be guarded in such a fashion that it can never recur, which is our duty to the feeble-minded mother. if there be any reader who is unacquainted with m. maeterlinck's "life of the bee," let him or her study that instructive book. let him ask why the queen is the end of the hive, why all is for her. let him ask whether the natural law upon which this depends--the law that all individuals are mortal--does not apply to all races, even our own, and perhaps he will come to agree that the rights of mothers are the oldest and deepest and most necessary of any rights that can be named. and the recognition and granting of them--as they must necessarily be recognized and granted in every living race that depends upon motherhood--is even more imperative in our case than in any other, since human motherhood makes more demands upon the individual than any other. by our constitution we human beings must devote more of our energies to the future than any other race. but it is a future better worth working for than any of theirs. chapter xx women and economics it will be evident that the writer of the foregoing chapter must have something to say on the question of women and economics, but though what must be said seems to me to be very important, it can be stated at no great length. if we turn to the most widely-read and applauded of the feminist books on this subject, _women and economics_, by charlotte perkins gilman, we are by no means encouraged to find it stated in the first chapter that woman's present economic inferiority to man is not due to "any inherent disability of sex." wherever mrs. gilman may be right, here the biologist knows that she is wrong. the argument has been fully stated in earlier pages, and need not here be restated. but we shall not be surprised if a premise which denies any natural economic disadvantage of women leads to more than dubious conclusions. only a few pages later, mrs. gilman refers to the argument that the economic dependence of women upon their husbands is defensible on the ground that they perform the duties of motherhood, and the following is her comment thereon: "the claim of motherhood as a factor in economic exchange is false to-day. but suppose it were true. are we willing to hold this ground, even in theory? are we willing to consider motherhood as a business, a form of commercial exchange? are the cares and duties of the mother, her travail and her love, commodities to be exchanged for bread? "it is revolting so to consider them; and if we dare face our own thoughts, and force them to their logical conclusion, we shall see that nothing could be more repugnant to human feeling, or more socially and individually injurious, than to make motherhood a trade." surely this is special pleading and not very plausible at that. it may be replied, "is not the labourer worthy of his hire?"--however noble the labour. if we choose to call society's or a husband's support of motherhood "a form of commercial exchange," it is indeed "revolting" so to see it; let us then look at the case as it is. we applaud the "cares and duties of the mother, her travail and her love"; but the more assiduous her maternity, and the more admirable, the more certainly will she require to be fed. if she cannot simultaneously feed her child and forage for herself, somebody must forage for her; and to say that therefore the cares and duties of the mother, her travail and her love, become commodities to be exchanged for bread, is simply to cloud a clear case with question-begging epithets. always, everywhere, if motherhood is to be performed at its highest, the mother must be supported. it is not a question of commercial exchange, but of obvious natural necessity. the foregoing chapter with its argument for the rights of mothers as a great and neglected social principle, may be unsound throughout, but it will certainly not be refuted by sentences such as these. briefly, mrs. gilman proposes to "do away with the family kitchen and dining-room, to transform all domestic service from the incapable, hand-to-mouth standard of untrained amateurs to that of professional experts, to raise the work of child nursing and rearing to a scientific and skilled basis, to secure the self-support of the wife and mother through skilled labour, so that she may be economically independent of her husband." but if her child nursing and rearing are to be scientific and skilled, and she is simultaneously to support herself through skilled labour, she clearly requires to be two women or one woman in two places at the same time. this, in effect, is what mrs. gilman expects. we have seen that mr. h. g. wells's proposed help for motherhood consists in discharging fatherhood from its duties: mrs. gilman's idea is to double the mother's work. both come to much the same thing. all women, mothers or other, are to become economically independent, instead of being "parasitic on the male," our author's unpleasing way of recognizing that fatherhood has reached high and responsible estate amongst mankind. now if mrs. gilman's solution be feasible, we must return to our fundamentals and see whether they are compatible with it. she has no doubt of it. thus:-- "if it could be shown that the women of to-day were growing beards, were changing as to pelvic bones, were developing bass voices, or that in their new activities they were manifesting the destructive energy, the brutal combative instinct, or the intense sex-vanity of the male, then there would be cause for alarm. but the one thing that has been shown in what study we have been able to make of women in industry is that they are women still, and this seems to be a surprise to many worthy souls ... 'the new woman' will be no less female than the 'old' woman ... she will be, with it all, more feminine. "the more freely the human mother mingles in the natural industries of a human creature, as in the case of the savage woman, the peasant woman, the working-woman everywhere who is not overworked, the more rightly she fulfils these functions."[ ] we may not be so sure that there is not some evidence for "growing beards," "developing bass voices," and "manifesting the destructive energy, the brutal combative instinct, or the intense sex-vanity of the male"; and in our brief attempt to make a first study of womanhood in the light of mendelism, we have seen good reason to understand why masculine characters may come to the surface in the female whose femininity has worn thin. several of the lower animals definitely show us the possibilities. but we need not accept the issue on the grounds of such superficial manifestations as these, for there are others, more subtle and vastly more important, on which must be fought the question whether women in industry are women still, and whether the "new woman" is more feminine than the old. let us dismiss the extremes in both directions. we need not adduce the members of the pioneer club, who show their increasing femininity by donning male attire; nor need we question that large numbers of women in industry continue to remain feminine still. the practical question which we must determine, if possible, is the average effect of industrial conditions and the assumption of the functions commonly supposed to be more suitably masculine, upon women in general. here we definitely join issue with mrs. gilman. it is impossible to discuss, as we might well do, the available evidence as to the effect of external activities upon that wonderful function of womanhood which, in its correspondence with the rhythm of the tides, hints, like many other of our attributes, at our distant origin in the sea--the mother of all living. reference was made in an earlier chapter to this function, and its use as, in most cases at any rate, a criterion of womanhood and a gauge of the effect of physical exercise or mental exercise thereupon. the writer of "women and economics" has nothing to say on this subject--less, if possible, than on the subject of lactation. the menstrual function would admirably and fundamentally illustrate the present contention, but it will be better to take the great maternal and mammalian function of nursing as a criterion of womanhood, and as a test of the contention that the more freely the mother works as do the savage woman and the peasant woman, the more rightly she fulfils the "primal physical functions of maternity." before we consider the actual evidence (and mrs. gilman does not deal at all in evidence on these fundamentals to her argument) let us meet the argument about the "savage woman," who works as hard as men do,--though much less hard than early observers of savage life supposed--and who is nevertheless a successful mother. it is completely forgotten that, just as parenthood, both fatherhood and motherhood, demands more of the individual as we rise in the scale of animal evolution, so, within our own species, the same holds good. in general, the mothers of civilized races are the mothers of babies whose heads are larger at birth (as they will be in adult life), than those of savage babies. it is true that the civilized woman has, on the average, a considerably larger pelvis than that of, for instance, the negress. there must be a feasible, practicable ratio between the two sets of measurements if babies are to enter the world at all. but the increasing size of the human head is a great practical problem for women. no one can say how many millions have perished in the past because their pelves were too narrow for the increasing demands thus made upon them, and doubtless the greater capacity of the female pelvis in higher races is mainly due to this terrible but racially beneficent process of selection, by which women with pelves nearer (e. g.) to negro type, have been rejected, and women with wider pelves have survived, to transmit their breadth of pelvis to their daughters and carry on the larger-headed races. but even now obstetricians are well aware that the practical mechanical problem for the civilized woman is much more serious than for her savage sister; and the argument that civilized women would discharge maternal functions as well as savage women if they worked as hard is therefore worthless. let us return now to the question of nursing capacity. "bass voices" and "beards" are doubtless unlovely in woman, but their extensive appearance would be of no consequence at all compared with the disappearance or weakening of the mammalian function which, as everyone knows or should know, is the dominating factor in the survival or death of infancy. now it may be briefly asserted that civilized woman, and more especially industrial woman, threatens to cease to be a mammal. if this assertion can be substantiated, and if the "economic independence of women" necessarily involves it, no biologist, no medical man, no first-hand student of life, will hesitate to condemn finally the ideal toward which mrs. gilman and those who think with her would have us go. things may be bad, things _are_ very bad: the lot of woman must be raised immensely, because the race must be raised, and cannot be raised otherwise; but progress is going forward and not backward, mr. chesterton notwithstanding. woman will not become more than a mammal by becoming less, and going back on that great achievement of ascending life. individuals may do so, and are doing so, lamentably misdirected as many of them now are; but that is the end of them and their kind. it is quite easy to stamp out motherhood and its inevitable economic dependence, but with it you stamp out the future. it is generally admitted that our women nurse their babies less than they used to do. it is as generally admitted that this is often deliberate choice, and we all know that it is often economic necessity: the human mother "mingles in the natural industries of a human creature," such as the factory affords, and cannot simultaneously stay at home to nurse her baby, making men--for which, as a "natural industry" of women, even as against making, say, lead-glaze for china, there may be something to be said. but whilst popular preachers and castigators of the sins of society fulminate against the fine lady who asks for belladonna and refuses to do her duty, we must enquire to what extent, if any, women no longer nurse their babies because they cannot, try they never so patiently and strenuously. it is the general belief amongst those whose daily work qualifies them for an opinion, that women are tending to lose the power of nursing. professor von bunge, whose name is honoured by all students of the action of drugs, has satisfied himself that alcoholism in the father is a great cause of incapacity to nurse in daughters. however that interpretation may be, the fact seems clear; and the change in this direction is evidently much more rapid than might be accounted for by the improvement in artificial feeding of infants leading to the survival of daughters of mothers unable to nurse, and transmitting their inability to their children. mrs. gilman--having ignored menstruation altogether--makes only one allusion to this vastly important subject, and we shall see to what extent her sanguine assumption is justified. according to her, "a healthy, happy, rightly occupied motherhood should be able to keep up this function (of nursing) longer than is now customary--to the child's great gain." there can be no question about the child's great gain; but what is the evidence for supposing that a mother earning her own living in free competition with men--which is what a "healthy, happy, rightly occupied motherhood" means in this connection--can thus spend her energies twice over, unlike any other source of energy known? according to official statistics, maternal lactation is steadily decreasing in several german cities, notably in berlin, where only . per cent. of infants under one month were suckled by their mothers in , as against . per cent. in , and . per cent. in . at nine months of age . per cent. were suckled in , . per cent. in , per cent. in . other towns show more favourable results; a general decrease, however, is marked. these facts cannot be ascribed, according to the author,[ ] to a growing disinclination to breast-feeding, nor to the employment of mothers (in prussia only per cent. of the married women are employed in manufacture). the question whether the decrease in breast-feeding is due to the industrial employment of women before marriage, or to (inherited) degeneration, remains to be determined. according to a recent statement by professor von bunge, the conditions are very similar now in switzerland, where only about one mother in five can nurse her children. similar evidence could be cited from other sources, and the fact being admitted must evidently be reckoned with. that the modern development of infant feeding will serve to replace natural lactation, must be denied, and this without prejudice to the magnificent work of the late professor budin of paris and professor morgan rotch of harvard. these pioneers and their followers have devised some admirable second bests--admirable, that is, relatively to some of the pitiable methods which they have superseded, but relatively to the mother's breast not admirable at all. at the beginning of the campaign against infant mortality, the crèche and the sterilized milk dépôt and the fractional analysis of cow's milk and its recomposition in suitable proportions of proteid, fat, etc., as devised by rotch, were rightly acclaimed and admitted to save vast numbers of infant lives. all this is mere stop-gap, wonderfully effective, no doubt, but only stop-gap nevertheless. in france they are going ahead, and public opinion in london is being slowly persuaded to follow along the more recent french lines. the modern principle upon which we should act is nature's principle--saving the children through their mothers. expectant motherhood must be taken care of; we must feed, not the child, but the nursing mother, and the child through her. if we rightly take care of her, she will construct a perfect food for the child. there is no other path of racial safety. it is not our present concern to deal with the problems of infancy and childhood as they require, and surely we need not wait to prove that nursing motherhood cannot safely be superseded, but must be retained and safeguarded. if this postulate be granted, we have to determine how it comes about that the german figures, for instance, are showing this extraordinarily rapid decline in maternal lactation. as has already been noted in passing, we must reject the suggestion that the natural type of women is changing. such a change of natural type in any living race can occur only through selection for parenthood, and such selection in the case in question can scarcely be imagined to occur in the direction of choosing women who are naturally less capable of nursing. on the contrary, the tendency of the selective principle must always be toward the greater survival of infants whose mothers can nurse them, and who in their turn, if they are to be women, will be more likely to be able to nurse their children. further, the action of selection cannot demonstrate itself more quickly than is permitted by the length of human generations. it must therefore be rejected as any interpretation of this case. if women are ceasing to be able to nurse their babies, and if this change is occurring with such extraordinary rapidity as the german figures indicate, plainly the explanation must be found in the action of some recent and novel condition or conditions upon womanhood. perhaps it need scarcely be insisted that the distinction here sought to be made is of the utmost importance. if the natural type of womanhood were actually changing, we could scarcely do more than observe and despair, but if it be merely that the capacities of this generation of women are being modified by the particular conditions to which they are subjected, plainly we who have made those conditions can modify them--"what man has made, man can destroy." if we come to ask ourselves what these recent and novel conditions are, the answer is only too ready at hand. the principles which will guide us toward discovering it have been set forth at length in the earlier chapters of this book. let us recur to our geddes and thomson, and at once we have the key. the production of milk is an act of anabolism or building-up, such as we have seen to be characteristic of the female sex, involving the accumulation and storage of quantities of energy so large that if they were stated in the units of the physicist they would astonish us. if we consider what the child achieves in the way of movement and development and growth, and if we realize that at the most rapid period of development and growth, all the energy therefor has been gathered, prepared, and is dispensed by the nursing mother, we shall begin to realize what an astonishing feat that is which she performs. it is in reality, of course, the same feat which is performed by the expectant mother, only that it is slightly less arduous, since after birth the child can breathe and digest for itself. perhaps the reader will begin to realize what mrs. gilman and those who think with her are asking us to believe when they say that the primal physical functions of maternity will be best fulfilled by the mother who "mingles in the natural industries of a human creature." this statement is either ridiculously false or can be rendered true by rendering it as a truism. the primal physical functions of maternity _are_ the natural industries of the particular human creature we call a mother; and the better she fulfils them, the better she fulfils them, certainly. but the so-called natural industries in which the modern mother is desired to be engaged whilst she is bearing or nursing her children are as unnatural as anything can be. as at present practised, they are morbid products of civilization which it will require to cast off if it is to survive. it is the student of life and its laws who must have the last word in these matters. if he utters it wrongly or is unheeded, nature is not mocked, but will be avenged. the writer who can lay down a new principle on which our life is to be based, without paying any more attention to lactation than is to be found in the argument we have been considering, has left out the beginning, has omitted the foundations. no measure of earnestness or literary skill can save her case. of course the reply will be that the biological criticism is simply the ancient and oriental idea of woman as a helpless dependent, reasserted for male advantage in our own day. one cannot believe that it is necessary to rebut that accusation. it is necessary, however, to examine somewhat the words "economic dependence" and "economic independence" which are employed with such naïve antithesis in this controversy. when we examine mrs. gilman's proposal for the salvation of woman, we find it to mean that in future mothers are to do double work. the glorious consummation is to be that woman is no longer "parasitic on the male," which is mrs. gilman's way of expressing the great truth that the mother for whom the father works, represents the future supported by the present. but the future is always supported by the present. woman, we began by saying, is nature's supreme organ of the future, and the present must live for her and die for her. when we say the future, we mean childhood. if childhood is to appear and to survive, womanhood must be dedicated to it, and manhood, which stands for the present, must supply its own link in the chain. the following paragraph from an unsigned article which appeared some years ago in the _morning post_ states the case in a form which may convince the reader. it was headed "repairs and renewals of the people," and ran as follows:-- "it is, indeed, seldom sufficiently realized how much a nation, so to speak, lives always in and for the future. broadly speaking, of every ten persons living in the united kingdom now, four are less than twenty years of age, while three of the rest are women (two of them married women)--that is to say, people also mainly concerned, through the care of children, with the future rather than with the present. upon the remaining three men, one of whom be it noted is over fifty-five, falls the bulk of the work of providing for immediate needs and so releasing the others to provide for the continuance of the race. a definite large share of all the present activities of a people is required and, as it were, pledged to provide for its renewal. if it fails to allow sufficient, it may, just like a company or a municipal concern with an inadequate depreciation fund, show large profits and great prosperity for a time; it cannot be regarded as a sound concern." the reader must decide whether there is more light and leading in the interpretation that upon men falls the bulk of the work of providing for immediate needs, and so enabling women to provide for the continuance of the race, or, in mrs. gilman's version that woman is parasitic upon the male. the future, if she likes to state it in that way, is parasitic upon the present, always has been and always will be. the case which she imagines to be unique and morbid, peculiar to civilized mankind, is precisely the case of the hen bird who sits upon her eggs, incubating the future, whilst the male goes and forages for her. she is parasitic upon the male, as mrs. gilman would put it. the truth is that, like many other women dominated by sex antagonism--which glares ferociously from such paragraphs as that which was quoted regarding "the brutal combative instinct or the intense sex-vanity of the male"--mrs. gilman, in seeking to further the interests of her sex, proposes to dispense with the help of its best friend, which is the other sex. it is not easy to speak with patience of those who thus seek to set the house of mankind against itself, to the injury of men, women and children alike. no doubt it is true that mrs. gilman's attitude is engendered by sex antagonism as we see it everywhere in men--though for some obscure reason it is only so labelled when displayed by women. no doubt, also, a much better case can be made out for mrs. gilman's proposals, up to a point, than could be made out for corresponding proposals on the other side. no one who thinks for a moment can question that all proposals whatsoever to make either sex independent of the other are stark madness; yet there is a certain short-lived plausibility in the argument that women are to be independent of men, and this depends upon the fact which we have already attempted to demonstrate and interpret by means of mendelism, that women are more than men, and that womanhood includes latent manhood. if, therefore, we are careful with the argument and boldly rush past the really crucial places, such as the conditions and needs of expectant and nursing motherhood, we can make out what looks like a case for the economic dependence of women. each sex is to work for itself, and then there need be no more quarrelling. but we could not go even so far with any theory for making men independent of women without seeing that we were no less wrong on that side than mrs. gilman is on the other. man's apparent economic independence of women is as complete a myth as women's projected economic independence of men. in the last resort, when we come down to realities, and remember that both men and women are mortal, and that unless they are replaced, everything ends, we see that the introduction of the word economic into this question simply serves to confuse thought, just as the older political economy confused thought and laid itself open to the mercilessly magnificent attacks of ruskin. economy is literally the law of the house or the home--where life begins. of all economies, life is the last judge, because there is no wealth but life. _in the last resort the economic dependence of the sexes means nothing because the sexes cannot independently reproduce themselves._ if mrs. gilman is to be arraigned for her error let us see to it most carefully that we do not fail to arraign the men who, with not one-thousandth part of her excuse and with no iota of her ability, fall into the corresponding error on their side. when women's suffrage is being debated, there never fails a supply of men who write to the papers to say that men must vote and not women because men and not women "made the state." how much simpler our problems would be if there were some means of distinguishing children who will grow up into men of this type, and carefully refraining from teaching them to read or write! make the state, indeed!--they can make nothing but fools of themselves, and without women's assistance could not even reproduce their folly. of course the retort to all this nonsense is that neither sex ever yet created anything without the other. every human act and achievement is the product of both sexes. when some friend of the past assures us that women should not vote because they cannot bear arms, he is of course reminded that women bear the soldiers. it is true and it is unanswerable. in just the same way, when mrs. gilman wishes women to be economically independent of men, whom she considers as animals distinguished by their destructive energy, brutality and intense sex vanity, she is simply ignoring half the truth. let either sex try to run the earth alone till halley's comet returns, and what would be left for it to see? of all follies uttered on this subject, and they are many, the cry, each sex for itself, is the wickedest and worst. the reader may well declare that such criticism is easy, but of little worth unless it be accompanied by some kind of constructive proposals for the amelioration of present conditions. nothing is destroyed until it is replaced. if the present economic conditions of women involve the most hideous wickedness and cruelty and injure the entire progress of mankind, as they assuredly do, and if they therefore must be destroyed, we must have something to replace them with; and if mrs. gilman's proposals would simply make the difficulty a thousand times worse by depriving women of men's help, what proposals are there to offer instead? the reply is that we must go back to first principles. we must drop all our phrases about economic independence or dependence. they have urgent and real meanings for each one of us at any given time, but when applied to the problems of the reconstruction of society as a whole, they mean nothing because they are based upon no vital truths whatever. a man may be economically secure when he is producing absinthe or whisky, or he may die of starvation because he is producing the songs of schubert. economic independence and dependence mean very much to the prosperous distiller whom men pay for poison, and to the immortal composer whom men do not pay at all, but who yet produces that which nourishes the life of all the future. the maker of death may live, and the maker of life may die; we see it every day and history is the continuous record of it. these economic dependences and independences consist only in the relations of one man or woman to the others. they have nothing to do with the real issue, which is the relation of mankind as a whole to nature. these economic questions are simply concerned with money--the means whereby one man has more or less claim upon another: society may have to be reconstructed in such a fashion that economic independence and dependence, as at present understood, would have no meaning whatever. yet all the real economic questions would remain, even though money or private property were abolished. the real economy is the making and preserving of life and the means of life. we live in a chaos where the elementary conditions of human existence are constantly forgotten. the real politics, the real economy, the real political economy, are the questions of the birth-rate and the wheat supply--the relations not between man and man, or class and class, or sex and sex, but mankind, living and dying and being born, and the world in which he has to live. the time is near at hand when the first conditions of national life will be recognized as they have never been since the dawn of modern industrialism. the products of men's labour and women's labour will be appraised and paid for in proportion to their _real_ value, their strength or availableness for life. in "unto this last" and "munera pulveris," ruskin has laid down, on what are really unchallengeable biological grounds, the foundations of the political economy of the future. we are going to have done with the industries which eat up men. we cannot much longer afford to grow whisky where we might grow wheat, for there are ever more mouths to be fed, and wheat is running short. cheap and dear mean nothing when we get down to realities. is a thing vital or is it mortal?--that is the only question. it may be vital and costless, like air, or mortal and dear, like alcohol. the question is not how much money can you get from another man for your product, but how much life can mankind get from nature for it. thus we shall return to a sane appreciation of the primary importance of agriculture as against manufacture, of food as against anything else,--for unless one is fed, of what use is anything else? and as nations gradually begin to discover that the means of life are the really valuable things, they will go on to learn, what primitive races, hard-pressed races, races making their way in the world against heavy odds, have always known--that at all costs the insatiable destructiveness of death must be compensated for by birth. if the means of life are the real wealth, the life itself is more real still, and unless we abolish death, the makers and bearers and nourishers of life are at all times and everywhere the producers, the manufacturers, the workers of the community above and beyond all others. and these are the women in their great functions as mothers and foster-mothers, nurses, teachers. the economics of the future will be based upon these elemental and perdurable truths. no writer in his senses will then be guilty of such immeasurable folly as to place the "natural industries of a human creature" _in antithesis_ to "the primal physical functions of maternity." the sex which came first and remains first in the immediacy and indispensableness of its relations to the coming life will base its economic claims--in the vulgar and narrow sense of that term--upon the worth of those relations. the society which cannot afford to pay for--that is, to sustain--the characteristic functions of womanhood, cannot continue; and societies have continued and will continue in proportion as they hold hard by these first conditions of their lives. the case of jewish womanhood is the supreme illustration of a thesis which requires no experimental demonstration, but is necessarily true. here, then, is the solution, as the future will prove, of the problem of the economic status of woman. at present, though ellen key is the only feminist writer who recognizes it, women can compete successfully with men only at the cost of complete womanhood,--and that is a price which society as a whole cannot afford to pay, if it wishes to continue. therefore we must, in effect, pay women in advance for their work, the actual realization of the value of which is always necessarily deferred. the case is parallel to that of expenditure upon forestry. in the planting of trees or the nurture of babies the state will get value for its money in the long run, but it must be prepared to wait. states are slowly becoming more provident, and already we are coming to see this about trees. soon we shall see it about babies, and the problem of the economic status of woman will then be solved in practice as it is assuredly soluble in principle. mankind must first learn to renounce mammon and set up life as its god; but to that also we shall come--or perish, for life is a jealous god and visits the sins of the fathers upon the third and fourth generation. chapter xxi the chief enemy of women if we believe that the sexes are mutually dependent and, in the long run, can neither be injured nor befriended apart, we shall be prepared to expect that the chief enemy of civilized mankind is no less inimical to women than to men. so long as it was supposed that drinking merely injured the drinker, and so long as the drinkers were almost entirely men, it could be argued by persons sufficiently foolish that indulgence in alcohol was a male vice or delight which really did not concern women at all--if men choose to drink or to smoke or to bet or to play games, what business is that of women? it is an argument which would not appeal to the mind of the primitive law-giver, and can be accepted by no one who thinks to-day. for the least effects of drink are those which are seen in the drinker. the question of alcoholism is not one of the abuse of a good thing, here and there injuring those who take it to excess, but is a national question which affects the entire community, abstainers, and drinkers, men, women and children, present and to come. no one who has seriously studied the action of alcohol on civilization can question that it is our chief external enemy. we must use the word external for the best of good reasons, since we know that always and everywhere man's chief foes are those of his own household--his own proneness to injure himself and others. and alcohol, indeed, would not be our chief external enemy were it not for the very fact that its malign power is chiefly exerted by a degradation of the man within. it is a material thing and no part of our psychological nature. so long as it is kept outside us it has the most admirable uses, which are yearly becoming more various and important; but, taken within, it alters the human constitution, and hereby achieves its title as our worst enemy. people who estimate the influence of alcohol by means of the alcoholic death-rate or by the rate of convictions for drunkenness will not readily accept the doctrine that alcohol is a greater enemy of women than of men. yet assuredly this is true. it is an axiomatic and first principle that whatever injures one sex injures the other, and whilst drinking on the part of women at present injures men as a whole in comparatively small degree, the consumption of alcohol by men works enormous injury upon women indirectly, in addition to that direct injury which civilized women are yearly inflicting more gravely upon themselves, at any rate in great britain. woman, we have argued, is nature's supreme organ of the future, and just as she is mediate between men and the future, so men are mediate between her and the present. for the individual woman and the present, the quality of the manhood which constitutes her human environment is more important than anything else. if the manhood is withdrawn and she is thrown upon her own resources, there is disaster; if the manhood be damaged or degenerate, so much the worse for the woman; if the manhood be of the best, there and only there are the best conditions provided for the highest womanhood. first, then, let us observe how alcohol injures women by its contribution to the male death-rate. allusion has already been made to a simple statistical enquiry which i made a few years ago in regard to the influence of alcohol as a maker of widows and orphans. the results of that enquiry may here be quoted, having only appeared in the daily press hitherto. they will suffice to show that alcohol on this ground alone is a great enemy of women, and especially of wives. the following is the conclusion published in several papers in england in november, :-- "some time ago we heard a good deal, both in and out of parliament, about the debenture widow whose little all is invested in brewery securities. there is, on the other hand, the widow so made by alcohol. i am not aware that anyone has attempted to estimate the approximate number of each of these two classes. the following is merely a rude approximation. it has been stated that there are half a million persons who have invested money in the licensed trade. let us allow that half of these are men. the death-rate of all males, above fifteen years of age, is slightly over sixteen per , . at the census of , in each , males aged fifteen years and upwards were found to be married. ignoring the differential death-rate of the married as compared with bachelors and widows, it follows that about , male investors in the licensed trade die each year, of whom some , will be married men, leaving behind them the same number of widows entirely or partly dependent on these investments. the widows made by drink are nearly six times as many. numerous inquiries at home and abroad agree somewhat closely in stating _ per cent_. of the entire death-rate to be due to alcohol. the proportion of one in seven is accepted by dr. archdall eeid, who considers that all efforts to restrain drinking increase drunkenness. i do not think the justness of this figure can be disputed at all, except as an under-estimate. we are here dealing with male deaths only, and i will do my contention the obvious injustice of supposing that the proportion of deaths due wholly or in part to alcohol is no higher amongst men than amongst women. if one could allow for the existing difference, the result would be even more terrible. taking the figures for for england and wales alone, we have , deaths of males over fifteen; , of these wholly or partly due to alcohol, and of this number , were married men (i. e., per , ). the average size of a family in england and wales is . , according to whitaker. if we multiply the number of widows, , , by . , we shall have an approximation to the number of widows and orphans made by alcohol in . there were , , or over widows and orphans made by alcohol every day in the year. we may now note some further data helping us to compare the , alcohol-made widows with the , whose husbands' fortunes were wholly or in part bound up with the welfare of the licensed trade. (of these latter, also, of course, a large proportion would be alcohol-made.) dr. tatham's recently published letter on occupational mortality in the three years, , , , informs us as to twenty-one occupations in which the alcoholic death-rate is grossly excessive. in these twenty-one occupations selected by dr. tatham as having an alcohol mortality which exceeds the standard by at least per cent., we can work out the alcohol factor and find that it amounts to . per cent. the table would take up too much space for me to ask you to print it, but it is ready on demand, public or private. the figures work out to show that , married men in these twenty-one trades died in each year from alcohol. (i have taken . per cent, of the whole number of deaths in the three years, and reckoned the married proportion of these.) the calculation shows that in these twenty-one occupations the comparative alcohol mortality is . per cent., as against only per cent. in all other occupations. amongst the occupations in dr. tatham's table may be noted coalheaver, coach, cab, etc., service, groom, butcher, messenger, tobacconist, general labourer, general shopkeeper, brewer, chimney sweep, dock labourer, hawker, publican, inn and hotel servants. a glance at the table will show that in most cases the men who are dying are "industrial drinkers," who frequent public-houses in the districts where the reduction in the number of the licenses under the present bill will occur. often nowadays the widows are heavy drinkers, and the lives of their children centre round the public-house. if the only wealth of a nation is its life, and history teaches no more certain truth--and if, since individuals are mortal, the quantity and quality of parenthood--or of childhood, according to the point of view--are the supreme factors in the destiny of nations, do not the foregoing figures warrant the contention that he who at this date is for alcohol is against england?" it has been shown that the effect of alcohol upon the brain persists for not less than thirty hours after the last dose. but more than two years have now passed since the foregoing was printed, leaving ample time for any member of the alcoholic party to "pull himself together" and demolish it. one is therefore entitled to assume that it cannot be demolished; on the contrary, it could easily be shown that the foregoing figures very considerably underrate the actual number of widows and orphans who must be made by alcohol in this country every year. all students of modern life, however greatly they differ in their methods and objects, are agreed that the question of the economic position of women is one of the gravest of our time. while this is so, it may be added that only the eugenist can adequately realize the importance of this question, since he knows that with it is involved the all-important matter of the selection amongst present women for the motherhood of the future. unfortunately, as we have seen, the modern trend is quite definitely in the direction of those of our guides, whom most of us follow, knowingly or unknowingly, because they have the brains and we have not, in favouring the economic position of women at the expense of male responsibility. meanwhile we have the economic basis of society as it is, and there is no more serious indictment against alcohol than this which i have attempted to formulate against it on the ground of its destruction of fatherhood. whatever the rest of the community may incline to, it assuredly seems that the wives, from palace to hovel, ought to be enemies of this great enemy of theirs. the time will certainly come when the woman who is bringing up children will be placed in a position of economic security, and when indeed all other persons will be less secure than she because the sane state of the future will guarantee, and regard as the first charge upon itself, the maintenance of the conditions necessary for the production of the next generation. but in the chaos in which we welter, widows and orphans have to take their chance. who will say a good word for the substance which makes them by tens of thousands in england and wales alone every year? at least one economic aspect of this question may, however, be dealt with here. in a rightly constituted society people are held responsible for their deeds. parenthood is a deed; in a very true sense it is a more deliberate, a more active, more self-determined deed, on the part of the father than on the part of the mother. at present the only act for which men are held irresponsible--for our practice amounts to that--is the act for which, above all others, they should be held responsible. a large amount of the money now spent by men on alcohol and tobacco, and other things which shorten their lives, and are needed only because they create a need for themselves, is really required for the interests of the race. such is the double destruction worked by the alcoholic form of this waste that if the average sum, say six shillings a week, expended in the working-class family on alcohol, were invested on behalf of the possible widows and orphans, not only would they be provided for, but the fathers would be saved, and they would not become widows and orphans. in days to come it will be discovered that such matters as these are the real political economy, the absence or presence of tariffs, the incidence of taxation and the like, being matters of no consequence or significance whatever compared with the question, fundamental in all times and places for every nation and for every individual: for what are you spending: for bread or a stone, for life or for death? the foregoing has been chosen for the forefront of this chapter because of its bearing on a central economic problem of the time, and also because, for some reason or other, this alcoholic destruction of fatherhood, though it is of the utmost importance, has hitherto escaped the attention of sociological students. we pass now to a second point, of a wholly different character, which particularly well illustrates certain of the general principles with which we began. the supreme importance of alcohol or of anything else for human happiness is attained only through its influence on the selves of men and women. it is upon these that our happiness depends--upon the nature and the nurture, from hour to hour, of our selves and the selves with which we have to deal. above all, do women as individuals depend for their happiness upon the selves of men, as we have suggested. now if there be anything certain about the action of alcohol upon the brain, it is that it degrades the quality of the self. much of the cruder pathology of alcohol is open to doubt. a great many of the supposed degenerative changes in nerve-cells, which were attributed to it and thought to be irrevocable, are now interpreted otherwise. chronic alcoholism is looked upon by such foremost students as dr. f. w. mott, less as a disease due to organic changes produced in the brain than as a chronic functional derangement due to the continued action of a poison. this newer interpretation of chronic alcoholism has the very important practical corollary of encouraging us to the belief, which is frequently justifiable, that if the chronic intoxication ceases, the individual may completely or all but completely recover, as would not be the case if the fine structure of his brain had been actually destroyed. the recent modification of our views on this subject has, however, only served to render clearer our understanding of the mental symptoms of alcoholism. here is a drug which poisons the organ of the mind. the action of a single dose persists for a far longer period than used to be supposed, and thus we now know that in the great majority of civilized men everywhere, the nervous system, which is the home of the self, is continuously under the influence of alcohol. that influence, as we have said, consistently shows itself in a degradation of the quality of the self. the poison deranges first the latest and highest products of evolution; it beheads a man, as we may say, in thin slices from above downwards. beginning as it does with the most human, and only at the very last attacking the most animal part of our nervous constitution, it is essentially the bestializer, save only that the alcoholized human being is much lower than the beast, on the general principle, _corruptio optimi pessima_--the corruption of the best is the worst. now wherever alcohol is consumed women have to pay the penalty for its daily deterioration in the human scale of the men with whom they live; nor need any reader of even the smallest experience require any writer's assurance that in vast numbers of such cases the woman suffers more than the man. he has its moments of compensation, inadequate though they be; she has none. whilst women suffer in every respect from the influence of alcohol as a degrader of their men, most of all do they and the race suffer through the action of alcohol upon the racial instinct. in my book on personal hygiene was sought an interpretation of the difference between low and high types of mankind largely in terms of their success or failure in achieving what may be called the "transmutation" of the racial instinct. in less metaphorical language this transmutation depends upon the measure of self-control and deference of present desire to future purpose. these are supremely human characteristics, and there are none which alcohol more surely and early attacks. men are not so constituted that they are at all likely to profit by any substance which keeps their racial instinct on its original and less than human plane, and certainly women suffer in many ways, and with them necessarily the future suffers, just because of this action of alcohol upon men. the argument need not be elaborated, but it may be added that the disastrous action upon young womanhood of the consumption of alcohol by young manhood is greatly increased when we find, as we do, that the young women start drinking too. in these modern days, when the controlling influence of religion and especially of religious fear is steadily relaxing, the young woman's best protection is to be found in her own judgment and self-control and prevision of the future. but these are the very defences which alcohol in her nervous system saps. every social worker is familiar with the daily truth that young womanhood connives at its own ruin under the influence of alcohol, where otherwise it need not have fallen. this last consideration leads us to the study of a phenomenon which in many respects is new and unprecedented, while none could be of worse omen. it has for long been alleged that the amount of drinking amongst women is increasing. when writing an academic thesis on the consequences of city life, i attempted to discover definite evidence on this point. nothing that could be called precise was forthcoming, though the evidence was abundant that the general assertion is correct. drinking amongst women means, of course, drinking amongst mothers. it means drinking by unborn children. no one concerned with the fundamentals of national well-being can ignore anything so minatory. within the last few years, much attention has been directed to the subject, and the church of england temperance society, for instance, sent out a form of inquiry to the medical profession as to their experience in this matter. it may now be stated, without any fear of contradiction, that drinking has greatly increased amongst women of all classes during the last twenty years, and especially, it seems probable, during the latter half of that period. along with it has gone an increase in the amount of drug-taking; some, at any rate, of the drugs being not dissimilar to alcohol in their action upon mind and body. it is here necessary not so much to discuss the causes of this fact as to insist upon its consequences and indicate some possible remedies. so far as one can judge there seem to be three principal causes for this increase of drinking amongst women, and quite briefly they may be named in order to guide the subsequent discussion, though it is not necessary to occupy space here in discussing all the evidence for this diagnosis. a cause of some importance at work amongst women of the middle and upper classes would seem to be the general tendency to revolt against sex restrictions and limitations. in order to prove themselves the equals of men, women proceed to demonstrate that they are capable of imitating men's vices and indulgences. the trainer of chimpanzees for the music-hall acts on the same principle. directly the animals can smoke and drink, they are such good imitations of men, in his judgment and that of his patrons, as to be worthy of exhibition. any ape, any boy, any man, can learn to smoke and drink. it may be taken for granted that any woman can do likewise, but the actual demonstration is worse than superfluous. much more important as a cause of the increased drinking amongst women of the lower classes are the modern conditions of factory and industrial life which so largely take women out of the home; the making of life being neglected in order to serve some industry or other which, if it costs the loss of the coming life, is a national cancer, however grateful its expansion may appear to the capitalist or the chancellor of the exchequer. as the nation cares nothing for its girlhood nor for directing employment and education for the supreme business of motherhood, upon which the national existence is always staked, vast numbers of women in early adolescence are now exposed to the very conditions of temptation outside the home to which so many of their brothers have succumbed. the factory girl learns to drink, and when she marries she takes her drinking habits with her into her home. modern industrialism, therefore, is to be cited as one of the causes for the increase in drinking amongst women. it may be noted that, in italy, the temperate race which, according to one elegant but baseless theory, has been evolved through ages of past drinking, is proving itself intemperate when its members are exposed in towns to the industrial conditions which look like national success and the continuance of which would mean national ruin. a third cause of this increase is to be found in the greatly enhanced facility with which alcoholic drinks can now be obtained by women, not merely outside the home, but within it. so far as great britain is concerned we must trace disastrous consequences to the "heaven-born finance" of a former illustrious chancellor of the exchequer, who made a little money for the state by selling to grocers permission to sell alcoholic liquors. that was a great blow at womanhood and especially motherhood; not to mention its lamentable effect in raising the death-rate amongst grocers in that intensely obvious and inevitable manner, the increase of temptation, which nothing can persuade the enemies of temperance reform to understand. it is bad enough that women should be able to obtain alcohol as they do by means of devices which may often prevent their habits from being discovered at all until irreparable mischief has been done. here the cunning and the greed of commercialism have set to work to fool the public and poison it by a systematic practice which is injurious to all sections of the community, but especially to women, and which cannot be too widely reprobated and exposed. all honour is due to the _british medical journal_, the official organ of the british medical association, for its recent attention to this subject. no one can challenge it when it makes the following assertion regarding meat-wines and other specifics containing alcohol, which are now so widely advertised and consumed:--"it may be pointed out that by the use of these meat-wines the alcoholic habit may be encouraged and established, and that it is a mistake to suppose that they possess any high nutritive qualities." the following are analyses to which everyone ought to be able to have reference, and further information regarding which may be found in the _british medical journal_ for march and may , . let the reader first note what proportions of alcohol are contained in the accepted wines, the danger of which is admitted by all, and then let him compare those figures with the figures which follow:-- alcohol in ordinary wines port per cent. or - / } sherry " " " - / }fluid drachms champagne / " " " - / }in a wineglassful. hock " " " - / } claret " " " - / } alcohol in meat wines bendle's . per cent. or - / } bivo . " " " } bovril . " " " - / }fluid drachms glendenning's . " " " - / }in a wineglassful. lemco . " " " - / } vin regno . " " " - / } wincarnis . " " " } alcohol in tonic wines armbrecht's coca wine . % bugeaud's wine . % baudon's wine . % busart's wine . % christy's kola wine . % hall's wine . % mariani's coca wine . % marza wine . % nourry's iodinated wine . % quina laroche . % st. raphael quinquina wine . % st. raphael tannin wine . % savar's coca wine . % serravallo's bark and iron . % vana . % vibrona . % in order to complete our reference to this subject, the following may be quoted from an excellent little pamphlet which is published by the national temperance league. the united states government laboratory affords striking evidence of the large percentages of alcohol contained in specifics which are stated to be largely used by persons who profess to be total abstainers. of these the following are given as examples:-- paine's celery compound . % peruna . % brown's blood purifier . % brown's vervain restorer . % hostetter's bitters . % but indeed we are far from having covered the ground in great britain alone. there are many well-known preparations which consist almost entirely of alcohol and water, together with small quantities of flavouring matter nominally medicinal. thus we find, for instance, the following proportions of alcohol in-- powell's balsam of aniseed . % dill's diabetic mixture . % congreve's balsamic elixir . % steven's consumption cure . % hood's sarsaparilla . % there are also other compounds such as crosby's balsamic cough elixir, townsend's american sarsaparilla, and warner's safe cure, which contain from to - / per cent. of alcohol. as the _british medical journal_ justly points out, in a mixture of which a table-spoonful is to be taken five or six times a day a proportion of per cent. of alcohol is by no means negligible. let it be noted further that though most malt extracts are free from alcohol, that which is called "bynin" contains . per cent, and "standard liquid" per cent. the _british medical journal_ has also shown that there is at least one "inebriety cure" in great britain which consists of a liquid containing just under per cent. of alcohol. on this whole subject it is impossible to speak too strongly, more especially when one is concerned with the interests of woman and womanhood. it is true that in consequence of the labours of those few keen workers whom the impotent and the meaningless and the selfish call fanatics, we are making a beginning in the matter of education on temperance. but apart from that, which amounts only to very little as yet, it is the lamentable truth that the state does absolutely nothing whatever to protect the community and especially its women from the manifold evils which are involved in such figures as those here quoted. the state wants money, and life is a trifle. anything that can pay toll to the state may therefore go without further question. a tax has been paid on all the alcohol in these things. in many cases, also, a further tax has been paid for the government stamp on patent medicines. that the medicine may be dangerous, that it may be a cruel swindle, that it may take from consumptives and others money which is sorely needed for air and food, and give them in return what is worse than nothing--all these things are nothing to the state if the tax is paid. preparations such as those which have been mentioned above have no place or status whatever in scientific medicine. their constituents are known and their action is known. the public pays for sarsaparilla, for instance, and simply gets a per cent. solution of flavoured alcohol, and there is no one to inform it that sarsaparilla has been exhaustively studied by pharmacologists, employing every means of observation and experiment in their power, and that none of them have yet been able to detect its capacity to modify the body or any function of the body in any degree at all whether in health or disease. this is only one of many instances that might be named; every preparation of which the composition is not stated is suspect. men are paying for these things at this moment under the impression that they are buying valuable tonics which will save their wives from the consequences of the drink craving and help to avert it. large numbers of women are ruining themselves in purse and in body quite secretly under cover of these scandalous abuses which are allowed to go on from year to year, and which are undoubtedly doing more injury to the feminine--that is to say, to the more important--half of the community in each succeeding year. at least let the facts be known. let liberty be believed in and encouraged; but if these things are to be made and sold and bought, let their composition be stated on the bottles. the composition of milk is supervised by the state; margarine, which is harmless and an excellent food, may not be sold as butter; alcohol, which is noxious, may be sold under any lying name, but so long as the state gets its percentage, it is well pleased. the official organ of the medical profession in this country has done well to draw renewed attention to this subject. surely it ought to be possible for the profession and the advocates of temperance to join hands for the promotion of legislation in a direction where reform cannot otherwise be obtained. something, one hopes and believes, can be done by merely writing on the subject. a certain number of women who read this book will be deterred from buying these things on finding that they are simply "masked alcohol" and that their medicinal virtues are less than _nil_. but though all that is to the good, only legislation can meet the real need. these preparations offer insidious means of teaching women to drink, and when the habit is established, nothing can be accomplished by revealing to the victim the history of its origin. the minimum demand for legislation should be, at the very least, that all preparations of this kind should have their composition stated with every portion of them that is vended to the public. assuredly the champions of womanhood will have to take this matter up soon, and the sooner the better. there is no need to be a fanatic, there is no need even to be a teetotaler, in order to satisfy oneself that here is a crying abuse which is ruining the unwarned and the unprotected up and down the land, and which is quite definitely and obviously within the capacity of legislation to control effectively and finally. let us turn now to the general question of the organic or physiological relations between womanhood and alcohol. both sexes of human beings are identical in a vast majority of their characters, and the various reactions to alcohol come within this number. there is no need to repeat here any of the facts and conclusions which have been set forth at length elsewhere. what was said there applies to women as to men. that is true so far as the individual is concerned and it is also true that, so far as the race is concerned, the germ-plasm or germ-cells in both sexes alike may be injured by the continued consumption of large quantities of alcohol. there remains the important fact, which it is the present writer's constant effort to bring to the notice of eugenists, that alcohol has special relations to motherhood, to which there can necessarily be no correspondence in the case of the other sex, and though motherhood, as such, is not the subject of this book, yet it would be most pedantically to limit the usefulness which one hopes it may possess if we were to omit the discussion, as brief as possible, of the effect of alcohol upon womanhood at the time when womanhood is expressing itself in its supreme function. in my book on eugenics there is merely the briefest allusion in a foot-note to this subject, and i confess myself now ashamed of having dealt with it in that utterly inadequate fashion. in practical eugenics,--though sooth to say when eugenics begins to become practical many professing eugenists seem to think that it is wandering from the point--the great fact of expectant motherhood must be reckoned with. to decline to do so is in effect to declare that we are greatly concerned with bringing the right germ-cells together, but have nothing to do with what may or may not happen to the product of their union. we desire, however, not merely conjugated germ-cells, but worthy men and women, and expectant motherhood is therefore part of the eugenic province. unfortunately it is easier to invent terms and categories and get people to accept them than to control their use of one's terms thereafter. otherwise, i should forbid the use of the term eugenist at all by anyone who is unprepared to move a finger or utter a word on behalf of the care and the protection of expectant motherhood. it is quite true that the question of expectant motherhood has nothing to do with heredity in the proper sense of that term. we are dealing now with "nurture," not with "nature," but we are dealing with a department of nurture which can only be understood when we realize that human beings begin their lives nine months or so before they are born, and that the first stage of their nurture is coincident with what we call expectant motherhood, whilst the second stage of their nurture, normally and properly, ought to be coincident with what we may call nursing motherhood. let us then acquaint ourselves with the fact, fully established by experimental and chemical observation, that alcohol given to the expectant mother finds its way into the organism of the child. thus, as we should expect, alcohol can readily be demonstrated in a newborn child when the drug has been given to the mother just before its birth. it must be understood that the circulation of the mother and of her child are each complete and self-contained. they come into relation in the double organ called the placenta, and it has been exhaustively proved that this organ is so constituted as in large measure to protect the child from injurious influences acting upon and in the mother. we may therefore speak of the placenta as a filter. its protective action explains the facts, so familiar to medical men and philanthropic workers, that healthy and undamaged children are often born to mothers who are stricken with mortal disease--most notably, perhaps, in the case of consumption. it becomes a most important matter to ascertain the limits of the placental power, and by observation upon human beings and experiment upon the lower animals this matter has been very thoroughly elucidated of late years. there are many kinds of poison, and many varieties of those living poisons that we call microbes, which the placenta does not allow to pass through from the mother's blood-vessels into those of the child, and which are unable, fortunately for the child, to break down the placental resistance. on the other hand, there are certain microbes and certain poisons which readily pass through the placenta. conspicuous amongst these are alcohol, lead and arsenic, and it is especially important to realize that alcohol injures the child not merely by its own passage through the placenta, but by injuring that organ, so that its efficiency as a filter is impaired. on the whole subject of expectant motherhood and the morbid influences which may act upon it, the greatest living authority is my friend and teacher, dr. j. w. ballantyne of edinburgh. he contributed an important paper on this subject to our first national conference on infantile mortality held in .[ ] i only wish it were possible to reproduce in full here dr. ballantyne's paper on the ante-natal causes of infantile mortality. the unread critic who is so ready with the word fanatic whenever alcohol is attacked might begin to derive from it some faint idea of the quality and massiveness of the evidence upon which our case is based. here it must suffice merely to quote the verdict at which dr. ballantyne arrives after surveying all the evidence on the subject that had been obtained up to the year . he summarizes as follows:-- "it must then be concluded that parental and especially maternal alcoholism of the kind to which the name of chronic drunkenness or persistent soaking is applied, is the source of both ante-natal and post-natal mortality. it acts in all the three ways in which i indicated that ante-natal causes can be shown to act in relation to the increase of infantile mortality, viz.,.by causing abortions., by predisposing to premature labours, and by weakening the infant by disease or deformity so that it more readily succumbs to ordinary morbid influences at and after birth. by causing diseases of the kidneys and of the placenta it also leads to that failure of the filter to which i have already referred; the placenta being damaged, not only does the alcohol more readily pass through it itself, but it is also possible for other poisons, germs, and toxins to cross over into the fatal economy. so it comes about that the most disastrous consequences are entailed upon the unborn infant in connection with syphilis, lead-poisoning, fevers, and the like in the intemperate mother." the foregoing was written as long ago as , and various workers have helped to confirm it since that date. we must further learn that alcohol taken by the mother who nurses her child has an organic relation to the child after birth. it is true, indeed, that according to a celebrated observer, professor von bunge, the influence of alcoholism in preceding generations is such that the daughters of such a stock are mostly unable to nurse their children. it is not quite certain that professor von bunge has proved his case, but it is definitely proved that even if alcoholism in the maternal grandparent has not altogether prevented a child from being fed in the natural fashion, it may yet suffer gravely in consequence of receiving alcohol in its mother's milk. in the case of the nursing mother, there is one fresh avenue of excretion which the organism can employ for ridding itself of the poison, and to the efforts of the lungs and the kidneys are added those of the breasts. alcohol can be readily traced in the mother's milk within twenty minutes of its entry into her stomach, and may be detected in it for as long as eight hours after a large dose. many cases are on record where infants at the breast have thus become the subjects of both acute and chronic alcoholic poisoning. we have numerous reports of convulsions and other disorders occurring in infants when the nurse has taken liquor, and ceasing when she has been put on a non-alcoholic diet. a most distinguished lady, dr. mary scharlieb, may be quoted in this connection, or the reader may indeed refer to the chapter, "alcoholism in relation to women and children," contributed by her to the volume "the drink problem" in my new library of medicine. she says, "the child, then, absolutely receives alcohol as part of his diet with the worst effect upon his organs, for alcohol has a greater effect upon cells in proportion to their immaturity." further, as she points out, "the milk of the alcoholic mother not only contains alcohol, but it is otherwise unsuitable for the infant's nourishment; it does not contain the proper proportions of proteid, sugar, fat, etc., and it is therefore not suited for the building up of a healthy body." it is plain that here we cannot avoid criticism of an almost universal medical practice. our concern in the present volume is not with children but women; and in dealing with the effects of maternal alcoholism upon childhood, the main intention is being kept in view. as regards the giving of alcohol to the nursing mother, there is no doubt that the child is more seriously in danger than she is. there is no doubt also that, as one has often pointed out, the children act which forbids the giving of alcohol to children under five years old is being broken when the nursing mother takes alcohol. i refer to this subject here because only thus can we come to a decision on the question whether the nursing mother owes the taking of alcohol as a duty to her child. she may be a teetotaler; she may fear to take alcohol; and she may be authoritatively told that it is her duty to do so because the quality of her milk will be improved. in such a case she may yield, though often with a wry face; and thus we have the frequent beginning of disasters to which there is no end. the truth is that the medical profession has long erred in this respect. judgment has gone by superficials. undoubtedly there is a greater bulk of milk when stout and porter are taken. but everyone knows that ordinary household milk may come from the cow or from the pump. the question is not how much bulk is there, but what does the bulk consist of? definite chemical evidence, which may be repeated a thousand times, and which is allowed to go unchallenged by the vast host of doctors who are prescribing alcohol for nursing mothers all over the world, shows us that its influence is to increase the bulk of the milk while reducing the amount of its nutritive constituents, and adding to them one which is poisonous. the increase of bulk is easy to explain. alcohol is exceedingly avid of water. thus the common experience that alcoholic liquors tend to increase the desire for liquid can readily be explained. alcohol, leaving the blood, tends to withdraw with itself, if it can, a quantity of water. these two, in the milk, between them maintain the added bulk on account of which alcoholic liquors are so widely ordered for and drunk by nursing mothers throughout the civilized world. the infant mortality is thus contributed to, and many women are urged and deceived by their love for their children into a practice which achieves their own ruin. doctors look back a hundred years or so and observe the amazing practices of their predecessors. they have record of prescriptions and treatments which were ridiculous or disgusting or trivial or painful; they have abundant record of practices which were deadly, and for which any medical man at the present day might be called upon to pay heavy damages or indicted for manslaughter. yet in the matter of the indiscriminate and ignorant employment of alcohol, in defiance of overwhelmingly proved facts which will not be challenged by any of those whom this criticism hits and who will virulently resent it and decry its author, doctors of the present day are assuredly earning the astonished contempt of their successors in times by no means remote. a certain number of women who nurse or will nurse will read this book. of these not a few will be ordered various alcoholic beverages by their medical attendant in order to aid this function. let them obey his orders when he has satisfactorily answered the following questions: are you aware that part of the alcohol will pass unchanged through my breast into my baby's body? are you aware that if my milk is analyzed it will be found to contain less food for the baby with more bulk than if i were to do without the alcohol? are you aware that careful enquiry and observation have shown that the best foods for the making of milk are those which contain the constituents of milk--as seems not unreasonable--like milk itself and bread and butter and meat? can you begin to explain any imaginable process by which either the animal or the vegetable body could build up a molecule composed as the molecule of alcohol is into any of the nutritive ingredients in milk? that catechism is quite short, but it will suffice. a serious error which has long been made by temperance workers consists in supposing that the problem of alcoholism is the problem of drunkenness. they speak of "the sin of intemperance," and by that term they mean only such intemperance as produces what should properly be called acute alcoholic intoxication. the friends of alcohol eagerly accept an error which suits their case so admirably. nothing can suit them better than to assume that alcohol does no ill apart from causing drunkenness. better still, they are able to quote the case of the incurable drunkard, suffering from an uncontrollable craving, and to point out quite truly that he will get drunk in any case no matter how many public-houses, for instance, we close. it was always a gross error to suppose that drunkenness was the whole of the evil done by alcohol; if, indeed, it be one per cent. of it, which we may doubt. this is not a point which one need trouble to argue here, except in so far as our right understanding of it is necessary if we are to see the meaning of current changes in the drinking habits of the people. that women are drinking more, everyone grants. that this is evil not merely for the women of the present but for both sexes in the future, i am constantly asserting. but it will not do at all to use mere drunkenness as our measure of what is happening amongst women. we know that in either sex a single bout of drinking, say once a week on saturday night, may leave the individual little worse, may injure health quite inappreciably, if at all; it may not interfere with his work, and may even be of small economic importance. in such a coal-mining county as durham, for instance, where alcohol cannot be drunk in association with work because the workman and his fellows know that the safety of their lives will not permit it, we find a huge proportion of arrests for drunkenness, and it might be supposed that in this most drunken county in england we should find the highest proportion of permanent consequences of alcoholism. on the contrary, as dr. sullivan says, "owing to their relative freedom from industrial drinking coal-miners show a remarkably low rate of alcoholic mortality, ranking in fact with the agriculturists and below all the other industrial groups." here is a simple statistical fact which continues true year by year, and the significance of which must be insisted upon. in the case of women, the very obvious and natural tendency is for the proportion of drunkenness to the alcohol consumed to be much lower than in the case of men. drunkenness is commonly the result of convivial drinking. a company of men get together, and they help each other to get drunk. women are not subjected to so many temptations in this respect. their drinking is industrial drinking,--above all, at the supreme industry, which is the culture of the racial life. like other industrial drinking, it is less conspicuous than convivial drinking; it leads to few arrests for drunkenness, but it has far graver effects on the individual, and it shows its consequences in the industrial product with which in this case no other industrial product can compare. now unless we disabuse ourselves once and for all of the notion that the drink question is merely the drunkenness question, we shall never succeed in rightly approaching and dealing with this most ominous development of modern civilization, to which i have done such imperfect justice in the present chapter. dr. sullivan[ ] has some important remarks on this subject from which one cannot do better than freely quote. as a distinguished and experienced medical officer in h. m. prison service, notably at holloway, where so many women have been under his care, dr. sullivan has very special credentials, even if the internal evidence of his book did not convince us. he says that:-- "the domestic occupations which are the chief field of women's activities obviously allow ample opportunity for the continuance of alcoholic habits formed prior to marriage. this is a matter of much importance. for the ordinary existence of the working man's wife, with its succession of pregnancies and sucklings, and the management of a brood of children in cramped surroundings, will of itself be very likely to promote tippling; and if a knowledge of the effect of alcohol as an industrial excitant has been acquired by the factory girl, it is pretty sure of further development in the married woman. instances of this sort, in which the discomforts of the first pregnancy stimulate the growth of a rudimentary habit of industrial drinking to confirmed intemperance, are tolerably common in any wide experience of the alcoholic." the following paragraph must also be quoted for its clear indication of a matter which is of prime importance, which no one denies, and yet of which no statesman or politician has begun to take cognizance:-- "the employment of women in the ordinary industrial occupations not only involves a disorganization of their domestic duties if they are married, but it also interferes with the acquisition of housewifely knowledge during girlhood. the result is that appalling ignorance of everything connected with cookery, with cleanliness, with the management of children, which make the average wife and mother in the lower working class in this country one of the most helpless and thriftless of beings, and which therefore impels the workman, whose comfort depends on her, not only to spend his free time in the public-house, but also tends to make him look to alcohol as a necessary condiment with his tasteless and indigestible diet. both directly and indirectly, therefore, the employments that withdraw women from domestic pursuits are likely to increase alcoholism, and, it may be added, to increase its greatest potency for evil, namely its influence on the health of the stock." elsewhere i have endeavoured to deal with the general physiology of alcohol and its relations to race-culture. here our special concern has been woman, and not woman as mother, but rather woman as individual. we have had specially to refer, however, to expectant and nursing motherhood because each of these offers special temptations and opportunities for the beginning of the alcoholic habit or strengthening its hold in a deadly fashion, and it is certainly necessary for us to know that the supposed advantages to the child, which constitute a new argument for alcohol at these times, are not advantages but injuries which may be grave and often fatal. the utterly incomprehensible thing is how anyone can suppose or ever could suppose otherwise. it is necessary to add a few words to the foregoing since there has recently appeared what purports to be a contribution to some of the problems that have concerned us. part of the foregoing argument has rested upon the fact, only too definitely, variously and frequently proved, that alcoholism in women prejudices the performance of their supreme functions. complicated as the maternal relation to the future is, the relations of alcohol to the problem are correspondingly so, and in any discussion that is to be of value we must draw the necessary distinctions. in many scientific contributions to the subject this has already been done. we have identified certain degenerate stocks who display the symptoms of alcoholism. the alcohol may aggravate their degeneracy but it is not the prime cause of it in them, though it may have been so in their ancestors. the children of such persons are degenerate also, and as the class is numerous and fertile there is here a social problem which is not primarily a problem in alcohol, but is accidentally connected therewith simply because the proneness to alcoholism is a symptom of the degeneracy. quite distinct from the foregoing there is the influence of alcohol upon mothers and motherhood that would otherwise have been healthy. alcohol, like lead, as has been shown elsewhere, may injure the racial elements in the mother before even expectant motherhood occurs. later, it may prejudice both expectant motherhood and nursing motherhood; further it is often the primary cause of over-laying and of chronic cruelty and neglect. until quite lately there was also the action of the public-house upon the children to be reckoned with, where the mother visited it and was allowed to take them with her. that, however, has been at last put a stop to in england, following the example of civilization elsewhere. but it will be clear that the problem is a complicated one. it has been confidently attacked by professor karl pearson in a report upon "the influence of parental alcoholism upon the offspring," and the conclusions of that report have been widely circulated and are being circulated almost wherever the monetary interest of alcohol has power. briefly, professor pearson came to the conclusion that the children of drunken parents are, on the average, superior to those of sober parents in physique and in intelligence, in sight and in freedom from epilepsy and other diseases. this, of course, as everybody knows, is obvious nonsense, and the only problem remaining is how to account for its assertion. i have dealt with that question at length elsewhere,[ ] and here need only note in a word that professor pearson's report includes no comparison between the children of abstainers and drinkers, since the number of abstainers was too few to be treated separately; that professor pearson attaches no strict meaning to the term alcoholism, by which he means anything from what the word really means down to a general suspicion that the parents were drinking more than was good for themselves or their home; and finally that in studying the influence of alcohol upon offspring professor pearson has omitted to enquire in a single case whether the alcoholism or the offspring came first. the report has no scientific basis whatever and has been riddled with criticism by expert students of every kind, including not merely students of alcoholism but also professor alfred marshall of cambridge, the greatest english-speaking economist of the time, who has shown that there are no grounds for the assumptions made by professor pearson in that part of his argument which is based upon the economic efficiency of drinking and non-drinking parents. the publication of this report merely hastens the rapid decadence of "biometry," the foundations of which have already been sapped by the re-discovery of mendelism in ; but it was necessary to refer to the matter here, since in the advertisements and the other printed matter paid for by the alcoholic party, the public is being informed that the children of alcoholic parents have been proved to be, on the whole, superior to those of non-alcoholic parents. this question has been exhaustively studied, yet again, in london by dr. sullivan, in helsingfors by professor laitinen, and also in new york in an enquiry which actually embraced no less than fifty-five thousand school children. the elementary fallacies entertained by professor pearson were of course avoided and the uniform result in these and in a host of other enquiries that might be named is the only result which could be imagined in a universe where causes have effects. the particular causes under consideration have been having their effects for a very long time. it begins to be more and more clear that they have played a great part in the history of mankind. as the "history" we learnt at school is more and more discredited, there is slowly coming into being a real kind of history which deals with the essentials of national life and death, and is based upon the principles of organic evolution. this is a thesis which one has attempted to justify in a previous book, but one aspect of it must be recurred to here. our modern study of various diseases and poisons is throwing a light on the life of nations. take for instance the modern theories as to the influence of malarial poison upon greece. in the case of alcohol, we now have evidence which is real and unchallengeable. the properties which it displays when we study it to-day have always been and always will be its properties. we find that it has certain actions on living protoplasm in the twentieth century; we know enough of the uniformity of nature to realize that it had those actions in the tenth century, and will have them in the thirtieth. as we study under the microscope the influence of alcohol upon the racial tissues in the individual,[ ] and therein find confirmation of experimental study and observation by all the other means available to science, we begin to see that the greatest facts of history are those of which historians have no word, and not least amongst these has ever been the influence of alcohol upon parenthood. it is possible to adduce arguments in favour of the view that the practically complete immunity of their parenthood from alcohol is one of the great factors that explain the all but unexampled persistence of the jews and their present status in the van of the world's thought and work. for history it is the parents that matter as against the non-parents, and of the parents it is the mothers even more than the fathers. the freedom of the jews as a whole from alcoholism is more marked than ever in the case of their women; that is to say, in the case of their mothers. we see the part-results of this in our own time when we compare the infant mortality amongst the jews with that of their gentile neighbours in a great city such as london or leeds. as everyone should know, there is a huge disparity between the figures in the two cases, and in some records it has been found that under equal conditions two gentile babies will die for each jewish baby. the conditions are of course not equal, because the jewish babies have jewish motherhood, splendidly backed up as it usually is by jewish fatherhood; whereas the gentile babies have a very inferior parental care. now if it were that infant mortality, as most people suppose, simply meant the death of a certain number of babies, the foregoing facts would have no particular bearing upon the questions of racial survival, except in so far as those questions depend upon mere numbers. but the advocates of the great campaign against infant mortality have always maintained that the actual mortality is only one effect of the causes which produce it. when people have said that the loss of a certain number of babies mattered little, we have always replied that for every baby killed many were damaged. this contention has now been proved up to the hilt in the remarkable official enquiry, the first of its kind, made by dr. newsholme, now chief medical officer of the local government board.[ ] he studied infant mortality in relation to the mortality of children and young people at all subsequent ages, and he proved, once and for all, that infant mortality is what we have always maintained it to be, not merely a disaster in itself but an evidence of causes which injure the health and vigour of the survivors at all ages. wherever infant mortality is highest, there child mortality is highest, and the mortality of boys and girls at puberty and during the early years of adolescence when the body is preparing for and becoming capable of parenthood. the evil conditions that cause infant mortality are thus proved to be far-reaching and much wider in their effects than any but the students of the subject have yet realized. this chapter must be brought to a close, but it may be added that the emergence of sober nations, such as japan and turkey, into contemporary history, and the possibilities latent in china,--to mention none other of the "dying nations," so very much alive, at whom glass-eyed politicians used to sneer--constitutes one of the major facts of contemporary history. no one can yet say whether these nations will have the wisdom to retain their ancient habits or whether they will accept our whisky along with our parliamentary institutions and motor-cars. much future history rests upon this issue. but i have little doubt that whatever happens in the case of japan and turkey, jewish parenthood will retain the quality which has long ago become fixed as a racial characteristic, and that the race which has survived so much oppression and so many of its oppressors will survive contemporary abuse and the abusers. its women nurse their own babies and have retained the power to do so. neither before birth nor after do they feed the life that is to be on alcohol; they lay rightly the foundations of the future, where alone those foundations can be durably laid. the reader is not necessarily asked to admire them or to like them or to speak well of them, but if he desires the strength and continuance of whatever race or nation he belongs to, he will do well to imitate them. it seems necessary to believe in the yellow peril, though not, of course, in its absurd form of a military nightmare. the pressure of population is the irresistible force of history. it depends, of course, upon parenthood, and more especially upon motherhood and therefore upon womanhood. at present the motherhood of the yellow races is sober. if it remains so, and if the motherhood of western races takes the course which motherhood has taken for many years past in england, it is very sure that in the armageddon of the future, those ancient races, semitic and mongol, which had achieved civilization when europe was in the stone age, will be in a position of immense advantage as against our own race, which is threatening, at any rate in england, to follow the example of many races of which little record, or none, now remains, and drink itself to death. chapter xxii conclusion the plan of this book has now been satisfied. the reader may be very far from satisfied, but not, it is to be hoped, on the ground that many subjects have been omitted which might quite well have been included under the title of woman and womanhood. it was better to confine our search to principles. for it seems evident that civilization is at the parting of the ways in these fundamental matters. the invention of aeroplanes and submarine and wireless telegraphy and the like is of no more moment than the fly on the chariot wheel, compared with the vital reconstructions which are now proceeding or imminent. the business of the thoughtful at this juncture is to determine principles, for principles there are in these matters, if they can be discovered, as certain, as all-important as those on which any other kind of science proceeds. just as the physicist must hold hard by his principles of motion and thermodynamics and radiation and the like, so the sociologist must hold hard by the organic principles which determine the life and continuance of living things. unless we base our projects for mankind upon the laws of life, they will come to naught, as such projects have come to naught not once but a thousand times in the past. none will dare dispute these assertions, yet what do we see at the present time? on what grounds is the woman question fought, and by what kind of disputants? it is fought, as everyone knows, on the grounds of what women want, or rather, what a particular section of half-instructed women, in some particular time and place, think they want,--or do not want--under the influence of suggestion, imitation and the other influences which determine public opinion. it is fought on the grounds of precedent: women are not to have votes in england because women have never had votes in england, or they are to have votes in england because they have them in new zealand. it is fought on party political grounds, none the less potent because they are not honestly acknowledged: the liberal and the conservative parties favour or disfavour this or that suffrage bill, or whatever it may be, according to what they expect to be its effect upon their voting strength. it is fought upon financial grounds, as when we see the entire force of the alcoholic party arrayed against the claims of women, as in the nature of things it always has been and always will be. it is fought on theological grounds by clerics who quote the first chapter of genesis; and on anti-theological grounds by half-instructed rationalists who attack marriage because they suppose it was invented by the church. and whose voices never fail among the disputants? loudest of all are those of youth of both sexes, who know nothing and want to know nothing and who have no idea that there is anything to know in attempting to decide such questions as this. it is argued in the house of gramophones and such places, by common politicians of the type the many-headed choose, who would do better to confine themselves to the soiled questions of tariffs and the like, in which they find a native joy. it is argued by vast numbers of men who hate or fear women, and women who hate or fear men, as if any imaginable wisdom on this question or any other could possibly be born of such emotions. yet all the while we are dealing with a problem in biology, with living beings, obeying and determined by the laws of life, and with a species exhibiting those fundamental facts of heredity, variation, bi-parental reproduction, sexual selection, instinct and the like, which are mere meaningless names to nine out of ten of the disputants, and yet which determine them and their disputes and the issues thereof. if these contentions be correct, there is plainly much need for an attempt, however imperfect, to set forth the first principles of woman and womanhood. evidently the time for discussion of detailed questions has not yet come, since, to take a single instance, there is not yet to be heard on either side of the controversy a single voice asserting the fundamental eugenic necessity that, at whatever cost, the best women must be selected for motherhood, and the contribution of their superiority to the future stock. let us briefly sum up the substance of the foregoing pages. first, we have stated the eugenic postulate, failing to grant which we and our schemes, our votes and our hopes, will assuredly disappear or decay, as must all living races which are not recruited from their best, secondly, we have proceeded to analyze the nature of womanhood, its capacities and conditions, assuming that we can scarcely discover whither it should go unless we know what it is. to the party politician, hungry for the prizes that suit his soul or stomach, such an assumption is mere foolish pedantry; and the ardent suffragist will have little more to say to it. that, however, cannot be helped. it is to be hoped that all parties, _as parties_, will unite in banning the views herein expressed, and then one may take heart of grace and dare to hope that there is something in them. they may be crystallized in the dictum that woman is nature's supreme organ of the future. this is not a theory, but a statement of evident truth. it is an essential canon of what one might call the philosophy of biology, and applies to the female sex throughout living nature. birth is of the female alone. no sub-human male, nor even man himself, can directly achieve the future; the greatest statesman or law-giver or founder of nations can only work, if he knew it, through womanhood. the greatest of these, and their name is very far from legion, was evidently moses, as history shows, and he acted on this principle. on the other hand, those who have sought to achieve the future, as napoleon did, failed because they defiled and flouted womanhood. the best men died on the battlefield and the worst were left to aid the women in that supreme work of parenthood by which alone, and only through the co-operation of men and women, the future is made. thirdly, we have seen it to follow from this dedication of the greater and vastly more valuable part of woman's energies to the future that, just in proportion as she serves it and devotes herself thereto, she needs present support. biology teaches us that the male sex was invented for this purpose; doubtless one should say for this "increasing purpose," since it is scarcely more than foreshadowed at first in the history of the male sex. the study of life has clearly proved that the male sex is secondary and adjuvant, and that its essentially auxiliary functions for the race have been increasing from the beginning until we find them in perfection wherever two parents join in common consecration and devotion to their supreme task, upon which all else depends and without which nothing else could be. and just as woman is mediate between man and the future, so man is mediate between woman and the present. woman is the more immediate environment, the special providence, so to say, of childhood; and man, in a rightly constituted society, is the special providence, the more immediate environment of woman, standing between her and inanimate nature, guarding her, taking thought for her, feeding her, using his special masculine qualities for her--that is to say, in the long run, for the future of the race; this indeed being the purpose for which nature has contrived all individuals of both sexes. if we prefer such phrases, we may say that the future or the children are parasitic upon woman, and that woman is "parasitic upon the male," which is one woman's way of putting it. or we may say that these are the natural and therefore divine relations of the various forms in which human life is cast, and that our business is to make them more effective, more provident and freer from the factors which in all ages have tended to injure them. fourthly, we have everywhere seen cause to condemn sex-antagonism, and it is my hope that no page or line or word of this book can be accused of illustrating or justifying or inciting to or even attempting to palliate either form of this wholly abominable spirit of the pit. if such places there be, there assuredly is misdirection and falsity. this spirit is one of the great enemies of mankind. as aroused in women against men, it has done and is doing no little harm; as exhibited by men against the righteous claims of women, it is one of the supremely malign forces of history. wherever and however displayed, it is false to the first and most essential facts of life, from the moment of the evolution of sex, hundreds of millions of years ago, until our own time. all who display it, however excellent their intentions, are enemies of mankind; all who work upon it for their own ends, political and personal, without feeling it, are beneath disgust. these are things true and necessary to be said, though they should not deter us from sympathizing with the unhappy individuals, not a few, whose lives have been blasted by individuals of the other sex, and who show the natural but tragic tendency to make their private injury cause for resentment against one-half of mankind. surveying the pages that are past, i am almost inclined to regret that, the plan of the book notwithstanding, a special chapter was not devoted to sex-antagonism and to a demonstration on biological grounds of its wickedness and pestilence wherever it be found, and whatever plausible case for it may anywhere be made. if the sound of hope is not heard as the ground-tone of these chapters, let it ring through all else at the end. i am an optimist because i am an evolutionist, and because i believe, as every one of those whom i call eugenists must, that the best is yet to be. the dawn is breaking for womanhood, and therefore for all mankind. if we are asked to express in one phrase the reason why this hope is justified, it is because the long struggle between two antithetic conceptions of human society is reaching a definite issue. these radically opposed ideas may for convenience be called the _organic_ and the _internecine_. the internecine conception of society forever sets nation against nation, race against race, class against class, sex against sex, individual against individual, on the ground that the interest of one must be the injury of the other. it is false. nay, more, for man living his life on this earth as he must and will, it is the great lie. and it is being found out. even international trade and commerce, from which such a service could scarcely have been expected, are here contributing to philosophy. our fathers talked of the comity of nations; we are beginning to discover their interdependence. the coming of that discovery is one of the few really new things under the sun. not so very long ago, when mankind was far less numerous, such interdependence of nations did not exist; they were self-sufficient, just as the patriarchal family was self-sufficient still further ago. but the interdependence of the sexes is so far from being a new fact that it is as old as the evolution of sex, and the decadence and disappearance of parthenogenesis or reproduction from the female sex alone. once bi-parental reproduction becomes necessary for the continuance of the race, both sexes sink with either, and neither can swim but with both. yet so far are we from realizing this most ancient of facts to-day that, on both sides of the woman question, wonderful to relate, are to be found controversialists who are seeking to deny this continuous lesson of so many million ages. the reader may take his choice of folly between them. on the one hand, there are the feminists who seek to do without man,--except for the minimum physiological purpose. the women are to sustain the present and create the future simultaneously, and man is to be reduced, apparently, to the function of the drone. thus mrs. gilman in "women and economics." over against her and those who think with her are to be set the men, and women too, who tell us that "men made the state,"--a sufficiently shameful admission--and that women have no business with these things. do not their mothers blush for such; to have travailed so much, and to have achieved so little? fortunately, however, the greater number of those who think and determine the deeds of the mass are beginning, though the dawn is yet very faint, to perceive that this truth of the interdependence of the sexes, which is part of the greater truth that mankind is an organic whole, is not only much truer than ever to-day, but is vital to our salvation; and save us it will. in so far as we are keeping women inferior to men, we must raise them; in so far as we are keeping men, in other and certainly no less important respects, inferior to women, we must raise them. the future needs and will obtain the utmost of the highest of both sexes. thus and thus only "springs the crowning race of human kind": wherein, as we hasten to the dust, living for a day, yet for ever, our eyes prophetic may behold the sure and certain hope of a glorious resurrection. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- index of subjects adolescence, ---- and advertisements, ---- and alcohol, alcohol, , ---- accessibility of, ---- and expectant motherhood, ---- and breast-feeding, ---- and industrialism, , ---- and tobacco _versus_ children, , , ---- widows and orphans, ---- and womanhood, _et seq._ alcoholism and lead poisoning, ---- and offspring, ---- and jewish survival, _et seq._ anti-suffrage societies, asceticism, old and new, bees, arguments from, , , birth-rate, fall of, _et seq._ ---- and infant mortality, ---- and marriage-rate, board of education syllabus, breast feeding, _et seq._ ---- and alcohol, "british medical journal" on meat, wines, etc., _et seq._ brooding instinct in fowls, canada's need of women, childless marriage, children act, , climacteric, , , confirmation and adolescence, conservation of energy, ---- and higher education, contagious diseases, corset, , _et seq._ cycling for women, dancing, , degeneracy and inaction, determination of sex, _et seq._ divorce, conditions of, _et seq._ ---- _versus_ separation, ---- in germany, ---- law reform union, dolls and their significance, , education, definition of, ---- and instruction, , ---- for motherhood, , _et seq._ educational question, endowment of motherhood, _et seq._, engagements, length of, eugenic feminism, eugenics, _passim_. "evolution of sex," exercise in girls' schools, herbert spencer on, _et seq._ expectant mother, , fabian society, femaleness, constitution of, games _versus_ dumb-bells, ---- mixed, gameto-genesis, germ cells and germ plasm, , , , , ---- its immortality, ---- and sex inheritance, girls' clubs, ---- clothing, gonorrh[oe]a, _et seq._ gymnastics _versus_ play, hæmophilia, happiness in marriage, heredity and responsibility, heredity of sex, higher education, ---- in london, ---- and marriage rate, ---- and conservation of energy, highest education, identical twins, illegitimacy, , , , infant mortality, , , , , , infant mortality and alcohol, insanity, , instinct and emotion, instinct, spencer's definition of, insurance for motherhood, joy, physiological value of, kaiser's creed, knossos, law of multiplication, leprosy, maleness, constitution of, "man before speech," marriage age, ---- metchnikoff on, ---- and quality of children, ---- conditions of, ---- and the "superfluous woman," _et seq._ "marriage as a trade," marriage, social function of, married women's labour, mars, the parallel from, maternal instinct, _et seq._ ---- mcdougall on, _et seq._ ---- in the cat, , ---- alleged decadence of, _et seq._ mendelism, , , , , _et seq._, menstrual function, monogamy and its critics, monogamy and polygamy, "morning post," quotation from, mortality in childbirth, mosaic legislation, mother and child worship, motherhood, endowment of, ---- physical and psychical, motherhood insurance, "mrs. warren's profession," muscles, relative value of, for women, muscularity and vitality, natural selection, nature and nurture, , neanderthal skull, notification of births act, organic analysis by mendelism, parental instinct, parthenogenesis, patent medicines and alcohol, _et seq._ physical fitness for marriage, physical training of girls, physiological division of labour, play centres, preventive eugenics, progress and the nervous system, ---- definition of, ---- the two kinds of, prudery, , _et seq._ psychical fitness for marriage, puberty, , racial instinct, , , racial poisons, , radium, "reproduction" and "parenthood," rescue homes, "richard feverel," rights of mothers, _et seq._ ---- of women, scotland, educational strain at puberty, separation _versus_ divorce, "sex and character," sex equality and sex identity, _et seq._ sex and breathing, , sex and the blood, sex in childhood, sex antagonism, "sexual instinct" and "racial instinct," _et seq._ sexual attraction, spencer on, _et seq._ sexual selection, skipping, socialism, ---- and motherhood, socialism and responsibility, swedish gymnastics, swimming, syphilis, , _et seq._ terms of specialization, transmutation of instinct, ---- of sex, vacation schools, , variation within a sex, ---- amongst women, venereal diseases, _et seq._ venus of milo, , vital imports and exports, vitality superior in women, widowhood, causes of, ---- and motherhood, women and colonization, _et seq._ "women's charter," , women and economics, _et seq._ ----------------------------------------------------------------------- index of names aristotle, aurelius, marcus, bacon, ballantyne, dr. j. w., bateson, bonheur, rosa, botticelli, bouchard, brieux, , budin, prof., bunge, prof. von, , burke, burns, john, butler, lady, carlyle, chesterton, g. k., , clouston, coleridge, , , croom, sir halliday, darwin, , duncan, miss isadora, duncan, dr. matthews, ehrlich, eliot, george, ellis, dr. havelock, , , , , evans, dr. arthur, fawcett, mrs., forel, , galton, , , , , , geddes and thomson, , gilman, mrs. c. p., , goethe, haeckel, hamilton, miss cicely, haynes, e. s. p., helmholtz, horsley, huxley, kelvin, key, ellen, , , kipling, laitinen, prof. taav, lamarck, lister, , maclaren, lady, maeterlinck, maurice, marshall, prof. alfred, mcdougall, dr. w., meredith, , metchnikoff, mill, j. s., milne-edwards, minot, mosso, mott, dr. f. w., napoleon, nation, carrie, newman, sir george, newsholme, dr. a., nightingale, florence, pasteur, pearson, karl, , phillpotts, eden, plato, , , rotch, prof. morgan, ruskin, , , , , , sappho, scharlieb, dr. mary, shakespeare, spencer, herbert, , , , , , , , , , , , st. francis, st. paul, stevenson, sullivan, dr. w. c., , thales, ward, mrs. humphry, ward, lester, , weininger, weismann, , , wells, h. g., , , , westermarck, wordsworth, dorothy, wordsworth, , , , , ----------------------------------------------------------------------- footnotes: [ ] "the germ-plasm." english translation in contemporary science series, london: new york. [ ] "parenthood and race-culture: an outline of eugenics." [ ] "the obstacles to eugenics," published in the _sociological review_, july . [ ] see his "pure sociology." [ ] _i. e._ marrying cells. [ ] here, as in many other cases, i am indebted to that invaluable repertory of facts, dr. havelock ellis's "man and woman." [ ] this may be obtained from any bookseller at the price of d. [ ] further particulars may be obtained from the vice-principal, king's college (women's department), kensington square, london, w. [ ] from _la question sexuelle_, french edition, p. . the author wrote the book first in german and then in french. [ ] the modern use of the word environment really dates from lamarck's original phrase. in his discussion of the characters of living beings, he spoke of the _milieu environnant_. the higher the type of organism the more comprehensive must the term become, not only quantitatively but qualitatively. [ ] "an introduction to social psychology," by william mcdougall, m.a., m.b., m.sc., wilde reader in mental philosophy in the university of oxford. [ ] from the writer's paper, "the human mother," in the report of the proceedings of the national conference on infantile mortality, , p. . [ ] it it well to quote here the most recent comment of the late sir francis galton upon this subject. it is to be found in his celebrated huxley lecture, now published by the eugenics education society, together with much of the illustrious author's other work, under the title, "essays in eugenics." the passage relevant to our discussion runs as follows:-- "there appears to be a considerable difference between the earliest age at which it is physiologically desirable that a woman should marry and that at which the ablest, or at least the most cultured, women usually do. acceleration in the time of marriage, often amounting to seven years, as from twenty-eight or twenty-nine to twenty-one or twenty-two, under influences such as those mentioned above, is by no means improbable. what would be its effect on productivity? it might be expected to act in two ways:-- "( ) by shortening each generation by an amount equally proportionate to the diminution in age at which marriage occurs. suppose the span of each generation to be shortened by one-sixth, so that six take the place of five, and that the productivity of each marriage is unaltered, it follows that one-sixth more children will be brought into the world during the same time, which is roughly equivalent to increasing the productivity of an unshortened generation by that amount. "( ) by saving from certain barrenness the earlier part of the child-bearing period of the woman. authorities differ so much as to the direct gain of fertility due to early marriage that it is dangerous to express an opinion. the large and thriving families that i have known were the offspring of mothers who married very young." [ ] an unavoidable delay in the publication of this book makes possible reference to professor ehrlich's synthetic compound of arsenic, known as " ," the anti-syphilitic potency of which will render even less excusable the cowardice and neglect against which the foregoing is a protest. [ ] this is a libel upon poor people everywhere. there has been some confusion between drink and poverty. [ ] "t. p.'s weekly," christmas number, . [ ] the first treatise on infant mortality in english, written by sir george newman at the present writer's request, and published in his new library of medicine in , gives abundant and trustworthy information as to the initial incidence of this disproportionate mortality. [ ] "socialism and the family," sixpenny edition, p. . [ ] the address of this union is , copthall avenue, london, e. c. [ ] "the primal physical functions of maternity." [ ] w. claassen in the archiv für rassen-und-gesellschafts-biologie, nov.--dec., . see the eugenics review, july, , p. . [ ] we decided to reprint the report of that conference, and a few copies of the reprint are still obtainable. [ ] in his "alcoholism." . [ ] in the articles, "racial poisons: alcohol," eugenics review, april, , and "professor karl pearson on alcoholism and offspring," british journal of inebriety, oct., . [ ] this study has only just begun, but remarkable results have already been obtained. the interested reader should refer to the proceedings of the twelfth international congress on alcoholism held in london in . [ ] this report, published in , can readily be obtained through any bookseller. its number is cd. , and the price only s. d. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- transcriber's notes: . original chapter titles were inconsistently named. for example "chapter vi" was followed by simply "vii" without the "chapter" designation. the original printing has been retained. . p. : word omitted in original ("on") has been added: "i have recently been on a tour throughout canada...." the social direction of human evolution the social direction of human evolution an outline of the science of eugenics by william e. kellicott professor of biology, goucher college [illustration] new york and london d. appleton and company copyright, , by d. appleton and company printed in the united states of america preface this small volume is based upon three lectures on eugenics delivered at oberlin college in april, . in preparing them for publication many extensions and a few additions have been made in order to present the subject more adequately and to include some very recent results of eugenic investigation. few subjects have come into deserved prominence more rapidly than has eugenics. biologists, social workers, thoughtful students and observers of human life everywhere, have felt the growing necessity for some kind of action leading to what are now recognized as eugenic ends. hitherto the lack of guiding principles has left us in the dark as to where to take hold and what methods to pursue. to-day, however, progress in the human phases of biological science clearly gives us clews regarding modes of attack upon many of the fundamental problems of human life and social improvement and progress, and suggests concrete methods of work. the present essay does not represent an original contribution to the subject of eugenics. it is not a complete statement of the facts and foundations of eugenics in any particular. it is rather an attempt to state briefly and suggestively, in simple, matter-of-fact terms the present status of this science. while eugenics is a social topic in practice, in its fundamentals, in its theory, it is biological. it is therefore necessary that the subject be approached primarily from the biological point of view and with some familiarity with biological methods and results. the control of human evolution--physical, mental, moral--is a serious subject of supremest importance and gravest consequents. it must be considered without excitement--thoughtfully, not emotionally. it is hardly necessary to add that no one can speak of the subject of eugenics without feeling the immensity of his debt to sir francis galton and to professor karl pearson. from the writings of these pioneers i have drawn heavily in this essay. the recent summary of the whethams, and davenport's valuable essay on eugenics have also served as the sources of quotation. w. e. k. baltimore, md., november, . contents page i.--the sources and aims of the science of eugenics ii.--the biological foundations of eugenics iii.--human heredity and the eugenic program list of illustrations fig. page .--increase of population in the united states and the principal countries of europe from to .--relative and absolute numbers of prisoners in the united states from to .--recorded measurements of the stature of mothers .--model to illustrate the law of probability or "chance" .--plinth to illustrate the difference between variability (fluctuation) and variation (mutation) .--curves illustrating the relation between the pure line and the species or other large group .--diagram showing the course of color heredity in the andalusian fowl .--diagram showing the course of color heredity in the guinea-pig .--diagram illustrating the relation of the germ cells in a simple case of mendelian heredity .--diagram illustrating the phenomenon of regression .--diagrams showing the relation between order of birth and incidence of pathological defect .--coefficients of heredity of physical and psychical characters in school children .--family history showing brachydactylism. farabee's data .--family history showing polydactylism .--mother and daughters showing "split hand" _facing_ .--two family histories showing "split foot" _facing_ .--family history showing congenital cataract .--family history showing a form of night blindness .--family history showing a form of night blindness .--family history showing huntington's chorea .--family history showing deaf-mutism .--family history showing feeble-mindedness .--family history showing angio-neurotic oedema .--family history showing tuberculosis .--family history showing infertility .--family history showing ability .--family history showing ability .--history of three markedly able families .--history of _die familie zero_ i the sources and aims of the science of eugenics i the sources and aims of the science of eugenics "bravas to all impulses sending sane children to the next age!" eugenics has been defined as "the science of being well born." in the words of sir francis galton, who may fairly be claimed as the founder of this newest of sciences, "eugenics is the study of the agencies under social control, that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally." the idea of definitely undertaking to improve the innate characteristics of the human race has been expressed repeatedly through centuries--fancifully, seriously, hopefully, and now scientifically. since the times of theognis and of plato the student of animate nature has been aware of the possibility of the degradation or of the elevation of the human race-characters. the conditions under which life exists gradually change: the customs and ideals of societies change rapidly. times inevitably come when, if we are to maintain or to advance our racial position, we find it necessary to change in an adaptive way our attitude toward these changing social relations and conditions of life. if we neglect to do this we go down in the racial struggle, as history so clearly and so repeatedly warns us. in the opinion of many biologists and sociologists such a time has now arrived. the suspension of many forms of natural selection in human society, the currency of the "rabbit theory" of racial prosperity--based upon the idea of mere numerical increase of the population, the complacent disregard of the increase of the pauper, insane, and criminal elements of our population, the dearth of individuals of high ability--even of competent workmen, all are resulting in evil and will result disastrously unless deliberately controlled. it is hoped that this control, though at first conscious, "artificial," may later become fixed as an element of social custom and conscience and thus operate automatically and the more effectively. the result will be not only the restoration of our race to its original vigor, mental and physical, but further the carrying on of the race to a surpassing vigor and supremacy. the aim of eugenics is the production of a more healthy, more vigorous, more able humanity. again in the words of galton "the aim of eugenics is to represent each class ... by its best specimens; that done to leave them to work out their common civilization in their own way.... to bring as many influences as can be reasonably employed to cause the useful classes in the community to contribute more than their present proportion to the next generation"; and further, we might add, to cause the useless, vicious classes to contribute to the next generation less than their present proportion. with this definition of eugenics and preliminary statement of its aims before us we may proceed to a somewhat fuller statement of the facts within this field. first let us consider the relation of the science of eugenics to its parent sciences, biology and sociology, then after mentioning some of the steps in the development of the present eugenic movement, we may describe some of the conditions which give us human beings pause and lead us to appreciate the necessity for a reconsideration of much that enters into our present social organization and conduct. shortly before the publication of "the origin of species," darwin was asked by alfred russell wallace whether he proposed to include any reference to the evolution of man. darwin's reply was: "you ask whether i shall discuss man. i think i shall avoid the whole subject, as so surrounded with prejudices; though i fully admit that it is the highest and most interesting problem for the naturalist." this prejudice which darwin knew would preclude a just consideration of the subject of man's origin and evolution, grew out of the former and long current conception of the position occupied by man in the whole scheme of nature--of "man's place in nature." this conception, happily obsolete now among thinkers, though occasionally seen lurking in out of the way corners shaded from the light of modern philosophy and science, placed man and the rest of the universe in separate categories. man was one, all the rest another. it was for man's benefit or pleasure that the rains descended, that the corn grew and ripened, that the sun shone, the birds sang, the landscape was spread before the view. for man's warning or punishment the lightning struck, comets appeared, disease ravaged, insects tormented and destroyed. it was certainly very natural that man should regard himself as a thing apart, particularly since he was able to control and to regulate nature, and to take tribute from her so extensively. but the scientist regarded man differently; from him the world learned to recognize man as an integral factor in nature--as one with nature, possessing the same structures, performing the same activities, as other animals; subject to much the same control and with much the same purposes in life and in nature as other living things. there is to-day no necessity to enlarge upon this view. as ray lankester puts it: "man is held to be a part of nature; a being, resulting from and driven by the one great nexus of mechanism which we call nature." but the echoes of the older naïve view of man and his nature sounded long after the rational scientific conception had become dominant. it is not so very long ago that psychology was little more than human psychology; nor has sociology long since gone outside the purely human for explanations of the facts of human society. nowadays, however, psychology has a firm comparative basis and sociology finds much that is illuminating and helpful in the purely biological aspects of the human animal. very naturally, then, we have had social science studying man as man, with a capital m: biological science studying man as a natural animal. but now that modern trend of scientific synthesis which has brought forth a physical-chemistry and a chemical-physiology and a bio-chemistry, is combining the purely social and the purely biological studies of man into a new bio-sociology. and as one phase of this new partnership we have the subject of eugenics--the science of racial integrity and progress, built upon the overlapping fields of biology and sociology. we can trace the idea, perhaps better the hope, of eugenics from the modern times of ancient greece. plato laid stress upon the idea of the "purification of the state." in his republic he pointed out that the quality of the herd or flock could be maintained only by breeding from the best, consciously selected for that purpose by the shepherd, and by the destruction of the weaklings; and that when one was concerned with the quality of his hunting dogs or horses or pet birds, he was careful to utilize this knowledge. he drew attention to the necessity in the state for a functionary corresponding to the shepherd to weed out the undesirables and to prevent them from multiplying their kind. plato stated clearly the essential idea of the inheritance of individual qualities and the danger to the state of a large and increasing body of degenerates and defectives. he called upon the legislators to purify the state. but the legislators paid no heed. the able-bodied and able-minded continued to be sacrificed to the god of war; the degenerates and defectives--not fit to fight--were the ones left at home to become parents of the next generation. and to-day greece remains an awful warning. we cannot describe or even enumerate the wrecks of the many plans for race improvement that are strewn from plato to our day. sporadic, emotional, visionary, often it must be confessed suggested by possibilities of material gain to the "leader"--they have all passed. they failed because they were unscientific; because there was available no solid foundation of determined fact upon which to build. one need suggest only the oneida community, as it was originally planned, or the parisian society of _l'elite_--in both of which the selection of mates was to be carefully controlled--or some of the fantasies of bernard shaw, to indicate the character of these failures. only recently have we become able to suggest the possibility of race improvement by scientific methods, and only very recently has the possibility appeared in the light of a necessity, the alternative being the universal reward of the unsuccessful. the present eugenic movement may be said to date from when francis galton showed that mental qualities are inherited just as are physical qualities, and pointed out that this opened the way to an improvement of the race in all respects. the data in support of this pregnant conclusion were included in galton's work on "hereditary genius" published in , when he again emphasized definitely the possibility and desirability of improving the natural qualities of the human race. his suggestions fell upon the stony ground of ignorance even of the most elementary facts of heredity. the subject was raised again in his "inquiries into the human faculty" in , and the word "eugenics" was then coined. the ground was still non-receptive. then followed a period of rapid increase in our knowledge of heredity in animals and plants and in galton returned again to the subject, this time in a more direct and elaborate way, and his huxley lecture of that year before the anthropological institute was upon "the possible improvement of the human breed under the existing conditions of law and sentiment." this time he received a real hearing, partly on account of recent disclosures regarding the state of human society and its trends in great britain, chiefly because there was at last a real scientific basis for such a proposal. in this lecture, after declaring that the possibility of human race culture is no longer to be considered an academical or impractical problem, galton proceeded to show that we have a sufficient biological knowledge of man to furnish a working basis. we know of man's variability and heredity--that some men are worth more than others in the community, and that individual traits are also family possessions. this he followed up with definite suggestions as to possible means of the "augmentation of favored stock." the then recently organized sociological society of london took up the subject enthusiastically, and in and galton was invited to deliver addresses before the society upon this topic. in his first address he spoke upon "eugenics: its definition, scope, and aims." this proved to be a statement of the elementary principles of the subject--a sort of eugenic creed. here galton struck fire. the reading of his paper was followed by very extended discussion and criticism, and he received some enthusiastic support. a few of these enthusiastic supporters brought forth, on the spur of the moment, wonderful, visionary schemes for eugenic progress; much of the adverse criticism went wide of the mark; and, on the whole, galton must have felt that at least he had demonstrated fully one need for which he had spoken, that of developing a race of able thinkers. galton's second address before the same society the year following was partly directed at some of this hasty criticism and partly devoted to the setting forth of the possibly ultimate place of the ideals of race improvement in the conscience of the community, and to showing how the whole subject is fraught with "the greatest spiritual dignity and the utmost social importance." the subject was now fairly launched. magazine articles appeared on "the new national patriotism," "breeding better men," _et cetera_. meanwhile the bio-sociologist settled down to work. and during the five years that have since passed an immense amount of knowledge has been gained, and a large number of excellent workers recruited. interest in the subject is now general, and its importance recognized as vital. karl pearson, known as a good fighter, is galton's "beak and claws," performing for him much the same kind of service that huxley performed for darwin nearly fifty years ago. galton himself has established a eugenics laboratory under the direction of professor pearson in the biometric laboratory of the university of london and has endowed a research fellowship and research scholarships. this laboratory is publishing a series of memoirs and a series of lectures upon eugenic topics. the university of london is publishing, with the assistance of the drapers' company, a series of "studies in national deterioration." a periodical, _the eugenics review_, is established and appearing regularly. a eugenics education society has been founded to popularize and disseminate the technical information contained in the memoirs and special papers. england remains the seat of greatest activity and interest, but much is being done now in this country. in america the subject is largely under the auspices of the american breeders association, which has organized an extremely efficient committee on eugenics with which a large number of biological and medical workers are coöperating. this committee has coöperated in the establishment of a eugenics record office, at cold spring harbor, under the direction of h. h. laughlin. relevant facts are beginning to pour in from many directions; eugenic ideals are being given practical expression, and the science is rapidly gaining headway. it may be asked: "well, what is it all about; are we as a nation not doing well--well enough?" is it not true, as some have suggested, that this eugenic movement is but one more expression of england's temporary national hysteria transferred to this country? in answer to such queries let us state some of the conditions which have suggested to so many sober thinkers and observers that the time is arriving, has in fact arrived, when we must begin to think of the future of our communities and nations and of our race, rather than contentedly to read of and meditate upon the great achievements of our past, or to parade with self-satisfied air through our glass houses of anglo-saxon supremacy. even were we unthreatened, were we amply holding our own, the mere fact of the possibility of a natural increase of human capacity would make it a practical subject of the utmost importance. we may be sure that somewhere a nation will avail itself of such a possibility as the increase of inherent native talent, physical, mental, moral, and will tend to become a strong and dominant people. why should not _we_ be that people? it seems that the facts that lead us to think of the future in this matter are of two quite distinct classes. first, we have a great mass of data relative to the composition of our societies and to the changing character of our population, social data of deep significance when broadly viewed and thoughtfully considered. second, there are certain biological considerations, which all apart from existing social conditions should warn us to be on the lookout. first let us review briefly some of the latter, some of those biological considerations which lead us to regard thoughtfully the problem of the future evolution of man and his societies. as with other species of animals, each of us comes into the world equipped with a physical constitution and a few simple fundamental instincts. but unlike all other animals, the possession of these alone does not enable us to take and maintain our positions in the community life. man's life to-day is subject to a great social heritage which, unlike his natural heritage, can be realized only as a result of his own activity and acquisition. civilized man is the result of nature plus nurture. civilization has been defined as "the sum of human contrivances which enable human beings to advance independently of heredity." the knowledge of fact, historic and scientific, of literature, of art, of custom, and manner, and all that goes to make up the culture and education which are the distinctive traits of our human lives--all this is no possession of ours when we make our first bow to society. nor do these things become ours through a simple process of growth and development while we remain the passive subjects. all of these things represent the active individual acquirement of the racial accumulation of tradition and learning--what the biologist would call the results of modification. our troubles begin when we realize that in the acquisition of this load each generation does not begin where the preceding left off, not at all--but we begin where our parents did. the first thing we do toward advancing our places in the world is to absorb what we can of the same kind of thing our forbears absorbed, learn over again their lessons, repeat their experiences; and then we proceed straightway to increase the difficulties for the next generation by writing more books, discovering more facts, making a little more history, and so it goes: the load of tradition increases with every successive generation, and so it has gone since the beginning of man's civilization. it is declared that the modern schoolboy knows more than did aristotle. we cannot resist the inquiry, has the modern schoolboy better native ability than had aristotle? here is the whole point of this matter; are we any better endowed mentally now that the amount to be mentally absorbed and accomplished is so many times greater? has our capacity for mental accumulation kept pace with the amount to be accumulated, and with the necessity for such accumulation as a fitting for human life of the civilized variety? madison bentley has recently put it nicely in this way. does talent grow with knowledge? "may we not suppose that the men and women of some distant glacial age, who dwelt upon the ice, wore the skin of the seal, and ate raw fish, had as much brain and as generous a measure of talent as have their remote descendants who wear sealskins, and eat ices and caviar?" he continues that we have little or nothing to show that the hereditary or innate growth of the mind has kept pace with the growing social heritage; that as regards mental endowment we begin where our distant ancestors began. the chief difference between us and them is that we proceed at once to burden ourselves with information and obligation which for them did not exist. to compass our languages, sciences, histories, arts, the complicated social, political, moral régime, we are supplied with virtually the same minds that primitive man used for his primitive needs. is it any wonder, he asks, that "education" is the central problem for our or any other advanced civilization? the biologist asks whether it is not high time to look beyond this artificial bolster of education, to the possibility of actual improvement of the innate mental abilities of man. the student of heredity and evolution looking at this problem has two contributions to make. first, if the mental capabilities of the present race are too limited, increase them; if our minds are too weak to carry the burdens which now must be carried, do not give up the task--strengthen the racial mind. second, if we should seem to be in danger of developing a stock which is well fitted and able to carry the load of mental acquirement and to push on intellectually, but which is at the same time physically deficient, weak, or sterile, or susceptible to disease, do not let the intellectual capabilities diminish, but build up the physical constitution to a higher supporting level. these are not idle suggestions nor whimsical schemes. the biologist makes them knowing that these things are possible; not only possible, they must be accomplished. we are foolishly building our civilization in the form of an inverted pyramid of individually acquired characteristics. this structure can be made stable only by supplying a broader basis of innate ability which can safely carry the load. this is the first biological warning to sociology. the second warning we may put in the form in which ray lankester in his "kingdom of man" has recently presented it so strikingly and which we may abstract freely and with some interpolation. "in nature's struggle for existence, death ... is the fate of the vanquished, while the only reward to the victors ... is the permission to reproduce their kind--to carry on by heredity to another generation, the specific qualities by which they triumphed." the _origin_ of man, partly, at any rate, by such a process of natural selection, is one chapter in his history. another begins with the development of his mental qualities, which are of such unprecedented power in nature. these qualities so dominate all else in his "living" activities that they largely cut him off from the general operations of natural selection. perhaps the only direction in which natural selection is the chiefly operative factor in human evolution to-day is in the development of immunity from infectious disease. just as man is a new departure in the unfolding scheme of the world, so his presence and characteristics lead to new methods of evolution, of survival, and the like. knowledge, reason, self-consciousness, will, are new processes in nature, and it is these which have largely determined the direction of man's history. nature's discipline of death is more or less successfully resisted by the will of man. man is nature's rebel. "where nature says 'die'! man says 'i will live.'" by his wits and his will man has overcome many of nature's bounds and difficulties without changing, as other organisms would, his innate characteristics. not only this but man has obtained control of his surroundings and at every step of his development he has receded farther from the rule of nature. now "he has advanced so far and become so unfitted to the earlier rule, that to suppose that man can 'return to nature' is as unreasonable as to suppose that an adult animal can return to its mother's womb." but at present man puts into operation no real substitute for natural selection. "the standard raised by the rebel man is not that of fitness to the conditions proffered by extra-human nature, but is one of ideal comfort, prosperity, and conscious joy of life--imposed by the will of man and involving a control, and in important respects a subversion, of what were nature's methods of dealing with life before she had produced her insurgent son." progress in the control of nature has been going on with enormous rapidity during the last two centuries particularly--the "nature searchers" have placed almost limitless power in the hands of men. and yet the builders of society and governments and nations have failed to profit by this increase in natural knowledge. in our social and national organization we remain fixed in the old paths of ignorance. lankester says: "i speak for those who would urge the conscious and deliberate assumption of his kingdom by man--not as a matter of markets and of increased opportunity for the cosmopolitan dealers in finance--but as an absolute duty, the fulfillment of man's destiny." the purpose of his essay is "to point out that civilized man has proceeded so far in his interference with extra-human nature, has produced for himself and for the living organisms associated with him such a special state of things, by his rebellion against natural selection and his defiance of pre-human dispositions, that he must either go on and acquire firmer control of the conditions, or perish miserably by the vengeance certain to fall on the half-hearted meddler in great affairs." man is a fighting rebel who at every forward step lays himself open to the liabilities of greater penalties should his attack prove unsuccessful. moreover, while emancipating himself from the destructive and progressive methods of nature, man has accumulated a new series of dangers and difficulties with which he must incessantly contend and which he must finally control. man has taken a tremendous step--created desperate conditions by the exercise of his will--further control is essential in order that he should escape from final misery and destruction. nor is this idle, academic invective. the biologist knows that this is true. it is not idle, for man has the means at his command--it is merely a question of their employment. this, then, is the second biological warning to sociology and to statecraft. now we may return to consider briefly the nature of those social data which we suggested force us to think seriously of the problem of man's future. as a primary datum we may note the increasing population of the countries of europe and north america (fig. ). the countries whose population is increasing most rapidly are the united states, russia, and the german empire. we know that one important factor of the increase in this country is that of immigration, but this is not sufficient to account for the total. there is continued multiplication of the native population, and of the immigrant after he is here. we wish only to point out in connection with this diagram the steady trend of the population upward, and the fact that obviously somewhere there must be a limit. this cannot go on without end. [illustration: fig. .--increase of population in the united states and the principal countries of europe from to (from "statistical atlas," twelfth census of the united states.)] an extremely pertinent fact here has been disclosed by pearson and is based upon very extensive observations among several different classes and nations. it is this--that one fourth of the married population of the present generation produce one half of the next generation. the death rate and the ratio of unmarried to married being what they are, this relation may be stated in this way--twelve per cent of all the individuals born in the last generation produced one half of the present generation. "this is not only a general law, but it is practically true for each class in the community." this conclusion is based upon data from the english, danish, and welsh peoples of professional, domestic, commercial, industrial, and pastoral classes, and the per cent of married persons found to be producing one half of each generation varies from twenty-three to twenty-seven with an average of twenty-five per cent. we must ask at once--what is the source of this fourth which is contributing double its quota to the next generation? is this twenty-five per cent drawn proportionately from all classes of society or are some groups contributing relatively more than others? is there any relation between this superfertility and the possession of desirable or undesirable characteristics? we may answer at once--there is a distinct and positive relation between civic undesirability and high fertility. we shall return to this subject at the close of the next chapter; only the bare fact is to be mentioned at this time. it is a matter of common notice and remark that to-day, in england at any rate, there is a dearth of youthful ability. it exists in commerce, science, literature, politics, the bar, the church. we cannot dismiss as merely fashionable the statements that the able classes are not replacing themselves, that men of ability are less able than formerly. whether or not this is also the condition in america to-day, we know that it soon will be the condition unless steps are taken to bring about a positive relation between civic desirability and ability and the numerical production of offspring. let us turn to data of a somewhat different kind. the united states census reports for the decades from to ( ) include data relative to the number of prisoners in this country. the returns for omitted certain classes previously enumerated so that for comparative purposes the figures given have to be corrected. on the corrected basis these reports show that the total number of prisoners in the united states increased from , in to about , in , while the total population increased during the same time only from twenty-three to eighty millions (fig. ). the ratio of prisoners to the total population is of course the significant relation here, and this increased from per , in to per , in . not all of this increase can be attributed to more rigid enforcement of the law or raised standards of morality; there is some reason for thinking that whatever change there has been in these respects has tended to have the opposite effect. we should note, in considering such data as these, that the penologist generally assumes that of the total number of offenders, actually only about ten per cent are in prison at any one time. during the last century, in france, many parts of germany, and in spain the increase in criminality was terrifying. in the united states the number of murders and homicides per million of the entire population has nearly trebled in the last fifteen years (fig. ). the average for the five years from to inclusive was . per million, and for the five years from to it became per million. [illustration: fig. .--relative and absolute numbers of prisoners in the united states from to . - - - - number of prisoners per , of total population. ------- total number of prisoners (figures to the right are to be read as thousands here). -.-.-.- number of murders and homicides per million of the total population.] england's "defective" classes during the years between and increased from . to . per thousand of the total; that is, more than doubled in that brief period. rentoul has collected careful information regarding the number of insane or mentally defective and degenerate in great britain. in england the number of "officially certified" insane, which is far less than the actual number, increased from one to every of the total population, to one to , in the nine years preceding . in ireland comparison of the years and --a period of years intervening--shows an increase in the corresponding ratio from : to : . the census of showed in great britain , mental defectives of all kinds; this is one to of the total population, and probably if the whole truth were known the ratio would approximate : , according to rentoul's calculation. the ratio of known insane just doubled in the decade preceding . the scottish commission reports an increase in insane of per cent since , the total population increasing meanwhile by only per cent. the worst side of these british statistics follows. in , of the , and more, idiots, imbeciles, and feeble-minded, nearly , --roughly one third--were married and free to multiply; and as for that matter a great many of those unmarried are known to have been prolific. in , of the , lunatics, nearly , --considerably more than one third--were married. , idiots and lunatics legally multiplying their kind and worse! rentoul rightly says: "the hand that wrecks the cradle wrecks the nation." in the united states the census of reported , insane in hospitals, and , not in hospitals--a total of , known insane. in the number in hospitals had increased to , . the number not in hospitals was not given and cannot be determined accurately, but it is conservatively estimated as certainly not less than , , and probably it is far greater than this. in many states it is known that about one fourth of the insane are not in hospitals. but taking the total of , as a conservative figure, the ratio of known insane in the total population was per , in as compared with per , in . the methods of the collection of such data vary in different countries so that the results are not comparable. in a single country there is less, though still some, lack of uniformity, so that the exact rate of increase in the ratio of the insane is still somewhat doubtful. moreover, it is doubtless true that some of this apparent increase results from improved methods in the collection of data, and from more complete registration of these defectives. but suppose we disregard entirely the idea of an increase in the ratio of these defectives, the bare fact of the existence of nearly , insane in this country is sufficiently alarming; and it is disgraceful to any nation, because it is unnecessary. the superintendent of the ohio institution for the feeble minded wrote in : "unless preventive measures against the progressive increase of the defective classes are adopted, such a calamity as the gradual eclipse, slow decay and final disintegration of our present form of society and government is not only possible, but probable." the latest census reports for the united states give data relative to the dependents and defectives in institutions. the numbers not in institutions can only be guessed at. but from the available sources we can gain an approximate conception of the numbers in our country to-day as follows:--insane and feeble minded, at least , ; blind, , ; deaf, and deaf and dumb, , ; paupers in institutions, , , two thirds of whom have children, and are also physically or mentally deficient, and to say that one half of the whole number of paupers are in institutions is to give a ridiculously low estimate; prisoners, , , and several hundred thousand more that should be prisoners; juvenile delinquents, , in institutions; the number cared for by hospitals, dispensaries, "homes" of various kinds, in the year was in excess of , , . from these figures we get a rough total of nearly , , . must we define a civilized and enlightened nation as one in which only one person in every thirty can be classed as defective or dependent? it is needless to continue descriptions of this kind. the foregoing are representative data; they are published by the volume. it is always the same story--rapid increase of the unfit, defective, insane, criminal; slow increase, even decrease of the fit, normal, or gifted stocks. it is with such conditions in mind that whetham writes: "although this suppression of the best blood of the country is a new disease in modern europe, it is an old story in the history of nations and has been the prelude to the ruin of states and the decline and fall of empires." the ultimate aim of sociology is doubtless the working out of the laws according to which stable communities are formed and maintained, and in which each component individual may enjoy and contribute the maximum of pleasure and profit. so the primary purpose of statecraft is to produce a nation which shall be stable and enduring. this is all familiar ground. the objects of the nation's immediate activities and concern, protection from enemy, development of commerce and manufacture, agriculture, and education, all these are for the real purpose of establishing and promoting national integrity. no nation exists long without ideals and traditions, without teachers, artists, poets, and yet the primary condition of the existence of all these is a great body of citizens characterized by physical and mental soundness--vigor and sanity. in searching for guiding principles in their great endeavors the sociologist and statesman have sought aid from many sources. but, as pearson points out, philosophy has thus far given no law by the aid of which we can understand how a nation becomes physically and mentally vigorous. anthropology has done little to show wherein exists human fitness as a social organism. political economists object that they are not listened to with respectful consideration in legislative chambers. history is the favorite hunting ground of the statesman searching for guidance; but unfortunately history teaches chiefly by example and analogy, rarely by true explanation. and just as some gifted persons are able to give an apt biblical quotation touching any occurrence whatever, so, many statesmen can cite some historical analogue which they offer as evidence for their views, whatever they are. these men are sincere, in their ignorance of the nature of scientific proof. finally, although the statesman still holds rather aloof, the sociologist comes now to the biologist, inquiring whether by any chance he may be in possession of data or guiding principles which may be somehow of service in the building of stable societies. the biologist does not send him away without contribution. the sociologist makes known his needs, the biologist displays his possessions, and it is at once evident to both that they have much in common, and that each is able to supply the other with some needed wares. each may learn from the other; and best of all, the biologist seems to have information which can be of the greatest service in their common work of building sound societies. and the biologist is grateful to the sociologist for reminding him that he, too, has sacred duties in this direction. he is too often forgetful that the real aim of his own, as of any science, is to be useful in real human life. it is pleasing to the biologist to feel that he is at last in possession of facts of value to the student of human society, for to him his debt is great. from the sociologist he has drawn the inspirations which have led to some of his greatest discoveries. it was malthus who suggested to darwin the great principle of the struggle for existence among men which darwin so successfully applied to other organisms, and used so profitably in building up his great theory of natural selection. it was from the sociologist that the biologist derived his idea of the physiological division of labor which has proved so fruitful a conception; and from the same source he has drawn many of his conceptions of organic individuality. we might suggest here some of the topics upon which biology has information of value in this bio-social field; many of these we shall discuss later on from our present and special point of view. first of all come the facts regarding the variability and variation of human beings, not alone in physical characteristics, but in respect to psychic traits as well. here as in all organisms we must distinguish between true variations and bodily modifications; that is, we must be careful to make, as far as possible, the biological distinction between innate and acquired traits, particularly in considering mental characteristics. next must come consideration of the facts of heredity. this is undoubtedly the field of greatest importance to the eugenist; facts of no other kind are of equal significance in determining the course of eugenic practice. we now have a fairly extensive working basis here from which to discuss heredity in man. the various phases of human selection should be noticed, in particular that known as selective fertility or differential fertility in different social groups or classes. another evolutionary factor of importance here is that of "isolation" in the many and varied forms which it assumes in human society, especially those which result from assortative and preferential mating, and from the operation of social convention, restrictions in marriage, and the like. before discussing any of these subjects let us offer here just a word of caution to the enthusiast. the results gained in one field of science cannot be transferred _in toto_ to another field and there be found to fit. biology has learned much from physics and chemistry, but the biological applications of the laws of these sciences must be carried out with the greatest care. such transference has often been premature and attended by results retardative to progress in the field of biology. any formula borrowed from one science and applied in another must be rigorously tested under the new conditions. the indiscriminating application of biological laws in the field of sociology may result in confusion and retardation in the progress of both sciences, or at any rate in their practical applications. as thomson points out in writing on this topic, human society is not only a complex of individual activities of a strictly biological character, but also and further it involves an integration and regulation of those activities which are not yet, at least, susceptible of concrete biological analysis. thomson says: "the biological ideal of a healthful, self-sustaining, evolving human breed is as fundamental as the social ideal of a harmoniously integrated society is supreme." the great danger here lies in forgetting the fundamental and general character of the biological principles. the ideals of biology and sociology need not coincide, often they do not, but they must not conflict. in practice eugenics must be largely a social matter; but in its theory, its fundamentals, it must be largely biological. the coming together of biology and sociology, and their common search for guiding principles in their common endeavor is likely to have results of several kinds. it is likely to bring out more clearly than has yet been done the distinction, in human life and society, between that which is fundamentally biological or animal, and that which is distinctly social. such information will prove of especial value later when the time comes for the suggestion and carrying out of a definite eugenic program, when the time comes for the real eugenic organization of society. and further the close _rapprochement_ of the two subjects will doubtless result in mutual aid and suggestion in the development of each subject in its own stricter field, outside the limits of their common meeting ground. before bringing this introductory chapter to a conclusion we should suggest one further caution which must be borne in mind. there may at times seem to be suggestions of antagonism between the biological and the social conceptions of what is eugenic and what is not. much of this apparent discord will disappear if we recognize that after all the overlapping areas of the two subjects which have fused into the subject of eugenics are relatively small portions of either whole subject. sociology has for one of its aims, perhaps its chief aim, the improvement of the present condition of society. the sociologist is interested in the improvement of social conditions to-day and to-morrow. he wants to improve housing conditions, food and milk supplies, to reduce the curses of alcoholism, poverty, and crime, to take the children out of the factory and their mothers out of the sweatshop and put them into schools or under humane conditions of labor. and so on through a long list. the biologist or eugenist is of course heartily with the sociologist in these endeavors, but as a human being, not as a biologist or eugenist. for the eugenist is, as such, by deliberate assumption and definition, directly interested in only such conditions as affect the innate characteristics of the race, conditions which may not have direct reference to the present generation at all, but to the next and to future generations. as a eugenist he is not concerned with factory legislation, alcoholism, or play grounds, unless it can be shown that there is a relation between these things and the innate mental and physical properties of the race. if there is such a relation, of improvement or impairment, these are eugenic topics; if there is no such relation they are purely social topics, and the eugenist does not deal with them, not because they are not worth dealing with, but because they are then by definition outside his field. in the end the eugenist hopes, with the sociologist, to accomplish these social betterments, but he believes that these will come as by-products in the process of innate racial improvement--improvement in the inherent, physical, mental, and moral qualities of the human kind, and that accomplished in this way the results will be more stable and permanent than any accomplished by attacking the problems as such and separately, largely leaving out of account the real and fundamental cause--bad human protoplasm. eugenics is not offered as a universal cure for social ills: no single cure exists. but the eugenist believes that no other single factor in determining social conditions and practices approaches in importance that of racial structural integrity and sanity. the eugenist would oppose only those social activities, if such there be, that conflict with his ideal of genuine, progressive, human evolution. the main question which the eugenist would raise here is largely that of the economy of effort--whether it were not better by concentrating upon a few activities, known to give permanent results, once for all to end an intolerable social condition, rather than to attempt the sisyphean task. in conclusion let us quote a few sentences from francis galton. "charity refers to the individual; statesmanship to the nation; eugenics cares for both.... i take eugenics very seriously, feeling that its principles ought to become one of the dominant motives in a civilized nation, much as if they were one of its religious tenets.... man is gifted with pity and other kindly feelings; he has also the power of preventing many kinds of suffering. i conceive it to fall well within his province to replace natural selection by other processes that are more merciful and not less effective. this is precisely the aim of eugenics. its first object is to check the birth rate of the unfit instead of allowing them to come into being, though doomed in large numbers to perish prematurely. the second object is the improvement of the race by furthering the productivity of the fit, by early marriages and the healthful rearing of their children. natural selection rests upon excessive production and wholesale destruction; eugenics on bringing no more individuals into the world than can be properly cared for, and those only of the best stock." ii the biological foundations of eugenics ii the biological foundations of eugenics "the gist of histories and statistics as far back as the records reach, is in you this hour,..." we must now proceed to consider briefly and with only the necessary detail the modes of application of certain biological principles and data in this special field of eugenics. first of all a clear understanding of the basic ideas of variability and heredity must be had as a primary condition of an appreciation of their significance for the subject before us. like any other organism a human being is a bundle of characteristics, physical and psychical. each person has a definite stature and span, possesses fingers and toes, a head, eyes, ears, hair of a certain color, and so on through a long list of physical traits. physiological characteristics has he also, such as muscular strength, resistance to fatigue or to disease of many kinds, digestive and assimilative powers, a rate of heart beat, a blood pressure, an habitual gait, posture, a characteristic way of clasping the hands or of twirling the thumbs--and so almost _ad infinitum_. he also possesses certain physiological traits more closely related with the action of the central nervous system--keenness of vision, or hearing, or smell, memory, vivacity, cheerfulness, self-assertiveness, self-consciousness, reasoning power, determination, and the like. there is a period during the existence of each human being when he does not seem to possess these traits or anything resembling them. for at the beginning of his existence as a new and separate creature, every individual, among the groups of higher organisms, has the form of a single organic cell--the germ. this germ may be, as it is in man, of microscopic dimensions, and it always shows a comparatively slight degree of differentiation of structure. moreover, the parts and organs of the germ bear no actual or visible resemblance at all to the organs and parts of the organism into which the germ rapidly develops. in other words, in the germ of an organism we have a structure, partly material, partly dynamic, the components of which in some way represent the adult characteristics without resembling them. during the period of the development of the individual, that is to say, during its "ontogeny," these characteristics of the germ become expressed in their final or adult form. for our purpose it is not necessary to inquire precisely how it is that the structure of the germ can thus represent or determine the structures growing out of it. it must suffice to see that somehow the characteristics of the germ lead to the formation or development of other characters, and these in turn to still others until at last a period of comparative changelessness is reached, when we say that development is completed. it is important to recognize, however, that this development is fundamentally a process of reaction, the reaction between the germ and its surrounding conditions. the characteristics of the adult organism are _determined_ primarily by the structure of the germ; they _appear_ gradually and successively, as the growing organism reacts to its environing conditions. an adult organism is continually doing certain things--performing certain movements, producing certain secretions, undergoing a great variety of physical and chemical changes. just what the organism does at any given moment is in reality determined by two groups of factors: first, it depends, obviously, upon the structure of the organism acting, upon the organs it has to act with, and upon the precise condition of these organs and of the whole individual; and second, it depends upon the nature of those conditions outside of and affecting the organism which lead it to act at all. either group of factors taken alone will not lead to any activity; activity of an organism must be a reaction between organismal structure and environing conditions--an irritable substance and stimuli to activity. and the character or quality of an act is affected by circumstances within either set of factors. in much the same way the germ acts, and its action is similarly a reaction between the structure of the germ and its environing conditions. the germ reacts by producing certain parts, differentiating certain structures, in short, by developing. the normal activities or reactions of the adult organism we call in general its "behavior." the normal activities or reactions of the germ and embryo we call "development"; the normal behavior of the germ is development. and in the latter, as well as in the former, changes in either set of factors lead to changes in the nature of the result of their interaction, i. e., to changes in the characteristics actually appearing as the result of development. in their fully developed state some of the traits or characteristics of organisms are single, simple, fundamental characters, not analyzable into more elementary factors. such are the number of fingers, or of joints in the fingers, absence of pigments of several kinds from the eyes or hair, presence of cataract, _et cetera_. these so-called "unit characters" are roughly analogous to the chemical elements which may, as units, be combined and recombined in diverse ways, but which always maintain their integrity as elements although different combinations produce wholes that are unlike. each unit character in the adult is the result of a series of reactions between the environing conditions of development and a germinal structural unit, as yet hypothetical and provisionally called the "determiner," which in some way not yet understood represents this adult trait. on the other hand, there are many of these things which we call characteristics which seem to be composite, capable of being analyzed or factored into a group of simpler components or unit characters. such apparently are stature, span, resistance to fatigue, and probably most psychic traits. each of these complexes results apparently from a series of reactions between the conditions of development and a group of hypothetical germinal determiners that tend to be associated within the germ. the presence or absence of a determiner in a germ is thus the primary cause of the corresponding presence or absence of a certain characteristic in the adult organism. but whatever the essential nature of the characteristic in this respect, whether simple or complex, we know further that every organismal characteristic is subject to variation. in any group of human individuals, for example, we can find persons of different stature, different weight, with fingers of different length and form, with heads of different size and shape, hair and eyes of different shades, different blood pressures, pulse rates, digestive possibilities, different degrees of determination, cheerfulness, alertness, and so forth. this fact of variation is not limited to the comparison of the individuals of a given group or generation among themselves, but successive generations considered as the units of comparison show the same sort of thing. and further successive broods from the same parents exhibit this same phenomenon of variation when compared with one another. variation is a universal fact--not only among organic things but in the inorganic world as well. the variation which any company of persons shows in stature is paralleled by the variation in the diameter of the grains in a handful of sand, or of the drops in a rainstorm. when we examine the phenomena of variation carefully we find that they are of two quite distinct categories. the first kind of variation, that which we most frequently think of as "variation," should properly be termed _variability_. differences of this type are small _fluctuations_ in any and every character, centering about an average or mean, which is itself fairly definite and fixed--less subject to variation in different groups or through successive generations. for example, if we measure by inches the stature of a thousand or more persons chosen at random we find that they may vary from fifty-four to seventy-six inches; the most frequent heights might be about sixty-nine and sixty-four inches among the men and women respectively. the results of such a measurement may be expressed graphically as in figure , which is an expression of the measurement of , mothers. the measurement of almost any characteristic in a large group of any organisms usually gives a result of the kind figured. the most significant fact here is that this normal variability exhibited by the traits of living organisms follows closely the laws of chance or probability. that is to say, the number of individuals occurring in any class which has a certain deviation above or below the average, is directly related to, or dependent upon (in mathematical terms, "is a function of"), the extent of the deviation of the value of that class from the average of the whole group. the significance of this is that the precise fluctuation which we find in any individual is the result of the operation of a large number of causes or factors, each contributing slightly and variably to the total result. [illustration: fig. .--recorded measurements of the stature of , mothers. the height of each rectangle is proportional to the number of individuals of each given height. the curve connecting the tops of the rectangles is the normal frequency curve. the most frequent height is between and inches. average height-- . inches. standard deviation, . inches. coefficient of variability, . ( . = . + % of . inches). (from pearson.)] many of the most important facts about variability can be illustrated by a simple model such as that suggested by galton. this is a modification of the familiar bagatelle board, covered with glass and arranged as shown in fig. . a funnel-shaped container at the top of the board is filled with peas or similar objects (fig. , _a_). below this is a regular series of obstacles symmetrically arranged, and below these, at the bottom of the board, is a row of vertical compartments also arranged symmetrically with reference to the chief axis of the whole system. if we allow the peas to escape from the bottom of the container and to fall among the obstacles into the compartments below we find that their distribution there follows certain laws capable of precise mathematical description, so that it might be predicted with fair accuracy (fig. , _b_). the middle compartment will receive the most; the compartments next the middle somewhat fewer; those farther from the middle still fewer; and the end compartments fewest. if we connect the top of each column of peas by a curved line we get just such a curve as that given by the stature measurements above (fig. ), i. e., the normal frequency curve. a curve of the same essential character would result from plotting the dimensions of a thousand cobblestones, the deviations from the bull's-eye in a target-shooting contest, or by plotting the variability of any organismal character--whether it be the stature or strength of men, the spread of sparrows' wings, the number of rays on scallop shells, or of ray-flowers of daisies. [illustration: fig. .--model to illustrate the law of probability or "chance." description in the text. _a_, peas held in container at top of board. _b_, peas after having fallen through the obstructions into the vertical compartments below. the curve connecting the tops of the columns of peas is the normal probability curve.] with this model we may illustrate many other essential facts about variability which must be borne in mind when approaching the problems of eugenics. before we allow the peas to fall we know quite definitely what the general distribution of them all will be, but we do not know at all the future position of any single pea. of this we can speak only in terms of probability; the chances are very high that it will fall in one of the three middle compartments, very low that it will be in one of the extreme compartments. but the chances are equal, whatever they are, that it will fall above or below the average or middle position. we see then that in any group there are many more individuals near the average, i. e., mediocre, than there are in the classes removed from the average and the farther the remove of a class from the average the smaller the number of individuals in that class. yet all the individuals belong to the same whole group. this leads to the very important fact that _an individual may belong to a group without representing it fairly_. the average individuals are the most representative. but in order to get a correct idea of the whole group we must know, first, to what _extent_ deviations occur in each direction, above and below the group average, and, second, the average _amount_ by which each individual of the group deviates from this group average. that is, we must know the amount of variability as well as the extent of the greatest divergence from the average. the best measure of the amount of variability exhibited by any group of objects or organisms is not the simple average or mean of all the individual deviations from the average of the group; it is the square root of the mean squared deviations from the group average. this is called the _index_ of variability or "standard deviation." in order to make possible the comparison of the variabilities of characteristics measured in unlike units, such as weight and stature, this index must be converted into an equivalent abstract quantity. this is done by reducing the index of variability to per cents of the group average, giving what is called the _coefficient_ of variability. thus, for example, in stature the index of variability (standard deviation) of certain classes of men is approximately . inches; that is, in a large group of men the amount of individual variation from the average height of inches amounts to . inches. this gives an abstract _coefficient_ of about . per cent, for . equals . per cent of . similarly the index of variability of the weight of a group of university students has been found to be about . pounds; the average weight is about pounds, and the coefficient of variability is therefore about . per cent ( . equals . per cent of ). although pounds and inches may not be compared, these two abstract coefficients may be, and we may say that men are more than twice as variable in weight as in stature. turning now to variation of the second type we find what are ordinarily called _mutations_, or differences quite properly termed _variations_, in a strict sense, as distinguished from the preceding fluctuations or variability phenomena. mutations or variations are abrupt changes of the average or type condition to a new condition or value which then becomes a new center of fluctuating variability. the difference between variability and variation may be illustrated through an analogy suggested by galton (fig. ). a polygonal plinth, or better a polyhedron, resting upon one face is easily tipped slightly back and forth, but after slight disturbance it always returns to its first position of stable equilibrium. each face of the plinth or polyhedron represents an organismal characteristic; these slight backward and forward movements represent fluctuations, always centering about the average condition. an unusually hard push sends the plinth over upon another face in which it has a new position of stability; this represents true variation or mutation. in this new position it is again stable, may again be rocked back and forth showing fluctuations about its new average position. [illustration: fig. .--plinth to illustrate the difference between variability (fluctuation) and variation (mutation).] the essential difference between true variation and fluctuation or variability of an extreme nature, is with reference to the inheritance of such divergence. in the second generation the offspring of extreme variates or fluctuations have not the same average as their own parents but an average much nearer that of the whole group to which their parents belonged; the average stature of the children of unusually short or tall parents is respectively greater or less than that of their own parents--that is, is nearer the average of the whole group of parents, provided the shortness or tallness of the parents is a fluctuation. when the shortness or tallness is a true variation or mutational character, offspring have approximately the same average stature as their immediate parents, although the children of course show fluctuation in height so that some are slightly above and others slightly below the parental height. mutations may occur through the addition or the subtraction of single characters of the simple or unit type. such are the variations from brown or blue eyes to albino, five fingers to six, and the like. these are the familiar "sports" of the horticulturalist and breeder. they are of the greatest value in evolution, for it seems quite likely that it is only through the permanent racial fixation of these mutations that permanent changes in the characters of a breed may be effected, i. e., evolution occurs primarily through mutation. in connection with the general subject of variation we should mention briefly certain aspects of the recent work of johannsen and jennings, showing that many organic specific groups or "species," whose characters, when measured accurately give what is called a normal variability curve similar to that of stature illustrated in fig. , are not really homogeneous groups of fluctuating individuals as the curves would indicate superficially, but that each gross group or species is actually composed of a blend of a number of smaller groups, each with its own average and fluctuating variability. it is only when these are taken all together as a lump that they fuse into a single and apparently simple curve. for example, the curve shown in fig. , a, which is approximately that of a normal distribution, in some cases might be shown by experimentation to consist in reality of several truly distinct elements, say three for purposes of illustration, as shown in fig. , b. each of these sub-groups has its own average and its own amount and extent of variability (fluctuation) and it is only by adding them together that we get the larger group. each of these elementary groups is called a "pure line," which is defined as a group of organisms, all of which are the progeny of a single individual. the characteristics of each pure line remain stable through successive generations, each about its own average; and it is chiefly this fact that enables us to identify the different lines. transition from the condition of one pure line to another occurs only as a mutation. at present the theory of the pure line is strictly applicable only to organisms reproducing asexually or to self-fertilizing forms where the group observed is actually composed of the progeny of a single organism. it is hardly possible to say as yet whether or not this extremely important theory is essentially applicable to the human species or any species where two organisms are involved in the establishment of a race or line, but there are some indications of a circumstantial nature that it is thus applicable in its essentials and so modified as to include this fact of biparental inheritance. [illustration: fig. .--curves illustrating the relation between the pure line and the species or other large group. _a_, a "species" curve composed of three pure lines. _b_, the separate elements of the larger curve each with its own average and variability.] with this bare skeleton of the subject of variation before us let us see how facts of this kind may have any significance for the subject of eugenics, any bearing upon the possibility of racial improvement. when any of the varying human traits, and they all vary, is measured carefully and the results tabulated we find that they give us a curve approximating the normal frequency curve, such as we have described above and illustrated in fig. . the coefficients of variability of a great many human traits are known and a few representative coefficients are given in table i. this type of variability is given then, by measurements of physical characteristics of all kinds, and, what is of greater importance, physiological traits, including mental and moral characteristics, so far as they can be measured by present methods, vary in just the same way. annual individual earnings give us a curve closely similar to that of a normal frequency curve with an approximate minimum limiting value. even the tabulation of citizens according to their social standing or "civic worth" gives the same sort of thing. this has been brought out nicely in galton's discussion of booth's classification of the population of london. table i _coefficients of variability of certain human traits_ adult stature . to . length at birth . to . length of limb bones . to . cephalic index . to . skull capacity . to . weight (university students) . to . weight at birth . to . weight of brain . to . weight of heart . to . weight of liver . to . weight of kidney . to . lung capacity . to . squeeze of hand . to . strength of pull . to . swiftness of blow . to . dermal sensitivity . to . keenness of eyesight . to . it is not so easy to answer the question whether mutations or true variations are occurring frequently in the human species. usually it is impossible to distinguish between an extreme fluctuation and a true variation without experimental test and the observation of the behavior of the varying trait through several generations. in most instances this has been impossible with human beings. from collateral evidence it seems quite probable that man is mutating with considerable frequency, especially with respect to psychic traits. the evolution of the race could be directed more easily and permanent results attained more rapidly through taking advantage of valuable mutations than in any other way. a race truly desiring to progress would foster carefully anything resembling mutation in a favorable direction. as a matter of fact, however, our social custom leads us to look with disfavor upon most youthful traits that seem unusual or out of the ordinary. it would be difficult to devise a system of "education" which could more effectively repress than does our own the development of unusual mental traits. in this connection "abnormal" or "eccentric" may often mean a mutation in a profitable direction, a getting away from the average of mediocrity in the direction of improvement. it is clear that we have the raw materials for race improvement. there are some individuals with more and some with less than the average in any respect--physical, mental, moral. the average of a whole social group can be shifted by subtraction at one end or addition at the other, or more easily and more effectively by both together. in order to raise the general average of the value of any of these traits it is not necessary to strive to exceed the known maximum value in any respect. the study of the "pure line," as mentioned above, shows that this may for a long time remain impossible, or at any rate difficult, pending the appearance of a mutation in a favorable direction. we can, however, raise the general average of physical strength or of mental or moral ability by increasing the relative number of individuals in the upper groups or by diminishing the number in the lower groups, most easily of course and most effectively by doing both of these things. by increasing the numbers composing the lines which form the upper elements of a social group we not only add immensely to the total value of the group but we do actually change somewhat the general average. on the other hand numerical increase in the lines in the lower part of the group will actually lower the average of the whole, though it does not actually affect the number of individuals in the more able and valuable classes. another consideration is of great importance here. the average is affected only slightly by the change of individuals from class to class near the average. but the shifting of even one or two per cent of the individuals into or out of extreme positions has a very marked effect upon the character of the total group and upon the average. in the life of the state the character of the general average of the citizens is of the greatest importance, and comparatively small deviations in the average of civic worth may mean much as regards the history of a democracy. of course the average individuals in a social group may not be those of greatest influence; even when taken all together they may not determine the trend of the life of the society; but that does not alter the essential fact that the condition of the average of the population is of very great moment to a democratic state. many of our social endeavors to-day serve in effect to raise individuals from one of the lower groups up to or toward the average. millions of dollars and an incalculable amount of time and energy are spent annually in striving to accomplish this kind of result. how immeasurably greater would be the benefit to society if the same amount of energy and money were spent in moving individuals from the middle classes on up toward the higher. in the development of our societies we need to use every possible means to carry individuals from positions near the average to positions above the average, and the farther this remove is above the average both in its starting point and its stopping point, the better for the social group. elevation from mediocrity to superiority has far greater effect upon the social constitution than has elevation from inferiority to mediocrity. as the whethams have written recently: "of late years, the duty of the state to support the falling and fallen has been so much emphasized that its still more important duty to the able and competent has been obscured. yet it is they who are the real national asset of worth, and it is essential to secure that their action should not be hampered, and their value sterilized, by the jealousy and obstruction of the social failures, and of others whom pity for the failures has blinded. mankind has been shrewdly divided into those who do things and those who must get out of the way while things are being done, and if the latter class do not recognize their true function in life, they themselves will suffer the most. the incompetent have to be supported partially or wholly by the competent, and, even for their own good, it would be worth while for the incompetent to encourage the freedom of action and the preponderant reproduction of the abler and more successful stocks. it is only where such stocks abound that the nation is able to support and carry along the heavy load of incompetence kept alive by modern civilization." in discussing the general subject of variation and variability in this connection, we must take always into account the biological distinction between variation and functional modification, between innate and acquired traits. only the former are of real and primary value in evolution. the distinction is familiar and we cannot dwell upon it here; but it is of particular importance in dealing with social improvement and we shall return to it in the next chapter. many "social variations" are in reality not variations at all, but modifications; although these may be of the greatest value to the individual modified, they are artificial things without permanent value to the race. so many of the distinguishing personal traits are the results of nurture rather than of nature. they represent the result of the incidence of special factors in the environment. it is extremely difficult and at times impossible to distinguish between variations and modifications in adult characters, but in general the distinction is usually clear upon careful analysis. the changing of the innate characters of the human race is a slow process, depending chiefly upon the advantage taken of the appearance of real mutational variations. on the other hand, it is comparatively easy to improve the condition of the individual by improving his environing conditions--cleaning him, educating him, leading him to higher ideals in his physical and mental and moral life. but as this is easy, so it is impermanent. all this is modificational and has no influence upon the stock. this is not opposed by the eugenist; it simply is no part of his province, for its effect is not racial. by releasing a deforming pressure it may permit the individual to come back to his real structurally determined condition, but the structural condition itself is not thus affected. it is temporary and must be done over with each generation, or on account of the unfortunate habit of "backsliding," even at intervals shorter than that of a generation. * * * * * let us now turn to another phase of our subject and consider the biological methods of the description and measurement of heredity, as a preliminary to our next chapter in which we shall discuss the bearings of the facts of human heredity upon the possibility of the formation of a permanently improved human breed. the fact of heredity is one of the most familiar and patent things about organisms. "do men gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles?" for we may define heredity as the fact of general resemblance between parent and offspring. this simple definition is disappointing to many persons. "heredity" is so often supposed popularly to refer only to some occasional, striking, and unusual similarity within a family respecting certain traits or peculiarities. very often the idea of heredity seems shrouded in mystery: it is some uncanny relation which explains peculiarities and helps the novelist out of difficulties, but is itself inexplicable. in truth, however, the fact that a boy, like his father, has a head and a heart and hands and feet, physical traits characteristic of the human species, that he begins to walk and talk and shave at about the same age as his father did--all this is the fact of heredity. the fact that guinea pigs produce guinea pigs and not rabbits is the fact of heredity. often it is true that this resemblance is strikingly particular. all know of family traits; we may have our father's eyes or nose, our mother's hair or disposition, a grandfather's determination or a grandmother's patience. but these particular individual resemblances are no more and no less illustrations of heredity than the fact that on the whole children are more like their parents than like other human beings. the subject of heredity is of supreme importance in the practice of eugenics. the facts of no other department of biological inquiry are of equal value, and at the same time there is probably no biological subject regarding which there is so much misunderstanding. of the many phases of this extremely fascinating subject there are chiefly two with which we are particularly concerned as eugenists. these are the questions: first, how completely are all the distinguishing traits of either or both parents represented in the offspring; and, second, how completely is each trait inherited that is inherited at all? in other words, what we are chiefly interested to know, as bearing upon the subject in hand, is whether all or only some of the characteristics of our parents are heritable, and whether the offspring show each inherited trait with the same intensity shown in the parent, or more, or less. one of the leading british students of heredity has said that no one should undertake the study of this subject unless he can instantly detect and explain the fallacy involved in the familiar conundrum, "why do white sheep eat more than black ones?" it is perhaps the elasticity of our language that makes possible the mental confusion involved in this question, but yet it is certainly true that we do tend to confuse individual and statistical statements. we must remember, in connection with this subject particularly, that an individual may belong to a group without representing it, and that within a group there are many more individuals with average than with exceptional characteristics. the mediocre is common, the extremes are rare. and yet an unusual individual may really be an outlying member of a normal group. in describing the facts of hereditary resemblance between successive generations two formulas are available. one deals ostensibly with the individual--the mendelian formula: the other deals with the group--the statistical formula. it seems entirely probable that these are not formulas for describing two essentially different processes or forms of heredity, but that in reality these are two ways of describing the same facts seen from two different points of view. the mendelian formula regards each individual separately and describes its heredity thus. the statistical formula regards the whole group as the unit and considers the individual not as such, but as one of the crowd, concerning which statements can be made only in terms of averages and probabilities; black sheep and white. of these two formulas the mendelian is obviously of much the greater importance on account of its more exact, more particular character; its greater definiteness gives it a value in the treatment of eugenic problems that statistical statements must inherently lack. while much has been written of late regarding the mendelian formula of heredity, we shall find it profitable to repeat here its general outlines and to recall a few of the essential features of this important law that we shall make much use of later. let us have a concrete illustration. one of the simplest cases is that of the heredity of color in the andalusian fowl which has been so clearly described by bateson. there are two established color varieties of this fowl, one with a great deal of black and one that is white with some black markings or "splashes"; for convenience we may refer to these as the black and white varieties respectively. each of these breeds true by itself. black mated with black produce none but black offspring, white mated with white produce none but white offspring. crossing black and white, however, results in the production of fowls with a sort of grayish color, called "blue" by the fancier, though in reality it is a fine mixture of black and white. at first sight we seem to have a gray hybrid race through the mixture of the black and the white races. not so: for if we continue to breed successive generations from these blue hybrid fowls we get three differently colored forms. some will be blue like the parents, some black like one grandparent, some white like the other grandparent. not only this but we get certain definite proportions among these three classes of descendants. of the total number of the immediate offspring of the hybrid blues, approximately one half will be blue like the parents, approximately one fourth black, and one fourth white like each of the grandparents. now comes the most important fact of all. these blacks, bred together produce only blacks, the whites similarly produce only whites; the blues, on the other hand, when bred together produce progeny sorting into the same original classes and in the same proportions as were produced by the blues of the original hybrid generation. their blacks and whites each breed true, their blues repeat the history of the preceding blues. no race of the hybrid character can be established: blues always produce blacks and whites, as well as blues. a summary of this history in graphic and diagrammatic form is given in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--diagram showing the course of color heredity in the andalusian fowl, in which one color does not completely dominate another. _p_, parental generation. the offspring of this cross constitute _f _, the first filial or hybrid generation. _f _, the second filial generation. bottom row, third filial generation.] this law of heredity was first discovered about forty-five years ago by gregor mendel, working with peas in the garden of the augustinian monastery in brünn, austria. his work curiously failed to arouse the interest of contemporary scientists and his results were soon completely lost sight of. the independent rediscovery of mendel's formulas of heredity, about ten years ago, was probably the most important event in the history of biology and evolution since the publication of "the origin of species." in most cases of mendelian heredity the progeny are less easily classified than in the case above, because the hybrid individuals resemble one or the other of the parents, quite or very closely. for instance the crossing of the black and white varieties of guinea pigs gives hybrids that are all black like one parent. that is, when the black and white characters are brought together these do not appear to blend into a gray or "blue," as in the case of the andalusian fowl, but one character alone appears; the black seems to cover up or wipe out the white. this illustrates the frequent phenomenon of _dominance_; one of the two contrasting characters, in this case the black color is said to dominate over the other and the two traits are described as _dominant_ and _recessive_ respectively. fig. gives a graphic representation of the history of such a cross. when the black looking hybrids are crossed together the progeny fall into but two groups, one resembling each of the grandparental forms. three fourths of the progeny now resemble superficially the hybrid form and at the same time one of the grandparents--the dominating black form, while the remaining fourth resembles the other white grandparent. however, we know that the black three fourths do not in reality constitute a homogeneous class but that this includes two distinct groups; one group of one fourth of the whole number of progeny (i. e., one third of all the blacks) are truly black like their black grandparents and in successive generations will, if bred together, produce none but blacks of the same character, i. e., pure blacks: the remaining two fourths of the whole number of progeny (two thirds of all the blacks) in this generation are actually hybrids and in the next generation, if bred together, will give the same proportions of the two colors as were found in the whole of the present generation, i. e., three fourths black, one fourth white. of these the whites always produce whites, the blacks always produce blacks and whites in the approximate proportions of : ; a certain proportion of these--one third (one fourth of the whole generation) always remain blacks, the other two thirds (one half of the whole generation) again produce blacks and whites. in such cases as this where the phenomenon of dominance appears, and this is the usual course of events, it is impossible to say which individuals _are_ the hybrids. only after their progeny are studied can we say which _were_ the hybrids. [illustration: fig. .--diagram showing the course of color heredity in the guinea pig, in which one color (black) completely dominates another (white). reference letters as in fig. .] in the crossing of the black and white andalusian fowls described above the phenomenon of dominance does not appear; when the two color characters are brought into a single individual neither appears alone, neither overcomes nor is overcome by the other. in the crossing of the black and white guinea pigs dominance is complete; when the two color characters are brought into a single individual only one color appears, the second becomes recessive, that is, it remains present as we know from the later history of such hybrids, but it is not visibly indicated. besides the andalusian fowls there are known several other instances of the absence of dominance and there are many cases where dominance is incomplete, i. e., where one character merely tends to dominate the other. and in a few instances dominance is irregular, i. e., sometimes one character dominates, at other times or under other circumstances it does not, as with certain forms of the comb or the feathering of the legs in the common fowl, or with the presence of an extra toe in the domestic cat, the rabbit, and guinea pig. and even in those cases where dominance is said to be complete the trained eye of the breeder can frequently distinguish between the hybrid and the pure bred dominant individuals. the phenomenon of dominance, therefore, is not an essential of the mendelian theory although it is a frequent, we may say usual, relation. it does not come within our province to attempt an explanation of this formula of heredity by describing some of the more fundamental conditions upon which it depends. in fact, no complete explanation is yet possible, although several explanatory hypotheses have been suggested. we may outline briefly that which seems the most satisfactory in that it serves to account for most of the facts in mendelian heredity in a comparatively simple manner. the germ of an organism, we have seen, somehow contains dispositions of materials which primarily determine the characteristics of the organism developed from that germ. to these dispositions or configurations the term of "determiners" has been applied. in a pure variety like the black andalusians, all the germ cells of each fowl are alike in having this determiner for black color. when two such fowls are mated together their descendants will result from the fusion of two germ cells, _each_ containing the determiner for black color; that is, the germ of the new individual comes to have a double determiner, one from each parent, for this trait. in the white variety all the germ cells are alike in _lacking_ this determiner; blackness is entirely absent and all their descendants are formed from germ cells entirely without black determiners. when the single germ cell of a black fowl with its single black determiner is fertilized by a germ cell from a white fowl without any determiner for black the resulting hybrid has a color produced by only a single determiner, that from the black parent, and in this case the blackness is not as fully expressed because produced by only this single determiner and the fowl appears gray or "blue"; that is, the black produced by a single determiner is in this case not as black as that produced by the double determiner. now of course this hybrid fowl forms germ cells containing determiners for color, but these cells, instead of being all alike and with semi-black determiners corresponding with the semi-black characteristics of the individual, are of two different kinds--some are like those of each of the grandparents which fused to give origin to the parent forms, and these are formed in approximately equal numbers--one half with the black determiner, one half without it. when two such fowls are bred together the chances are equal for certain combinations of germ cells; the chances are equal that the "black" or "white" germ cell of the one individual shall meet and conjugate with the "black" or "white" germ cell of the other individual. the result may be expressed algebraically as follows, using the letters _b_ and _w_ to indicate respectively germ cells with and without the black color determiner. germ cells of first parent _b_ + _w_ germ cells of second parent _b_ + _w_ ------------- _bb_ + _bw_ _bw_ + _ww_ ----------------- combinations in the germ of the offspring _ bb_ + _ bw_ + _ ww_ that is, one fourth are pure black (_bb_), one fourth pure white (_ww_), and the remaining half are hybrids, black and white (_bw_). the pure blacks again form germ cells, all possessing the determiner for blackness; the pure whites form germ cells all lacking the determiner for blackness; the hybrid blues produce again equal numbers of germ cells possessing and lacking the determiner for blackness. the relation of the germ cells and the organisms forming them and developing from them is shown in the diagram in fig. . in the more common cases where the phenomenon of dominance appears, as in the guinea pig, this is explained by saying that here a single determiner for blackness is somehow sufficient to produce the color. in such cases the black color observed may result either from a single (_bw_) or from a double (_bb_) black determiner in the germ which forms the organism. only when the black determiner is entirely absent (_ww_) does the white color appear in the developed organism and the individual is then said to exhibit the recessive characteristic. [illustration: fig. .--diagram illustrating the relation of the germ cells in a simple case of mendelian heredity, such as that of color as shown in figs. and . the spaces between the large circles represent the bodies of the individuals while the small circles within each represent the germ cells formed by those individuals. _p_, parental generation; each individual forms a single kind of germ cells. _g. f _, germs of the first filial or hybrid generation, each composed of two different kinds of germ cells, one from each parent. _f _, individuals of the first filial or hybrid generation, developed from _g. f _. each member of this generation forms two kinds of germ cells in approximately equal numbers. _g. c. f _, germ cells of _f _, showing possible combinations resulting from the mating of two members of _f _. each of these combinations occurs with equal probability. _g. f _, germs of second filial generation resulting from the above random combinations. _f _, individuals of second filial generation. each now forms germ cells like those which constituted its own germ.] another possible type of mating is that between a member of a pure race, either dominant or recessive, and a hybrid individual. this form of mating is very common in some of the pedigrees that we shall examine later. the results of such a mating, first between a hybrid and a recessive individual can be most easily described by considering a cross between black and white forms and expressing the result algebraically. germ cells of first parent (white or recessive) _w_ + _w_ germ cells of second parent (hybrid) _b_ + _w_ ------------- _bw_ + _bw_ _ww_ + _ww_ --------------------- _ bw_ + _ ww_ that is, returning to the example of the andalusian fowls, the progeny will be one half hybrid blues and one half whites--no black at all. if the cross had been between black hybrid guinea pigs and white recessive specimens the result would have been half hybrid blacks and half pure whites. or supposing the mating to have occurred between the pure dominant (black) and the hybrid the result would have been, in the fowls half pure black and half hybrid blue; in the guinea pig all the progeny would have been black, half pure blacks and half hybrid blacks. germ cells of first parent (black or dominant) _b_ + _b_ germ cells of second parent (hybrid) _b_ + _w_ ------------- _bb_ + _bb_ _bw_ + _bw_ ---------------------- _ bb_ + _ bw_ in the case of the guinea pigs, although the progeny all look alike (black) their history would show that they were fundamentally unlike, for if crossed with white again the result would be the production of all black looking guinea pigs from the cross with the _bb_ forms, and half black and half white from the _bw_ cross. on account of the fact of variation every individual is in a certain sense a hybrid. one's two parents have the species characters in common but there are certain distinctive traits that hybridize and follow mendel's law of heredity. by no means is it to be understood that all individual distinctive traits follow this rule in heredity. many individual characteristics are what we have learned to call fluctuations--small deviations above or below an average condition of a group. such differences play no part in mendelian heredity. other characteristics may be bodily modifications resulting from the direct reaction between the body tissues and the environing conditions; such traits would not be represented in the organization of the germ cells and consequently would not be inherited at all. at present it seems that the only characteristics that "mendelize" are those known as "unit characters." such characters seem to have their origin in real variations or mutations and though each may show fluctuations, these fluctuations in themselves are not hereditary. this conception of the unit character is an extremely important element in the whole mendelian theory and it has extended beyond the field of heredity and led to a radical change in our notions of what an organism really is. it is, of course, true in a sense that an organism is a unit, an organism is one thing; but at the same time it is true that an organism is fundamentally a collection of units, of structural and functional characteristics which are really separable things. a few of these units were mentioned in the first pages of this chapter and others are mentioned on a later page. they serve as the building blocks of organisms: individuals of the same species may be made up of similar combinations or of different combinations. one unit or a group of units may be taken out and replaced by others. from the standpoint of heredity, and particularly from our eugenic point of view, the most important results of the unit composition of the organism lie in the fact that these units remain units throughout successive generations and throughout successive and varying combinations, whatever their associations may be from generation to generation. it is a fact of the greatest eugenic significance that a pure bred individual may be produced by a hybrid mated either with a pure bred or with another hybrid; and that the pure bred resulting will be just as pure bred as any. "pure bred" now means pure bred with respect to certain traits only. an individual may be pure bred in certain of its characteristics, hybrid in others. practically there is no such thing as an individual which is either pure bred or hybrid in _all_ its traits. one of the chief contributions, then, of mendelism to the subjects of heredity and eugenics is this--that a pure bred may be derived from a hybrid in one generation: the pure bred produced by a long series of hybrid individuals is just as pure as the pure bred which has never had a hybrid in its ancestry. another important consequent is, that among the offspring of the same parents some individuals may be pure bred and others hybrid. community of parentage does not necessarily denote community of characteristics among the offspring. yet by knowing the ancestry for one or two generations we can know the qualities of the individual. guesswork is eliminated and the importance of the qualities of the individual is enormously emphasized. it is necessary only to suggest the social and eugenic significance of such facts relating to characteristics that are of social or racial importance. we shall have occasion in the next chapter to enumerate some of the human unit characters whose heredity has been traced and which have been found to mendelize, but we may mention here a few mendelizing units in other organisms in order to give some idea of the kind of character which behaves as a unit and of the range of the forms which have been found to show mendelian phenomena in their heredity. among the higher animals one might mention the absence of horns in cattle and sheep; the "waltzing" habit of mice and the pacing gait of the horse; length of hair and smoothness of coat in the rabbit and guinea pig; presence of an extra toe in the cat, guinea pig, rabbit, fowl; length of tail in the cat; and in the common fowl such characters as the shape and size of the comb, presence of a crest or a "muff," a high nostril, rumplessness, feathering of the legs, "frizzling" of the feathers, certain characters of the voice, and a tendency to brood. among plants may be mentioned such characters as dwarfness in garden peas, sweet peas, and some kinds of beans; smoothness or prickliness of stem in the jimson weed and crowfoot; leaf characters in a great variety of plants; in the cotton plant a half dozen characters have been found to mendelize; seed characters such as form and amount of starch, sugar, or gluten; flat or hooded standard in the sweet pea; annual or biennial habit in the henbane; susceptibility to a rust disease in wheat. we should not fail to mention that scores of color characters are known to mendelize, such as hair or coat color and eye color in animals and the colors of flowers, stems, seeds, seed-coats, etc., in plants. the list of mendelizing traits in different organisms now extends into the hundreds and is increasing almost weekly. before leaving the subject of mendelism we should say that the phenomena, as described above in the andalusian fowl and guinea pig, are among the simplest known. and while such simple formulas serve to describe the phenomena of heredity in a large number of instances, yet in a great many other cases the descriptive formulas are more complicated. we cannot in this place describe any of these complications. for a full discussion of these and of the whole subject of mendelism the interested reader is referred to professor bateson's work on "mendel's principles of heredity" ( ). it must suffice to say here that in color heredity, for example, such ratios as : : or : : in the second filial generation instead of the more frequent : : or : are explainable upon essentially the same relations as these simpler and more typical ratios. and further, many less usual mendelian phenomena, which we cannot undertake to describe here, are associated with what the specialist technically terms "sex limitation," "gametic coupling," and the like. it is often said that the mendelian formula has a very limited applicability to human heredity. this is probably true if we consider carefully the grammatical tense in which this statement is made. and yet it is almost certainly true that heredity in man is to be described by this law. this apparent paradox is easily explained. the only characters whose history in heredity follows this formula are the unit characters. a complex trait is not heritable, as a whole, but its components behave in heredity as the separate units. it is perfectly well known that we are deeply ignorant regarding this phase of human structure. our ignorance here is not the necessary kind, however, it is merely due to the newness of the subject--we have not had time to find out. how can we say that a complex trait is or is not inherited according to some form of mendel's law when we do not know the nature of the units of which it is composed? we can make no statements about the mendelian inheritance of such a trait until it is factored into its units. a considerable number of human characteristics are really known to be heritable according to this formula, enough so that several general rules of human heredity have been formulated. but it is also quite within the range of possibility that some traits really do not follow this law, although it cannot yet be said definitely that this is or is not the case. on the whole, then, we cannot, for the next few years, expect too much from the application of mendel's laws to human heredity, however much this is to be regretted. shall we then decline to say anything about the heredity of the great bulk of human characteristics? by no means: we have seen that in our bagatelle board we talk very definitely about the distribution of all the peas, though only about the probable history of one pea. mendel's law deals with individual inheritance. when we cannot apply this formula we have left still the possibility of talking about human heredity in the group as a whole. that is to say, we have left the opportunity of describing heredity by the statistical methods, with the crowd, not the individual, as the unit. since we are forced into extensive use of this formula by our present and temporary ignorance of the applicability of mendel's rule we must get a clear notion of how the statistical method is applied in this matter. the method is the same as that employed by the statistician in measuring the relatedness of any two series of varying phenomena. if two quantities or characteristics are so related that fluctuations in the one are accompanied in a regular manner by fluctuations in the other, the two quantities or characters are said to be correlated. for instance, the temperature and the rate of growth of sprouting beans are related in such a way that increase in the former is accompanied in a regular way by increase in the latter; or the width and height of the head, or the total stature and the length of the femur similarly vary regularly together so that they are said to be correlated to a certain extent which can be measured. this correlation may result from the fact that one condition is a cause, either direct or indirect, of the other; or there may be no such causal relation between the two phenomena, both resulting more or less independently from a common antecedent condition or cause. this phenomenon of correlation is not limited among organisms to the comparison of two or more different characters in a single series of individuals; it is applicable also to the comparison of two series of individuals with respect to the same characteristic. thus we may compare the stature of a series of fathers with the same measurement in their sons. it is this form of correlation with which we are particularly to deal here. while it is not necessary to understand just how this subject is dealt with by the statistician we should know one or two of the elementary principles involved, in order to appreciate the statistical form of many statements about heredity. the stature of men may be said to vary usually between limits of and inches, the average height being about inches. in the complete absence of heredity in stature we should find that fathers of any given height, say or or inches would have sons of no particular height but of all heights with an average of inches, the same as in the whole group. or if stature were completely heritable from one generation to the next the _total generations being the units compared_, then or or inch fathers would have respectively sons all , , and inches tall. when we examine the actual details of the resemblance we find, as a matter of fact, that neither of these possibilities is actually realized. what we do find is that fathers below or above the average height have sons whose average height is also below or above the general average but not so far below or above the general average as were the fathers. if we measured a large number of pairs of fathers and sons with respect to stature we should find each generation with a variability such as that illustrated in fig. of the stature of mothers, the limits here, however, being about and inches. but if we measured all the sons of -inch fathers they would be found to vary say from to only inches, averaging about inches. similarly -inch fathers would have sons from to inches tall, averaging about . inches, or -inch fathers might have sons from to inches in height, averaging about inches, and so on for fathers of all heights. in general, then, we may say that fathers with a characteristic of a certain plus or minus deviation from the average of the whole group have sons who on the whole deviate in the same direction but less widely than the fathers, although the fact of variability comes in so that some few of the sons deviate as widely as, or even more widely than, the fathers, others deviate less widely than the fathers from the average of the whole group. this is the general and very important statistical fact of _regression_. the phenomenon of regression may be made somewhat clearer by the aid of a simple diagram--fig. . here are plotted first the heights, by inches, of a group of fathers, giving the series of dots joined by the diagonal _ab_. next are plotted the average heights of the sons of each class of fathers: -inch fathers give -inch sons, -inch fathers . -inch sons, -inch fathers -inch sons, and so for all the classes of fathers. these dots are then joined by the line _ef_. this is the _regression line_. had it been the case that there was no regression in stature the different classes of fathers would have had sons averaging just the same as themselves and the line representing the heights of the sons would have coincided with the line _ab_. or if regression had been complete the fathers of any class would have had sons averaging about inches--just the same as the average of the whole group--and the line representing their heights would have had the position of _cd_ in the diagram. as a matter of fact, however, neither of these possibilities is actually realized and the regression line _ef_ is approximated in an actual series of data. a similar relation has been found for many characters other than stature. [illustration: fig. .--diagram illustrating the phenomenon of regression. explanation in text.] the fact of regression is of considerable importance for the theory of evolution as well as for the subject of eugenics when describing the phenomena of heredity in this statistical manner in whole groups without paying attention to particular individuals. regression is found in all characteristics observed in this way, psychic as well as purely physical. "the father [i. e., fathers] with a great excess of the character contributes [contribute] sons with an excess, but a less excess of it; the father [fathers] with a great defect of the character contributes [contribute] sons with a defect, but less defect of it." now, whatever the actual extent of this regression is in a group we need to know how uniformly it occurs for all the classes of different deviations from the general average, that is, we need to know whether the extreme groups regress to the same relative extent as do those nearer the general average; and, further, we need to know how nearly the sons of fathers of any certain height are grouped about their own average. in other words, we should know, first, whether the regression of the sons of and or and inch fathers is proportionately the same in each case, and, second, to what extent the sons of -inch fathers vary, whether they vary as do the fathers of -inch sons, and so for each group. this kind of information we get by calculating what is called the _coefficient of heredity_. the calculation of this coefficient is a complicated process which it is unnecessary to describe here. it must suffice to say that a numerical coefficient can readily be determined, which will express the average closeness and regularity of the relationship between all the plus and minus deviations from the group average in fathers and the corresponding plus and minus deviations from the group average of their sons with respect to a given characteristic. this coefficient of heredity may vary between . and . . when it is . there is, on the whole, no regularity in the relationship, i. e., no heredity; when it is . there is, on the whole, complete regularity, i. e., heredity is complete. neither of these values is ever actually found in determining coefficients of heredity in the parental relation; these are usually between . and . . it should be emphasized again that this comparison is between whole groups and not between individuals, and that it fails to allow for the distinction between fluctuations and true variations. and, further, it should be noted that the information derived from such a coefficient is defective in that it takes into account only the relationship between the son and one parent; the maternal relation is just as important but this has to be determined separately. there is no satisfactory method of determining the relation between children and both parents at the same time. the coefficient of heredity is, therefore, an abstract numerical value which gives us a fairly precise estimate as to the probable closeness of the relation between deviations from the group average of any character in two groups of relatives. the coefficient of _correlation_ is, in general, a measure of the relation between two different characteristics or conditions in a single group of individuals. the method of its determination and its limiting values are the same as for the coefficient of heredity. by experience the coefficients of heredity and correlation in general are found to have the following significance: . - no relation. . - . --no significant relation. . - . --low; relation slight though appreciable. . - . --moderate; relation considerable. . - . --high; relation marked. . - . --very high; relation very marked. . - . --nearly complete. . --complete relation. one further point remains to be considered, which applies not so much to coefficients of heredity as to coefficients of correlation in general, i. e., to the relatedness of two different characters or series of events in a single group of cases or individuals. this is that coefficients of correlation may be either positive or negative. that is, the real limits of the value of the coefficient are plus one and minus one. the example given above of stature of fathers and sons gives a positive coefficient. whenever the deviation from the average of one group is accompanied in the second group by a deviation in the same direction, the coefficient is positive. a negative correlation means that deviation from the average in a given direction in the first group is accompanied in the second group by a deviation in the opposite direction. if we imagine that as one measurement increased above its average a second related measurement decreased below its average the correlation in such a case would be negative. for instance, if we measured the relation between the number of berry pickers employed and the quantity of berries remaining unpicked, in a number of different fields we would get a negative correlation coefficient. some organisms are formed in such a way that increase in one dimension, such as length, is associated with decrease in another, such as breadth; measurement of the relatedness of these dimensions would give a coefficient of correlation that might be very high, indicating a considerable relation in the deviations, but it would be negative. in an instance of negative correlation the relation is that of "the more the fewer." as we shall see presently, a negative correlation may be just as important and significant as a positive correlation. the application of the principles of heredity to our subject of eugenics is of such great importance that it is reserved for separate consideration in the next chapter. we may, therefore, devote the remainder of this chapter to the consideration of data of another kind, which are commonly treated by this same method of determining correlation coefficients between two sets of varying phenomena in order to determine whether there is any actual relation between them or not. this will serve to illustrate the use of this method. we shall turn then to the subject of differential or selective fertility in human beings and consider its relation to eugenics. as a starting point we may take the self-evident statement that a group of organisms will tend to maintain constant characteristics through successive generations only when all parts of the group are equally fertile. if exceptional fertility is associated with the presence or absence of any characteristic the number of individuals with or without that trait will either increase or diminish in successive generations, and the character of the distribution of the group as a whole will gradually become altered, the average moving in the direction of the more fertile group. or if infertility is so associated, then the average of the whole group moves away from that condition. eugenically, then, we should ask whether in human society there is at present any such association of superfertility or infertility with desirable or undesirable traits. it is obviously the aim of eugenics to bring about an association of a high degree of fertility with desirable traits and a low degree of fertility with undesirable characteristics. first, let us look at certain data gathered relative to the size of the family in both normal and pathological stocks (table ii). in order that a stock or family should just maintain its numbers undiminished through successive generations and under average conditions, at least four children should be born to each marriage that has any children at all. table ii _fertility in pathological and normal stocks._ (from pearson) nature of marriage. no. in authority. (reproductive period.) family. deaf-mutes, england schuster probably complete . deaf-mutes, america schuster probably complete . tuberculous stock pearson probably complete . albinotic stock pearson probably complete . insane stock heron probably complete . edinburgh degenerates eugenics lab incomplete . london mentally defective eugenics lab incomplete . manchester mentally defective eugenics lab incomplete . criminals goring completed . english middle class pearson years at least, begun before . family records--normals pearson completed . english intellectual class pearson completed . working class n.s.w. powys completed . danish professional class westergaard years at least . danish working class westergaard years at least . edinburgh normal artisan eugenics lab incomplete . london normal artisan eugenics lab incomplete . american graduates harvard completed . english intellectuals webb said to be complete . all childless marriages are excluded except in the last two cases. inclusion of such marriages usually reduces the average by . to . child. the table given shows clearly what stocks are maintaining, what increasing, and what diminishing their numbers. this subject has been investigated recently in a rather extensive way by david heron, for the london population. heron concentrated his attention upon the relation of fertility in man to social status. he used as indices to social status such marks as the relative number of professional men in a community, or the relative number of servants employed, or of lowest type of male laborers, or of pawnbrokers; also the amount of child employment pauperism, overcrowding in the home, tuberculosis, and pauper lunacy. twenty-seven metropolitan boroughs of london were canvassed on these bases, which are certainly significant, though not infallible, indices to the character of a community. his results are shown in the briefest possible form in table iii. table iii _correlation of the birth rate with social and physical characters of london population._ (from heron.) correlation coefficient. with number of males engaged in professions -. with female domestics per females -. with female domestics per families -. with general laborers per , males +. with pawnbrokers and general dealers per , males +. with children employed, ages to +. with persons living more than two in a room +. with infants under one year dying per , births +. with deaths from pulmonary tuberculosis per , inhabitants +. with total number of paupers per , inhabitants +. with number of lunatic paupers per , inhabitants +. this table gives the results of the calculation of coefficients of correlation between the birth rates and the conditions enumerated. we may just recall that this coefficient is a measure of the regularity with which the changes in two varying conditions or phenomena are associated: and further that a coefficient of . indicates perfectly regular association, . a very high degree of regularity. the first line of the table then, for example, means that when these twenty-seven districts were sorted out, first, with reference to the number of professional men dwelling in them, and then with reference to their respective birth rates, there was found a very high degree of regularity (coefficient of correlation = -. ) in the association of these two conditions--birth rate and number of professional men. here is a very close relation, _but_, the sign of the coefficient is _negative_. the significance of this negative sign is that among the communities studied those where the number of professional men is the larger show always, at the same time, the lower birth rates. coming to the second line of the table, it seems fair to assume that the number of servants employed in a district in proportion to the total number of residents or families there, gives a fairly though not wholly satisfactory indication of the social character of the community. measurement of the actual relation between the proportional number of servants employed in a community and the birth rate in that community, gave practically the same result as in the case of the number of professional men. the more servants employed in a district the lower its birth rate. two methods of measuring this relation gave essentially the same result; comparison of the birth rate with the ratio of domestics, first to the number of families, second to the number of females, gave -. and -. respectively--very high coefficients and both negative. but the sign changes and becomes positive when we come to other comparisons. when we count the relative number of pawnbrokers and general dealers, of "general laborers" (that is, men without a trade and without regularity of occupation and employment), of employed children between the ages of ten and fourteen, of persons living more than two in a room, when we consider the infant death rate, the death rate from pulmonary tuberculosis, and the relative number of paupers,--then we find the signs of the coefficients are all positive, and on the average the coefficients are more than . --a moderate to high degree of regularity of the relation. the districts characterized by the larger numbers of such individuals or by higher death rates of these kinds, are at the same time the districts where the birth rates are the higher. in a word, then, heron found that the greater the number of professional men, or of servants employed in a community, the lower the birth rate--a very high degree of negative correlation. on the other hand, the more pawnbrokers, child laborers, pauper lunatics, the more overcrowding and tuberculosis, the higher the birth rate--a high degree of positive correlation. little doubt here as to which elements of the city are making the greater contributions to the next generation. there may be some doubt, however, so let us consider two possible qualifications of these results. first, is not the death rate also higher among these least desirable classes? yes, it is. is it not enough higher to compensate for the difference in the birth rates, so that after all the least desirable classes are not more than replacing themselves? no, it is not. after calculating the effect of the differential death rate among these different social groups it still remains true that the _net_ fertility of the undesirables is greater than the _net_ fertility of the desirables: the worst classes are in reality more than replacing themselves numerically in such communities; the most valuable classes are not even replacing themselves. second, is not this the same condition that has always existed in these districts? why any cause for supposing that this is going to bring new results to this society? has not such a condition always been present and always been compensated for somehow? fortunately, heron is able to compare with these data of similar data for , and is able to show that every one of these relations has changed in sign since that date--in fifty years. the significance of this change in sign is probably clear. it means here that in london sixty years ago there was a high degree of regularity in the relation such that the more professional men and well-to-do families the community contained, the higher the birth rate; that ten years ago this had all become changed so that the more of these desirable families found in a district the lower is the birth rate. it means that sixty years ago the relation was such that the more undesirables numbered in a district, the lower its birth rate; ten years ago the more undesirables, the higher the birth rate, and the coefficients of are unusually high, indicating great closeness and regularity in this relation. heron is further able to show that as regards number of servants employed, professional men, general laborers, and pawnbrokers in a district, the intensity of the relationship has _doubled_, besides changing in sign, in the period observed. it is not necessary to review the history of this change nor to discuss the causes involved, but it is necessary to take into account for the immediate future the fact of the change. sidney webb has recently published an account of the birth-rate investigations undertaken by the fabian society with a view to determine the causes leading to the rapidly falling birth rate in england. during the decade previous to the number of children in london actually diminished by about , , while the total population increased by about , . as far as they bear upon this phase of the subject his results fully confirm these we have been considering. the falling off is chiefly in the upper and middle classes, in the classes of thrift and independence, and it has occurred chiefly during the last fifty years. webb cannot find that this is due to any physical deterioration in these classes; it is due to a conscious and deliberate limitation of the size of the family for what are thought prudential and economic reasons. an actual reduction in the number of children may not be an unmixed evil. a falling birth rate may be a good sign. this is partly a question for the political economist. "suicide" may be a socially fortunate end for some strains. but when, in either a rising or a falling birth rate, we find a differential or selective relation, then the subject is eugenic. if the higher birth rate is among the socially valuable elements of each different class the eugenist can only approve; to bring about such a relation is one of his aims. what we really find, however, is the undesirable elements increasing with the greatest rapidity, the better elements not even holding their own. one further aspect of the result of the smaller family remains to be considered. are the various members of a single family approximately similar in their characteristics or are the earlier born more or less likely to be particularly gifted or particularly liable to disease or abnormal condition? or is there no rule at all in this matter? there is much evidence that the incidence of pathological defect falls heaviest upon the earlier members of a family. consider, for example, the presence of tuberculosis. we should ask, in families of two or more, are the tubercular members, if any, as likely to be the second born or third or tenth as to be the first born? the data are tabulated in fig. , _a_. the distribution of family sizes being what it is in the number of families investigated and tabulated, we should expect that there would be about tubercular first born, tubercular second born, and so forth, on the basis of its average frequency in the whole community, provided the chances are equal that any member of the family should be affected with tuberculosis. what we actually find, however, is that first born are affected, about second born, and after that no relation between order of birth and susceptibility to tuberculosis. that is, susceptibility to tuberculosis is double the normal among first born children. the same thing is true for gross mental defect. fig. , _b_, shows that the ratio of observed to expected insane first born children is about to . such a relation has long been known to criminologists and frequently commented upon. fig. , _c_, gives a definite expression to the facts here. whereas, in the number of families observed about criminal first born were to be expected, the number actually found is about ; for the second born the corresponding numbers are about and , and after that no marked relation is found between order of birth and criminality. for albinism (fig. , _d_) the expected and observed numbers among first born are about and , second born and , and thereafter no definite relation. it remains to be seen whether a similar relation holds for the unusually able and valuable members of a family; something has been said on both sides here, but there are available at present no data sufficiently exact to be worthy of consideration. [illustration: fig. .--diagrams showing the relation between order of birth and incidence of pathological defect. (from pearson).] we have here a result that has very important bearings upon the value to the race of the large family and of the danger of the small family. the small family of one, two, or three children contributes on the average much more than its share of pathological and defective persons. no matter just now what the causes are, they seem to be more or less beyond remedy. the result for the future, however, must be reckoned with. this relation has important bearings upon the custom of primogeniture as well as upon the eugenic values of the large family. in conclusion let us give a few sentences only slightly modified from pearson's "grammar of science." the subject of differential fertility is not only vitally important for the theory of evolution, but it is crucial for the stability of civilized societies. if the type of maximum fertility is not identical with the type fittest to survive in a given environment, then only intensive selection can keep the community stable. if natural selection be suspended there results a progressive change; the most fertile, whoever they are, tend to multiply at an increasing rate. in our modern societies natural selection has been to some extent suspended; what test have we then of the identity of the most fertile and the most fit? it wants but very few generations to carry the type from the fit to the unfit. the aristocracy of the intellectual and artizan classes are not equally fertile with the mediocre and least valuable portions of those classes and of society as a whole. hence if the professional and intellectual classes are to be maintained in due proportions they must be recruited from below. this is much more serious than would appear at first sight. the upper middle class is the backbone of a nation, supplying its thinkers, leaders, and organizers. this class is not a mushroom growth, but the result of a long process of selecting the abler and fitter members of society. the middle classes produce relatively to the working classes a vastly greater proportion of ability; _it is not want of education, it is the want of stock which is at the basis of this difference_. a healthy society would have its maximum of fertility in this class and recruit the artizan class from the middle class rather than _vice versa_. but what do we actually find? a growing decrease in the birth rate of the middle and upper classes; a strong movement for restraint of fertility, and limitation of the family, touching only the intellectual classes and the aristocracy of the hand workers! restraint and limitation may be most social and at the same time most eugenic if they begin in the first place to check the fertility of the unfit; but if they start at the wrong end of society they are worse than useless, they are nationally disastrous in their effects. the dearth of ability at a time of crisis is the worst ill that can happen to a people. sitting quietly at home, a nation may degenerate and collapse, simply because it has given full play to selective reproduction and not bred from its best. from the standpoint of the patriot, no less than from that of the evolutionist and eugenist, differential fertility is momentous; we must unreservedly condemn all movements for restraint of fertility which do not discriminate between the fertility of the physically and mentally fit and that of the unfit. our social instincts have reduced to a minimum the natural elimination of the socially dangerous elements; they must now lead us consciously to provide against the worst effects of differential fertility--a survival of the most fertile, when the most fertile are not the socially fittest. the subject before us illustrates the direct bearing of science upon moral conduct and upon statecraft. the scientific study of man is not merely a passive intellectual viewing of nature. it teaches us the art of living, of building up stable and dominant nations, and it is of no greater importance for the scientist in his laboratory, than for the statesman in council and the philanthropist in society. iii human heredity and the eugenic program iii human heredity and the eugenic program "a breed whose proof is in time and deeds; what we are, we are--nativity is answer enough to objections." a few years ago official recognition was taken of the disturbing fact that the annual wheat yield of great britain was grossly deficient in both quantity and quality. in the national association of british and irish millers, with almost unprecedented sagacity, raised a fund to provide for a series of experiments under the direction of a competent biologist, in order to discover if possible some means of restoring the former yield and quality of the native wheats. the story of the result reads like a romance. the experimenter--prof. r. h. biffen--collected many different varieties of wheat, native and foreign, each of which had some desirable qualities, and studied their mode of inheritance. now, after only a few years of experimentation a wheat has been produced and is being grown upon a large scale in which have been united this desirable character of one variety, that character of another. from each variety has been taken some valuable trait, and these have all been combined into one variety possessing the characteristics of a short full head, beardlessness, high gluten content, immunity to the devastating rust, a strong supporting straw, and a high yield per acre. a wheat made to order and fulfilling the "details and specifications" of the growers. manitoba and british columbia opened up whole new lands of the finest wheat-growing capacity, but the season there is too short for the ripening of what were the finest varieties. this new specification was promptly met and the early ripening quality of some inferior variety was transferred to the varieties showing other highly desirable qualities, and these countries are now producing enormous quantities of the finest wheat in the world. all of this has been made possible by the discovery, mentioned in the preceding chapter, that many characteristics of organisms are units and behave as such in heredity; they can be added to races or subtracted from them almost at will. pure varieties breeding true can be established permanently by taking into account the mendelian laws of heredity. similar results have been accomplished in many other plants and in many animals. a cotton has been produced which combines early growth, by which it escapes the ravages of the boll weevil, with the long fiber of the finest sea island varieties. corn of almost any desired percentage of sugar or starch, within limits, can be produced to order in a few seasons. the hornless character of certain varieties of cattle can be transferred to any chosen breed. sheep have been produced combining the excellent mutton qualities of one breed with the hornlessness of another, and with the fine wool qualities of still a third. and so on from canary birds to draft horses. new races can be built up to meet almost any demand, with almost any desired combination of known characters, and these races remain stable. possibilities in this direction seem to be limited only by our present and rapidly lessening ignorance of the facts of mendelian heredity in organisms--facts to be had for the looking. what is man that we should not be mindful of him? why should we utilize all this new knowledge, all these immense possibilities of control and of creation, only for our pigs and cabbages? in this era of conservation should not our profoundest concern be the conservation of human protoplasm? "the state has no material resources at all comparable with its citizens, and no hope of perpetuity except in the intelligence and integrity of its people." as saleeby puts it: "there is no wealth but life; and if the inherent quality of life fails, neither battle-ships, nor libraries, nor symphonies, nor free trade, nor tariff reform, nor anything else will save a nation." in this work of the creation and establishment of new and valuable varieties, two essential biological facts are made use of. the raw materials are furnished by variation--by the fact that there are individual and racial differences. the means of accomplishing results are furnished by heredity--the fact that offspring resemble the parents, not only in generalities, but even in particulars, and according to certain definite formulas. and, further, in the formation and establishment of a new race of plant or animal a conscious and ideal process is involved. the will of some organism guides the process, carefully doing away with hit and miss methods, and proceeding as directly as may be possible to an end _desired_. the facts of variation and heredity are sufficiently demonstrated for all organisms other than man; are they true of man also? have we available the possibilities for the improvement of the human breed? if not, eugenics is merely an interesting speculation. we have mentioned already the facts of variation in man; we undoubtedly do have the raw materials. what about heredity, and what about the directive agency? let us look now at some of the facts of human heredity and consider some of the possibilities in the way of directive agencies. is it going to be possible to breed a stable human race permanently with or without definite characteristics which now appear only in certain groups, or sporadically as variations? at the outset we should say that the knowledge of human heredity is as yet largely of the statistical sort. we know how a great many characters are inherited, on the average. the subject of mendelian heredity is so new that there has been hardly time to investigate more than a few human characteristics from this point of view. certain conditions add to the difficulties here. first, many, probably most, of the more important human traits are complexes, not units, and it is a long and difficult process to analyze them into their units, with which alone mendelism deals. second, in human society we cannot carry on definite experiments under controlled conditions, directed toward the solution of some concrete problem in heredity. it is true that nature herself is making such experiments constantly, but at random, and rarely under ideal conditions of what the experimenter calls control or check. we have first to seek and find them out, and when they are found we often discover that there are lacking many of the facts essential to a complete or satisfactory analysis of the facts displayed. the comparatively small size of the human family sometimes makes it difficult to get data sufficiently extensive to be really significant. and the long period that elapses between successive human generations adds to the difficulty of getting precise information, for in dealing with the heredity of some traits comparisons must be made with individuals of the same ages, and the period of observation of a single observer seldom exceeds the duration of a single generation. yet in spite of all these difficulties we have a fairly broad and exact knowledge of human heredity in respect to some characteristics. human heredity involves both physical and psychical characters--both the body and the mind are concerned. among other animals little if anything is known regarding psychic inheritance, but the physical traits of men are inherited in just the same ways and to the same degrees as in animals. this degree or intensity of inheritance may be expressed in coefficients of heredity between the groups of relatives being compared. to mention a few examples of coefficients for physical traits we have the following: character observed parental fraternal coefficient coefficient stature . -. } . -. } span . } . } fore arm . } . . } . eye color . } . } hair color . - average hair curliness . head measurements-three . - " cephalic index (ratio between breadth and length of cranium) . we might give many others, but it is unnecessary. notice that these parental and fraternal coefficients group about an average value of about . or slightly less. similar coefficients have been worked out for other degrees of relationship; thus grandparental coefficients are about . . stated briefly, in less exact terms, these coefficients mean that, with respect to such traits as deviate from the group average, the resemblance of brothers and sisters to each other or of children to their parents is, on the whole, approximately mid-way between being complete in its deviation from the average and in not deviating at all from the average in the direction of the fraternal or parental characteristic. grandchildren tend to deviate from the group average only about one fourth as far as their grandparents. it should be remembered that these are statistical and not individual statements, and that as many "exceptions" will be found in the direction of greater resemblance as in that of lesser resemblance. one of the present objects of the student of heredity, perhaps his chief object, is to be able to state the facts of human heredity in mendelian terms, reducing many of the complex human traits to their simpler elements. some of the chief objections to the use of the statistical formula of heredity are that apparently it is applicable only to the fluctuating variabilities of organisms; that it rarely takes into account the presence of (and therefore the heredity of) true variations or mutations--and we have seen that it is just these characters that are of the greatest value in evolution; and that heredity is after all fundamentally an individual relation which loses much of its definiteness and significance when we merge the individual in with a crowd. to some these seem fatal objections to any use of the statistical formula and it is certainly true that they greatly limit its value. but for the present at least the statistical statement of certain facts of heredity is still useful in this bio-social field. we may therefore use the statistical formulas of heredity as a kind of temporary expedient, enabling us to make statements regarding inheritance of certain characters in the group or class, pending the time when we shall be able to give the facts a more precise and more "final" expression in mendelian formulas. many human traits are indeed already known to mendelize. most of these are, however, "abnormal" traits or pathological conditions; we are still in the dark regarding the actually mendelian or non-mendelian inheritance of most of man's normal characteristics. we might enumerate the following mendelizing human characters--eye color, color blindness, hair color and curliness, albinism (absence of pigment), brachydactylism (two joints instead of three in fingers and toes), syndactylism (union of certain fingers and toes), polydactylism (one or more additional fingers or toes in each hand or foot), keratosis (unusually thick and horny skin), hæmophilia (lack of clotting property in the blood), nightblindness (ability to see only in strong light--a retinal defect usually), certain forms of deaf mutism and cataract, imbecility, huntington's chorea (a form of dementia). in observing mendelian heredity we should bear in mind that a given character may be due either to the presence or to the absence of a "determiner" in the germ. long hair such as is characteristic of many "angora" varieties of the guinea pig and cat, for example, is believed to be due to the absence of a determiner which stops its growth. blue eyes are due to the absence of a brown pigment determiner, _et cetera_. the presence or absence in the offspring of such characters as we know do mendelize can be predicted when we know the parental history for two generations. turning now to the inheritance of mental traits and including, of course, moral traits here as well, we find that we are almost entirely limited to the statistical statement of results. pearson found upon examining data from a large number of school children, brothers and sisters, that the coefficients of heredity between them were the same as for their physical traits. his results are summarized in figure . the physical traits measured were, in the order plotted in the figure--health, eye color, hair color, hair curliness, cephalic index (ratio between breadth and length of cranium), head length, head breadth, head height. these gave an average of . in brothers, . in sisters, and . in brothers and sisters. the psychical traits in order were--vivacity, assertiveness, introspection, popularity, conscientiousness, temper, ability, handwriting. the corresponding averages were . , . , . . [illustration: fig. .--coefficients of heredity of physical and psychical characters in school children. characters enumerated in text. (from pearson.)] galton's pioneer works on "hereditary genius," "english men of science," and "natural inheritance" showed with great clearness the fact of mental and moral heredity. wood's recent extensive study of "mental and moral heredity in royalty" shows the same thing, although not all the results of these investigations are given in mathematical form. little can be said regarding mendelian heredity of mental traits because the psychologist has not yet told us how to analyze even the common and simpler psychic characters into their fundamental units; since we do not know what the mental hereditary units are, obviously we cannot work with them. much of our knowledge in this field does not permit of very accurate summary, though pointing indisputably to the fact of mental inheritance in spite of the very great influences of training and education, environment and tradition, in moulding the mental and moral characteristics--influences with much greater effect here than in connection with physical characters. galton studied the parentage of fellows of the royal society, a fellowship which is a real mark of distinction. he assumed that one per cent of the individuals represented by the class from which his observations were drawn, that is the higher intellectual classes, might be expected to be "noteworthy": among the general population the average is really about one in , or one fortieth of one per cent. on the one per cent basis galton found that fellows of the royal society had noteworthy fathers with times the frequency to be expected in the absence of heredity; noteworthy brothers with times the expected frequency; noteworthy grandfathers times; and so on through various grades of relationship. schuster examined the class lists of oxford covering a period of years and found that first honor men had per cent first or second honor fathers; second honor men had per cent first or second honor fathers; ordinary degree men per cent first or second honor fathers. these percentages are far in excess of that to be expected--perhaps . per cent--on the assumption that ability is not inherited. schuster also determined the coefficients of heredity between fathers and sons as regards intellectual ability, the evidence being class marks in oxford and harrow; these he found to be about . for the parental relation and . for the fraternal. the intensity of heredity in many forms of insanity has been determined and this runs up much higher--. parental and . fraternal. it is clear i take it, that the fact of human heredity does not concern only physical traits but extends to psychical traits as well, and with about the same intensity. this fact has been found true also for still less analyzable characters such as length of life, fertility or infertility and the like, and again about the same intensity of resemblance is found. human heredity is a fact then just as human variability is a fact. we have truly the raw materials and the means for racial improvement. the ability to direct the evolution of the human race makes this our supremest duty. the facts of human heredity can more easily be brought home to us by the examination of some actual pedigrees and family histories. we may look at a few representative cases which will serve to bring out some additional aspects of the significance to society of the demonstrated fact of heredity. in the examination of single family histories we should remember that a single pedigree may not accurately illustrate a general law of heredity--again, an individual case may belong to a group of cases without representing them fairly. even in observing illustrations of mendel's laws allowance has to be made for the variability due to "chance" meetings of germ cells. it is only when large numbers of individuals are observed that the typical mendelian fractions and ratios can be strictly observed. it must be borne in mind then that the histories given below illustrate the nature of the facts of heredity rather than the laws of heredity. some special cautions in the interpretation of certain pedigrees will be suggested in particular cases. many of the figures are taken from the extremely valuable "treasury of human inheritance," now being published by the eugenics laboratory of the university of london. in these figures and some others a uniform series of symbols is used. successive horizontal lines designated by roman numerals indicate generations; within a single generation the individuals are numbered consecutively simply for purposes of reference. the meaning of the more common symbols is as shown in table iv. we may first consider a few pedigrees showing the heredity of physical abnormalities or defects. table iv. _symbols used in pedigrees. as adopted by the galton eugenics laboratory._ [symbol] male and female respectively, not possessing the trait under consideration. [symbol] male and female possessing the trait under consideration. [symbol] unknown sex--normal or affected. [symbol] trait incompletely developed. [symbol] neither presence nor absence of trait can be affirmed. [symbol] with a deformity or disease of special character which may possibly be associated with that under consideration. [symbol] twins. [symbol] indicates number of children. [symbol] marriage. [symbol] number of children unknown. [symbol] number and character of children unknown. _s. p._ _sine prole._ (no offspring.) fig. illustrates a family history where brachydactylism (an abnormality of the digits commonly called shortfingeredness, due to the lack of one joint in each digit) is present and frequently associated with dwarfism. we may describe this case rather fully because it illustrates nicely the heredity of a trait according to the mendelian formula. the parentage of the affected female (ii, ) who started this line is uncertain. the marriage was with a normal male whose parentage is unknown but evidently normal. this pair produced children, the character of of whom is known; were affected, unaffected, a mendelian ratio resulting from the mating of a normal with a hybrid individual, the observed character dominating (i. e., the abnormality appearing in the hybrid individuals). according to mendelian laws, the normal offspring of affected hybrids when mated with normals should produce all normal offspring; this result is shown clearly through generations iv-vi, where no affected individuals are produced by two normal parents, although one or two of the grandparents were affected. marriage of a normal person with one affected parent is fit because this individual is wholly without germinal determiners for this character. marriage between a normal and an affected person is unfit (or it would be if the observed character were a serious defect) because approximately one half their offspring will be affected like the one parent. thus in iv, - , we see children from one such marriage, of whom are affected, unaffected. all of the children of the unaffected are normal, while of the children of the affected persons, all of whom that married at all married normal individuals, were affected, unaffected. similar relations are found in generation vi, where the affected persons in v married normals, producing children, of whom were affected, unaffected. taking all the offspring of marriages between unaffected and affected (hybrid) persons through the four generations iii-vi, we find affected and unaffected, with the condition of unknown. there is no instance in this pedigree of the marriage of two affected persons, but such a marriage would be highly unfit (again in the case of a serious defect) because we know that all their offspring would be affected. mating of two unaffected persons, even though each had one affected parent, would be fit because the offspring would all be unaffected, barring the possibility of a new variation or mutation to this character, which would be extremely unlikely. such a pedigree as this illustrates very well how a knowledge of mendelian heredity may be of the greatest value practically, in determining the fitness or unfitness of marriages in families where an abnormality or defect is known to occur. the course of the inheritance here illustrates the simplest form of mendelism. we have already indicated that there are many other forms which we have not described and which we cannot undertake to describe here on account of their complexity; in such cases, however, it is still possible to predict with fair accuracy the characters of the offspring of parents whose history is known for one or two generations. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing brachydactylism. farabee's data. (from "treasury of human inheritance.")] the defect we have just been considering is dominant. many defects are recessive, i. e., transmitted though not exhibited by a hybrid individual. viewed from the standpoint of the character of the offspring, mating with such a person would be unfit only when both persons were similarly recessives. such a chance similarity would be likely only in cases of blood relationship. here lies the scientific basis for many of the legal restrictions against cousin marriage or the marriage of closer relatives, for here, although both persons may appear normal, the chances for latent ills appearing in the progeny in a pure and permanently fixed condition are greatly increased. of course the same relation holds for characteristics which are not defects but really valuable traits. marriage of cousins possessing valuable characters, whether apparent or not, might be allowed or encouraged as a means of rendering permanent a rare and valuable family trait which might otherwise be much less likely to become an established characteristic. some discrimination should be exercised in the control, legal or otherwise, of such marriages. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing polydactylism. (from "treasury of human inheritance.")] fig. gives a brief pedigree of a family in which polydactylism occurs. this is a condition in which one or more additional or supernumerary fingers or toes are present in the extremities. the mendelian character of the heredity of this defect is less clear than in the preceding, yet there are many indications that this is really an illustration of a complex mendelian formula. probably if the parentage of the individuals marrying into this family were known we should be able to give a complete formula. at any rate the pedigree illustrates the unfit character of the matings with affected persons, for in no instance has such a marriage resulted in the production of fewer than one half affected offspring. fig. illustrates a form of what is known as "split hand" or "lobster claw," where certain digits may be absent in the hands and feet. in this case all the digits are absent except the fifth. this is frequently associated with syndactylism or the fusion of the remaining digits into one or two groups. when present this usually affects all four extremities. two pedigrees of this defect are illustrated in fig. . here again we have a defect whose inheritance follows quite closely the mendelian formula, although the character of the matings is not fully known; it is unnecessary to describe the details--the histories speak for themselves. [illustration: fig. .--mother and two daughters showing "split hand." (from pearson.)] fig. illustrates a pedigree of congenital cataract. this history is less satisfactory because the matings are given in only three instances. it is known from other data that this defect follows simple mendelian laws. normal individuals produce only normals, while affected persons produce one half or all affected offspring according to the character of the mating. fig. illustrates the heredity of another defect of the eye called night blindness. this is a retinal defect, the affected being able to see only in strong illumination. the particular form of the disease in this family resulted in total blindness later in life. little is known definitely concerning the character of the matings; no mating is known to have been with an affected person and some are known to have been with unaffected. of the descendants of the first affected person only are known to have been unaffected. can there be any doubt regarding the unfitness of these matings? in generation iii a single mating led to a family of children _all_ affected by this serious defect, rendering them dependents. one of the most complete pedigrees of a defect on record is given in condensed form in fig. . this summarizes the extraordinarily complete data of nettleship covering nine, and in one branch ten, consecutive generations. the defect is another form of night blindness as it existed in a french family. the inheritance is obviously mendelian: no affected persons are produced by unaffected parents, although their own brothers or sisters or one parent may have been affected. the pedigree gives the history of , persons, all descended from one affected individual. of these were known to have been affected, and all were children of affected parentage. of the total number of progeny of affected persons mated with normals, were reported as affected and as unaffected. [illustration: fig. .--two family histories showing split foot. (from "treasury of human inheritance.")] we may consider next the hereditary history of some forms of nervous defect, the exact nature of the causes of which can be less definitely stated than in all of the preceding instances of defect. fig. gives a brief history of the heredity of huntington's chorea--a form of insanity which here resulted in the death of all but one of the affected persons in the first four generations; the fifth generation is the present and is incomplete. although the matings were with normals in every case, yet in four of the eight marriages all of the offspring were affected. from one affected male affected persons descended in four generations and their multiplication is still going on. there can be no doubt as to the unfitness of marriage into such a family. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing a form of night blindness. character of matings incompletely known. (data from bordley.)] a very complete family history showing deaf-mutism is given in fig. . it cannot be said that in every case here the defect is innate, i. e., hereditary, and it is not known that the cause of the defect was the same in every family concerned, for deaf-mutism may result from several different causes. in most cases in this history, however, the defect behaves like a mendelian dominant. in certain other cases it is clearly known to follow the mendelian formula. such pedigrees as this show how dangerous it is to marry into a family in which this defect exists. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing a form of night blindness. (condensed form of nettleship's data.)] goddard has recently published several family histories showing feeble-mindedness. one of the most significant of these--significant both socially and eugenically--is summarized here in fig. . of this goddard writes: "here we have a feeble-minded woman [iv, ] who has had three husbands (including one 'who was not her husband'), and the result has been nothing but feeble-minded children. the story may be told as follows: "this woman was a handsome girl, apparently having inherited some refinement from her mother, although her father was a feeble-minded, alcoholic brute. somewhere about the age of seventeen or eighteen she went out to do housework in a family in one of the towns of this state [new jersey]. she soon became the mother of an illegitimate child. it was born in an almshouse to which she fled after she had been discharged from the home where she had been at work. after this, charitably disposed people tried to do what they could for her, giving her a home for herself and her child in return for the work which she could do. however, she soon appeared in the same condition. an effort was then made to discover the father of this second child, and when he was found to be a drunken, feeble-minded epileptic living in the neighborhood, in order to save the legitimacy of the child, her friends [_sic_] saw to it that a marriage ceremony took place. later another feeble-minded child was born to them. then the whole family secured a home with an unmarried farmer in the neighborhood. they lived there together until another child was forthcoming which the husband refused to own. when, finally, the farmer acknowledged this child to be his, the same good friends [_sic_] interfered, went into the courts and procured a divorce from the husband, and had the woman married to the father of the expected fourth child. this proved to be feeble-minded, and they have had four other feeble-minded children, making eight in all, born of this woman. there have also been one child stillborn and one miscarriage. "as will be seen from the chart, this woman had four feeble-minded brothers and sisters [iv, , , , ]. these are all married and have children. the older of the two sisters had a child by her own father, when she was thirteen years old. the child died at about six years of age. this woman has since married. the two brothers have each at least one child of whose mental condition nothing is known. the other sister married a feeble-minded man and had three children. two of these are feeble-minded and the other died in infancy. there were six other brothers and sisters that died in infancy." [illustration: fig. .--family history showing huntington's chorea. last generation incomplete. (data from hamilton.)] the paternal ancestry of this unfortunate woman is hardly less interesting, as may be seen from the diagram. all told, this family history, as far as it is known, includes persons; the mental character of of these is unknown; died in infancy or before their characteristics were known; of the remaining , were feeble-minded. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing deaf-mutism. (from "treasury of human inheritance.")] turning now to defects of other kinds, an interesting history is illustrated in fig. . here a single individual fatally affected with angio-neurotic oedema gave rise, in four completed generations, to persons, of whom were affected. in this disease was the direct cause of death. the mendelian character of the heredity here can be neither asserted nor denied. in generations ii-v matings between normal and affected gave affected and unaffected offspring. fig. gives a brief family history showing pulmonary tuberculosis. in the history given susceptibility to this disease behaves as a mendelian dominant. we cannot as yet say whether this is or is not a general rule. in describing the heredity of diseases primarily due to infection, one or two important cautions must be observed. of course the source of the infection cannot be "hereditary," and apparently it is only in comparatively few instances that infection occurs during fetal life. to some infections certain persons are susceptible, others are not; some when susceptible are capable of developing immunity, others are not. when an infection is of such character and prevalence that practically all persons in approximately similar environments of a given character are infected, susceptibility or the power of developing immunity will determine whether or not an individual will exhibit the disease caused by the infective agent. practically all persons living in the denser communities are infected with tuberculosis; those who are susceptible and incapable of developing immunity succumb, the insusceptible and those developing immunity do not. these conditions are heritable; but in speaking of the heredity of such a disease as tuberculosis it should be clear that the heredity concerned is really that of susceptibility and the power of developing immunity. yet the person who is really susceptible can, by taking sufficient precaution, escape serious infection, and thus the result for that person would be the same as if he were insusceptible, but his offspring would have to take similar precautions if they were to escape the disease. [illustration: fig. . family history showing feeble-mindedness. data from goddard. _a_, alcoholic; _d.i._, died in infancy; _e_, epileptic; _ill._, illegitimate; _in._, incest; *, same individual as _iii_, ; _n.m._, not married; _s_, sexual pervert; _t_, tuberculous.] [illustration: fig. .--family history showing angio-neurotic oedema. (from "treasury of human inheritance.")] [illustration: fig. .--family history showing tuberculosis. (data from klebs, after whetham in "treasury of human inheritance.")] we cannot speak of heredity in connection with diseases to which all are susceptible and incapable of developing immunity. the presence or absence of such a disease is determined solely by the presence or absence of infection. many physical and mental defects result from infection as the primary cause. if the infection is one to which all exposed are susceptible and incapable of developing immunity we cannot speak of the defect as in any way hereditary; if the infection is one to which some are susceptible, others not, to which some can develop immunity, others cannot, then we may speak of the defect as hereditary. thus certain forms of blindness or insanity are due primarily to gonorrheal or syphilitic infection, insusceptibility to which is rare or unknown. such defects cannot be considered as affording evidence of heredity though they reappear in successive generations. in general the subject of the heredity of immunity and susceptibility forms one of the most important eugenic aspects of this whole subject. in a few cases it is known that immunity or insusceptibility to specific forms of infection is a unit character which follows mendelian laws in heredity. it can be added to races or subtracted from them and pure bred immune races built up. so far this has not been demonstrated for man. there is some circumstantial evidence that immunity to specific forms of infection has been a great, although hitherto neglected, factor in man's evolution, and even in the history of his civilization and conquest. it is at once obvious that here is a great field for the common labor of the students of heredity and of medicine and of eugenics. fig. illustrates a family history of infertility. this is apparently hereditary, but before that could be asserted definitely to be so here or in any similar case, we should know that the infertility were not the result of an infection to which immunity is rare or unknown. that infertility is really hereditary in this instance is indicated, first, by the fact that the person marked a later, by a second marriage into fertile stock, had a large family, and second, by the fact that the individual b and his child by marriage into fertile stocks produced in the last generation again a large family and so saved this whole family from extinction. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing infertility. (from whetham.)] before leaving the subject of the heredity of the kinds of traits we have been using as illustrations, we should add just a word. it is often objected that one cannot properly speak of the heredity of such general things as "insanity" or "deaf-mutism" or "blindness" or "heart disease," because each of these includes a great variety of specific forms of these disorders which cannot strictly, medically, be compared. but the student of heredity replies that when he speaks of the heredity of insanity or heart disease, that is often just what he means. he means that often no particular form of these defects is necessarily strictly heritable as such, but that in a family there may be a general instability of nervous system or circulatory system, which may take any one of several possible specific forms, the form actually appearing depending upon particular conditions which are frequently environmental and beyond determination. in some cases specific forms of disorder are actually heritable as such. such an inclusive thing as "ability" may depend upon many different specific conditions. yet there are families in which persons of exceptional ability are unusually frequent. the fact that persons of ability are more frequent in certain families than in the general population of the same social class and with about the same opportunity for the demonstration of inherent ability, gives evidence of its heredity, although we may not be able to summarize the facts under any particular law but must adhere to their statistical expression. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing ability. (from whetham.)] figs. and illustrate two such pedigrees of ability. in each of these histories there is also a line of "unsoundness" the descent of which it is interesting to trace. it is instructive to compare here the progeny of matings of different kinds. in generation iv of fig. , the th and th persons are brother and sister. the sister was of considerable ability and married into a family of ability, producing offspring, of whom were able. the brother was a "normal" person and married a similar individual, producing "normal" children. it would be interesting to know the details regarding these two large families of cousins. another interesting comparison is found in this pedigree. the four able brothers in generation iii, coming from a stock of demonstrated ability, married women of undemonstrated ability and all told had children (iv) of whom only showed ability and all of these were in a single family. in this family of the fourth brother two of the able members married into able families, and among their children (second and fifth families in generation v) showed ability; the third able member of this family, however, married as her uncles had, a person not known as able, and none of their children showed unusual ability (sixth family in generation v). fig. affords other illustrations of this same kind. thus in generation iii the th and th persons are able cousins of able parentage. the former married a normal and of their children showed ability; the latter married a person of ability and of their children showed ability. in both pedigrees the "careers" of those in the last generation are partly incomplete. [illustration: fig. .--family history showing ability. paternal ancestry of family shown in fig. . (from whetham.)] in discussing pedigrees of ability it should be borne in mind that the larger proportion of able males as compared with females is hardly significant for the study of heredity; it may merely reflect the unfortunate fact that women have not had the same opportunity to demonstrate inherent ability as have men; or it may evidence the still more unfortunate fact that the distinguished achievements of able women have not been socially recognized as such and recorded as they have been for the other sex. fig. gives an interesting, though abbreviated, pedigree of three very able and well-known families. in this history only persons whose ability is in science are marked as able. charles darwin is the third individual in the third generation. his cousin, francis galton, the founder of eugenics, is the next to the last person in the same generation. many similar cases of the unusual frequency of individuals of musical or religious ability in certain families have been published by galton and are well known. "as long as ability marries ability, a large proportion of able offspring is a certainty, and ability is a more valuable heirloom in a family than mere material wealth, which, moreover, will follow ability sooner or later." we might contrast with such families as have been recorded in the three preceding figures some well-known families at the other pole of society. as an interesting example we have the family described by poellmann. this was established by two daughters of a woman drunkard who in five or six generations produced all told descendants. the histories of of these are known. of the , were of illegitimate birth; were inmates of almshouses; were professional beggars; were prostitutes and procurers; had served sentences in prison aggregating years; were condemned for murder. this family is still a fertile one and the cost to the state, i. e., the taxpayers, already a million and a quarter dollars, is still increasing. [illustration: fig. .--history (condensed and incomplete) of three markedly able families. (from whetham.)] one of the best known families of this type is the so-called "jukes" family of new york state so carefully investigated by dugdale. this family is traced from the five daughters of a lazy and irresponsible fisherman born in . in five generations this family numbered about , persons, including nearly who married into it. the histories of of these are well known and about more are partly known. this family history was easier to follow than are some others because there was very little marriage with the foreign-born--"a distinctively american family." of these , idle, ignorant, lewd, vicious, pauper, diseased, imbecile, insane, and criminal specimens of humanity, about died in infancy. of the remaining , were professional paupers in almshouses a total of , years (at whose expense?); were physically wrecked by their own diseased wickedness; more than half of the women were prostitutes; were convicted criminals; were habitual thieves; were murderers. not one had even a common school education. only learned a trade, and of these learned it in state prison! they have cost the state over a million and a quarter dollars, and the cost is still going on. who pays this bill? what right had an intelligent and humane society to allow these poor unfortunates to be born into the kind of lives they had to lead, not by choice but by the disadvantage of birth? darwin wrote long ago "... except in the case of man himself, hardly anyone is so ignorant as to allow his worst animals to breed." [illustration: fig. .--history of _die familie zero_. (condensed from jörger's data, partly after davenport.)] probably the most complete family history of this kind ever worked out is that of the "familie zero"--a swiss family whose pedigree has been recently unraveled in a splendid manner by jörger. in the seventeenth century this family divided into three lines; two of these have ever since remained valued and highly respected families, while the third has descended to the depths. this third line was established by a man who was himself the result of two generations of intermarriage, the second tainted with insanity. he was of roving disposition, and in the valla fontana found an italian vagrant wife of vicious character. their son inherited fully his parental traits and himself married a member of a german vagabond family--marcus, known to this day as a vagabond family. this marriage sealed the fate of their hundreds of descendants. this pair had seven children, all characterized by vagabondage, thievery, drunkenness, mental and physical defect, and immorality. their history for the three succeeding generations is incompletely summarized in fig. . in , members of this family were known to be living, and probably many living are unknown on account of illegitimate birth. in a sympathetic and charitable priest attempted to save from their obvious fate many of these "zero" children and others who resided in and near his village, by placing them in industrious and respectable families to be reared under more favorable auspices. the attempt failed utterly, for every one of the "zero" children either ran away or was enticed away by his relatives. the blame for such an atrocity as this family or the jukes does not rest with these persons themselves; it must be placed squarely upon the shoulders and consciences of the intelligent members of society who have permitted these predetermined degenerates to be brought into the world, and who are to-day taking no broadly sympathetic view of their treatment by exercising preventive measures. _laissez faire?_ at the risk of easing the conscience, let us finally return to the other side of society and look at a summarized statement of the edwards family given by boies and drawn from winship's account of the descendants of jonathan edwards. " , of his descendants were identified in , of whom were college graduates; presidents of our greatest colleges; professors in colleges, besides many principals of other important educational institutions; physicians, many of whom were eminent; and more clergymen, missionaries, or theological professors; were officers in the army and navy; prominent authors and writers, by whom books of merit were written and published and important periodicals edited; american states and several foreign countries, and american cities and many foreign cities, have profited by the beneficent influence of their eminent activity; and more were lawyers, of whom one was our most eminent professor of law; were judges; held public office, of whom one was vice president of the united states; were united states senators; several were governors, members of congress, framers of state constitutions, mayors of cities, and ministers to foreign courts; one was president of the pacific mail steamship company; railroads, many banks, insurance companies, and large industrial enterprises have been indebted to their management. almost if not every department of social progress and of the public weal has felt the impulse of this healthy and long-lived family. it is not known that any one of them was ever convicted of crime." the serious consideration of bodies of facts like those contained in some of these pedigrees leads every thoughtful and sympathetic, every humanely minded, human being to ask--what _can_ we _do_ about it? the display of such conditions stimulates us to measures of relief. it is greatly to be regretted that the honest desire to do good often leads to the performance of ill-considered or unconsidered acts which may result in positive injury to the constitution of society, or at any rate at best merely in the amelioration of the immediate situation without reference to ultimate profit or penalty, or to the necessity for interminable amelioration. such relief leaves out of account the fact that modifications are not heritable--not permanent, practically without effect in the long run. "good intentions" have a certain well-known value as paving material, but not as building material. the science of eugenics includes not only the study of the data in this field, but further the formulation of definite courses of procedure; but it insists that these be based upon scientific principles and not upon emotional states. philanthropic relief has become a serious business--is becoming a science. eugenics is a science and it aims to put the human race upon such a level that the need for philanthropic relief will be less and continually less. we shall then be able to devote more of the resources of our time and money and energy to the production of permanent results. the eugenist pleads in this work for more sympathetic consideration of the problems of relief--for a sympathy which is wider, which transcends the individual person and reaches the social group, even the nation or race. for just as a society is something more than the sum of its individual parts when taken separately, so the consideration of all the component individuals of a society taken separately and by themselves, results in something less than social consideration. again "charity refers to the individual; statesmanship to the nation; eugenics cares for both." * * * * * what, then, does the eugenist propose to do? what is the eugenic program? eugenics is not an academic matter--not an armchair science. it is intensely practical--so very practical, indeed, that the eugenist hesitates to make many suggestions of a definite nature looking directly and immediately toward specific action. something must precede action. the eugenist has been ridiculed as one responsible for the absurd schemes proposed in his name, perhaps seriously, by the unscientific but well-intentioned sympathizer. many persons have been led to object to what they believed to be a eugenic program which is not a eugenic program at all. thus the willingness of some to offer adverse criticism of the subject and its aims has grown largely out of a common misconception of the matter and has led galton to say, "as in most other cases of novel views, the wrongheadedness of objectors to eugenics has been curious." as a scientist the eugenist realizes clearly and fully that his new science is in a very early stage of its development. it is just entering upon what are the first stages in the history of any science, namely, the periods of the formulation of elementary ideas and the collection of facts. there are certain groups of facts, however, of glaring significance and undoubted meaning, and upon these as a basis the eugenist already has a few, a very few, concrete suggestions for eugenic practice. in conclusion, then, we may outline tentatively and briefly a conservative eugenic program somewhat as follows: first of all there must be an extensive collection of exact data--of the facts regarding all the varied aspects of racial history and evolution. these facts must be collected with great care and under the strictest scientific conditions. in this matter particularly must we "desert verbal discussion for statistical facts." figures can't lie, but liars can figure. what we need first of all is the accumulation of masses of cold, hard facts, uncolored by any point of view, untinged by any propaganda: facts regarding the net fertility of all classes; facts regarding the racial effects of all sorts of environmental and occupational conditions; facts regarding variability and variation in the race; facts regarding human heredity of normal and pathological conditions, of physical and psychical traits. we have merely scratched the surface of the great masses of such data to be had for the looking. as davenport has recently put it in his valuable essay on "eugenics"-- "while the acquisition of new data is desirable, much can be done by studying the extant records of institutions. the amount of such data is enormous. they lie hidden in records of our numerous charity organizations, our institutions for the feeble-minded, our schools and homes for the deaf and blind, our hospitals for the insane, our , refuge homes, our , prisons, our , hospitals and our , almshouses. our great insurance companies and our college gymnasiums have tens of thousands of records of the characters of human blood lines. these records should be studied, their hereditary data sifted out and ... placed in their proper relations" that we may learn of "the great strains of human protoplasm that are coursing through the country." thus shall we learn "not only the method of heredity of human characteristics but we shall identify those lines which supply our families of great men: ... we shall also learn whence come our , insane and feeble-minded, our , blind or deaf, the , , that are annually cared for by our hospitals and homes, our , prisoners and the thousands of criminals that are not in prison, and our , paupers in almshouses and out. "this three or four per cent of our population is a fearful drag on our civilization. shall we as an intelligent people, proud of our control of nature in other respects, do nothing but vote more taxes or be satisfied with the great gifts and bequests that philanthropists have made for the support of the delinquent, defective, and dependent classes? shall we not rather take the steps that scientific study dictates as necessary to dry up the springs that feed the torrent of defective and degenerate protoplasm? "greater tasks than those contemplated in the broadest scheme of the eugenics committee have been carried out in this country. if only one half of one per cent of the million dollars annually spent on hospitals, millions on insane asylums, millions for almshouses, millions on prisons, and millions on the feeble-minded, deaf and blind were spent on the study of the bad germ plasm that makes necessary the annual expenditure of nearly millions in the care of its produce we might hope to learn just how it is being reproduced and the best way to diminish its further spread. a _new_ plague that rendered four per cent of our population, chiefly at the most productive age, not only incompetent, but a burden costing million dollars yearly to support, would instantly attract universal attention, and millions would be forthcoming for its study as they have been for the study of cancer. but we have become so used to crime, disease and degeneracy that we take them as necessary evils. that they were, in the world's ignorance, is granted. that they must remain so, is denied." of course one should not jump from this to the conclusion that the fact of heredity is responsible for all of this defect. disease is so often the result of infections to which none is immune, and defect is frequently the result of such disease. warbasse has recently stated that "at least one fourth of our public institutions for caring for defectives is made necessary by venereal disease." doubtless an appreciable share of this fourth is the result of hereditary tendencies, the expression of which gives the opportunity for such infection. here as elsewhere no single factor accounts for all of the facts, although when, as the result of the increase of knowledge, we shall become able to make more definite statements, we no doubt shall find that heredity is the most important single factor in the disgraceful prevalence of crime, disease, and defect in our communities: indeed this is practically demonstrated to-day. these are questions of the most fundamental importance in our national life-history: our only "hope of perpetuity" lies in the right solution of such problems. and the crying need is for facts, always more facts. the galton laboratory for eugenics is already doing much in this direction and is publishing in the "treasury of human inheritance" scores of human pedigrees. an agency is already in operation in this country. the american breeders association has appointed a committee and sub-committees under highly competent leaders for the collection of exact data of human heredity upon a large scale. there is opportunity for everyone to help in this work in connection with the eugenics record office already referred to. the second great element in the eugenic program is research. it is not enough to collect the known facts; new facts must be forthcoming. we cannot, perhaps, undertake definite experiments upon human evolution, but we can and must take advantage of the wealth of experiment which nature is carrying out around us and before our eyes could we but learn to read her results. we need to know more about the process of differential fertility, of human variability, of the effects of nurture as well as of the conditions of nature. we do know pretty well the effects, upon the individual, of training, education, good and ill housing conditions and conditions of labor, of disease, alcoholism, underfeeding. we need now to know, not to guess at, the effects of these things upon the race, upon human stock. a mere beginning has been made here in the way of a scientific treatment of this question, although many persons have their minds already made up, firmly and fully, as to the "effects of the environment." but all that we have guessed here may be wrong. the discussion of this subject is filled with pitfalls. the common form of the query as to which is of the greater importance, "heredity or environment," in determining individual characteristics betrays a completely erroneous view of what heredity is, and of the organism's relation to its environment. the living organism reacts to its environment at every stage of its existence, whether as an egg, an embryo, or an adult. in this reaction both factors are essential, the environment as essential as the organism. the result of this continued reaction is the development on the part of the organism of certain physiological processes and structural conditions or characteristics. the nature of these resulting states, depending upon the two factors--organism and environment--can be changed by altering either factor. in general, organisms develop under pretty much the same conditions as their parents and general ancestry did, and their germinal substances are directly continuous, and therefore very similar. consequently, primary organic structure and environing conditions of development being alike through successive generations, the results of their interaction are alike. this alikeness is heredity--the fact of similarity between parent and offspring. the usually indefinite question as to the effect of the environment ordinarily has a real meaning however, and this is, or should be, whether the alteration of particular elements of the environment, the presence of special, unusual factors which cannot be said to be "normally" present--whether these produce any effect upon the organism which is truly heritable. this is in reality the old question of the "inheritance of acquired characteristics," or, in a word, of modifications--a question which has been debated heatedly and at length. and as in many similar instances the number of essays and the length and heat of the debate have been inversely as the number and clearness of the pertinent facts. the large majority of biologists have long felt that the great bulk of the evidence was on one side, namely, that acquired traits were not heritable. at the same time they have recognized the difficulty of explaining certain apparently demonstrated contradictory facts. some recent experimental work has largely cleared away the theoretical difficulties in this field, and the present status of the old and really fundamental question may be stated as follows: external conditions--climate, temperature, moisture, nutritional conditions, results of unusual activity, and the like--incidences of the environment, undoubtedly produce effects upon the structure and behavior of the organism, but these effects must be clearly grouped into two distinct classes. in the first place the effect of "external" conditions may be to bring about a reaction between the _bodily_ parts affected and the environing conditions. here the body alone is modified and not the germinal substance for the next generation within this body. such responses to environing conditions do not affect nor involve the structure of the germ, and are therefore unrepresented in that series of reactions that result in the production of an individual of the next generation. in this class are found most of the instances of "functional modification" or acquired characteristics. in this category belong most of the stock illustrations--from the blacksmith's arm and the pianist's fingers, to the giraffe's neck and the fox's cunning. here also belong the results of training and education; we can train and educate brain cells but not germ cells. it is characteristic of most of these bodily reactions to external conditions that they are adaptive; that is, when a body reacts to such a condition it does so by undergoing a change which makes the organism better fitted to the new condition--better able to exist. the increased keenness of vision, the strengthened muscle, the thickened fur--all such changes meet new or unusual demands in such a way that the organism has better chances of survival than it would have had unmodified. but in the second place there are certain environmental circumstances which do affect the structure of the germinal substance within the body of an organism. an unusually high temperature acting at a certain period in the life-history may bring about a change in the color of insects which is heritable--i. e., racial; but such a change results from the action of temperature upon the germ directly and not alone upon the body, which then itself affects the germ. it is essential to recognize that in all such cases it is not the structural change in the body that affects the germ, but it is the external condition itself that affects the germ directly. this is not the half of a hair; it is an extremely important and significant difference. the effects of this kind of action are not visible until the generation following that acted upon. they become expressed in the bodies of the organisms developed from the affected germs. it is characteristic of such changes as these that they may not, usually do not, have an adaptive relation to the condition bringing about the change. there is no correspondence between the bodily and the germinal modifications resulting from the action of the same condition. furthermore, there seems to be no adaptive relation between the general character of the germinal disturbance and the environmental disturbance. rarely some of the organismal characters resulting from such germinal modification may be in the direction of greater adaptedness; usually they are neutral or in the direction of utter unfitness. but such effects are heritable, whatever their nature with respect to adaptedness, and it becomes therefore very important to find out what are the conditions that may thus disturb the normal structure of the germ. little more than a beginning has been made here and practically nothing can be said definitely with reference to the human organism in this respect. enough is known, however, to make it clear that it is only rarely indeed that external conditions can thus affect the germinal structure. in most cases the effects of the incidence of environment are purely bodily. a most fruitful field for eugenic investigation is open here. one of the first problems to be attacked from this point of view is that of the racial (i. e., heritable) effects of such poisons as alcohol. it is frequently said, for instance, that some of the effects of alcoholism are the weakened, epileptic, or feeble-minded conditions of the offspring, who are also particularly liable to disease and infection. it can hardly be said that this is as yet thoroughly demonstrated. on account of the importance of this question we might call specific attention to some recent investigations of the problem of the racial influence of alcohol. the effects of alcohol upon the individual are fairly well known, although still a matter for debate in some quarters. but this is not as important eugenically as the possible effect upon the offspring of the use and abuse of alcohol by the parents. an investigation has been carried on recently through the galton laboratory for national eugenics directed toward ascertaining the precise relation between alcoholism in parents and the height, weight, general health, and intelligence of their children. it was found to be perfectly true that alcoholism and tuberculosis show a high degree of association; but considering the nondrinking members of the same community just the same high frequency of tuberculosis was found. and the presence of alcoholism among parents was found to be practically without effect upon the height and weight of their offspring. "these results are certainly startling and rather upset one's preconceived ideas, but it is perhaps a consolation that to the obvious and visible miseries of the children arising from drink, lowered intelligence and physique are not added." the difficulties surrounding investigation and the interpretation of the results of investigation in this particular field are evidenced by the fact that these results have been adversely criticised, on the one hand, because "alcoholism" was taken to mean the continued moderate use of alcohol, and on the other because "alcoholism" was taken to mean only the occasional excessive abuse of alcohol. much of the confusion surrounding the discussion of the racial effects of alcohol grows out of the underlying confusion of statistical and individual statements. it may be left open, then, whether this result from the galton laboratory is clearly demonstrated and whether the basis of investigation was sufficiently broad to make the facts of general applicability. the frequent association between alcoholism and certain forms of insanity is sometimes taken as evidence of a racial effect. here again we find the question really left open when we appeal to facts taken in large numbers. in a few cases it seems to have been demonstrated that saturation of the bodily tissues with alcohol affects directly the structure of the germ cells formed at that time, and that this effect is seen in physical and mental disturbances of the offspring derived from such germ cells, and thus becomes hereditary or racial. but these results, like those mentioned above, need confirmation. the impairment of the child _in utero_ through maternal overindulgence in alcohol would not necessarily denote any corresponding germinal (i. e., racial) effect. it is often the case that alcoholic excess, like other forms of excess, may be an indication of a lack of complete mental balance or sanity, sure to have become expressed in some form. the lack of balance in the offspring of such persons is a simple case of heredity and not the result of the parental use of alcohol. the alcoholism of the parent was a result, an indication, and not a cause. there may be instances of the direct action of external conditions upon the germ, and in a very true sense the body is a part of the external environment of the germ, but to say that such an action has been demonstrated for alcohol is premature. it should be easily possible to get real evidence upon this and similar questions. but at present it is safest to leave the whole question of the racial effects of alcohol entirely open pending more and better evidence. to summarize, then, we may say that the evidence for an inherited effect of the misuse of alcohol is not as clear as one might wish; it may be true. there is the greatest need for the careful scientific investigation of this and allied problems. much of the evidence here is not of the kind that can be used to prove things--it consists largely of the demonstration of the fact of association rather than of causation. in order to show that a changed environment has produced a change in the innate characters of the organisms affected it must be demonstrated that the organismal change continues to be inherited after the environment has again become what it was originally, and as yet this has not been done. indeed when tested in this way it is found that a permanently heritable alteration can thus be produced only rarely and by environmental changes of the most profound character. research in another direction is greatly needed. we should examine and reëxamine current as well as proposed social practices and reforms from the racial point of view. we should know before going much farther whether the extensive social improvements that are annually effected are to any considerable degree racially permanent. we should investigate not only the racial effects of the unfavorable social conditions themselves, but also the racial effects of the measures directed toward the relief of such conditions. it is conceivable that measures of relief may be practically without permanent effect or even racially detrimental. it would seem that the social worker and philanthropist should welcome any biologically fundamental truths touching these questions, and yet it is curiously true that there are some such persons who seem to prefer not to know the whole truth here, perhaps because they fear it may disclose the unwelcome fact that much of their effort has resulted in amelioration rather than in correction. it should be remembered that simple relief is well worth while, even though often without resulting racial benefit. when it is not actually detrimental racially, relief is an economic, social, and moral duty. the eugenist, by disclosing the fact that racial effects can actually be accomplished, enlarges rather than diminishes the opportunities for relief and his knowledge should be welcomed and use made of it. heretofore the social point of view has been practically the only point of view in much of this work, and the result is that usually following when action is based upon half-truth. david starr jordan says: "charity creates the misery she tries to relieve; she never relieves half the misery she creates," and he goes on to say that _unwise_ charity is responsible for half the pauperism of the world; that it is the duty of charity to remove the _causes_ of weakness and suffering and equally to see that weakness and suffering are not needlessly perpetuated. in this connection the following quotation from elderton is apt: "... the influence of the parental environmental factor on the welfare of children is ... at present and has been in the past the chief direction of legislative and philanthropic attack on social evils. degeneracy of every form has been attributed to poverty, bad housing, unhealthy trades, drinking, industrial occupation of women, and other direct or indirect environmental influences on offspring. if we could by education, by legislation, or by social effort change the environmental conditions, would the race at once rise to a markedly higher standard of physique and mentality? much, if not the whole battle for social reform, has been based on the assumption that this question was obviously to be answered in the affirmative. no direct investigation has really ever been made of the intensity of the influence of environment on man. to modify the obviously repellent was the immediate instinct of the more gently nurtured and controlling social class. was this direction of social reform really capable of effecting any substantial change? nay, by lessening the selective death rate, may it not have contributed to emphasizing the very evils it was intended to lessen? these are the problems which occur to the eugenist and call for investigation and, if possible, settlement.... it is conceivable that the relation between children's physique, for example, and parental occupation is an indirect result of the inheritance of physique and a correlation between parents' physique and their occupation. in other words, what we are attributing to environment may be a secondary influence of heredity itself. a weakling may have no option but to follow an unhealthy trade, a man is a tailor or shoemaker, because he has not the physique for smith or navvy. his offspring may be physically inferior because he is a weakling and not because he follows an unhealthy trade. clearly, to solve our problem, we must know if there be any correlation between the same character in the parent as we are observing in the child and the environment we are correlating with the child's character. unfortunately data enabling us to determine the relationship of any mental or physical character of the parent with the environment which is supposed to influence the child is rarely forthcoming." just to suggest one further train of thought, we might point out that several movements apparently of high social value have been attended by a curious and largely unforeseen back action. thus the enforcement of certain forms of employer's liability laws has led to discrimination against married persons by large employers of labor and a premium thus put upon nonmarriage. the result of child labor legislation has been in some cases an enormous rise in the death rate of young children among the classes concerned, indicating that the children receive less care, now that they have ceased to be a prospective family asset and have become chiefly a burden for many years. in other cases the result has been so serious a limitation in the birth rate that communities are dying out and factories are closing for want of sufficient help. such problems are not only social but economic and eugenic, and they cannot be seen squarely from any single point of view. it is doubtless shocking to the cultured mind that the chief reason for bringing children into the world should be their economic value as contributors to the family income. but in reality does this point of view differ fundamentally from that very commonly taken of the value of a large family except in the nature of the standard by which their value is measured? may there not be a difference of opinion as to whether children are better or worse off when brought up with some degree of care to be employed under humane conditions of labor, than when left uncared for to die in large proportions of disease and neglect? finally, studies in heredity, whether on man or on other animals or on plants, are sure to be of value here because we know that the fundamental processes of heredity are the same in all organisms. above all, the eugenist needs to know more of mendelian heredity in man. the facts of heredity stated in the statistical form of averages and coefficients do not affect the man in the street materially--he rather enjoys taking chances. an extensive eugenic practice can be established only when we can say definitely what the individual or family inheritance will be in a given instance--not what it will be with such and such a degree of probability, although that probability be high. we may not be such a long way off from this ideal, which is an essential for the inauguration of eugenic practice upon a large scale. for the eugenist this is the richest field for investigation and one which is certain to yield large results. the eugenist's demand for more facts will doubtless become an important factor in the progress of biological science. the practical application of the knowledge of heredity in the production of domesticated or cultivated varieties of animals and plants is becoming annually more extensive; and with the recognition of the possibility of the application of this knowledge to the control of the evolution of man himself, will come a rapid increase in biological knowledge and in the earnestness of the student of heredity. and at the same time another result may be that the science of biology shall come to be appraised publicly more nearly at its real value. the biological worker knows that his science comes into contact with human life at every point, that a knowledge of the fundamental principles of the science of life cannot fail to enrich, enlighten, and ennoble the life of every human being. but the community does not yet realize this, to its own great loss. is it not possible that the eugenist, finding his fundamentals in biology, by emphasizing the facts of the possibility and the necessity of controlling human evolution, may be able to bring to society a vital sense of the importance of this science with a directness and a vividness which the bacteriologist and hygienist have not been able thus far to realize? is it even too much to hope that the idea that the "humanities" include only the study of man's comparatively recent past, may now more rapidly give place to a broader conception which shall include not only the whole of man's past, but the study of his future as well? could any ideal be more vitally, more profoundly human or more worthy of study and devotion, than this of the production of a race of men, clean and sound in mind and body? be that as it may, the development of this bio-social field can scarcely fail to stimulate strongly the treatment of all social problems with a strictly scientific method. nothing less than exact methods, and results exactly stated, will satisfy the genuine and really valuable social student of the near future. as one recent writer has feelingly put it: "we have had essays enough." eugenic practice for the immediate future is the third part of our program. must we wait until more data are collected, more facts uncovered, before we undertake any definite proposals for eugenic procedure? although this is the most difficult aspect of the subject, largely through lack of a sufficiently broad fact-basis, yet we are certainly in possession of enough information to make plain a few necessary steps. most of the concrete proposals directed toward the reduction of the undesirables and the increase of the desirables have been visionary, impractical, or too limited in their view-point. above all, they have been open to the objection that they have gone too far in the direction of that zone which separates the two classes. it should be said again that most of these proposals have been those of the amateur enthusiast, not of the seriously scientific eugenist; they have grown out of that common habit of "getting far from the facts and philosophizing about them." as pearson points out, we must start from three fundamental biological ideas. first, "that the relative weight of nature and nurture must not _a priori_ be assumed but must be scientifically measured; and thus far our experience is that nature dominates nurture, and that inheritance is more vital than environment." second, "that there exists no demonstrable inheritance of acquired characters. environment modifies the bodily characters of the existing generation, but does not [often] modify the germ plasms from which the next generation springs. at most, environment can provide a selection of which germ plasms among the many provided shall be potential and which shall remain latent." third, "that all human qualities are inherited in a marked and probably equal degree." "if these ideas represent the substantial truth, you will see how the whole function of the eugenist is theoretically simplified. he cannot hope by nurture and by education to create new germinal types. he can only hope by selective environment to obtain the types most conducive to racial welfare and to national progress. if we see this point clearly and grasp it to the full, what a flood of light it sheds on half the schemes for the amelioration of the people.... the widely prevalent notion that bettered environment and improved education mean a _progressive_ evolution of humanity is found to be without any satisfactory scientific basis. improved conditions of life mean better health for the existing population; greater educational facilities mean greater capacity for finding and using existing ability; they do not connote that the next generation will be either physically or mentally better than its parents. selection of parentage is the sole effective process known to science by which a race can continuously progress. the rise and fall of nations are in truth summed up in the maintenance or cessation of that process of selection. where the battle is to the capable and thrifty, where the dull and idle have no chance to propagate their kind, there the nation will progress, even if the land be sterile, the environment unfriendly and educational facilities small." as a concrete example of a most commendable eugenic practice we should mention the sterilization of certain classes of criminal and insane as it is now practiced in the states of indiana and connecticut. for the last four years (since march, ) the laws of indiana have permitted the performance of the operation of vasectomy upon "confirmed criminals, idiots, rapists, and imbeciles" after rigid scrutiny of all the mental and physical conditions of the individual case and upon the concurrent judgment of three competent and impartial persons. the title and significant parts of the text of this law are as follows: _an act_, entitled, an act to prevent procreation of confirmed criminals, idiots, imbeciles, and rapists--providing that superintendents, or boards of managers, of institutions where such persons are confined shall have the authority, and are empowered to appoint a committee of experts, consisting of two physicians, to examine into the mental condition of such inmates. _whereas_, heredity plays a most important part in the transmission of crime, idiocy, and imbecility; _therefore_, be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of indiana, that on and after the passage of this act it shall be compulsory for each and every institution in the state, entrusted with the care of confirmed criminals, idiots, rapists, and imbeciles, to appoint upon its staff, in addition to the regular institutional physician, two ( ) skilled surgeons of recognized ability, whose duty it shall be, in conjunction with the chief physician of the institution, to examine the mental and physical condition of such inmates as are recommended by the institutional physician and board of managers. if, in the judgment of this committee of experts and the board of managers, procreation is inadvisable, and there is no probability of improvement of the mental and physical condition of the inmate, it shall be lawful for the surgeons to perform such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall be decided safest and most effective. but this operation shall not be performed except in cases that have been pronounced unimprovable: provided, that in no case shall the consultation fee be more than three ( ) dollars to each expert, to be paid out of the funds appropriated for the maintenance of such institution. this operation of vasectomy, sometimes known as "rentoul's operation," consists, in the male, in the removal of a small portion of each sperm duct; the individual is thus rendered sterile in a completely effective and permanent way. at the same time there are none of the harmful effects, either physical or mental, such as usually follow the better known forms of sterilization which are in reality asexualization rather than sterilization. vasectomy is a simple "office" operation occupying only a few minutes and requiring at the most the application of only a local anæsthetic, such as cocaine; and there are no disturbing nor even inconvenient after effects. in the female the corresponding operation of oöphorotomy consists in removing a small portion of each fallopian tube. in indiana nearly a thousand persons have already been successfully treated, many upon their own request--a circumstance entirely unforeseen. similar laws have been passed in oregon and connecticut, and are being carefully considered in several other states. in order that the exact nature of such proposals may be better known generally we may give here also the text of the connecticut law which is somewhat more inclusive and more flexible than that of indiana. the connecticut statute, enacted in august, , is as follows: _an act_, concerning operations for the prevention of procreation.--be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives in general assembly convened: _section ._ the directors of the state prison and the superintendents of state hospitals for the insane at middletown and norwich are hereby authorized and directed to appoint for each of said institutions, respectively, two skilled surgeons, who, in conjunction with the physician or surgeon in charge at each of said institutions, shall examine such persons as are reported to them by the warden, superintendent, or the physician or surgeon in charge, to be persons by whom procreation would be inadvisable. such board shall examine the physical and mental condition of such persons, and their record and family history so far as the same can be ascertained, and if in the judgment of the majority of said board, procreation by any such person would produce children with an inherited tendency to crime, insanity, feeble-mindedness, idiocy, or imbecility, and there is no probability that the condition of any such person so examined will improve to such an extent as to render procreation by such person advisable, or, if the physical and mental condition of any such person will be substantially improved thereby, then the said board shall appoint one of its members to perform the operation of vasectomy or oöphorectomy, as the case may be, upon such person. such operation shall be performed in a safe and humane manner, and the board making such examination, and the surgeon performing such operation, shall receive from the state such compensation, for services rendered, as the warden of the state prison or the superintendent of either of such hospitals shall deem reasonable. _section ._ except as authorized by this act, every person who shall perform, encourage, assist in, or otherwise promote the performance of either of the operations described in section of this act, for the purpose of destroying the power to procreate the human species; or any person who shall knowingly permit either of such operations to be performed upon such person--unless the same be a medical necessity--shall be fined not more than one thousand dollars, or imprisoned in the state prison not more than five years, or both. these states are to be commended in the highest possible terms for their enlightened action in this direction. who can say how many families of jukes and zeros have already been inhibited by this simple and humane means? "could such a law be enforced in the whole united states, less than four generations would eliminate nine tenths of the crime, insanity and sickness of the present generation in our land. asylums, prisons and hospitals would decrease, and the problems of the unemployed, the indigent old, and the hopelessly degenerate would cease to trouble civilization." and yet probably for years to come those mental states and conditions of servitude graciously termed "conservatism" will continue to insure an undiminished horde of these unfortunates. the situation here is interestingly analogous to that in connection with certain of the infectious diseases. concerning the eradication of typhoid fever, to mention a single concrete example, competent authorities declare that we now possess all of the information necessary to make typhoid fever as obsolete in civilized communities as is cholera or smallpox. "the average third-year medical student knows enough about typhoid fever to be able to stamp it out if he were endowed with absolute power." "typhoid fever has passed beyond the catalogue of diseases; it is a crime." our knowledge of the causes of many of the conditions leading to gross physical and mental defect and criminality has progressed already to such a point that we could if we would eradicate them in large proportion from our civilization. the great horde of defectives, once in the world, have the right to live and to enjoy as best they may whatever freedom is compatible with the lives and freedom of the other members of society. they have not the right to produce and reproduce more of their kind for a too generous and too blindly "charitable" society to contend against. the greater crime consists in allowing the hereditary criminal to be born. a well-known british alienist, tredgold, after pointing out that the duty of medical science is to fight and relieve disease in every shape and form, adds: "that if social science does not keep pace with medical science in this matter the end will be national disaster. in other words, i would lay it down as a general principle that as soon as a nation reaches that stage of civilization in which medical knowledge and humanitarian sentiment operate to prolong the existence of the unfit, then it becomes imperative upon that nation to devise such social laws as will insure that these unfit do not propagate their kind. "for, mark you, it is not as if these degenerates mated solely amongst themselves. were that so, it is possible that, even in spite of the physician, the accumulated morbidity would become so powerful as to work out its own salvation by bringing about the sterility and extinction of its victims. the danger lies in the fact that these degenerates mate with the _healthy_ members of the community and thereby constantly drag fresh blood into the vortex of disease and lower the general vigour of the nation." such a practice as vasectomy then represents nicely the eugenic aim of allowing the individual, who is himself never to be blamed for his hereditary constitution, the greatest possible personal freedom and liberty, of allowing full play of sympathy for the individual, and at the same time of exercising the greatest sympathy to society in prohibiting the hereditary criminal from procreating a long line of descendants endowed as badly as he himself was through no fault of his own, but through the gross neglect of society. another quotation from pearson: "to-day we feed our criminals up, and we feed up our insane, we let both out of the prison or asylum 'reformed' or 'cured,' as the case may be, only after a few months to return to state supervision, leaving behind them the germs of a new generation of deteriorants. the average number of crimes due to the convicts in his majesty's prisons to-day is ten apiece. we cannot reform the criminal, nor cure the insane from the standpoint of heredity; the taint varies not with their mental or moral conduct. these are the products of the somatic cells; the disease lies deeper in their germinal constitution. education for the criminal, fresh air for the tuberculous, rest and food for the neurotic--these are excellent, they may bring control, sound lungs, and sanity to the individual; but they will not save the offspring from the need of like treatment, nor from the danger of collapse when the time of strain comes. they cannot make a nation sound in mind and body, they merely screen degeneracy behind a throng of arrested degenerates. our highly developed human sympathy will no longer allow us to watch the state purify itself by the aid of crude natural selection. we see pain and suffering only to relieve it, without inquiry as to the moral character of the sufferer or as to his national or racial value. and this is right--no man is responsible for his own being; and nature and nurture, over which he had no control, have made him the being he is, good or evil. but here science steps in, crying: let the reprieve be accepted, but next remind the social conscience of its duty to the race ... let there be no heritage if you would build up and preserve a virile and efficient people. here, i hold, we reach the kernel of the truth which the science of eugenics has at present revealed." it is also a part of eugenic practice to oppose vigorously and unmistakably any social practice leading to the reduction in the reproductivity of the desirable and valuable elements of society. there is to be included here for censure a long list of customs and practices, from the enforced celibacy of the church to the horror of horrors--warfare. a moment's reflection will suggest many reprehensible practices of this kind more or less current in certain classes or communities. the requirement of nonmarriage on the part of women teachers--persons of tested and demonstrated ability, is a very general practice of decidedly noneugenic character. in great britain more than , nurses, all of whom must have passed physical examination, are cut off from reproduction by the same requirement of nonmarriage. many less striking but all too common practices have the final effect of forbidding marriage to the healthy, physically or mentally capable, helpful, classes. "help wanted. must be unencumbered." more vigorously and more unmistakably does the eugenist discourage anything that leads to matings of the unfit and, above all, to their reproduction. many countries, from servia to the argentine republic, have statutes forbidding the marriage of the insane, idiots, deaf and dumb, certain classes of criminals, and persons afflicted with certain contagious diseases. it is to be hoped that these laws are enforced with greater effectiveness than that with which our own less stringent laws of similar character are administered. after all, it is the reproduction of these persons that should be limited, and among many of these classes the fact of nonmarriage would provide not the slightest barrier to reproduction. it is unfortunately true, but true none the less, that there are current forms of so-called philanthropy which, by relieving defective parents of the care of their defective offspring, thus encourage them in the production of more defective offspring; and so the flames are fed. relief is the smallest part of the problem. any condition which leads to the multiplication of the innately defective and dependent classes must be sternly opposed. no matter how benign the guise of any form of relief or charity, if it encourages or permits even indirectly the free reproduction of these classes, it must be resolutely opposed and soon abandoned. "it is not enough to preach with horror and indignation against normal parents who restrict their families. equal reprobation should be the lot of those who, with inherited insanity, feeble-mindedness, or disease, bring children into the world to perpetuate their infirmities. it should not be overlooked that the realization of the power of limiting the birth rate, while it has produced untold harm, when applied blindly and in accordance with individual caprice, may become an instrument for good if it extends to the worst stocks, while the better stocks once more undertake their natural duties." practical eugenics need not be limited to its philanthropic and legislative aspects. there are other social mechanisms which could be used to encourage the multiplication of the fitter, abler families. in munich, under the enlightened leadership of dr. alfred ploetz, a society for the study and promotion of social and racial hygiene (internationale gesellschaft für rassen-hygiene) has made a most excellent and significant beginning. this society is doing much not only to collect data and investigate scientifically problems within its field, but also to spread widely the facts of racial integrity. its members agree, among other things, to undergo thorough medical examination prior to marriage as to their fitness for that state and agree to abstain from marriage, or at least from parenthood, if found to be unfit. much can be done by suggestion and suasion regarding the choice of mates and the rearing of large families. when one touches upon this subject he is pretty likely to be met with the objection that the selection of mates is so largely an impulsive, emotional affair that it is quite beyond control. "marriages," they say, "are made in heaven." but when we consider the number that can scarcely be said to be completed there the statement seems open to some question. as a matter of fact, it is perfectly clear, as galton, ellis, and others have shown, that all peoples, from the kaffir and the dyak to the hindu and the modern european or american, are surrounded with restrictions in marriage often of the greatest stringency. and yet, since these are matters of established social custom, even of religious observance, we submit almost without knowing it. that results can be really accomplished in this direction and by this method is clearly shown by the history of the jewish people, and by the roman catholics, among whom there are distinctly fewer divorces and childless marriages than among protestants. in many countries and communities the organized church still exercises an immense influence over the whole subject of marriage: the church could easily become a powerful factor in eugenic practice. such a control can and should be given eugenic direction by the establishment of a more discriminative attitude, looking toward a reduction in the reproductivity of the dependent or defective as well as to the increased reproductivity of the valuable and able. in all of the discussion of "race suicide" and the value to the state of the large family, how seldom do we hear any mention of quality! to plan the organization and conduct of a state without regulating and controlling the quality of its membership is like adopting plans and elevations for a costly building without making any specifications as to materials. in concrete eugenic practice it seems probable that most can be accomplished for the present by striving to limit the multiplication of the undesirable, dependent, or dangerous elements of the social group. there can be less uncertainty here. the social organization has already marked certain kinds of individuals as unfit and unworthy, whose liberty must be limited in many directions for the social welfare. this aspect of the matter can be put upon a dollars and cents basis very clearly, and this is apparently the only relation that affects a good many people. why should the able and worthy and thrifty members of society be compelled to pay, as they are in this country alone, $ , , annually, not to mention the vast sums voluntarily contributed toward "charitable" purposes, for the support of the criminal and pauper and defective classes who themselves contribute nothing of value and whose very existence is evidence of criminal disregard of the right of every individual to be well born, into a healthy and sane life? the only answer, if it be an answer, is--because the competent are willing to foot the bill. millions for tribute but not one cent for defense. and yet a penny's worth of defense outweighs a million's worth of cure. in the practice of eugenics the greatest caution must be exercised. all eugenic practice must be tested by the most careful and scrutinizing scientific methods. mendelian heredity gives a different answer from job's to his own query: "who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean?" it also makes clear how it may often happen that it needs but three generations to go from fifth avenue to the bowery, and back again. many so-called criminals may be anachronisms, some only modificationally bad. but there are many cases, many practices, regarding which there can be no doubt: the eugenist says, treat these, and let the doubtful cases alone until as a result of the increase of knowledge there is no doubt. and while it is easy to say that we _believe_ the criminal or the insane are the products of a wrong environment, it is also easy to say that we believe they are not. what the eugenist demands is _knowledge_, then belief, and action based thereon. finally, the eugenic program calls for the spread of the facts, far and wide, through all classes of society. bring forcibly before the people the facts of human heredity. teach them to understand the force of the eugenic ideal of good breeding. "the prevalent opinion that almost anybody is good enough to marry is chiefly due to the fact that in this case, cause and effect, marriage and the feebleness of offspring, are so distant from each other that the near-sighted eye does not distinctly perceive the connection between them." by education we must produce first of all a thoughtfulness in the community regarding the racial responsibilities of marriage and reproduction. human beings are frequently rational creatures; placing before them clear and truthful ideas regarding fit and unfit matings cannot fail of an ultimate effect. "the virtue of repetition, the summation of suggestion, which sells pills and pickles, which makes free trade or tariff reform a national issue, this force operating as a slight but persistent influence when linked to eugenic proposals will in a few years' time make these proposals a living force to the common man." by talking and teaching, in season and out, the community will be compelled to think on these things; they will be forced into the public conscience and the pressure of public opinion will rise for the eugenic and against the noneugenic ideals of mating and the rearing of families. and the rest will come in due season and more effective and permanent results will follow than are likely to come from any amount of premature legislation. as galton writes: "the enlightenment of the individual is a necessary preamble to practical eugenics, but social opinion by praise or blame constantly influences individual conduct." "public opinion is commonly far in advance of private morality, because society as a whole keenly appreciates acts that tend to its advantage, and condemns those that do not. it applauds acts of heroism that perhaps not one of the applauders would be disposed to emulate." "the first and main point is to secure the general intellectual acceptance of eugenics as a hopeful and most important study. then let its principles work into the heart of the nation, who will gradually give practical effect to them in ways that we may not wholly foresee." in this educational part of the eugenic program, and particularly in the encouragement of research directed toward the solution of eugenic problems and the establishment of eugenic practices, there lies one of the greatest opportunities ever opened to the philanthropist. the genuine philanthropist is he who would at this moment make possible the rapid solution of many of the still baffling problems of human heredity and who would help to spread and teach the gospel of true racial integrity. but while it has been easy to interest philanthropists in the relief of social disorders, few can be interested in the causes at work which make the necessity for relief seem so imperative. the patient unraveler of the jukes family history has said, "i am informed that $ , was raised in two days to purchase a rare collection of antique jewelry and bronze recently discovered in classic ground forty feet below the _débris_. i do not hear of as many pence being offered to fathom the _débris_ of our civilization--however rich the yield!" possibly one reason for this neglect or omission has heretofore been the lack of evidence that real results could be accomplished in this field. now that it is so obvious that we have a real foundation of fact from which to work we may expect soon some degree of recognition of the supreme importance of the need for investigation in subjects allied to eugenics, and of devotion to eugenic aims. "whether or no the importance of the issues at stake comes to be recognized fully by the nation at large, individuals and families have it in their power to act on the knowledge they have acquired.... when once more the importance of good birth comes to be recognized in a new sense, ... it will be understood to be more important to marry into a family with a good hereditary record of physical, mental, and moral qualities than it ever has been considered to be allied to one with sixteen quarterings." "families in which good and noble qualities of mind and body have become hereditary form a natural aristocracy, and, if such families take pride in recording their pedigrees, marry among themselves, and establish a predominant fertility, they can assure success and position to the majority of their descendants in any political future. they can become the guardians and trustees of a sound inborn heritage, which, incorruptible and undefiled, they can preserve in purity and vigour throughout whatever period of ignorance and decay may be in store for the nation at large. neglect to hand on undimmed the priceless germinal qualities which such families possess, can be regarded only as the betrayal of a sacred trust.... "we look, then, for a day in the near future, when, in some circles at any rate, a comparison of scientific pedigrees will replace, or at all events precede, the discussion of settlements in the preliminaries to a marriage; when birth and good-breeding (in its wide sense), character and ability will be the qualities most prized in the choice of mates; when a bad ancestral strain likely to reappear in succeeding generations will suppress an incipient passion as effectually as it is now cured by a deficiency of education or a superfluity of accent." (whetham.) as matters are at present it is all too often the case that marriage is _followed_ by the disclosure or discovery of a family history of sterility, or criminality, or insanity. in a truly enlightened society the failure to make known such conditions in the antecedents to a marriage will be regarded as evidence of the greatest moral obliquity, if not of criminal misdemeanor. the wise and honored founder of eugenics looks forward to the inclusion of eugenic ideals as a factor in religion. "eugenics," galton writes, "strengthens the sense of social duty in so many important particulars that the conclusions derived from its study ought to find a welcome home in every tolerant religion." "eugenic belief extends the function of philanthropy to future generations; it renders its action more pervading than hitherto, by dealing with families and societies in their entirety; and it enforces the importance of the marriage covenant, by directing serious attention to the probable quality of the future offspring. it strongly forbids all forms of sentimental charity that are harmful to the race, while it eagerly seeks opportunity for acts of personal kindness as some equivalent to the loss of what it forbids. it brings the tie of kinship into prominence, and strongly encourages love and interest in family and race. in brief, eugenics is a virile creed, full of hopefulness, and appealing to many of the noblest feelings of our nature." and whetham adds: "hitherto the development of our race has been unconscious, and we have been allowed no responsibility for its right course. now, in the fulness of time ... we are treated as children no more, and the conscious fashioning of the human race is given into our hands. let us put away childish things, stand up with open eyes, and face our responsibilities." index index ability, heredity of, , . heredity and pedigrees of, - . acquired characteristics, relation of, to heredity, - . adaptedness, - . albinism, and order of birth, , . heredity of, . alcoholism, heritable effects of, - . american breeders' association, , . andalusian fowl, heredity of color in, - . angio-neurotic oedema, pedigree of, , . aristotle, . bagatelle board, to illustrate variability, - . bateson, william, , . bentley, madison, quoted, . biffen, r. h., . biology, and sociology, , - . eugenic applications of, - , _et seq._ biometric laboratory, . bio-sociology, . birth rate, and social status, - . decreasing, in england, . boies, abstract of winship's data of edwards family, , . booth, classification of london population, . brachydactylism, heredity of, . pedigree of, - . cataract, heredity of, . pedigree of, , . cephalic index, heredity of, , . chance, law of, - . child labor laws, effect of, , . chorea, huntington's, heredity of, . pedigree of, , . church, influence and opportunities of, . civic worth, variability of, . coefficient of correlation, , . coefficient of correlation between birth rate and social status, . positive and negative, - . significance of, . coefficient of heredity, . human, . coefficient of variability, , . human, . color blindness, heredity of, . connecticut, vasectomy statute of, - . conservation of human protoplasm, . correlation, , . coefficient of, , . social status and birth rate, - . cousin marriage, regulation of, , . criminality, and order of birth, , . increase in, . darwin, pedigree of, , . quoted, , . data, need for and collection of, . davenport, quoted, - . deaf, united states census of, . deaf and dumb, united states census of, . deaf-mutism, heredity of, . deaf-mutism, pedigree of, , . defect, and order of birth, - . defectives, number of, in great britain, . united states census of, . dependents, united states census of, . determiners, absence of, . in germ, . in mendelian heredity, - . development of the individual, . as a form of reaction, , . _die familie zero_, - . differential fertility, - . dominance, in mendelian heredity, . irregular and incomplete, . dominant characteristics, . drapers' company, . dugdale, account of "jukes" family, - . quoted, , . education, , . heritable effects of, . edwards, jonathan, descendants of, , . elderton, quoted, - . employer's liability laws, effects of, . england, falling birth rate in, . number of defectives in, , . environment, effects of, - . eugenics, aims of, , - , , . as a factor in religion, , . definition of, . encouragement of ideals of, - . history of, - . objections to, . practice of, - . program of, - . eugenics committee of american breeders' association, , . eugenics education society, . eugenics laboratory, . eugenics record office, . _eugenics review_, . external conditions, effects of, - . eye color, heredity of, , , . fabian society, . _familie zero_, - . family histories. _see_ pedigrees. feeble-minded, in great britain, . in united states, . feeble-mindedness, pedigree of, - . fellows of the royal society, mental heredity in, , . fertility, and social status, - . differential (selective), , . in normal and pathological stocks, . of various classes, , . fluctuation, . forearm, heredity in length of, . fowl, color heredity in andalusian, - . functional modification, non-inheritance of, - . galton, sir francis, illustrations of variability, , . in history of eugenics, - . on mental heredity, - . pedigree of, - . quoted, , , , , , . gametic coupling, . germ, relation of, to adult structure, . germ cells, relation of, to mendel's law, - . goddard, account of feeble-minded family, - . great britain, number of defectives, etc., , . greece, , . guinea-pig, heredity of color in, - . hæmophilia, heredity of, . hair color and curliness, heredity of, , . harrow, mental heredity in students of, . head measurements, heredity of, . heredity, coefficient of, , . definition of, . human, - . mendelian formula of, - . in human traits, . need for studies in, , . of acquired characters (modifications), - . psychic characters, - . relation of, to eugenics, , . statistical formula of, , - . heron, david, birth rate, and net fertility of social classes, , - . homicides, number of, in united states, . huntington's chorea, heredity of, . pedigree of, , . idiots, statistics of, . imbeciles, statistics of, . imbecility, heredity of, . immunity, relation of, to heredity of disease, - . index of variability, . indiana, vasectomy statute of, , . infection, heredity of, diseases and defects due to, - . infertility, pedigree of, , . inheritance. _see_ heredity. insane, statistics of, - . insanity, and order of birth, - . associated with alcoholism, , . _internationale gesellschaft für rassen-hygiene_, . jennings, . johannsen, . jordan, david starr, quoted, . jörger, _die familie zero_, - . "jukes" family, - . keratosis, heredity of, . lankester, sir e. ray, "kingdom of man," - . quoted, . _l'elite_, . lobster claw, heredity of, . pedigree of, , . london, number of children in, . university of, . man's place in nature, , . marriage, antecedents to, , . restrictions in, - . mediocrity, . mendel, gregor, , . mendelian formula of heredity, - . mendelism and eugenic practice, , . mendel's law, and unit characters, - . characteristics inherited according to, , . human, , . complications of, . present limitations of, - . mental ability, pedigrees of, - . mental defect, heredity of, , , , - . mental traits, heredity of, - . models, illustrating variability and variation, , - . murders, number of, . mutation, - . national association of british and irish millers, . natural selection, - , . nettleship, pedigree of night blindness, - . night blindness, heredity of, . pedigrees of, , , , . normal frequency curve, - . nurture, , . oedema, pedigree of angio-neurotic, - . ohio institution for the feeble-minded, superintendent quoted, . oneida community, . ontogeny, . oöphorectomy (oöphorotomy), - . order of birth and pathological defect, - . oxford, mental heredity in graduates of, , . paupers, united states census of, . pearson, karl, , , . heredity in school children, , . quoted, - , - , - . pedigrees of ability, - . pedigrees of angio-neurotic oedema, , . of brachydactylism, - . of cataract, , . of deaf-mutism, , . of feeble-mindedness, - . of huntington's chorea, , . of infertility, , . of lobster claw or split hand, - . of night blindness, - . of polydactylism, , . of tuberculosis, - . plato, , . ploetz, dr. alfred, . poellman, family described by, . polydactylism, heredity of, . pedigree of, , . population, of europe and north america, , . practice of eugenics, - . prisoners, number of, in united states, , . probability, law of, - . pure bred, . pure line, , . recessive characteristics, . regression, - . regression line, , . rentoul, statistics of defectives, . rentoul's operation, - . research, in the eugenic program, and need for, - . restrictions in marriage, , , , . royal society, mental heredity in fellows of, , . school children, heredity in, , . schuster, on mental heredity, , . scottish commission, statistics of insane, . selective fertility, - . sex limited heredity, . size of family, , . and relative proportion of defectives, . social practices, investigation of, - . opposed to eugenics, , . social status, and birth rate, - . social variation, . society for social and racial hygiene (munich), . sociological society, . sociology, aims of, , . and biology, , - . span, heredity of, . species, relation of, to pure line, . split hand. _see_ lobster claw. sports, . standard deviation, . statistical formula of heredity, , , - . stature, heredity of, . of mothers, , . sterilization, eugenic value of, - . statutes permitting, - . "studies in national deterioration," . symbols used in pedigrees, . syndactylism, heredity of, . theognis, . thomson, . "treasury of human inheritance," . symbols used by, - . tredgold, quoted, , . tuberculosis, and order of birth, , . associated with alcoholism, . pedigree of pulmonary, , . typhoid fever, eradication of, . unit characters, . list of, , . unit characters, relation of, to mendel's law, - . united states census reports, statistics of defectives, etc., - . university of london, . variability, - . measure (coefficient) of, - . of human traits, , . variation, - . and modification, . application of, in eugenics, - . distinguished from variability, , . vasectomy, - . connecticut statute permitting, - . indiana statute permitting, , . wallace, alfred russell, . warbasse, quoted, . webb, sidney, . wheat, new varieties of, , . whetham, quoted, , , , , - , . winship, data regarding edwards family, , . woods, heredity in royalty, . _zero, die familie_, - . transcriber's notes . passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_. . illustration captions are indicated by =caption=. . images and tables have been moved from the middle of a paragraph to the closest paragraph break. . figure is missing from the scanned pages even though there is no break in the continuity of page numbers. . the word oedema uses an oe ligature in the original. . the following misprints have been corrected: "stattistical" corrected to "statistical" (page ) removed stray bracket in "second parent)" (page ) added period at end of abbreviation "n.s.w" (page ) "conditons" corrected to "conditions" (page ) . other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation, hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained. transcriber's notes: obvious typographical errors have been corrected and a few punctuation usages have been normalized. [illustration: courtesy of new york world more babies like these these nine little tots are all sound, healthy stock. the generations behind them had unconsciously been practicing eugenics through the process of natural selection. by luck, as it were, no strain was bred into the several families that would have caused these children to be unsound mentally, morally, or physically. it is through eugenics that we shall have more babies like these, and shall eliminate the possibility of children like those shown in the other illustrations to this volume.] the eugenic marriage a personal guide to the new science of better living and better babies by w. grant hague, m.d. college of physicians and surgeons (columbia university), new york; member of county medical society, and of the american medical association in four volumes volume iv new york the review of reviews company copyright, , by w. grant hague copyright, , by w. grant hague * * * * * table of contents accidents and emergencies chapter xxxiv common diseases of the nose, mouth and chest page "catching cold"--sitting on the floor--kicking the bedclothes off--inadequate head covering--subjecting baby to different temperatures suddenly--wearing rubbers--direct infection--acute nasal catarrh--acute coryza--acute rhinitis--"cold in the head"--"snuffles"--treatment of acute nasal catarrh, or rhinitis, or coryza, or "cold in the head," or "snuffles"--chronic nasal catarrh--chronic rhinitis--chronic discharge from the nose--nervous or persistent cough--adenoids as a cause of persistent cough--croup--acute catarrhal laryngitis--spasmodic croup--false croup--tonsilitis--angina--sore throat--symptoms of tonsilitis--treatment of tonsilitis--bronchitis in infants--bronchitis in older children--"don'ts" in bronchitis--diet in bronchitis--inhalations in bronchitis-- external applications in bronchitis--drugs in bronchitis-- chronic or recurrent bronchitis--pneumonia--acute broncho-pneumonia--symptoms of broncho-pneumonia--how to tell when a child has broncho-pneumonia--treatment of broncho-pneumonia--the after treatment of broncho-pneumonia--adenoids--how to tell when a child has adenoids--treatment of adenoids--nasal hemorrhage-- "nose-bleeds"--treatment of nose-bleeds--quinsy--hiccough-- sore-mouth--stomatitis--treatment of ulcers of the mouth-- sprue--thrush chapter xxxv diseases of the stomach and gastro-intestinal canal inflammation of the stomach--acute gastritis--persistent vomiting--acute gastric indigestion--iced champagne in persistent vomiting--acute intestinal diseases of children-- conditions under which they exist and suggestions as to remedial measures--acute intestinal indigestion--symptoms of acute intestinal indigestion--treatment of acute intestinal indigestion--children with whom milk does not agree--chronic, or persistent intestinal indigestion-- acute ileo-colitis--dysentery--enteritis--enter-colitis-- inflammatory diarrhea--chronic ileo-colitis--chronic colitis--summer diarrhea--cholera infantum--gastro-enteritis-- acute gastro-enteric infection--gastro-enteric intoxication--colic--appendicitis--jaundice in infants--jaundice in older children--catarrhal jaundice--gastro-duodenitis--intestinal worms--worms, thread, pin and tape--rupture chapter xxxvi diseases of children (continued) page mastitis, or inflammation of the breasts in infancy--mastitis in young girls--let your ears alone--never box a child's ears--do not pick the ears--earache--inflammation of the ear--acute otitis--swollen glands--acute adenitis-- swollen glands in the groin--boils--hives--nettle rash-- prickly heat--ringworm in the scalp--eczema--poor blood--simple anemia--chlorosis--severe anemia--pernicious anemia chapter xxxvii diseases of children (continued) rheumatism--malaria--rashes of childhood--pimples--acne-- blackheads--convulsions--fits--spasms--bed-wetting--enuresis-- incontinence--sleeplessness--disturbed sleep--nightmare-- night terrors--headache--thumb sucking--biting the finger nails--colon irrigation--how to wash out the bowels--a high enema--enema--methods of reducing fever--ice cap--cold sponging--cold pack--the cold bath--various baths--mustard baths--hot pack--hot bath--hot air, or vapor bath--bran bath--tepid bath--cold sponge--shower bath--poultices--hot fomentations--how to make and how to apply a mustard paste--how to prepare and use the mustard pack--turpentine stupes--oiled silk, what it is and why it is used diseases of children chapter xxxviii infectious or contagious diseases rules to be observed in the treatment of contagious diseases-- what isolation means--the contagious sick room--conduct and dress of the nurse--feeding the patient and nurse--how to disinfect the clothing and linen--how to disinfect the urine and feces--how to disinfect the hands--disinfection of the room necessary--how to disinfect the mouth and nose--how to disinfect the throat--receptacle for the sputum--care of the skin in contagious diseases--convalescence after a contagious disease--disinfecting the sick chamber--the after treatment of a disinfected room--how to disinfect the bed clothing and clothes--mumps--epidemic parotitis--chicken pox-- varicella--la grippe--influenza--diphtheria--whooping cough--pertussis--measles--koplik's spots--department of health rules in measles--scarlet fever--scarlatina-- typhoid fever--various solutions--boracic acid solution--normal salt solution--carron oil--thiersch's solution--solution of bichloride of mercury--how to make various solutions accidents and emergencies chapter xxxix accidents and emergencies accidents and emergencies--contents of the family medicine chest--foreign bodies in the eye--foreign bodies in the ear--foreign bodies in the nose--foreign bodies in the throat--a bruise or contusion--wounds--arrest of hemorrhage--removal of foreign bodies from a wound--cleansing a wound--closing and dressing wounds--the condition of shock--dog bites--sprains--dislocations--wounds of the scalp--run-around--felon--whitlow--burns and scalds miscellaneous chapter xl miscellaneous the dangerous housefly--diseases transmitted by flies--homes should be carefully screened and protected--the breeding places of flies--special care should be given to stables, privy vaults, garbage, vacant lots, foodstuffs, water fronts, drains--precautions to be observed--how to kill flies--moths--what physicians are doing--radium--x-ray treatment and x-ray diagnosis--aseptic surgery--new anesthetics--vaccine in typhoid fever--" "--transplanting the organs of dead men into the living--bacteria that make soil barren or productive--anti-meningitis serum--a serum for malaria in sight * * * * * accidents and emergencies chapter xxxiv common diseases of the nose, mouth, and chest "catching cold"--sitting on the floor--kicking the bed clothes off--inadequate head covering--subjecting baby to different temperatures suddenly--wearing rubbers--direct infection--acute nasal catarrh--acute coryza--acute rhinitis--"cold in the head"--"snuffles"--treatment of acute nasal catarrh, or rhinitis, or coryza, or "cold in the head," or "snuffles"--chronic nasal catarrh--chronic rhinitis--chronic discharge from the nose--nervous or persistent cough--adenoids as a cause of persistent cough--croup--acute catarrhal laryngitis--spasmodic croup--false croup--tonsilitis--angina--sore throat--symptoms of tonsilitis--treatment of tonsilitis--bronchitis in infants--bronchitis in older children--"don'ts" in bronchitis--diet in bronchitis--inhalations in bronchitis--external applications in bronchitis--drugs in bronchitis--chronic or recurrent bronchitis--pneumonia--acute broncho-pneumonia--symptoms of broncho-pneumonia--how to tell when a child has broncho-pneumonia--treatment of broncho-pneumonia--the after-treatment of broncho-pneumonia--adenoids--how to tell when a child has adenoids--treatment of adenoids--nasal hemorrhage--"nose-bleeds"--treatment of nose-bleeds--quinsy--hiccough--sore mouth--stomatitis--treatment of ulcers of the mouth--sprue--thrush. "catching colds" mothers frequently wonder where their children get colds. briefly we will point out some of the sources from which these apparently inexplicable colds may come. a. sitting on the floor.--children should not be allowed to sit or crawl upon the floor at any season of the year, but especially during the winter months. there is always a draught of cold air near the floor. it is a bad habit to begin allowing a child to play with its toys on the floor. use the bed or a sofa or a platform raised a foot from the floor. b. kicking the bed clothes off during the night.--the bed clothes should be securely pinned to the mattress by large safety pins. when it is established as a habit a child who kicks off the bed clothes should wear a combination night suit with "feet," made of flannel during the winter and of cotton during the summer. c. inadequate head covering.--professor kerley states that this is one of the "most frequent causes of disease of the respiratory tract in the young." he calls attention to the fact that "mothers carefully clothe the baby with ample coats, blankets, leggings, etc., before they take him out for the daily walk. they dress him in a warm room taking plenty of time to put on the extra clothes, during which time the baby frets and perspires. when all is ready they place upon the hot, almost bald head of the baby a light artistically decorated airy creation which is sold in the shops as children's caps. the child is then taken out of doors and because of the inadequate covering of the hot perspiring head, catches cold and the mother never knows how it came." every baby and child should wear under such caps a skull cap of thin flannel, especially in cold weather. in summer or windy day a light silk handkerchief folded under the cap is a very excellent protection. d. subjecting a baby to different temperatures suddenly, is liable to be followed by a cold--for example, taking the child from a warm room to a cold room, or through a cold hall, holding the child at an open window for a few moments. e. the practice of wearing rubbers needs some consideration.--they should never be worn indoors for even five minutes. they should not therefore be kept on in school, nor should they be worn by women in stores when they go shopping. when it is actually raining, or snowing, or when there is slush or wet mud they are needful; but they should not be worn simply because the weather is threatening or damp. children should not put them on to play--worn for any length of time when active they are harmful. if worn to and from school they should be taken off at once when in school or at home. wearing rubbers prevents free evaporation of the natural secretion of the skin, keeps the feet moist and invites colds and catarrh. in damp weather, or when children play during winter months, they should be shod with stout shoes with cork insoles. the same argument applies to storm coats of rubber, water-proof material. they should not be worn as overcoats all day, but only when going to and from school or business when it is actually storming. underclothing or hosiery should not be heavy enough to cause moisture of the skin. health demands a dry skin at all times. the necessary degree of body heat should be attained by the quality of the outer clothing, not by the quantity of the underclothing. many men and women wear heavy underclothing which causes moisture when indoors, with the result that they get surface chills when they go outside if the weather is cold and as a result catch cold. the underclothing should be just heavy enough to be comfortable indoors and the extra warmth necessary when outside should be supplied by a good overcoat or furs. f. direct infection.--a baby may catch cold if kissed or "hugged" by an adult who has a cold. catching cold while bathing is possible, but scarcely probable, if ordinary precautions are taken. it is very bad practice to permit children to use one another's handkerchiefs or the handkerchief of an adult. certain children are predisposed to attacks of "cold in the head" or acute coryza or nasal catarrh (these being the medical names for this condition). sometimes this is an inherited characteristic. there is no doubt, however, that most of these children acquire the habit by bad sanitary and hygienic surroundings. these children do not as a rule get enough fresh air. they are kept indoors most of the time in stuffy, overheated, badly ventilated rooms, unless the weather is absolutely perfect. the windows in their bedrooms are always kept closed, because they are "liable to catch cold." they are overdressed and perspire easily and as a result "catch cold." these conditions all tend to create an unhealthy condition of the nasal mucous membrane and of the throat, and this is rendered worse if the child lives in a damp, changeable climate, such as that of new york city. in these susceptible children the exciting cause of an attack may be trivial; exposure, cold or wet feet, inadequate head covering (as already pointed out), a draught of cold air even may excite sneezing and a nasal discharge; hence we have: acute nasal catarrh (acute coryza, acute rhinitis, "cold in the head", "snuffles").--acute nasal catarrh may accompany measles, diphtheria, influenza, and whooping cough. symptoms.--the onset is sudden with sneezing, and difficulty in breathing through the nose. in a few hours, or it may be not for a day or two, a mucous, watery, nasal discharge appears. there are redness and slight swelling of the nose and upper lip, caused by the discharge. there is no fever as a general rule except in very young infants, in whom the fever may be very high. the discharge interferes with the nursing and the child suffers from lack of nourishment. the inflammation may extend to the eyes and ears, causing painful complications, or to the throat and bronchi, causing hoarseness and cough. less frequently we have disturbances of the digestive tract with vomiting, or diarrhea. the mild form of the disease lasts for two or three days, the severe form from one to two weeks. repeated attacks are said to contribute to the production of adenoid growths. an acute attack of this disease is seldom a serious affliction in older children; it may be, however, very serious and even dangerous in very young infants. the tendency of the disease to extend downward, causing bronchitis or pneumonia, explains in part the possible danger to a baby. another reason is because it may seriously interfere with suckling and with breathing in these little patients. it may even cause sudden attacks of strangulation. an infant, therefore, suffering with an acute attack of rhinitis requires constant attention. it may be necessary to feed it with a spoon, and if necessary mother's milk should be so fed. plenty of fresh air should be provided. it may be essential to keep the mouth open in order that it may get enough fresh air. every effort should be made to keep the nostrils open. the secretions must be removed from time to time. causing the child to sneeze by tickling the nose with a camel's hair brush will clear the nose for the time being. the physician may be compelled to use a solution of cocaine for this purpose. treatment of acute rhinitis ("taking cold", nasal catarrh, acute coryza, "snuffles").--a child suffering with an acute attack of "cold in the head" should be kept indoors in a room with a constant, uniform temperature; the particular reason for this is, that, if a child is exposed to cold at any time during an attack of "cold in the head," it may cause the disease to invade the chest,--a tendency which it has at all times. the bowels must be kept open; if they do not move every day of their own accord they must be made to move by means of an enema of sweet oil or of soap-suds. the amount of food should be reduced to suit the circumstances and the condition of the patient. we treat the local condition in the nose with a menthol mixture. the following is a very good one: menthol, grains; camphor, grains; white vaseline, ounce. put some of this on the end of the finger and push it gently into each nostril. when the nostrils become blocked and the child cannot breathe through the nose, tickle the nose with a feather until it sneezes; this will clear the passage. immediately after the sneeze place the menthol mixture in each nostril. when the child is about to sneeze place a handkerchief before the nose, as this discharge is full of germs and will infect others when dry. internal remedies should not be used unless the child is distinctly sick and is running a fever, in which case a physician should look the child over and prescribe whatever is called for. the upper lip and the nostrils of the child should be protected, because the discharge very quickly irritates the parts and renders them raw and painful. vaseline or cold cream is very suitable for this purpose. mothers should not wash out the nose of a child with any solution advised for this purpose where force is used, as, for example, with a syringe. any forceful irrigation of the nose is dangerous, because it would carry the infection into the deeper parts and set up a more serious condition. if the above treatment is carefully carried out and the child unexposed to a fresh cold, two or three days will be sufficient to cure the disease. it is not, however, the treatment of an acute attack of "cold in the head" that is important; it is intelligently to follow out a plan which will prevent these attacks from repeating themselves that is of consequence. the tendency to take cold is a real condition in childhood and a very common one. when mothers appreciate that it is possible to prevent this condition and to cure it when it is seemingly an established habit, more interest will undoubtedly be taken in the subject. too frequently it is looked upon as an unfortunate affliction, but it is never regarded as a condition that is caused by neglect and ignorance. it is an exceedingly common occurence to find a mother worrying over her child's cold, dosing it with cod liver oil or some other unnecessary tonic, rubbing it with camphorated oil or plastering it over with certain useless patent plasters, dressing it with extra pieces of flannel on its chest and extra clothes pinned snugly around it, then shutting it up in a warm, stuffy, unsanitary, ill-smelling room, in order to keep it from "catching a fresh cold." can you imagine anything else she could do to defeat her purpose? no quantity of cod liver oil, no medicine, no coddling, will remove the tendency to "catch cold." the child's life must be lived amidst sanitary surroundings and hygienic conditions first; then other expedients may be utilized if necessary. these children must be kept out of doors most of the time, unless during the severest wet weather. they should sleep in a room the windows of which are open at the top and bottom every night in the year. they should not, however, be in a draught. the rooms in which they live should be of a uniform temperature, never too hot and never too cold, between ° and ° f. these delicate catarrhal children should be accustomed to light clothing on their beds. chest protectors, mufflers, cotton pads, and heavy wraps of any description should be absolutely prohibited. it is advisable to use flannel underwear winter and summer, light in summer and a medium weight in winter. during the summer months the mother should begin cold sponging of the face, throat, chest, and spine every morning and carry it into the winter. the entire process need take only a moment or two. always dry thoroughly with a fairly rough towel. if the cold sponging is begun in the warm summer time the child will become so accustomed to it that no objection will be made when the cold weather comes. if the child continues to be "catarrhal," despite a course of this treatment, it would be well to investigate whether any adenoids or adenoid tissue exist in the naso-pharynx. if adenoids are found no treatment will be successful until they are removed. it is a wise plan to place a flannel cap on an infant who has an acute attack of "cold in the head" (snuffles). this will prevent catching a fresh cold and it will aid in the speedy cure of the attack from which it is suffering when it is put on. chronic nasal catarrh--chronic rhinitis chronic discharge from the nose some children have a nasal discharge during all of their childhood. it is usually worse during the winter months. it may be a thin, watery discharge or a thick, nasty, yellow discharge. it is a condition that is very frequently neglected even by the family physician. this is unfortunate because it may lead to serious disease, permanent damage sometimes being done to the hearing, the speech, the smell, and to the lungs of the child. it may be caused by adenoids; disease of the bones or tissues in the nose; foreign bodies in the nose; or it may occur in children whose nutrition is bad. it may result from frequent acute attacks of "cold in the head." it also occurs in other less important conditions. the foreign bodies which usually cause a chronic nasal discharge are,--buttons, peas, beans, beads, paper balls, flies and bugs, cherry-stones, small pieces of coal, or stone, cork or other material. a child gets hold of a shoe-button for example and pushes it into its nostrils. in the effort to get it out the child pushes it further in. it may or may not cause pain at the time, and it may be overlooked, but shortly the mother will notice a discharge from one nostril. this discharge becomes thick and foul and when an investigation is made the button is found embedded firmly in the nose. it is sometimes quite difficult to get the button out and this should always be done by a physician. treatment.--remove the cause first then treat the catarrh. if it is a product of a constitutional disease that causes general poor health, such as tuberculosis, syphilis, or scrofula, the child will need "building up" and a decided change of climate. foreign bodies must be removed, adenoids taken out, large tonsils excised, and malformations of the nasal bones operated upon. the catarrh will in many cases be cured by removing its cause; if, however, it should persist it must be treated for some time with appropriate solutions. these solutions and the directions as to the method of giving them must be given by a physician, because there is great danger of carrying the disease to deeper structures if given wrongly. summary:-- st.--a chronic discharge from the nose is a sign that something is wrong and should be carefully and thoroughly investigated. nd.--the cause can usually be found out and the proper treatment will cure it. rd.--if the condition is neglected it may ruin the health of the child for the whole period of its life. nervous or persistent cough cough in an infant or growing child is usually the result of a cold and the structure affected is some part of the nose, throat or bronchi. it is a comparatively simple matter to discover just where the trouble is and to prescribe the appropriate remedy and effect a cure. there is another type of cough, however, that is of quite a different character. this cough will begin as an ordinary cough and it will only be discovered that it is not an ordinary cough because nothing will apparently cure it. we mean that the child is given cough remedies that usually cure a cold, is kept in the house and carefully watched for a sufficiently long period to justify a cure, and yet, despite this care and attention, the cough remains the same. the child is not sick, the appetite is good, there is no fever, it plays and seems to enjoy good health, yet for weeks and frequently for months the annoying cough hangs on. it is as a rule worse at night. it begins soon after the child falls asleep and spoils the entire night's rest or a great part of it. it may be a dry, hard, hacking cough, or a croupy, harsh bark. it may come in spells with a considerable interval between them, during which time the child falls asleep, or it may be almost constant, not quite severe enough to rouse the child, but bad enough to spoil the child's rest and the rest of the mother. if this condition lasts for a long time, as it occasionally does, the health of the little patient is apt to suffer from loss of sleep. treatment.--these children should be taken to a good physician and thoroughly examined. special care should be devoted to investigating the condition of the nose, throat, ear, stomach, heart, and lungs. a very large majority of these coughs are caused by adenoid growths in the back part of the nose. the child may not look like an adenoid child, nor may it breathe through its mouth when asleep, and it may have had its adenoids removed, yet in spite of these contra-indications it may have enough loose adenoid tissue in its nose to cause this kind of persistent cough. this has been proved many times. it is not only useless but positively harmful to give these children cough remedies. the cause of the cough must be found and treated. the cough may be indirectly caused by anemia (poor blood) or heart or stomach trouble, or it may have a number of other causes. whatever it is it must be found by a careful physical examination or a number of careful physical examinations, because these cases are as a rule obscure and difficult to diagnose, and even the most expert examiner cannot always tell where the trouble is without seeing the child a number of times. the parents must therefore have patience and confidence in the physician and must aid him all they can by watching and reporting all the symptoms, etc., to him. (see article on adenoids). summary:-- coughs that resist careful treatment are not "ordinary coughs." coughs of this type require special medical care. the usual cough medicines are not only useless in these coughs, but dangerous. don't give them. acute catarrhal laryngitis: spasmodic croup: false croup croup is one of the common diseases of childhood. it usually follows a catarrhal "cold in the head" with a cough. croup is most frequently associated with large tonsils and adenoids. it may come on gradually or it may occur suddenly. there is always fever with croup. one of the first symptoms is a hard, dry, croupy, barking cough, which gets worse toward night. if it occurs suddenly, the child will wake about midnight with the characteristic croupy cough. the disease may go no further than this and under the proper treatment is well in a few days. in other cases, however, there develops marked interference with breathing. every inspiration is accompanied by a loud hissing or "crowing" sound. this feature of the disease is one that frightens the parents, though it seldom means anything serious. the child sits up in bed, frightened, and struggles for breath. it may clutch its throat with its hands as if something was tied round its neck. the lips may become slightly blue and the perspiration appears upon the child's brow. after some time,--it may be two or three hours,--the attack wears away and the child goes to sleep. next morning it wakes up apparently well except for the croupy cough. the attack may repeat itself the next night and mildly on the third night. treatment.--the object of treatment during an acute attack, when the child is struggling for breath, is to relax quickly the spasm of the larynx which interferes with the breathing. the simplest way is to give the child a teaspoonful of the fresh syrup of ipecac. if the child does not vomit in fifteen minutes, give another teaspoonful and keep on giving it every fifteen minutes till the child vomits. one or two doses is usually enough, but it must be given till the child vomits. if the attack comes suddenly during the night and there is no syrup of ipecac in the house, the physician should be sent for at once and informed that the child probably has croup, so he may know what to take with him. while waiting for the physician the mother should apply over the front of the neck (in the region of adam's apple), hot applications. these are best made of flannel wrung out of quite hot water every two or three minutes: also a hot mustard foot bath. when the physician takes charge of the case he will also direct the treatment for the following day in order that the attack of the next night may be a very mild one, if it should came at all. children who have a tendency to frequent attacks of croup should receive the same attention as the children do who are subject to attacks of tonsilitis and acute catarrhal rhinitis. summary:-- st. spasmodic croup always requires prompt and efficient treatment. nd. it is called "false" croup, because "true" croup is always diphtheritic and is a very serious disease. rd. for that reason a physician should always be called because if it is "true" croup antitoxin must be given at once. th. don't worry unnecessarily because, though "spasmodic croup" can make the child look exceedingly sick for a very short time, an uncomplicated case in a healthy child is seldom if ever dangerous. tonsilitis: angina: "sore throat" this is one of the frequent diseases of childhood. we rarely see it in infants. it is caused by inhaling air which contains poisonous germs. these germs quickly develop when conditions are favorable. they lodge in the pores or follicles of the tonsils and set up an active inflammation. the tonsils swell up and the follicles exude a thick fluid which looks like curdled cream. this fluid sticks in the mouths of the follicles forming spots. if enough of this fluid is coming out, these spots join together forming patches, and the patches may join together forming membrane. this is why it is sometimes so difficult to tell whether the case is one of tonsilitis or diphtheria. conditions are favorable to the development of tonsilitis if the child is not in good health when he happens to inhale the infection, when the feet are wet or cold, or when the child is allowed out during inclement weather and it becomes chilled or numbed from cold, when the child has a cold in the head and a running nose, or when its stomach is out of order. any condition in which the child should be carefully watched and tended to, rather than allowed further liberties, or risks, conduces to sore throat of some kind. some children have the disease a number of times; they seem to be predisposed toward a sore throat. these are children who have large tonsils or who are rheumatic. the tonsils should be removed in the one case, and the tendency to rheumatism should be the main treatment in the other case. these children should be encouraged to cleanse the throat and nose morning and night with a warm salt solution (half a teaspoonful of ordinary table salt to three-quarters of a cup of warm water). this will help greatly to prevent these chronic sore throats. symptoms of tonsilitis.--the disease begins suddenly. the child may have a chill or be seized with sudden vomiting or diarrhea. a very young infant may have a convulsion. the usual way is for the child to develop a fever quickly, to complain of being sick and tired. muscular pains all over the body and a severe headache are constant symptoms. the fever is usually high from the beginning. the child will tell you its throat is sore, but there is as a rule very little pain in the throat. the little spots or patches can be seen on one or both tonsils. the general symptoms are more pronounced than the local throat symptoms. the amount of physical depression that is caused by a tonsilitis is out of all proportion to the seriousness of the disease. tonsilitis lasts three days usually. the throat symptoms may take a day or two longer to clear up, and the patients feel more or less weak for some time after all the symptoms have disappeared. tonsilitis is medically regarded as one of the mild diseases of childhood. it is, however, of very great importance because of its likeness to diphtheria, and inasmuch as a positive diagnosis must be promptly made, in the interest of the patient, it is given close attention and treated with considerable respect by the medical profession. the chief differences between the two diseases are as follows: tonsilitis begins abruptly with pronounced prostration and a high fever the first day. the patient feels distinctly sick all over. the second day the patient feels somewhat better, the fever is lower and the prostration and pain are not so marked. the third day he feels better still, and but for a little weakness would feel well. diphtheria begins slowly and insidiously, with very little prostration and a very low fever the first day. the patient scarcely feels sick. the second day more prostration is present, the fever climbs upward a little more, and the patient begins to feel sick. on the third day the prostration is much more profound, the fever is higher, and all the evidences of a serious sickness are present. two very different pictures: the one begins bad and ends easy, the other begins easy and may end bad. the important fact, however, so far as the similarity of the two diseases is concerned, is, that we must make the diagnosis positive on the first or second day, because if we are dealing with a case of diphtheria we must give antitoxin at once. this is essential, because the efficacy of antitoxin is greatest when given early in the disease. by "early" we mean the first or second day of the disease. when antitoxin is given late (the third or fourth day of the disease) it is much less efficacious and must be given in relatively larger doses. the need, therefore, of a quick, positive diagnosis is a real one. another important element involved in a speedy diagnosis is, that we must not take any chances of infecting other children. so important are these conditions that it is the proper treatment to give antitoxin at once in every case of tonsilitis that in the slightest way resembles diphtheria. an examination of the throat contents,--a culture of which is taken during the first visit of the physician,--will, of course, reveal the true condition and dictate the future use of the antitoxin. antitoxin is absolutely harmless when given to a patient who has no diphtheria. every case of tonsilitis should be quarantined when there are other children in the house. the local condition of the throat helps in the diagnosis: in tonsilitis (as the name implies) the disease is limited to the tonsils and on the tonsils (one or both) do we find the spots or patches. in diphtheria, on the other hand, the membrane is not limited to the tonsils, but may cover every part of the throat and extend into the nose and mouth. in tonsilitis it is spots or patches we see in the throat. in diphtheria it is membrane we see always. the difficulty here again is that if we wait till the diphtheritic membrane covers the whole throat, antitoxin will not be of much use. in diphtheria we have a characteristic odor, in tonsilitis we have no characteristic odor. the practical lesson to be learned from this uncertainty is, immediately to get a physician as soon as you find spots in the throat of your sick child, unless you are absolutely sure that the condition is not diphtheria and you are willing to take that chance. treatment of an acute attack of tonsilitis.--put the child in bed at once and keep him on a light diet during the fever. give him all the cool boiled water he wants to drink. if the fever is very high it can be controlled by sponging the body with cool water. if the patient is an infant the food should be reduced to one-half strength. tonsilitis is a disease that runs a certain course and gets better, or the patient develops some other more serious conditions as a result of neglect or carelessness. we therefore try to make the patient comfortable and let the disease take care of itself. the throat can be gargled or sprayed with any mild antiseptic liquid, or it can be painted with tincture of iodine or per cent. solution of silver nitrate. as a rule the gargles do not aid in the cure of the disease, though they contribute to the comfort of the patient. a cold compress made of half a dozen thicknesses of cloth, such as a table napkin, and put under the jaw (not round the neck), and covered with oiled silk and held in place with a bandage that meets and is tied on the top of the head, is of distinct usefulness. when it is known that the child is rheumatic, the heart must be carefully watched during the fever and anti-rheumatic remedies depended upon to effect a cure. summary:-- tonsilitis, because of its likeness to diphtheria, must be promptly and carefully diagnosed. a physician only is capable of making a diagnosis. any sore throat in a child with spots or membrane is deserving of serious and immediate attention. a mistake may mean death. don't take a chance. bronchitis bronchitis is one of the commonest diseases of childhood. it is the cause of many deaths. exposure during inclement weather is as a rule the cause of it. it occurs in all classes and conditions of children. poorly nourished and badly clothed children are more liable to get it than are others. it is more dangerous in young children and infants than in older children. a young child or an infant will get bronchitis quicker than those older and stronger under the same conditions. bronchitis is often present while children are suffering from other diseases, measles, influenza, scarlet fever, typhoid fever, pneumonia, diphtheria, whooping-cough, for example. it may accompany any disease of childhood, however. symptoms.--in infants bronchitis usually follows a "cold in the head," with running nose and a cough. the child is indisposed and peevish because of the cold. in a few days the cough becomes worse, fever develops, the breathing is quicker, and the baby looks and acts sick. the cough may be constant and severe; sometimes the cough does not seem to bother the baby, although this is exceptional. the breathing is quite rapid and is accompanied with a moist, rattling sound in the chest. the baby is restless and if the cough is severe it becomes exhausted. vomiting or diarrhea may be present. bronchitis in older children.--bronchitis in older children comes on abruptly, with fever and cough. the child may complain of headache and pains in the chest or other parts of the body. it may begin with a chill or chilly feelings. these children "raise" with the cough. the expectoration may be quite profuse; at first it is a white, frothy mucus, then yellow, and later a yellowish green; it may be slightly tinged with blood. there is a mild form of bronchitis in these older children where the serious symptoms are absent. the children are not sick enough to go to bed, but they appear to have a "heavy cold" with, at first, a tight, hard cough, which is usually worse at night. later the cough turns loose and the same expectoration occurs as in the severe type. it is these cases of mild bronchitis which do not receive the proper care and treatment that develop into the so-called "winter cough," which lasts for months. treatment.--(see page under heading, "catching colds.") children who acquire bronchitis easily and frequently, should be built up. cod liver oil should be given all winter. the sleeping apartment of these children should not be too cold, but it should be well aired through the day and well ventilated throughout the night. flannel night clothes should be worn and the feet should be kept warm always. mild attacks of "cold in the head" should be treated vigorously and not neglected. the following "don'ts" may be profitably studied when your child or baby has bronchitis:-- don't keep the windows tightly closed; fresh air and good ventilation are absolutely necessary to the patient. don't use a cotton jacket or oil silk. don't wrap the child up in blankets and shawls. don't carry the child around; keep it in bed. don't dose the child with syrupy cough mixtures. don't overheat the room. don't let friends bother or annoy the baby. don't reduce the diet unnecessarily. the child should be put to bed. the temperature of the room should be degrees f. all the time. the windows should be opened top and bottom according to the weather, and the room should be well aired every day, the patient being taken to another room while it is being done. the child should have its usual night clothes on, nothing more. if the child is not very sick and insists on sitting up, a bath robe can be worn but it should be always removed when it sleeps. it is advisable to change the position of the baby from time to time. have it rest on one side, then on the other, as well as on the back. give a dose of castor oil at the beginning of the sickness and keep the bowels open during the disease. diet.--the diet will depend upon the severity of the disease. if the fever is high and the cough persistent, the strength of the food of nursing infants should be reduced. we can reduce the strength of the food by giving the child a drink of cool boiled water before each feeding and shortening the length of each feeding. older children may be given toast, milk with lime water, cocoa with milk, broths, gruels, custards, cereals and fruit juices. inhalations.--the value of inhalations in bronchitis is very great. the ordinary croup kettle, which can be bought in any good drug store, is the best method of giving them. full directions come with each kettle as to the best way to use it. the best drug to use in the kettle is creosote (beechwood). ten drops are added to one quart of boiling water and the steaming continued for thirty minutes. the interval between steaming is two hours and a half in bad cases day and night. in mild cases the night treatments can be dispensed with. sheets rigged up over the top and sides of the crib, in the form of a tent, is the most desirable way to give the inhalations. external applications.--counter-irritation by means of mustard pastes are the best applications. they should be put back and front--one on back and one on the chest, overlapping at the sides beneath the arms. they should cover the entire body from the waist line to the neck. these pastes are made as follows:--mix the mustard (english) and the flour in the following proportions, using a quantity according to the size of child and area to be covered; one tablespoonful mustard to three tablespoonfuls of flour. mix with lukewarm water until a paste is formed, not too thick and not too thin. spread on a cloth (put plenty on) and cover with one layer of cheesecloth and place the cheesecloth side next the skin. in order to guard against burning the skin it is advisable to rub the skin with vaseline, before and after putting on the paste. the paste should be left on until the skin is uniformly red. it may be applied from two to four times in the twenty-four hours according to the severity of the case. mustard pastes are most effective during the first two or three days of the disease. drugs.--drugs are of very little value in the treatment of bronchitis. in the first stage of the disease, when the cough is hard and dry, small doses of castor oil and syrup of ipecac may be given to good advantage. the following dosage should be followed closely: st year, drops castor oil, drops syrup of ipecac, every two hours; rd year, drops castor oil, drops syrup of ipecac, every two hours; over years, drops castor oil, drops syrup of ipecac, every two hours. the benefits from this treatment will be obtained in the first two or three days, when it should be discontinued. the cough under this treatment and the use of the mustard paste and inhalations of creosote will be soft and loose in two or three days and the fever will be distinctly on the mend. the disease lasts from five to ten days. it may, however, last much longer according to the condition of the child, etc. there are other drugs that can be given, with good effect, but when other remedies are indicated a physician should be called to prescribe them according to indications. summary:-- bronchitis is one of the commonest diseases of childhood. it is the cause of many deaths. a large number of children have a tendency to bronchitis. these children need careful attention and "building up." do not neglect a "little" cold. it means trouble. chronic or recurrent bronchitis.--bronchitis becomes chronic when the treatment of an acute attack fails to cure the condition. the failure usually is dependent upon the condition of the child. it may be suffering with some disease resulting from poor nourishment or poor sanitary and hygienic surroundings or both. the bronchitis, in other words, is dependent upon some other condition, and will not get wholly better until the cause is cured. these children should lead an active outdoor life when the weather is favorable. their sleeping-room should be well aired and ventilated. red meats are allowed twice a week only. sugar is cut down to the lowest limit. skimmed milk only should be taken--the cream being too rich for them. they can eat freely of fruits in season, green vegetables and cereals. the bowels must move freely every day. patients must be given a lukewarm bath, followed by a brief spray of cold water, daily. the cold spray should not be too cold; about degrees f. is the suitable temperature of the water. an absolute change of climate, to a warmer inland atmosphere, is imperative before some of these patients will begin to improve. summary:-- a child with chronic bronchitis, or with frequent attacks of bronchitis (or chronic colds), is usually suffering from some other diseased condition. the bronchitis, or the cold, will not get better until you find out what that "other diseased condition" is. it takes a physician to find that out. having found the cause, cure it, and the bronchitis will disappear and the general health of the child will immediately improve. pneumonia pneumonia is a very common disease in childhood. it is the most frequent complication of the various acute infectious diseases. pneumonia is an exceedingly important factor in the mortality of infancy. there are two kinds of pneumonia:-- . broncho-pneumonia. . lobar-pneumonia. acute broncho-pneumonia.--up to the fourth year this is the form of pneumonia always present. it is the form that always complicates other diseases all through childhood. it is most apt to occur during the spring and winter months. it affects all classes, but especially those whose hygienic surroundings are poor. catching cold is the exciting cause in a large percentage of primary pneumonias. symptoms.--broncho-pneumonia has no regular course. it may or it may not follow a cold or an attack of bronchitis. as a rule it begins suddenly with a high fever, frequently accompanied by vomiting, rapid respiration, cough, and prostration. the child does not maintain a high fever continuously; it varies considerably throughout each twenty-four hours. it lasts from one to three weeks, and subsides gradually. the respirations vary between and per minute, though they may be much more frequent than this. the child breathes with apparent difficulty, the soft parts of the cheeks and nose rising and falling as it breathes. the prostration becomes, as the disease progresses, more and more marked, until the child looks profoundly sick. cough is a constant and incessant symptom. it disturbs rest and sleep and may cause frequent vomiting. there is no expectoration. a strong cough is a good symptom; if it stops it is a bad symptom. pain is seldom present. blueness of the skin is a bad sign and indicates failure of respiration and suggests constant and careful watching. delirium may be present during the disease. it is not necessarily a bad sign. accompanying stomach troubles are frequent if the patient is very young, and are very important. the bowels may be loose; they may be green in color and contain much mucus. large quantities of gas may accumulate in the intestines and may cause much distress and convulsions. death may occur at any time or the process may be arrested and recovery take place at any stage of the disease. broncho-pneumonia is not necessarily a fatal disease in a fairly healthy child. it is, however, always a serious disease. various complications may occur in the course of the disease. the most frequent are: pleurisy, emphysema, abscess of the lung, meningitis, heart disease, stomach troubles, thrush, intestinal disease. how to tell when a child has broncho-pneumonia.--if a child develops a high fever, breathes rapidly, coughs, and is content to lie in bed because of the degree of prostration, broncho-pneumonia is almost certain to be the disease present. if in addition to these symptoms there is any blueness of the fingers or around the mouth it is more strongly suggestive of pneumonia. if the child has been suffering with bronchitis it is sometimes difficult to tell just when the pneumonia begins. the child will appear more profoundly sick, the fever will go higher, and the respiration will be more frequent when pneumonia sets in on top of bronchitis. treatment.--the nursing of a little patient with pneumonia is the most important part. he must get plenty of fresh air; consequently he should be kept in a well-ventilated room. it is an excellent plan to change the patient twice daily from the sick room into another which has previously been thoroughly aired. while he is in this room the sick room should be as thoroughly aired as is possible. keep this plan up all through the disease; change the position of the patient in bed every two hours. he should never be allowed to lie on his back for hours at a time. in this way the different parts of the lungs get a chance to air themselves,--the air cells expand and the oxygen in the air and the fresh blood tend to heal the parts more quickly. it would be distinctly wrong to go into the detailed symptomatic treatment of broncho-pneumonia in a book of this character. inasmuch as this is one of the most serious diseases of infancy, no mother should attempt to treat it alone. a physician is absolutely necessary and the most the mother can hope to do is to follow out his directions to the letter. he may direct the use of mustard pastes but it is essential to know where to apply them. if he should request the use of the cotton jacket, the height and character of the fever must regulate its use. stimulants are always necessary, whisky and strychnine being given in every case, but if given at the wrong time they may do more harm than good. cough mixtures may be necessary, but frequently they are contra-indicated. drugs and cold sponging may be used to reduce the fever, but they are dangerous if used when conditions do not justify their use. complications must be diagnosed when they occur, and the correct methods of treatment promptly instituted. a competent physician alone can assume the responsibility of these various phases of the disease. every mother should appreciate, however, that pneumonia is frequently the result of carelessness. it is a well-known fact that pneumonia is an infrequent disease among children of the well-to-do, because the hygienic surroundings of these children are better and because they receive competent attention if suffering with colds and bronchitis. bronchitis is quite common in all classes of children, but in the lower walks of life it is the custom to allow children to run around while they give every sign of having a heavy cold, and a beginning bronchitis. these children should receive treatment and should be kept indoors and in bed if they have even a slight fever, as pneumonia is frequently the inevitable outcome. they should be carefully fed, and all signs of stomach or intestinal troubles attended to at once. [illustration: by permission of henry h. goddard a grim result isaac is , although mentally . he is a high-grade moron. this is one of those all too frequent instances[a] "of a feeble-minded woman with a husband who is alcoholic and the offspring either feeble-minded or miscarriages." "isaac is exceedingly dangerous. he is a potential criminal or bad man, or under the best conditions would at least marry and probably become the father of defectives like himself." this and the succeeding pictures in this volume contrast vividly with the frontispiece. terrible are the results when we disregard the inevitable laws of nature, and so mate ourselves that our children will be parasites on society.] [a] "feeble-mindedness; its causes and consequences", goddard, the macmillan company. the after-treatment of pneumonia is important, and every detail has a distinct bearing on the ultimate recovery and establishment of good health. careful feeding, a good tonic, and the proper attention to exercise, fresh air and bathing are requisite. a change of air after the fever is gone is more important than all other measures put together. a dry, warm climate where patients can be kept in the open air is preferable. the danger of allowing a slow, long drawn-out convalescence after pneumonia is the development of tuberculosis. adenoids adenoids are very common, almost popular, in childhood. the condition is one that causes more real trouble and discomfort than any other childhood affliction. adenoids are associated with, and are responsible for, many of the ailments of childhood. they may be associated with enlarged tonsils or they may be independent of them. they may be present at birth or develop any time thereafter, though they are more frequent between the ages of two and six years. children who have adenoids invariably suffer from chronic "head-colds" with a discharge from the nose. these chronic colds are caused by the adenoids. nearly every disease, and every diseased, or abnormal, condition of the nose, throat, larynx, and lungs can be directly caused by the presence of adenoids. they are also responsible for numerous other conditions of very grave importance in the growing child. the accompanying "head-colds" may develop into a bronchitis which may keep the child indoors for a long period. adenoids always interfere with respiration, thereby depriving the child of a normal quantity of oxygen, thus rendering the blood less pure, and, as a consequence, seriously interfering with the nourishment and general health. the impaired nourishment and poor health thus produced, as a direct result of adenoids, renders the child more liable to disease; he may thus acquire ailments that may affect his whole subsequent life. the mental side of a child's development is also affected by the presence of adenoids, so much so that actual statistics prove that these children cannot keep up with their classes in the public school. we must therefore regard the presence of adenoids as a serious menace to the health and comfort of the patient. it has already been pointed out in discussing other diseases that before a cure of these diseases could be permanently accomplished it would be absolutely necessary to remove the adenoids, which were, no doubt, the actual cause, or an important contributing cause, of the disease. such conditions as catarrhal laryngitis, croup, chronic recurring winter coughs, acute catarrhal rhinitis, "snuffles", "cold in the head", chronic catarrh, bronchial asthma, incontinence of urine, "bed-wetting", "nose-bleeding", headaches in growing children, anemia, deafness, night terrors, defective speech, diphtheria, consumption, are frequently caused by the presence of adenoids. these patients contract certain diseases easier than other children, and when they do, they have them more severely; such diseases are diphtheria, tuberculosis, scarlet fever, measles, and whooping cough. adenoid children are, as a rule, in better health during the warm, equable, summer weather than during the changeable, uncertain weather we have in the winter months. if the case is neglected, and if the adenoids have existed for a long time, the growth of the child is impaired. he remains small and stunted, and the expression of the face is dull and stupid. the temperament and disposition are affected also; such children are languid, listless and depressed. how to tell when a child has adenoids.--children with well-developed adenoids are "mouth-breathers." instead of breathing through the nose they breathe with the mouth open, especially when sound asleep. if a child has a discharge from its nose and a chronic cough, both of which resist treatment, and if in addition it is a mouth-breather, it is safe to investigate the naso-pharynx for adenoids. if a child with these symptoms is not in good health, is listless and depressed, looks stupid, snores at night, has difficulty in breathing and cannot blow its nose satisfactorily, is troubled occasionally with "nose bleeds" and headaches, we may be satisfied that the child has adenoids, as no other condition could produce such a picture. adenoids, like enlarged tonsils, are dangerous, apart from the physical distress and disease which they cause, owing to the fact that they harbor deadly bacteria, and from these bacteria, which find a lodgment in the adenoids and tonsils, a fatal attack of diphtheria or consumption may have its beginning. treatment of adenoids.--absolute removal is the only justifiable treatment. this is rendered imperative for so many reasons that it is unnecessary to go into details in justification of the procedure. the physical well-being, the mental development, the life of the child depend upon it. any parent who would wittingly interpose an objection to the removal of his or her child's adenoids, after they have been demonstrated to exist, would be guilty of a grave crime. the operation itself is not at all dangerous. it is over in a few moments and the child is well in an hour or two, so far as any pain or suffering is concerned. physicians are frequently asked if adenoids "grow" again after removal. the answer is, "yes," they sometimes do. in a very small percentage of the cases they do return. the older the child is when they are removed the less chance there is of a recurrence. a child operated on before it is two years of age is more liable to a recurrence than a child operated on at six years of age. this must not, however, be construed as an excuse for putting an operation off, because if a child needs an operation at two years and it is postponed till later, its health will be permanently injured before it is four years of age. summary:-- . adenoids cause more trouble and more actual disease than any other condition during childhood. . it is a crime for a parent to refuse operation if the presence of adenoids has been proved. . removal is the only treatment and it should be done in every case as soon as possible. . the operation is a trivial one and is free from danger. nasal hemorrhage--"nose bleeds" a hemorrhage from the nose may occur at any time from birth on. it depends upon the rupture of one or more blood vessels. the great majority of "nose-bleeds" are caused by adenoids, or by a small ulcer in the nose, or by an injury, such as a blow or fall. a nasal hemorrhage, however, may be caused by other, more serious conditions, and for that reason may justify a careful inquiry into the cause, especially if bleeding should occur a number of times, or be of a serious character the first time. of the more common causes as given above, the adenoids should be removed, and the chronic catarrh which is invariably the cause of the ulcer should be cured. treatment of an acute attack.--have the patient sit erect; loosen all tight clothing around neck; fold the hands over the head; apply cold to the back of the neck and the nose. pieces of ice can be put into the nostril and the ice bag to the nape of the neck, or a piece of ice can be put into a folded napkin and held on the back of the neck. taking a long breath and holding it as long as possible and repeating it while the ice is being applied is an aid. placing the feet in hot mustard water is of decided use. another excellent expedient is to wrap absorbent cotton round a smooth probe (piece of whalebone, for example), dip the cotton in an alum-water mixture (half teaspoonful powdered alum in a half cupful of water), and then push it into the bleeding nostril as far as you can with gentle force. a valuable remedy is peroxide of hydrogen used full strength and freely dropped into the nostril. if these measures fail, send for a physician at once. summary:-- st. nose bleeds may be caused by some serious condition. nd. if they occur a number of times have the child examined. rd. if the treatment outlined above does not stop the bleeding in a few moments send immediately for a physician. quinsy quinsy is not common in childhood. it usually follows tonsilitis when it is seen. the child complains of pain in the neck, extreme pain and difficulty upon swallowing, and inability to open the mouth as much as usual. there is a tendency to hold the head to one side. the treatment is to open the abscess at the earliest moment after pus is present. hiccough hiccough is, in most cases, in infancy and childhood caused by some irritation of the stomach, may be over-filled with food or gas. in these cases it is an unimportant incident and may be quickly relieved by giving the child an enema of soap-water and a laxative of rhubarb and soda. infrequently hiccough may be the result of cold feet, or a surface chill. simple methods of relief are, to hold the breath, to expire, or blow the breath out as long as possible before taking the next breath; to sip water from a cup held by another person while the tips of the two fore-fingers are in the ears. hiccough is quite frequent in hysteria in girls, but it is of no consequence. when hiccoughs set in during the course of any serious disease it is a very unfavorable sign. sore mouth: stomatitis stomatitis is an inflammation of the mucous membrane (inner lining) of the mouth. the gums and the inner surface of the lips and cheeks may be red and angry-looking. there may be small grayish spots on any part of the mouth. if the case is very bad or if it has lasted some time and has been neglected, these spots grow larger and join together forming irregular grayish plaques. a large percentage of the cases never go further than this because the proper care and attention is given them. it is possible, however, for any case to progress further and become ulcerative. this will be observed first as a faint yellow line at the margin of the teeth and gum. ulceration never takes place unless the child has teeth. the quantity of saliva is very greatly increased, so much so that it flows out of the mouth soiling the clothes. the saliva is intensely acid and it consequently irritates the skin, causing more or less eczema. the mouth is painful and hot. there is slight fever, but seldom any marked prostration. if, however, the ulceration should be severe, the fever may be quite high. there is one feature of these cases that sometimes proves vexatious and annoying. because of the soreness of the mouth, the child cannot draw strongly enough on the nipple to get a normal feeding, and as a result the nutrition of the child is poor. these children are hungry and when offered the nipple grasp it greedily, draw a few mouthfuls then stop because of the pain and begin to cry. if the ulceration is extensive, there is usually an odor and the gums bleed easily. sometimes the teeth fall out or have to be drawn out. strong, well-fed children are as likely to develop stomatitis as are those who are weakly and ill fed. the disease is caused by infection and is contagious. just what the infection is we do not know; we do, however, know that children whose mouths are carefully cleaned after each feeding do not have sore mouths of this character. when cleaning the mouth care must be observed not to injure the tender mucous membrane. treatment.--as soon as the condition is observed mouth-washing should be systematically and thoroughly carried out. after each feeding the mouth should be washed with a saturated solution of boric acid in boiled water. (see page .) it is not necessary to use any further treatment, as a rule. patients recover in four to eight days. strict attention to cleanliness, however, is imperative. the feeding bottle and nipple, or the mother's nipple, if breast fed, must be kept scrupulously clean. the feeding of these children is sometimes a problem for a day or two, because, as stated above, of the soreness of the mouth. this is best overcome by feeding the baby with a spoon. if breast fed, it is necessary to pump the milk and then feed with the spoon. children will take the milk better if it is fed cold. cold boiled water is largely taken and is good for them at this time. treatment for ulcers in mouth.--the ulcers should be touched with a camel's-hair brush which has been dipped into finely powdered burnt alum. if a stronger caustic is necessary, the solid stick of nitrate of silver may be used. a mouth wash may also be used in the ulcerative cases, composed of the peroxide of hydrogen diluted with two parts of water. if this is used wash the mouth out afterward with plain, cool, boiled water. the peroxide mouth wash can be used four or five times daily. in addition to the mouth washing in the ulcerative cases it is advisable to use internally chlorate of potash. the druggist should be requested to make a two-ounce saturated solution, and of this you can give one-half teaspoonful, largely diluted with cool water, every hour during the day for the first twenty-four hours, then every two hours until marked improvement is shown, when it can be further reduced by lengthening the interval between doses. sprue--thrush sprue is a form of sore mouth. it is seen only during the first six months of life, as a rule. it affects the mucous membrane of the mouth; it appears in the form of small white spots that look like drops of curdled milk. they are on the inner surface of the cheek and may be all over the mouth, and on the tongue. the spots are firmly attached, and if forcibly removed the mucous membrane will bleed. the disease is caused by infection through lack of cleanliness and it invariably affects poorly nourished children, especially those who are bottle-fed. there are no symptoms other than those of the mouth; the child frequently refuses to nurse because of evident pain and distress while nursing. the condition is not contagious. it may be cured in from six to eight days without difficulty. treatment.--mouth irrigations of boracic acid are all that are necessary. they are given in the following way: place the child on its side, roll around the index finger a piece of absorbent cotton, dip this in a saturated solution of boracic acid, and put into the mouth of the child. let the cotton take up as much of the solution as it will hold, so that when it is lightly pressed on the tongue and cheeks it will flow out of the mouth, thus "irrigating the mouth." repeat this a number of times, pressing the cotton to a different part each time. this should be gone through from four to six times daily. if the child is a bottle-fed baby, care should be taken in cleaning the nipples and bottles as directed on page . if the patient is breast-fed, care must be taken to note that the mother's nipples are clean. they should be washed with the same solution of boracic acid and not handled. if the child cannot nurse it is necessary to feed it with a spoon. in obstinate cases the parts may be touched with a one per cent. solution of formalin. mothers should particularly note not to use honey and borax, as is often recommended by women who know no better, in any disease of the mouth in children. * * * * * chapter xxxv diseases of the stomach and gastro-intestinal canal inflammation of the stomach--acute gastritis--persistent vomiting--acute gastric indigestion--iced champagne in persistent vomiting--acute intestinal diseases of children--conditions under which they exist and suggestions as to remedial measures--acute intestinal indigestion--symptoms of acute intestinal indigestion--treatment of acute intestinal indigestion--children with whom milk does not agree--chronic or persistent intestinal indigestion--acute ileo-colitis--dysentery--enteritis--entero-colitis--inflammatory diarrhea--chronic ileo-colitis--chronic colitis--summer diarrhea--cholera infantum--gastro-enteritis--acute gastro-enteric infection--gastro-enteric intoxication--colic appendicitis--jaundice in infants--jaundice in older children--catarrhal jaundice--gastro-duodenitis--intestinal worms--worms, thread, pin and tape--rupture acute gastric indigestion acute inflammation of the stomach--acute gastritis--persistent vomiting an infant seldom has real inflammation of the stomach. gastric, or stomach, indigestion is the better name, because it actually signifies the true condition. it is indigestion that causes a child to vomit, though it is possible to have a true inflammation caused by the taking of irritant or corrosive drugs. gastric indigestion causes sudden, repeated vomiting, with prostration and occasional fever. it is caused by unsuitable food, the wrong quantity of food, irregular feeding, and food the quality of which is not good. treatment.--the stomach should be immediately washed out. until the physician arrives the mother can encourage the child to drink a large quantity of cool boiled water. this will be vomited and it will wash out the stomach at the same time. no further treatment may be necessary, as the vomiting may stop. all food should be withheld for at least twenty-four hours. a high rectal irrigation should now be given. it is essential to know that the bowel is absolutely clean in all vomiting cases. the normal salt solution is the best agent to use for a high enema in infants. (see page .) after twelve or twenty-four hours' abstinence from food, the child can be given teaspoonful doses every twenty minutes of cooled boiled water, or barley or albumen water, weak tea, or chicken broth. cold liquids are better retained and more readily taken than those that are heated. if the liquid feedings are vomited, another twelve hours must elapse before trying stomach feedings. in these cases we must try to satisfy the thirst by giving cold colon flushings. if the case becomes protracted and we find it impossible to nourish the child by the mouth, we must wash the stomach out once every day with a five per cent. solution of bicarbonate of soda, and feed the child by the rectum. sometimes we can feed through the stomach tube. liquids will frequently be retained when put into the stomach through a tube when they will be vomited if swallowed. the best food by the rectum is plain peptonized milk. drugs are absolutely useless. if the vomiting persists, despite the above efforts to stop it, there is nothing to be gained by experimenting. you will not only render the condition worse but you will weaken the child. morphine given hypodermatically is the only remedy. given in appropriate doses, according to age, it is absolutely harmless. it will not only stop the vomiting, but it will give the child a much-needed rest, by allowing it to go to sleep. when it wakes up it will be stronger and its stomach will most likely retain small doses of nourishment. great care must be exercised, in getting the child back on a normal diet, not to try to go too fast. in cases of persistent vomiting in children i have found it advisable to use teaspoonful doses of ice-cold champagne. these children will sometimes keep this down when all other liquids will be vomited. it is absolutely necessary to keep the child lying down. if he is restless or sits up, the vomiting may begin all over again. the champagne not only is excellent nourishment for the child, but it quiets the stomach, allays irritability, and frequently favors sleep, during which time a cure very often results. the champagne must be drawn through a champagne siphon (procured in the drug store), and the bottle must be kept on ice with the mouth downward; otherwise it will get stale very quickly and be of no use. if kept as advised it will remain good to the end. summary:-- st. persistent vomiting in a child means acute gastritis. stop all food for twenty-four hours. nd. encourage the child to drink large quantities of slightly warm water; this will wash the stomach out and frequently stops the vomiting. rd. when the child is quiet wash out the bowels. th. if vomiting persists, use iced champagne as directed. acute intestinal diseases of children the large infant mortality that results from intestinal diseases during the summer months is deserving of the most careful consideration, both of the physician and the parent. apart from the excessive heat of the summer, there is no doubt that an unfavorable environment, which means bad hygienic surroundings, bad sanitary conditions, bad food and home influences, contributes largely to the enormous number of these serious cases. education, while it may be expected to influence favorably the sanitary and other conditions in the home, cannot change the home location. the child must continue to live in the same environment. it is in this class of cases that these summer diseases are so very fatal. children in better circumstances can take advantage of conditions which are denied to the tenement child. the diseases must therefore be faced and treated under these existing conditions. in addition to the climate and the environment, there are certain factors that occur in all classes which result in intestinal derangement. if the stomach or bowels are not performing their function properly, or if the food or method of feeding is wrong, these, plus very hot, humid weather, invariably result in serious intestinal disease. the mother must be taught to interpret properly the meaning of a green, loose stool in the summertime; she must appreciate that it is the danger signal and must be regarded seriously. the very best preventive against summer diseases of the intestine is to guard particularly against any trouble with the child's stomach at all seasons of the year. a healthy stomach and bowel will resist disease, even in very hot weather. the most important food product which has a direct relationship to this class of diseases is milk. in a large city like new york it will remain impossible to solve the milk problem, despite the splendid efforts of the health department and the members of the medical profession, until the city itself shall establish milk depots and ice stations where safe milk, and ice to keep it safe, may be obtained at a nominal cost, or free, if the parents cannot afford to buy it. we, therefore, must recognize that the vast majority of children to-day are taking milk that is not suited to them, that is really not fit as a food for children. the mothers do not know this and no steps are taken to render the milk more safe for them to feed to their children. these mothers are willing to do what is essential in the interest of their children, but they do not know what should be done. these people cannot afford a physician or a nurse to teach them, nor do they even know that their methods are wrong or that they need any instruction. we must carry the information and the explanation to them. we must show them the need for a change of methods. this is the work for those charitably disposed women who desire some worthy purpose in life, who really wish to do some real good. all the equipment they need is good common sense. they will tell these mothers why it is necessary to pasteurize the milk before feeding it to the baby. they will show how to keep the nursing bottles clean, and the nipples sweet and fresh. they will instruct them how to dress the baby in the hot weather and impress them with the need of giving it all the cool, fresh air possible. in short, they will gain the confidence and the good will of these mothers in a tactful and diplomatic way, and they will tell them all they know in language which they will understand regarding the care of the baby. in every city in the country this work is needed and is waiting for the missionaries who will volunteer. to teach mothers the need for boiled water as a necessary drink for baby and older children is alone a worthy avocation. to impress upon one of these willing but ignorant mothers the absolute necessity for washing her hands before she prepares her baby's food, that she must keep a covered vessel in which the soiled napkins are placed until washed, that she should frequently sponge her baby in the hot weather, and explain thoroughly why these are important details, is a work of true religious charity. they should be specially taught to immediately discontinue milk at the first sign of intestinal trouble, to give a suitable dose of castor oil and to put the child on barley water as a food until the danger is passed. they should be taught to know the significance of a green, watery stool, they should know that is the one danger signal in the summer time that no mother can ignore without wilfully risking the life of her baby. they should be taught to prepare special articles of diet when they are needed. if every mother were educated to the extent as indicated in the above outline the appalling infant mortality would fall into insignificance. it is not a difficult task nor would it take a long time to carry it out; it is the work for willing women who have time and who perhaps spend that time in less desirable but more dramatic ways. it is the knowledge that aids in catching disease in its inception that counts. the worst infections begin as a mild condition and prompt treatment robs them of their sting. when treatment is delayed and the child is fed for twenty-four hours too long on milk, the condition which in the beginning could have been stopped promptly has developed and it becomes a fight for life. it will be seen from the above that all we need is education. education of the mother primarily, but education of the missionary, the nurse, the physician, the municipality, and the state, each co-operating, each willing to work in the interest of a great cause, for the benefit of the human race and for the brotherhood of man. acute intestinal indigestion causes.--overfeeding, unsuitable and improper food, irregular and indiscriminate feeding, sudden change from one food to another, as at weaning time, a change from a poor quality to a rich food, or vice versa. conditions affecting the health of the child, especially the nervous system, such as hot weather, extreme cold, fatigue, or at the beginning of any of the acute diseases. children sometimes are predisposed to attacks of intestinal indigestion; these children are delicate in health and have weak digestive ability. the slightest irregularity or error in diet will cause an attack in these children. symptoms.--the attack may come on suddenly or it may develop slowly. the important constitutional symptoms are fever, prostration, and a general nervous irritability. the child is seized with pain in the abdomen. the pain is referred to the region around the navel. it is sharp, colicky, and severe, causing the child to cry out and draw up its legs in an effort to lessen its severity. the child is exceedingly restless and acts as if it were on the verge of a dangerous illness. gas in the bowel is not present as a rule as frequently as it is in infants under the same circumstances. in a few hours diarrhea sets in, the stools may number from four to twelve or more in twenty-four hours. the stools are acid, sour, and the odor may be very foul. they are thinner than usual and frothy from the presence of gas. in very young infants suffering from a sudden attack of intestinal indigestion, the stomach, as well as the bowels, is invariably upset. if the indigestion is the result of a slower process, the stomach does not participate in the process. the color of the stools in infancy is yellow, then yellowish-green, and later grass-green. undigested food is always present and in infants the curdled casein of the milk appears as white specks or lumps in the movements. the fever is high in the sudden cases and lower in the cases of gradual onset. the prostration is more severe when the onset is sudden and in infants may be very marked. the termination of the disease depends upon the cause, the treatment, and the previous health of the child. in healthy children promptly and properly treated it may be all over in a week. in delicate, poorly nourished children, and especially in the summer time, it may be the beginning of trouble that may eventuate in death. treatment.--there is no condition in the whole realm of diseases of childhood where the knowledge of the mother may have such important results as this condition. the most effective time to treat these cases of intestinal indigestion is before the physician is called. there are few diseases in which time is so valuable, so far as final results are concerned, as it is here. every mother should know the significance of a loose, green stool. she should be taught that it means danger and consequently demands prompt treatment. the first indication is to empty, thoroughly, the bowel. the best means for this purpose, if it is immediately procurable, is calomel. if calomel is not procurable at once give castor oil, two teaspoonfuls to an infant, one tablespoonful to an older child. calomel should be given in one-eighth-grain doses, repeated every three-quarters of an hour for eight or twelve doses, until the bowel is thoroughly cleaned out. don't be afraid of a few extra movements at the beginning. better clean out thoroughly at the start than to be compelled to do it all over again after the child is weak and suffering from the poison of the disease. the next important thing to do is to stop milk at once. the thirst is usually intense and if vomiting is not present it can be moderately relieved by giving small quantities frequently of cool boiled water or mineral water or strained albumen or barley water. we quite often have to stop all food and liquids by the mouth for twenty-four hours. if the prostration is very great and the child looks as though it might collapse, it can be given brandy in cracked ice from time to time. after the bowels have been thoroughly cleaned out, never before, some medicinal agent may be given to stop the unnecessary diarrhea. in a very large number of promptly and properly treated cases this is not needed. if it is thought best to use it the physician will select the agent according to the conditions present and prescribe it. breast-fed infants rarely have intestinal diseases of a severe type. if they should develop diarrhea they must be taken off the mother's milk for twenty-four hours. they should be given a dose of castor oil or calomel and fed on barley water in the interval. the feedings should be reduced in quantity and the interval doubled. the two-hour interval will become a four-hour feeding: the three or four ounces at each feeding can be reduced to two ounces. the intention is to simply give as little as possible while the diarrhea is under way. the mother's breasts must be pumped at the regular feeding time in order to preserve the flow, release the pressure, and keep the milk fresh. it is sometimes a problem to renew feedings of milk without exciting a relapse of the diarrhea. it should not be tried until the stools are normal in color and consistency. this may not be for three or four days. in resuming the milk it should be given in smaller amounts and diluted with lime water or barley water for the first day. gruels may be given to which skimmed milk may be added: later add the ordinary milk. if it is well digested and does not cause any return of the diarrhea, the quantity of milk can be slowly increased until the former feedings are resumed. it is often of very great advantage to boil the milk for some time. peptonized milk is safe and can be used in bottle-fed infants after diarrhea. in older children, meat, broths, eggs, boiled milk, and dry toast bread may be used sparingly for some time. cereals, vegetables, fruits, should be withheld for a considerable time and watched carefully when resumed. kumyss, buttermilk, matzoon, bacillac, and other fermented milks are better borne than plain milk. all of these children need rest, fresh air, change of air, frequent bathing, and tonics, as an attack of this kind leaves them depressed, weak, languid, and anemic. summary:-- st. when a child complains of sharp, colicky, severe pains in the abdomen, around navel, which are shortly followed by foul, sour, frothy diarrhea,--greenish in color, it has acute intestinal indigestion. nd. every mother should know that a green stool means danger. she should know to give at once a cathartic,--castor oil is good, but give a good large dose--then stop all food for twenty-four hours. if she learns this lesson she will have time to wait for the doctor; meantime, she may have saved her child's life. children with whom milk does not agree contrary to the general belief, there are quite a large number of children in whom milk seems to act as a poison. these children are not necessarily constipated. they suffer, however, from a slow, continuous intestinal toxemia or poison. the symptoms of this condition are headache, disorders of speech, habitual sleep-talking, sleep-walking, and general nervous irritability without cause: they are listless, languid, and constantly tired. they may be bright in the morning and sleepy in the afternoon. they are irritable and cross and touchy. treatment.--milk must be wholly discontinued. eggs must be restricted to one every second day, and meat but once daily. the use of green vegetables is particularly suitable and should be given daily. cereals and fruit also are good. malted milk, kumyss, or matzoon may be given in place of milk. if constipation is present, rhubarb and soda mixture is an excellent laxative in these cases. a tonic should be prescribed for all these children. dysentery--enteritis--entero-colitis--inflammatory diarrhea cause.--any cause which has been mentioned as a cause of ordinary diarrhea may result in this disease. it may occur at any time of the year and at any age. it may follow the infectious diseases. it may follow any other disease of the intestines. symptoms.--it may begin like an ordinary attack of acute intestinal indigestion. there is usually vomiting, fever, pain, and frequent yellow or green stools. the passages may be blood-stained and there may be little or much mucus. the stools at the beginning have no odor as a rule. the bowels move very frequently, often with little or nothing to pass. there may be pain with each movement. the blood may disappear in a few days, but the mucus remains, often in large quantity in each stool. at the beginning the fever is high, but it soon falls and remains low during the attack. the child loses weight, is irritable, has no appetite, and looks and acts sick. when the attack is over these children do not gain their strength as readily as we would like; recovery is slow. the acute symptoms usually last about one week, after this time the child begins to recover, but the process is a tedious one and one in which much care has to be exercised. it is an encouraging sign to note the disappearance of the blood in the stools and the return of the movements to the normal brown color. when these favorable signs are wanting the bowel is probably ulcerated and it will take a much longer time to return to normal and to be free from blood and mucus. the above is the ordinary form of this disease and it ends in recovery as a rule. there is a more severe form, however, which differs from the above in the following way: the fever is high and remains high; the stools are more frequent and there is more blood and more mucus in them; the child is much more irritable and is more profoundly sick. death may occur at any time from the second day. if the little patient survives, the return to health is a very slow process; it often takes months and frequently years before a reasonable degree of strength is regained. relapses are common, and they are very difficult to treat and care for. in some cases the child never wholly regains its former strength. there are children who have been the victims of other intestinal diseases or conditions who develop colitis. the colitis in these cases may come on suddenly with vomiting and high fever, or it begins slowly, with no vomiting and with little fever. their appetite is poor, their digestion is feeble, their prostration is pronounced. they lose flesh rapidly and may be emaciated to a remarkable degree. very few of these cases recover completely. serious and sometimes fatal relapses may take place. the feeding of these children is a difficult task and the greatest care must be constantly taken; a very little mistake may cost the life of the child. treatment.--all diseases of the intestine in childhood should be promptly and efficiently treated. if any form of diarrhea is neglected, it may result in the development of ileo-colitis with all its risks and uncertainty. when a child is seized with sudden bowel trouble, no matter what variety it is, it should be treated with the greatest care because "sudden" bowel trouble usually means plenty of trouble if it is neglected. fresh air is essential in all these cases. a change of air is of decided value as soon as the immediate symptoms have abated. the diet is the same as for children who have gastro-enteric intoxication. later, much difficulty will be met because these patients have absolutely no appetite,--peptonized skimmed milk is always good, beef broths are often well borne, liquid beef peptonoids may be tried. the food should be given every three hours. boiled water and stimulants may be given between the feedings. later in older children, raw beef, eggs, boiled milk, kumyss, or matzoon and gruels may be given. great care has to be taken for months after an attack; relapses may be caused by changes of temperature, by fatigue, and, of course, by improper feeding. these children should avoid potatoes, tomatoes, fruits, corn, oatmeal, and a great many other things which an intelligent mother would not give any sick child, as candy, cakes, pastries, etc. cases which begin with free vomiting, thin stools; and fever should be treated at once. the bowels must be thoroughly cleaned out, the colon should be thoroughly irrigated, and all food should be stopped. when there are bloody stools with mucus and pain we must depend upon castor oil, irrigations of the colon, and opium and bismuth by the mouth. a good big dose of oil at the beginning is always necessary. if, however, the stomach is irritable and will not tolerate castor oil, we may substitute calomel in one-fourth-grain doses every hour for six doses, to be followed by citrate of magnesium. irrigation of the colon in these cases is one of the essential means of successful treatment; it should be done twice a day during the first few days of the disease. stimulants are needed in all the cases. they help the heart, act as a food, and tend to quiet the general nervousness by favoring sleep. good brandy given in boiled cool water is the best stimulant. after the child is over the worst of the acute symptoms all medicine should be withdrawn and the proper kind of food given. tonics will aid in restoring the strength. cod liver oil during the following winter is a very good plan to aid in building up the vitality of the weakened bowel, but it must not be given too soon. chronic ileo-colitis--chronic colitis chronic ileo-colitis fellows the acute variety. cases which are unusually severe or which have been badly managed are likely to become chronic. a child suffering from this disease presents the following picture: the patient is emaciated, the abdomen is usually enlarged with gas, the feet are cold, the circulation of the blood is poor, the fever is low or absent altogether except when the child is having a relapse, when it jumps up suddenly. the bowels are loose and contain mucus, frequently in large quantities. the mucus may stop for a few days; then it appears again with a rise of temperature accompanied with loose stools with foul odor. these children are exceedingly nervous and irritable and are very poor sleepers. parents should be told it will be impossible to effect a rapid cure of these cases. it often takes months to get them started on the safe road. the slightest mistake or change in the weather will upset the progress of the cure and it will be necessary to begin all over again. the entire hope of cure rests with the mother. she must be faithful, patient, and must carry out the physician's instructions implicitly. the management consists in diet, change of climate, and such other treatment as the physician finds necessary in each individual case. treatment.--in children under one year of age the only hope is breast milk, which must be given in small quantities. they do not do well on any starch food for a considerable period. where breast milk is not available the whites of two or three eggs may be given daily. they may be beaten up and given in skimmed milk, or in plain water with a little salt added. zwieback or bread crumbs may be given in small quantities. they should be fed at four-hour intervals. older children may take skimmed milk, raw scraped beef, junket, and coddled white of egg or raw egg, bread crumbs, toasted, or zwieback. a rectal enema must be given every twenty-four hours if the bowels have not moved. if constipation is the habit a laxative should be given; the aromatic fluid extract of cascara sagrada or magnesia are suitable. at least one free movement every day is essential to success. colon irrigations are only to be used when there is a rise of temperature, irrespective of whether the bowels have moved or not. when convalescence is established these children should be given a maximum of fresh air and should be treated as recommended in cases of malnutrition. summer diarrhea as the name implies, this is the form of diarrhea that is so common, especially in cities, in summer. it is always preceded by some milder condition which paves the way for the more serious diarrhea. acute indigestion is, as a general rule, the forerunner of cholera infantum. the influence of hot weather must always be kept in mind as the underlying factor which no doubt conduces to gastro-intestinal disease of infancy and childhood. the depression incident to a spell of hot and possibly humid weather tends to interfere with the digestive process of babies and children. when this function is carried on imperfectly, the strength and vitality of the child fails, and if immediate steps are not taken to check the process, diarrhea makes its appearance. if these children are improperly fed, or if their surroundings are not sanitary; if they are not getting fresh air enough, or if they suffer because of lack of attention, and have at the same time a little indigestion, it is only a step further to develop a full-fledged cholera infantum. the outcome of any case of summer diarrhea is questionable. it is not safe to make any promise. an apparently mild attack may prove quickly fatal. much depends upon the previous history of the child. if it has been a strong, healthy child it has a very good chance if treated energetically and correctly. if it has previously suffered from bad nutrition, is not robust, has had trouble with its stomach, etc., the chances are against it. the one lesson to be learned by all mothers is, as stated above, to act quickly; to be on the watch all through the summer months for any trouble with the baby's stomach or bowels. it is much easier to treat and cure a little trouble than to battle against an established gastro-enteric intoxication. overfeeding and indiscriminate feeding must be religiously avoided,--they are the two most prolific causes of stomach and intestinal troubles in childhood. symptoms.--the onset is sudden and pronounced. the child begins to vomit and continues vomiting and retching persistently. the bowels are loose, and large, watery, greenish stools are frequent. the prostration is very marked, the child looks seriously sick, respiration is quick and shallow, the eyes sunken, the skin becomes ashen gray in color, and the pulse is soft and very rapid. the fever may be very high or it may remain low. the low febrile cases are the worst. if taken in hand quickly and if the treatment is energetic and if the child reacts, the case may go rapidly on to recovery and the child be wholly well in a few days; or it may not react, but be overwhelmed by the poison and sink and die in twenty-four hours. treatment.--in the treatment of cholera infantum it must not be forgotten that the dangerous element is the poisoning of the system that is constantly going on. it is difficult for the non-medical mind to estimate the importance of this element. it is, of course, caused by the bacteria present in the gastro-intestinal canal. there are numberless millions of bacteria in the normal healthy bowel. a very large percentage of those germs are good for us, are there for a beneficent purpose, and can and do protect us from other germs which occasionally find their way into the bowel and whose purpose is not a peaceful one. when the bowel condition changes, as during an attack of summer diarrhea, it is invaded by multitudes of evil-intentioned germs. these germs find conditions in the diseased bowel exceedingly favorable to them, so they begin work in an active, energetic way. the result of their activity is highly poisonous, and, as the good germs are virtually out of business and are consequently not working in our interest, we are absolutely in the hands of the enemy. there is soon manufactured, by these invading germs, enough poison to poison the entire system of the child. it is this feature that we must combat in summer diarrhea. it is absolutely essential to keep these cases as much in the open fresh air as possible. no matter how sick they may be, this rule must be observed. light clothing is advisable. if it is a city child that is affected and it does not show decided improvement in three or four days, it should, if possible, be sent to the country. there is always distinct danger of a relapse in every case, so the little victim should be given a change of air as soon as convalescence permits. the seashore is preferable to the mountains in all intestinal cases. in the care of these patients cleanliness is an important factor and counts much in the ultimate cure. the child, as well as the clothing, should be kept scrupulously clean. napkins as soon as soiled should be removed and put into a disinfecting solution. the buttocks should be well powdered after each movement to prevent sores developing. feeding must be stopped at once. no food of any kind should be given for at least twenty-four hours, or until the tendency to vomit subsides. the thirst must be allayed, however, so we give frequently small quantities of thin barley water or albumen water or cold boiled water. if these are vomited we must stop giving them altogether for twenty-four hours. if the fever is high and the skin dry, the child should be given a cool pack, ° to ° f., which can be moistened every half hour with water at this temperature; this will often control the fever satisfactorily. hot-water bottles should be placed at the feet if they are cold. if, on the other hand, the fever is very low (below normal), the child's circulation poor, the skin blue and cold, a hot-water bath at ° f., for five minutes (rubbing the surface of the body while in the bath), will be of very great service. the bath may be repeated at half-hour intervals. if the patient is a breast-fed infant it can be allowed to nurse after the twenty-four-hour rest. the length of time it is permitted to stay at the breast should be about one-quarter of the time it was allowed before the attack began. if it does not vomit, the nursing can be repeated every four hours. as the case progresses toward recovery the interval between feedings can be shortened. care, however, must be taken not to shorten the interval too rapidly. if the patient is artificially fed and is not over four months old, a substitute for the milk must be found. the best substitutes are rice or barley water, either plain or dextrinized, the malted foods, chicken or beef broths, liquid peptonoids or bovinine. water (boiled and cooled) may be allowed at all times if not vomited. older children are treated in the same way. all food is withheld while there is any vomiting. when vomiting stops begin with small quantities of beef broth, or chicken, or veal broth. later kumyss or matzoon can be tried, and finally thin gruels made with milk. if vomiting persists the stomach must be washed out; this can be done by giving the infant or child a large drink of cool boiled water. this will be immediately vomited and it will clean the stomach at the same time. the stomach-pump may be used to better advantage. one washing is usually sufficient. the vomiting will stop after the stomach has been washed out and the patient may then be given, frequently, small quantities of cold albumen water or barley water. the bowel should be thoroughly cleaned out at the beginning of every summer diarrhea. castor oil or calomel are the two best cathartics for this purpose. if the stomach is not upset use castor oil. if the stomach is upset use calomel; one-fourth of a grain every hour for eight doses will be sufficient. give enough, however,--there is no danger at the beginning of the attack of too free movements of the bowel. whatever cathartic is given, it should produce green, watery stools. irrigation of the bowel is an exceedingly effective way of cleaning out the poison-laden large intestine. it should be done in every instance unless the movements are watery and of such frequency as to render irrigation unnecessary. once or twice daily will be sufficient in even the worst cases. the irrigation should be given at the temperature of ° f, and should be the normal saline solution; a long rectal tube is used to give the irrigation. summary:-- st. cholera infantum is one of the most dangerous, one of the most treacherous, and one of the quickest acting diseases of childhood. nd. don't temporize, don't delay, don't regard lightly any diarrhea during the summer time. rd. give a large dose of castor oil and withhold all nourishment until the doctor sees the little patient in every case of diarrhea during the warm weather. th. keep the child in a cool, quiet place and don't handle or annoy it. th. follow, your doctor's directions implicitly. the fight may be short, sharp, and decisive. don't pave the way for regrets afterward. do everything while you have the chance. colic colic is a common condition in infancy. very few children escape more or less colic during the first few months of life. it does not seem to injure permanently some infants; they go on growing according to standard, eat and sleep, and seem contented and happy despite occasional severe attacks of colic. other children suffer seriously; the degree of indigestion is considerable, and the nutrition of the child is interfered with. colic is much more frequent in bottle-fed infants than in those fed on breast milk. cow's milk, no matter how skillfully it is prepared for their use, is at best an unsuitable diet and taxes the digestive ability of robust children. it is quite natural for an infant whose digestive organs are not strong to develop colic and intestinal indigestion if put on artificial food. any condition that causes indigestion may likewise cause colic. those children who are always overfeeding,--taking too much milk, too strong milk, or who are fed irregularly,--are the colicky babies. constipation is frequently associated with colic and may be the actual cause. a daily movement of the bowel does not necessarily mean that the bowels are emptying themselves satisfactorily. despite the daily movement, there may be considerable fecal matter left in the bowel which undergoes decomposition. this results in the evolution of large quantities of gas and severe attacks of colic. indigestion is very often caused by conditions which effect the stability of the child's nervous organism; such conditions are fright, anger, fatigue, exhaustion, excitement. the origin of the colic in breast-fed children is very often caused by some nervous condition of the mother that affects her milk. constipation in the mother may cause colic in the child. symptoms.--a baby having an attack of colic will cry loudly from time to time and whine during the interval; it will pull up its legs and bear down. its abdomen is tense and hard and distended with gas. with the expulsion of the gas the pain ceases and the child falls asleep. if the attack is very severe the prostration and exhaustion is marked; the feet are cold and the body is bathed in perspiration. if the colic is constant the child may be fretful and restless most of the time, being seemingly comfortable for only an hour or two in the twenty-four. in older children who cry because of severe pain in the abdomen the possibility of appendicitis must not be forgotten. treatment.--find out the cause of the colic if possible. if the cause is located in the mother, the remedy naturally must affect her. regulation of her bowel, restriction of her diet, and proper exercise, may be sufficient to effect a cure of the colic in the infant. the object of treatment is to help the child get rid of the gas. the best and quickest means to effect this is to apply massage or give a rectal injection. an injection of two ounces of cold water in which a half or one teaspoonful of glycerine has been put, will act quickly. dry heat applied to the abdomen in the form of the hot-water bottle or woolen cloths will aid in the expulsion of the gas. the feet should be kept warm. in cases of habitual colic in breast-fed babies the cause may be in the quality of the mother's milk. it should be examined and if found too strong should be diluted. this can be done by giving the child an ounce of plain boiled water or barley water before each feeding. if the child gets an ounce of liquid before each feeding he will not want as much of the breast milk; so we shall have the same total quantity, but a reduced quality, which may cure the colic at once. it is necessary, in order to cure colic, that the bowels move every day in a satisfactory manner. if any aid is needed, milk of magnesia is the best laxative. it may be given in teaspoonful doses in water previous to a feeding. aromatic cascara sagrada in from ten to thirty-drop doses is a very good laxative, if a stronger remedy is needed. to relieve the acute attack, three drops of hoffman's anodyne may be given in two teaspoonfuls of warm water and repeated in ten-minute intervals until relieved, to a baby under one year of age. from five to ten drops of gin, given in three teaspoonfuls of warm water, and repeated in fifteen minutes, is also satisfactory and harmless. a very good remedy which may be used with the above for quick relief, and to stop the child from crying, is the following: fold a piece of flannel cloth (two thicknesses) the size of the baby's abdomen; wring out of very hot water and drop ten drops of turpentine over the surface,--at different spots,--of the flannel and lay on abdomen,--turpentine side next skin. cover this with another piece of flannel,--two or three thicknesses, that has been dry-heated and allow to remain in place for about ten minutes. colic, as a rule, disappears completely about the third month. appendicitis appendicitis is mentioned here merely to acquaint mothers with its prominent symptoms. when a child has what seems to be an attack of indigestion, but complains of pain and tenderness in the abdomen, vomits, and develops a fever, and is constipated, appendicitis may be suspected. the pain and tenderness are not referred to the region of the appendix but are more centrally located. if, however, the finger point is pressed over the appendix, distinct tenderness will be elicited in inflammation of that region. constipation is the rule in appendicitis, but diarrhea occasionally accompanies it. the abdominal muscles may be rigid, that is, the abdomen does not feel soft as is usual; there is a feeling if they are pressed, as if they were hard and unyielding. treatment.--put the child in bed and send for the family physician at once. the condition is too serious and too uncertain to delay, or for a parent to make any effort at treatment. appendicitis is a much more serious condition in infancy and childhood than it is in an adult. jaundice in infants there are two types of jaundice in infants that deserve brief consideration. st. there is a form of jaundice caused by a defect in the development of the bile or gall tubes. these infants develop jaundice a day or two after birth and become intensely jaundiced within a very brief time. they lose flesh and strength to a marked degree and die in a few weeks. it is not possible to affect this condition favorably by any method of treatment. this type of jaundice is not very common. nd. there is a type of jaundice that appears between the second and fifth day of life that is very common. it lasts from one to two weeks and then disappears. it is never fatal and is not serious. it requires no treatment. jaundice in older children--catarrhal jaundice--gastro duodenitis symptoms.--this form of jaundice begins like an attack of ordinary indigestion. there are, as a rule, pain, fever, vomiting, and prostration. the pain is located in the upper part of the abdomen and may be quite severe. the vomiting may continue for a number of days. the bowels are usually constipated. after a few days the jaundice sets in and may be quite intense. after the jaundice is established the stools are gray or white in color and there is much gas in the bowel. the urine is very dark and may be yellow or yellowish-green in color. the child complains of headache, is dull and listless, and appears sick and weak. the condition lasts about two weeks, but the jaundice may last much longer. it is not a serious disease. treatment.--the diet should be cut down in quantity and should consist of rare meat, fruit, and a small quantity of milk. if vomiting continues the milk may diluted with lime water or vichy water. the child should drink water or vichy water freely. no starchy foods, or fats, or sugars should be allowed. the bowels should be kept open with calomel, one-tenth of a grain every hour until ten are taken, to be followed by citrate of magnesia every morning. if the pain is severe it may be relieved by a mustard paste or a turpentine poultice. the child should be given acid hydrochloric diluted, eight drops in one-half glass of water, ten minutes before each meal--and kept on it for at least one month. intestinal worms there are three types of intestinal worms; they are known as the round-worm, the thread-worm, and the tape worm. round-worm.--the round-worm is usually found in children of the run-about age. it is never seen in infancy. it occupies the small or upper intestine, and is from four to ten inches long. if there are round-worms in the bowel, there are usually a number of them and there may be hundreds. symptoms.--round-worms give no definite symptoms. the only possible way to tell if they are present is actually to see them in the stools of the child. they are of a light gray color. it is reasonable to expect that a child suffering from worms will have symptoms of abdominal distress from time to time; indigestion with colic and much gas may be present; children lose their appetites and are nervous and restless; sleep is disturbed; they may grind their teeth and talk in their sleep, and they may pick their noses unnecessarily during the day. these symptoms may, however, accompany other conditions when no worms are present in the bowel. my observation has been that in children in whom worms were present the nervous symptoms were distinctly accentuated. they are unreliable children; they seem well to-day and peevish to-morrow; they complain of headaches, dizziness, and chilly feelings. they are hysterical, noisy, uncontrollable. a child with these symptoms should be suspected of having worms and if no cause can be found to explain his temperamental vagaries he should be treated for worms. i have cured a number of children of excessive nervousness by giving them medicine for worms when no worms were present. such results can only be explained on the assumption that these children were suffering from intestinal auto-toxemia or self-poisoning, and the thorough disinfection of the bowel apparently stopped the process by ridding the child's system of a mass of bacteria, which were undoubtedly causing the auto-toxemia and consequent nervousness. treatment.--the most efficient remedy for removing round-worms is santonin. the quantity necessary for the various ages is as follows: two to four years grains. four to six years grains. six to ten years - / grains. the best way to give it is in divided doses, with an equal quantity of sugar of milk. for a child of six years the formula would therefore be, - / grains of santonin, mixed with the same quantity of sugar of milk divided into three powders. these powders are given four hours apart in the following way. the child is given a light supper the evening before and one-half glass citrate of magnesia the following morning and the first powder one-half hour later; no breakfast being given. a light lunch, of milk and crackers, may be taken about noon. the second powder is given four hours after the first, and the third four hours after the second. half an hour after the last powder, a dose of castor oil (one tablespoonful) is given. in a few moments the bowels will move; usually there are no worms in this movement. a little later they will move freely again and if worms are present they will be discharged in this movement. thread-worm, or pin-worm.--a thread-worm looks just like a little piece of white thread. they are found in the lower part of the bowel and in the rectum. they are usually present, if present at all, in large numbers. symptoms.--the chief symptom is itching. it may be limited to the anus or it may involve the neighboring parts. thread-worms may find their way out of the anus and in female children may find their way into the vagina. in these instances the child is tormented with itching of the privates and may establish the habit of self-abuse as a result of the constant itching and scratching. the itching is more intense at night soon after the child goes to bed. as a result of the local irritation in the lower part of the bowel and rectum there is set up a catarrh of the bowel which produces large quantities of mucus. treatment.--the only medication by the mouth that is of any use is turpentine in one drop doses after meals, given in a teaspoonful of sugar. the best treatment, and in most cases the only treatment that is effective, is the use of rectal injections. the procedure is as follows:--the child first gets a cleaning injection of two quarts of warm water into which a teaspoonful of borax has been put. this will wash away any mucus or fecal matter that may have collected. this injection is best given with a no. rectal catheter which is pushed into the rectum for about inches, the water being allowed to run away as it enters. from six to eight ounces of the infusion of quassia is then passed, as high up as the catheter will reach. it is intended that the quassia will remain in as long as possible, for at least half an hour. in order to assure this there are two features that should be kept in mind: first, the water should be allowed to flow in slowly, consequently hold the bag low, not higher than two feet above the level of the bed on which the patient lies; second, after the water is all in remove the catheter very slowly and keep the child absolutely quiet. this treatment is repeated every second night for a week, then twice a week for four weeks. a solution of garlic is a very effective remedy and may be tried if the quassia fails, which is not likely if the treatment is carried out effectively and if the parts are kept scrupulously clean. tape worms.--tape worms are obtained from eating raw meat, pork or sausage, rarely from fish, and from playing with cats and dogs. symptoms.--no definite symptoms accompany the presence of tape worm. the children may have pains in the abdomen, diarrhea, a capricious appetite, foul breath, and they may suffer from anemia, sometimes quite severely. the only positive symptoms is the presence of links of the worm in the stools. treatment.--give a dose of castor oil at bed time. two hours after breakfast next morning give one-half dram of the oleoresin of male-fern in emulsion or capsule. very light nourishment should be taken during the day, composed of gruels and soups. when the worm is passed it should be examined to find if the head is present; if not, the treatment should be repeated in twenty-four hours. rupture rupture of any description is not a condition that any mother should attempt to treat. a physician should be called in every case. any misdirected effort at manipulation or pressure may result in irreparable injury to the parts. external applications are useless and may be injurious. all ordinary forms of rupture in infancy and early childhood are curable if properly treated. * * * * * chapter xxxvi diseases of children, continued mastitis or inflammation of the breasts in infancy--mastitis in young girls--let your ears alone--never box a child's ears--do not pick the ears--earache--inflammation of the ear--acute otitis--swollen glands--acute adenitis--swollen glands in the groin--boils--hives--nettle rash--prickly heat--ringworm in the scalp--eczema--poor blood--simple anemia--chlorosis--severe anemia--pernicious anemia mastitis, or inflammation of the breasts in infancy there are a few drops of a milky secretion in the breasts of infants when born. occasionally the amount will be in excess of the normal quantity, and the breasts, around the nipple, may be swollen and slightly inflamed. should this condition persist, it may be relieved by painting the parts with the tincture of belladonna. under no circumstances should the breasts be manipulated or rubbed, as this is very apt to cause an inflammatory condition, and to result in mastitis. mastitis begins, as a rule, during the second week of life. the breast becomes red, swollen, painful, and shows inflammatory changes. it may terminate without the formation of an abscess, or it may go on to suppuration. the child becomes extremely restless and irritable, it is disinclined to nurse, and suffers from loss of sleep and nourishment. it is possible for such a condition, in the female, to injure the breast to the extent of arresting its development and to render it useless in the future. if the suppuration is extensive the process may terminate fatally. mastitis in infants is caused by unnecessary interference and manipulation and by want of cleanliness. when it occurs the parts should be kept absolutely clean and should not be handled in any way. ichthyol per cent., zinc oxide ointment, enough to make one ounce, spread upon old, clean, soft linen, and laid over the parts and changed every six hours, is an excellent healing application. a piece of oiled silk may be put outside the linen to prevent the ointment staining the clothing, and over this a layer of absorbent cotton and a binder, applied without pressure. if an abscess develops in spite of treatment, it must be freely opened and freely drained, and the general health of the patient supported by regular nourishment and tonics. mastitis in young girls.--pain and swelling of the breasts are sometimes complained of by girls between the twelfth and fifteenth years, though it may occur at an earlier or later date. if left alone the condition will invariably subside without treatment. should bacteria find an entrance through the nipple at this time, an abscess may result. the whole breast is involved and it will be exceedingly painful and much swollen. there may be moderate fever, headache, and a pronounced feeling of indisposition. these patients should be given a laxative,--citrate of magnesia, or pluto water, and kept on a very light diet. an ice-bag should be kept constantly at the breast during the day, and a moist dressing of : bichloride of mercury during the night. it may take a week before recovery takes place. let your ears alone never box a child's ears.--a single blow may make a child deaf; repeated blows on their ears will certainly injure children's hearing. thomas a. edison, our greatest inventor, was made deaf when a lad by a surly brakeman, who soundly boxed his ears for some trivial or fancied offense. boxing a child's ears is but one of a great many things you should never do to the ears. in fact, there are far more things you should not do to safeguard the hearing, than there are things you can do to benefit your ears. do not pick the ears.--do not put cotton in the ears unless ordered to do so by a reputable physician. do not syringe the ears without the doctor's orders. put no poultices in the ears. do not put drops of any kind in the ears unless prescribed by a doctor. above all, do not use the advertised ear cures, as most of them are harmful. never blow into a child's ear, never douche the nose without the doctor's orders, as this may wash germs into the tubes leading to the ears and bring about a serious condition. riding in tunnels, especially in tunnels under water where the air pressure varies, has, through some recent investigation, been found to be injurious to the ears of a great many people. conductors and other trainmen who run through many tunnels are apt to have ear trouble, as are the men who work underground a great depth where they are in motion, such as miners running underground trains. if you have an earache that continues for any length of time, take no chances, but consult a physician. and remember to care for the throat and nose, as ill conditions in those places result in ear troubles. do not blow your nose too hard; it merely injures the inner sides of the ear drums. adenoids in children frequently bring about a bad ear trouble. even seasickness is due in a great measure to ear disturbances. if you have a running ear, attend to it at once by visiting a doctor. so serious is this that life insurance companies will not insure people in that condition. earache.--when a child complains of earache its ear should be examined. in nearly every case of earache it is necessary to treat the throat, as this is, as a rule, the seat of the trouble. an antiseptic gargle of equal parts of borolyptol and warm water is an excellent mixture. it should be used freely every two hours. children suffering from earache should be kept indoors. if the examination should show that it is not necessary to lance the ear drum, some local measure may be adopted to allay the pain. putting the child in bed with the head resting on a hot-water bottle may be all that will be necessary. the following procedure may be carried out, but only after a physician has made an examination and according to his directions: a hot water douche, given by means of a douche bag, is quite effective. the water should be ° f.; the bag should be held about two feet above the level of the child's head, and the irrigating point should not be pushed into the ear, but held so that the water will find its own way into the ear. when the earache does not respond to the above methods the ear should be closely watched and examined at intervals so that it may be opened at the right moment. this is very essential because, if it is neglected, the pus may find its way into the mastoid cells and set up the dangerous disease, mastoiditis. this disease may cause abscess of the brain and death. the moment a child develops fever in the course of an earache the ear should be examined and opened at once, if found necessary. inflammation of the ear. acute otitis.--inflammation of the ear seldom occurs in childhood, unless as a complication, or as a result of some infectious disease. any disease which affects the throat in any way may be the cause of the inflammation of the ear. such diseases are, "cold in the head," tonsilitis, grippe, "sore throat," or pharyngitis, measles, scarlet fever. it is much more common in children than in adults. the younger the child, the more liable it is to develop ear trouble when suffering from any of the above diseases. the presence of adenoids favors the development of ear complications. symptoms.--there is one symptom present in all cases of inflammation of the ear; that is, fever. pain may or may not be present; it is present in a majority of the cases. children with inflammation of the ear are exceedingly restless and do not sleep long at a time nor do they sleep soundly. treatment.--the treatment is to open the drum membrane, at the right time, which of course will always be done by a physician who has had some experience in this work. after treatment.--the after treatment consists of washing or syringing the ear every three hours with eight or twelve ounces of a : , solution of corrosive sublimate. this will be kept up for four days; then the intervals between the washing will be extended to five hours, and kept up until the drum membrane closes. if the corrosive sublimate solution should cause any eruption around the ear, a normal salt solution (see page ) may be used in the same way, and in the same quantity as above. a running ear will run for from three to six weeks. it may heal up at any time after ten days. if the discharge should suddenly stop and the fever rise, it indicates that the opening has become plugged or healed too quickly. in either case it will have to be opened again. as soon as the ear begins running again the symptoms will disappear. after syringing the ear it should be dried thoroughly with pieces of sterile absorbent cotton. the best syringe to use for washing out the ear is a one-ounce hard-rubber ear syringe with a soft rubber tip. an ordinary douche bag will do if a syringe of the above character cannot be obtained. the douche bag should not be held higher than two feet above the patient's head. the double-current ear irrigator is an excellent device for this purpose. the child should be on its back on a table. its arms should be fastened down by its side. a basin can be placed under its ear and the irrigating done without causing any pain or discomfort. any child addicted to disease of the ear should be closely watched and examined for tuberculosis. scrofula may accompany this condition. these children need careful attention in every little detail, they need good nourishment, fresh air night and day, and they should not be pushed at school. during the winter they should be protected from "catching colds;" it is a good plan to put them on a cod-liver-oil mixture for the entire cold season. during the summer they should have a radical change of climate. summary: st. inflammation of the ear is frequently a complication of or follows some other disease which affects the throat. nd. if a child with one of these diseases becomes restless, sleepless and feverish, be on the look-out for ear trouble. rd. the ear must be lanced immediately when necessary. th. the after treatment is very important, because the hearing of the child depends upon it. swollen glands. acute adenitis swollen glands in infancy and childhood are usually seen below and behind the ear, less frequently in the groin. their cause is, as a rule, local disturbance in the mouth or throat, as decayed teeth, enlarged tonsils, cold in the head, catarrh, adenoids, or some form of infection of the mouth, or throat, or scalp. they occasionally accompany scarlet fever, diphtheria, measles, and influenza. they seldom suppurate. symptoms.--a swelling is noticed just below the angle of the jaw; it does not grow rapidly. there is a slight temperature and the child is more or less irritable. if the patient is an infant, the fever may be quite high and there may be considerable prostration. the trouble lasts from four to eight weeks. treatment.--an ice-bag constantly applied is the best treatment. this not only relieves pain, but it prevents the possibility of the gland breaking down and suppurating. it is sometimes difficult to keep an ice-bag on an infant, in which case cold compresses should be applied. these are made by taking several layers of old linen or cheese cloth and laying them on ice. they should be applied frequently to the swollen gland. the following ointment may be applied, though the ice-bag is the better and more certain treatment: ichthyol per cent., adeps lanae one ounce. this is applied on cloth and renewed every six hours. this ointment is black and stains the clothing. for that reason it is advised to use oiled silk over the cloth to avoid staining the pillow or clothing. children suffering from adenitis should use a spray of dobell's solution in the nose and throat three or four times daily. if the cause of the swollen glands is known, treatment for its cure should be promptly instituted. in the event of pus forming the gland must be opened and drained. swollen glands in the groin of a child are caused most frequently by some inflammatory condition of the privates, which should be discovered and treated. boils in some delicate children and in some children who do not seem to be delicate, repeated crops of boils may appear from time to time. it is necessary to open them as soon as pus is present. they should be pressed out and a gauze dressing, wet with a saturated solution of boric acid, bound over them. the dressing should be kept moist. i have in a number of instances successfully rid a child of the tendency to boils by the use of the following formula, which i can recommend highly as one of the best tonics i have ever used in the treatment of delicate and poorly nourished children: tinct. nux vomica drops, acid phosphoric dilute drops, syrup hypophosphites, teaspoonful. make a two-ounce mixture and give to children over four years of age one teaspoonful after each meal; to younger children, one-half teaspoonful after each meal. it is necessary in these cases to keep the bowels open daily. hives. nettle-rash cause.--contact with different plants, bites of insects, irritation from clothing, use of certain drugs. certain articles of food, such as tomatoes, strawberries, oatmeal, buckwheat, have all been said to cause hives. dentition during warm weather and the presence of worms and chronic malarial poisoning have been known to cause hives. it is most frequently caused, however, in childhood by some disturbance in the stomach or bowels. it causes severe itching and loss of sleep and as a result of these the general health suffers. treatment.--if caused by any external irritant, remove it. if it is caused by any special article of diet, prohibit its use. if no cause is apparent, give the child one tablespoonful of castor oil, and put it on the mildest diet possible of soups, broths, and dried stale bread. give no milk. use the following treatment on the erupted parts: menthol, ten grains in one ounce of cold cream. keep the bowels open. it is sometimes necessary to advise a change of air before complete cure results. prickly heat this is a very common complaint in children during the summer months. it is so common that it is well known and easily recognized. it consists of a bright red eruption, composed of little papules, close together. the rash comes out quickly, so much so that mothers may be surprised and frightened by observing an angry looking rash on their baby some morning when none was there the night before. it most frequently appears upon the neck, back, chest, and forehead. it is exceedingly itchy and a child may scratch itself and cause extensive harm. eczema, of a very obstinate type, frequently results from scratching. the rash of prickly heat is easily diagnosed from other rashes because it is accompanied by no other symptom, such as fever, which would suggest a more serious disease. the rash of prickly heat resembles the rash of scarlet fever more than any other rash, but it is quickly noted that when a child has scarlet fever it has every symptom of being profoundly sick, while prickly heat has no symptom other than the itch and discomfort. it is caused by overfeeding, being overclothed, and sweating in hot weather. treatment.--steps should be taken to prevent prickly heat in an infant. use light, seasonable clothing, bathe frequently, and use plenty of good toilet powder. when the child actually has an attack, open its bowels freely with citrate of magnesia, and give some sweet spirits of niter, according to age. protect the skin from the irritating underwear by interposing a soft piece of linen. in order to reduce the inflammation and cure the condition apply equal parts of starch and boric acid powder freely. keep the patient on a light fluid diet. the bran bath is advisable if the little patient is addicted to these skin eruptions. ringworm of the scalp children of all ages are liable to "catch" ringworm of the scalp. it particularly affects those who are untidy, dirty, and badly cared for, though any child is apt to get it while attending the public schools. if a mother discovers scaly patches in the scalp, with loss of hair, ringworm should be immediately suspected. it is not, however, always easy to diagnose the condition, especially if the case is a mild one. if it is a severe attack, there is, as a rule, quite a little inflammation, and this may render the condition obscure for some time. the disease may be mistaken for dandruff, but dandruff covers a large area of the scalp, while ringworm is limited and sharply defined. dandruff may cause a loss of hair; if it does, the hairs come out clean, while in ringworm they break off near the scalp. treatment.--ringworm is always curable, provided the patient is watched and treatment carried out thoroughly. it is always absolutely necessary to treat the condition, because it will not get better of itself, and the longer it is permitted to last, the worse it gets, and the more difficult it is to cure. if treatment is begun at once, it may take two months to cure it. if the case has lasted for some time, or if it has been neglected and not treated thoroughly, it will take from six months to one year to cure it. these facts are stated so that parents may not become discouraged. the first thing to do is to cut the hair as close to the scalp as possible, wherever the ringworm is, and for about an inch outside, and all around it. the entire scalp should be thoroughly washed three times a week. the scales should be kept soft by the use of carbolic soap. the hair should not be brushed at all, because brushing the hair may spread the disease to other parts of the scalp. every child with ringworm of the scalp should wear a cap of muslin or one lined with paper, so that others may not be infected. these caps can be burned when dirty and new ones made. one of the best remedies to apply to the affected area is the following: bichloride of mercury, grains; olive oil, teaspoonfuls; kerosene, teaspoonfuls. this is rubbed in every day until the parts are sore and tender. it is a good plan to apply this mixture to the entire scalp every fourth day, to guard against other parts becoming infected. it is not necessary to rub it in when using it where there is no ringworm. when the scalp becomes sore from the application it can be stopped for a day or two, or until better; then begin again and repeat the treatment right along. if the kerosene in the above mixture is objected to, a very good mixture is bichloride of mercury, grains, and tincture of iodine, ounce. this may be rubbed vigorously enough to produce a rash. if the disease shows a tendency to spread under this treatment it is best to apply the latter mixture to the entire scalp. ringworm on any other part of the body is effectually treated by applying tincture of iodine. it should be painted on every day until the skin begins to peel, when the ringworm will disappear with the skin. eczema eczema is the most important skin disease of babyhood. it is probably the most frequent skin disease of infancy. any baby may develop eczema. there are, however, some babies who seem to be very susceptible to it. the reason of this susceptibility seems to be due to the natural tenderness, or delicacy, of the skin. these children, because of the extreme sensitiveness of the skin, develop an eczema from a very slight degree of external irritation, or a trifling disturbance of digestion. children of rheumatic or gouty parents are more liable to be victims of eczema than are others. eczema of the face is quite common in children who are apparently healthy and fat. it does not seem to matter whether they are breast-fed or bottle-fed. the following conditions may be regarded as contributory to eczema: exposure to winds; cold, dry air; heat; the use of hard water or strong soaps; lack of cleanliness, and the irritation of clothing. it frequently accompanies chronic constipation, indigestion, and other conditions of the intestinal canal; overfeeding; too early or too excessive use of starchy foods. eczema of the face:--eczema rubrum.--this is the most frequent form. it affects the cheeks, scalp, forehead, and sometimes the ears and the neck. it begins on the cheeks as small red papules. these join together and form a mass of moist, exuding crusts. they dry in time and may be so thick as to form a mask on the face. the skin may be much swollen. when the crusts are removed the face looks red and angry and bleeds easily. it is exceedingly itchy. it causes restlessness, loss of sleep, and it may affect the appetite, though, as a rule, the health remains good. eczema of the face is exceedingly chronic; it improves from time to time, but it is cured with great difficulty only. infants suffering with eczema of the face begin to improve about the middle of the second year and may be entirely cured about this time. the reason of this is the greater amount of exercise the child is getting at this period. if the disease continues longer it is because of the unnecessary amount of fat that the child has. treatment.--eczema is a notoriously tedious disease. there is very little tendency for it to improve, if left to itself. the age, the severity, and just how much you can rely upon the mother, or nurse, faithfully to carry out directions--upon these its cure depends. at best, the treatment may have to be carried out for months. if the eczema is accompanied with constipation and indigestion in infancy, very little can be done with the eczema until these conditions are removed. there exists in the minds of the laity, and in some physicians also, an idea that it is wrong, or dangerous, to cure, or "dry up," an eczema. it is never dangerous, but highly desirable, to cure an eczema, whenever possible. it is always wise, because it is always necessary, to get the child in perfect condition before you treat the eczema. cure the constipation, or indigestion, or cold, or whatever is the matter with the child; then treat the eczema. this is the only plan that offers any success. it is not a simple matter to find out why a nursing child is having indigestion. the most minute care must be exercised to find out the element in the milk that is causing the eczema. it would, however, be foolish, and a waste of time, to apply pastes, etc., to an eczema of the face, while the real cause that produced it was still in existence. it will frequently be found necessary to change the food entirely. strict attention to the bowels is essential, both in infants and in older children. sometimes to cure the constipation means an immediate cure of the eczema. if the child is anemic, poorly nourished, and flabby, tonics are advisable. cod liver oil is of use in quite a number of these cases. eczematous children should not be taken out when the weather is very cold or when there are high winds. they should not be washed with plain water, or with castile soap and water. when washing is necessary, do it with milk and water, to which one teaspoonful of borax is added. the clothing must not be too heavy. in eczema of the face, the child must either wear a mask or heavy woolen gloves, so that he will not scratch the parts. frequently these fail, and it will be necessary to restrain the child from scratching the face by the use of some mechanical device. a piece of strong pasteboard bandaged on the elbows, so as to prevent the child from bending them, is all that is necessary. if the child cannot bend the elbows he cannot scratch his face, yet he has the free use of his hands. the use of external remedies is imperative, as frequently the cause is mostly external, and in other cases it must be used in addition to the general treatment. before external treatment is instituted, the crusts should be softened by applying olive oil to them for twenty-four hours, after which they can be removed with soap and water. if there is much inflammation, or if the face looks angry, a very good application is lassar's paste. later, when the inflammation has subsided and the itching is severe, a mixture of tar ointment, teaspoonfuls; zinc oxide, - / teaspoonfuls; rose water ointment, teaspoonfuls has proved to be one of the very best. when the eczema on the face is of the weeping, or moist, variety, the application of bassorin paste gives splendid results. when an external remedy is applied to any eczematous surface it is necessary to apply it on a cloth. simply to smear it on will do no good. in the treatment of eczema, when the children are breast-fed, it is well to remember that the real cause of the eczema may be in the mother. if the mother is constipated, or if her diet is too liberal, if she is drinking beer, or an excess of coffee, or is not taking exercise, the eczema may be caused by one or other or all of these. for eczema of the scalp the remedy to use is white-precipitate ointment, part; vaseline, parts. mix together and apply. poor blood. simple anemia causes.--there is what may be termed an unnatural tendency toward poor blood during infancy and childhood. the explanation of this anomalous condition is, that the tax or strain put upon the blood to provide for the growth of the child is severe, and is in addition to the great demands made upon it in the exercise of its regular duties. we must, therefore, always take this special duty into consideration, when the question of recuperation, convalescence, feeding, and the administration of blood foods and tonics comes up. it is not necessary to specify the diseases from which a child may suffer and recover, in an anemic condition. any disease may leave a child with temporarily poor blood. the conditions which most frequently produce anemia in childhood are improper feeding and unhealthy surroundings. it is not fully appreciated how seriously these conditions can affect the health of growing children. there is one condition that every mother should be warned against, namely, the possibility of unduly prolonging breast-feeding. children should be weaned at the end of the tenth month. by prolonging the breast-feeding a mother can undermine the vitality and strength of her baby and so impoverish its blood as to invite disease. a bottle-fed baby should be put upon a mixed diet at the same time. to continue feeding a child exclusively on milk for a year or two after weaning, simply because "it will not take anything else," is criminal. any woman guilty of such stupidity should never have become a mother. once again it must be emphasized that every child must have an abundance of fresh air, must not be confined in close, hot, unsanitary rooms, and must have a daily, satisfactory movement of the bowels to be a healthy child with good blood in its body. symptoms.--children suffering from poor blood are flabby, constipated, hungry, weak specimens of childhood. they are under weight, complain of headache, pains, disturbed sleep, are nervous and irritable. they tire quickly, are short of breath, and may have a tendency to faint easily. the hands and feet are cold, the pulse is small and irregular. they may have attacks of nose-bleeding and of bed-wetting. chlorosis.--chlorosis is that form of anemia, of poor blood, which occurs in young girls about the time their sickness begins. it is most frequently seen between the fourteenth and seventeenth years, and more often in blondes than in brunettes. the cause is not known. it is thought to be due to constipation. any occupation which is deleterious to health has a distinct influence on the condition. employment in factories, confinement in badly ventilated rooms, bad or insufficient food, great grief, care, or a bad fright, mental strain, overstudy, may all produce, or contribute to the production of chlorosis. symptoms.--the symptoms of chlorosis resemble those of simple anemia. children suffering from anemia are pale; girls with chlorosis have a peculiar greenish yellow tint in the skin. they are short of breath, they have vertigo, palpitation, disturbances of digestion, constipation, cold hands and feet, and scanty or arrested monthly periods. they have various nervous disturbances, such as headache, pains in various parts of the body, neuralgia, especially over the eyes, hysterical attacks, and sometimes cholera. ulcer of the stomach is sometimes seen in this condition. the disease lasts for a year or longer; it frequently lasts a number of years. relapses are frequent. [illustration: by permission of henry h. goddard "a misfortune at birth"] warren is feeble-minded. his family said it was due to "a serious fall of the mother." [a]"the family history is, however, exceedingly interesting. "the paternal grandfather, whom we have called nick, was of good family, although he himself was totally different from the rest. he was weak in every way, and to be considered feeble-minded. he married into a family that was much lower socially than his own, although we have no proof that it was a defective family. the children of this couple were all mentally defective and low-grade, morally as well as intellectually. "warren's father, jake, a thoroughly disgraceful character, married sal, a woman somewhat older than he. "the immorality of this family beggars description. a girl named moll was fifteen years old when jake brought her into his home: his wife, sal, was so feeble-minded that she allowed the illicit relations between these two. moll's child was born in the hospital after the mother had been sent away from one home because of her horrible syphilitic condition--from which she finally died. "our boy warren's sister liz with whom the father lived in incestuous relations, was also allowed to live illicitly with a man who worked for her father. she was so simple that she talked openly about her relations with her father and with this man. when a child was to be born the man married her. "this is not all, but enough: and sufficient to show what feeble-mindedness leads to when it takes the direction of sexual abuses." [a] "feeble-mindedness: its causes and consequences, goddard, the macmillan company. severe anemia: pernicious anemia.--this is the most severe form of anemia, or the condition in which we have the poorest blood. while this condition frequently results in death the others rarely ever do. this condition is not common in childhood. symptoms.--there is intense weakness and prostration. the skin is very pale, the mucous membranes are bluish white. the breath is markedly short and there is often dropsy of the limbs and feet. fever is often present and quite high. the disease lasts a number of months; the patient often feels better for a time, then relapses into a more serious condition than before. treatment of the various forms of anemia simple anemia.--find the cause and stop it. in infancy special attention should be given to diet and hygiene, giving the child plenty of fresh air, and a change of air to the country or seashore if necessary. the general treatment is more important than any benefit that may be derived from drugs. the rules laid down in the articles on "malnutrition" must be closely followed in these children. chlorosis.--in this form of anemia, or poor blood, it is best to give iron. change of air and change of scene are of special importance in these cases and will frequently cure. the general condition of course must not be overlooked. the diet, exercise, bowels, habits, should receive careful attention. iron should be continued for a number of months after all traces of the anemia have disappeared. pernicious anemia.--for this condition arsenic is the one remedy needful. in all conditions of poor blood the most careful attention should be given to the general health. colds must be guarded against. the patients should never get their feet or their clothes wet. muscular exercise, because of the weak condition of the heart, should be moderate, and only given on the advice of a physician. it is frequently necessary to stop all forms of exercise and in many instances we get the best results by directing complete rest in bed for a considerable part of the day or for all day if the case demands it. * * * * * chapter xxxvii diseases of children, continued rheumatism--malaria--rashes of childhood--pimples--acne-- blackheads--convulsions--fits--spasms--bed-wetting--enuresis-- incontinence--sleeplessness--disturbed sleep--nightmare--night terrors-- headache--thumb-sucking--biting the finger nails--colon irrigation-- how to wash out the bowels--a high enema--enema--methods of reducing fever--ice cap--cold sponging--cold pack--the cold bath--various baths-- mustard baths--hot pack--hot bath--hot air, or vapor bath--bran bath-- tepid bath--cold sponge--shower bath--poultices--hot fomentations--how to make and how to apply a mustard paste--how to prepare and use the mustard pack--turpentine stupes--oiled silk, what it is and why it is used. rheumatism this is a rather common disease of childhood. it occurs most frequently between the ages of nine and thirteen years. children can have it, however, at any age. the symptoms of rheumatism in children are much the same, though somewhat milder, as when the disease is present in an adult. children are not quite as sick, nor is the fever as high, nor is the pain as great as in a grown person. in children the disease does not last as long, as a rule. sometimes it will jump from one joint to another, and may, as a consequence, become chronic. when a child has once had rheumatism, it has the same disposition to recur that it has in adults. the principal danger of rheumatism in children is its tendency to attack the heart. even mild attacks of the disease can do serious damage to the heart. children who have the rheumatic tendency invariably suffer from inflammatory conditions of the upper respiratory tract. they are prone to have recurring colds, tonsilitis, and sore throats. treatment of conditions without regard to the underlying rheumatism is never satisfactory. these children complain of indefinite pains, now in one place, now in another. these pains are commonly known as "growing-pains" and, inasmuch as they are rheumatic and not "growing pains," they should be regarded seriously because of the heart damage they might do if ignored, and especially so since the mildest attacks of rheumatism, without any joint symptoms even, frequently leave the heart in very bad shape. as a general rule it will be found that when a child has had a number of attacks of bronchitis or asthma it is rheumatic and should receive treatment for the rheumatic tendency. children with the tendency to rheumatism invariably eat too much red meats and sugar,--the latter in the form of candy or as an excess in the food. treatment of an acute attack.--the child should be put in bed and kept warm. the bowels should be freely opened with citrate of magnesia. the diet should be very light: milk and lime water or milk and vichy water, with a piece of dry toast or zwieback, is all the child needs until the fever is relieved. when a single joint is affected local measures may be taken for its relief. wraping the joints up with flannel cloths which have been wrung out of true oil of wintergreen, and outside of this oiled silk snugly bandaged on, is an excellent external application. the flannel cloths should be kept moist by adding a little of the wintergreen from time to time as it dries in. this can be done without removing the bandage. this application is kept in place for twenty-four hours and renewed if necessary. such an external application will aid in the actual cure of the disease and will quickly relieve the patient of the pain. the oil of wintergreen used in this way should be the "true" oil, and should be so specified when bought in the drug store. because of the great tendency to attack the heart a physician should take charge of every case of acute rheumatism in a child. to treat the tendency to rheumatism.--exclude red meats and sugar in all forms as much as is possible. give green vegetables freely, potatoes boiled with the skins on, fish, eggs, and poultry. cereals with milk, especially well cooked scotch oatmeal, are exceedingly good for these children. by keeping up this diet after the acute attack has passed for a considerable time, it is possible to cure the various other complaints with which the child is afflicted,--tonsilitis, sore-throats, winter coughs, head-colds, bronchitis, asthma, etc. these children should wear woolen underwear all the year round. they should be encouraged to drink water or vichy freely between meals. in the treatment of an acute attack as given above it will be observed that no drugs are mentioned. this is intentional because it would be unjust to encourage the home treatment of a disease that is so treacherous, even in its mildest forms. because of its tendency to recur and with each recurrence the danger of the heart being affected, it is advisable to put these children on cod liver oil or iron or some other good tonic. every precaution should be taken to prevent these children from getting their feet wet or being out in the rain. summary:-- rheumatism is a dangerous disease in children. in its mildest forms it can affect the heart badly. it has a distinct tendency to recur. rheumatic children are afflicted with a number of diseased conditions which do not respond to treatment unless the rheumatism is treated. acute rheumatism should never be treated except by a physician because of its treacherous character. malaria. intermittent fever malaria occurs quite often in infants and children. as a rule the child gives evidence of gastro-intestinal disturbance for a short period before the malarial symptoms appear. the chilly stage is often absent. sometimes the hands and feet are cold and may be slightly blue and the child may appear to be in collapse. this stage may last for an hour or longer. the chilly stage may, however, be replaced by nervous symptoms,--restlessness, dizziness, irritability, nausea, etc.,--or a convulsion may take place. in the second stage the temperature may rise quite high, the pulse may be quite rapid; the child is flushed, restless, and cries. this period may last from half an hour to two hours. the sweating stage is not as a rule well marked in a child. it may be very slight or not at all. between the attacks some children may be entirely well; others remain restless, have little appetite and poor digestion. malaria in children does not always follow a typical course. we often see children suffering from spasms, fainting spells, neuralgias, diarrhea, vomiting, and skin eruptions, all due to the malarial condition. this often leads to a mistake in diagnosis. intermittent fever is often mistaken for pneumonia. malaria is not a favorable disease for an infant to have. it rapidly weakens the child and great debility and anemia follows. treatment.--the treatment for malaria in children is by the administration of quinine as in adults. it must, however, be given with care and intelligence; for this reason no mother should begin dosing her child with it without consulting a physician. regarding mosquitoes the following is an extract from a circular in relation to the causation and prevention of malaria and the life history and extermination of mosquitoes issued by the department of health, city of new york: extermination and prevention of mosquitoes.--mosquitoes require for their development standing water. they cannot arise in any other way. a single crop soon dies and disappears unless the females find water on which their eggs may be laid. in order to prevent mosquitoes, therefore, the requirement is simple. no standing water.--pools of rain water, duck ponds, ice ponds, and temporary accumulations due to building; marshes, both of salt and fresh water, and road-side drains; pots, kettles, tubs, springs, barrels of water, and other back-yard collections, should be drained, filled with earth, or emptied. running streams should have their margins carefully cleaned and covered with gravel to prevent weeds and grass at the water's edge. lily ponds and fountain pools should, if possible, be abolished; if not, the margins should be cemented or carefully graveled, a good stock of minnows put in the water, and green slime (algæ) regularly cleaned out, as it collects. where tanks, cisterns, wells or springs are necessary to supply water, the openings to them should be closely covered with wire gauze (galvanized to prevent rusting), not the smallest aperture being left. when neither drainage nor covering is practicable, the surface of the standing water should be covered with a film of light fuel oil (or kerosene) which chokes and kills the larvæ. the oil may be poured on from a can or from a sprinkler. it will spread itself. one ounce of oil is sufficient to cover square feet of water. the oil should be renewed once a week during warm weather. particular attention should be paid to cess-pools. these pools when uncovered breed mosquitoes in vast numbers; if not tightly closed by a cemented top or by wire-gauze, they should be treated once a week with an excess of kerosene or light fuel oil. certain simple precautions suffice to protect persons living in malarial districts from infection: first: proper screening of the house to prevent the entrance of the mosquitoes (after careful search for and destruction of all those already present in the house), and screening of the bed at night. the chief danger of infection is at night (the anopheles bite mostly at this time). second: the screening of persons in malarial districts who are suffering from malarial fever, so that mosquitoes may not bite them and thus become infected. third: the administration of quinine in full doses to malarial patients to destroy the malarial organisms in the blood. fourth: the destruction of mosquitoes by one or more of the methods already described. these measures, if properly carried out, will greatly restrict the prevalence of the disease, and will prevent the occurrence of new malarial infections. it must be remembered that when a person is once infected, the organisms may remain in the body for many years, producing from time to time relapses of the fever. a case of malarial infection in a house (whether the person is actively ill or the infection is latent) in a locality where anophele mosquitoes are present, is a constant source of danger, not only to the inmates of the house, but to the immediate neighborhood, if proper precautions are not taken. it should be noted in this connection that the mosquitoes may remain in a house through an entire winter and probably infect the inmates in the spring upon the return of the warm weather. malarial fever is prevalent in certain boroughs of new york city, and in view of the presence of standing water resulting from the extensive excavations taking place in various parts of these boroughs, is likely to extend, if means are not taken for its prevention. regulations of the board of health, new york city, in aid of mosquito extermination and the prevention of malarial fever (in force from march to october .) . no rain-water barrel, cistern, or other receptacle for rain-water, shall be maintained without being tightly screened by netting, or so absolutely covered that no mosquito can enter. . no cans, pails, or anything capable of holding water, shall be thrown out or allowed to remain unburied on or about any premises. . every uncovered cesspool or tank shall be kept in such condition that oil may be freely distributed so as to flow over the surface of the water. covered cess-pools must have perfectly tight covers, and all openings must be screened. . no waste or other water shall be thrown out or allowed to stand on or near premises. information is requested as to the presence of standing water anywhere, so that the premises may be inspected and the legal remedies against the same be applied. the prompt coöperation of all persons in the enforcement of the above regulations is earnestly desired, and they are assured that in this way the breeding of mosquitoes on their premises may be prevented. mosquitoes are, so far as known, the only means of conveying malaria. "rashes" of childhood the following table gives all the characteristics of the rashes that accompany the eruptive fevers. the term "incubation" means the period of time which elapses between the time when the child was exposed to, or caught the disease, and the time when the child is taken sick. it is sometimes interesting to know where a child could have caught a disease; so if we know the incubation period we can tell exactly where the child was on the day, or days, when it was infected. -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ name | incubation |day of rash|character of rash|rash fades|duration -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ measles | - days | th day |small red like |on the | - | | |spots resembling | th day |days | | |flea bites, first|of fever | | | |appearing on face| | | | |and forehead, | | | | |forming blotches | | | | |with semi-lunar | | | | |borders. | | -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ scarlet | - days | d day of |bright scarlet, |on th | - days fever |occasionally| fever |rapidly diffused,|day of | | longer | |first on chest |fever | | | |and upper | | | | |extremities. | | -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ chicken-pox| - days | d day |small rose |slight | - days | | |vesicles, which |scab of | | | |do not become |short | | | |pustular |duration | -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ typhoid | - days | - days |rose colored | |from fever | | |papules elevated,| | - | | |few in number, | |days | | |limited to trunk,| | | | |disappear on | | | | |pressure. | | -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ smallpox | - days | d day of |small, round, | th day | - (variola) | | fever |red, hard, |scabs |days | | |papules forming |form and | | | |vesicles then |about | | | |pustules, first | th day | | | |appearing on face|fall off | | | |and wrists. | | -----------+------------+-----------+-----------------+----------+---------+ other rashes.--there are so-called "stomach" rashes which are a source of much worry to mothers. these rashes may appear at any time and they may be limited to certain parts or may cover most of the body. they may be bright red, or they may be simply a general discoloration. they may appear as blotches or they may spread all over, like the rash of scarlet fever when at its height. these rashes are of no importance, except that they indicate some derangement of the gastro-intestinal tract. as a rule they indicate indiscriminate feeding or overfeeding. children who have had too much candy or pastries, or who have been fed things which are unsuited to their age, frequently develop rashes. such children should have a thorough cleaning out; a dose of castor oil is probably the best cathartic to give them. the mother may readily learn to know the difference between a rash that is unimportant and one that indicates one of the eruptive diseases, if she gives the matter a little careful thought. in the first place a child who is about to become the victim of one of the eruptive diseases will be sick, and will have a fever for two or three days before any rash appears; while on the other hand a child may go to bed in good health and may next morning be covered with a general rash, or with large blotches, without any fever and without any evidence of ill-health, except the skin condition. in the second place, if the mother gives the child a cathartic and restricts the diet for a day the rash will disappear, and good spirits and good health will be maintained; on the other hand, the giving of a cathartic to a child who is the victim of an eruptive disease will not tend to diminish the rash, but may accentuate it. pimples: blackheads (acne).--this eruption is situated chiefly on the face. it may appear, however, on the back, shoulders, and on the chest. it is mostly seen in young men and women about the age of puberty. it appears as conical elevations of the size of a pea; they are red and tender on pressure, and have a tendency to form matter, or pus, in their center. in from four to ten days the matter is discharged but the red spots continue for some time longer. "blackheads" appear as slightly elevated spots of a black color out of which a small worm-like substance may be pressed. pimples and blackheads are due to inflammation of the glands of the skin. the mouths of these glands become filled with dust which acts as a plug causing the retention of the oily matter of the gland which becomes inflamed and hence the pimples and blackheads. certain constitutional conditions favor the development of these skin blemishes. constipation, indigestion, bad blood from unsanitary and bad hygienic surroundings, self-abuse and bad sexual habits favor the appearance of these skin affections. treatment.--the patient must avoid tea, coffee, tobacco, alcohol, veal, pork, fats, candy, pastries, cheese, and all edibles that are known to disagree with the digestion of the patient. constipation must be avoided; if necessary, laxatives may be taken to keep the bowel open. the blackheads must be squeezed out with an instrument made for the purpose, not with the finger nails. pimples must be opened with a sterile needle. the parts should be washed three times a day with hot water and green soap, and the following mixture applied at night:-- zinc oxide ounces / powdered calamine ounces / lime water ounces mix and shake before applying to the skin. convulsions. fits. spasms convulsions are quite common in children, especially those under three years of age. a convulsion in an infant immediately, or within three months, after its birth is the result of injury, either at birth or later (a fall for example) which seriously affects the brain itself. after the third month the cause of fits or convulsions is, in a very large percentage of the cases, to be found in errors of diet resulting in disturbances in the stomach or bowels--eating of articles of food difficult to digest, as green or overripe fruit, salads, fresh bread, pickles, cheese, etc. children of a nervous temperament are more liable to convulsions than are others. females are more frequently victims of fits than are male children. in infants convulsions often result from changes in the mother's milk. mental excitement, deep emotion, anger, frights, severe affliction and distress will so affect a woman's milk that it will cause convulsions in her child if she nurses it while under the influence of any of these conditions. convulsions may result from any condition that disturbs the nutrition of the child, as, for example,--exhaustion, anemia, intestinal indigestion, blood poison, and general weakness resulting from some severe sickness, especially those of the digestive organs. various forms of brain disease cause spasms and fits; the most common are meningitis, tumors, hemorrhage, abscesses and injuries. convulsions may accompany certain conditions, as, the presence of worms, teething, severe burns, foreign bodies in the ear, whooping cough, pneumonia scarlet fever, malaria, sometimes measles, typhoid fever, and diphtheria. children who are badly nourished and who live constantly in unsanitary surroundings are more apt to have convulsions than those who are well nourished and who live hygienically. one attack renders the patient more liable to another, and when the "habit" is established any trivial cause may incite a convulsion; persistent and systematic efforts should therefore be taken to prevent the attacks. the best preventives are: st. to regulate the diet and the bowels. nd. remove adenoids and worms, if they exist. rd. avoid the use of alcohol, coffee, tea, fresh bread, pastries, candies and all improper foods. th. guard the child against catching cold, infectious diseases and all fevers. in other words, save the child from the cause and the convulsion will not take place. by regulating the bowels we mean that everything the child eats must be seen by the mother, must be with the mother's permission, and must be suited to the child's age. if there is any question about the latter it will be advisable to have a physician write out a list of articles suitable to the child. it is generally necessary to eliminate meats, pastries, candies, sugar to a large extent, gravies, salads, sauces, and all the extras of the table, as pickles, mustard, relish, etc., as well as coffee, tea, cocoa, and alcohol. the child should live in the open air as much as possible; a daily warm bath, followed by a quick, cold sponge, is a necessity. children subject to fits are possessed of a highly nervous temperament. they are difficult to manage unless managed with firmness and tact. it is not necessary to be harsh, but it is imperative to be firm and decided. they must be made to realize that they are not "the master," that their will is not supreme, and the mother must exact this condition; otherwise these children will become dictators and selfish despots--ruining the discipline of the home, spoiling their own chance of physical health, and rendering unhappy everyone around them. the parents, therefore, have a definite duty to perform and it is not an easy one. the food should be so regulated that each day a natural movement of the bowels will take place. (see article on constipation, page .) if a day should pass without a movement the child should be given a hot rectal enema as described on page . the adenoids can be easily demonstrated to either exist or be absent. (see page .) if worms are known to be present in the child they should be at once removed. if they are simply suspected, the child should receive treatment for them, just the same. (see page .) by going a long time without a convulsion the nervous system will recuperate itself, and become so strong and healthy that what once would cause a fit will make no impression in its new strengthened state; therefore, if you "save the child from the cause," the convulsions will cure themselves, as it were. there are some cases of convulsions for which no satisfactory explanation can be found. treatment.--when a child has a convulsion, remove its clothing and put it into a mustard bath. the temperature of the bath should be ° f. every part of the child should be under the water except the head, which is supported in the palm of the hand. while it is in the bath its body, and especially its arms and legs, should be briskly rubbed by the hands of an assistant in order to keep the circulation active. a rectal injection of soap suds or plain salt and water (see page ) should be given while the child is in the bath, because, as explained above, a large percentage of these cases are caused by gastro-intestinal derangements. the rectal injection will likely remove the cause. an ordinary convulsion lasts from five to ten minutes. when the child is removed from the bath it should be placed in a warm, comfortable bed and kept absolutely quiet. a hot-water bottle may be put near its feet and an ice-bag or cold cloths should be kept on its head. it should be given a full dose of castor oil and allowed to go to sleep. its diet should consist of light broths for two or three days and during this time it should not be disturbed or annoyed by too much attention. this is as far as it is wise or safe for any mother to go in the treatment of convulsions. a physician should be called in every instance, because a convulsion should never be regarded lightly. many children have become idiots, others have been afflicted with paralysis, because of inattention at the proper time. summary:-- st. convulsions must always be regarded as serious. nd. convulsions demand prompt treatment. rd. every mother should know that an english mustard bath--hot--is the first resort in convulsions. th. while this is being done she can read the home treatment in this book and carry it out before the doctor comes. th. if the fit is not caused by some stomach or intestinal trouble, have the physician find out the cause and tell you what to do, and do it faithfully, because if you neglect the proper treatment the child may become idiotic or paralyzed. bed wetting. enuresis--incontinence enuresis, or incontinence of urine, is customary in infancy. just when urination becomes a voluntary act depends upon the development and training of the individual child. as a rule children can be taught to control this function during the day, or while awake, about the tenth month. it is not under control during sleep until a much later period, usually by the end of the second year, but lack of control should not be regarded as abnormal until the child has entered the fourth year. if the child fails to control the act of urination during the day at the end of the second year, and is addicted to habitual bed-wetting, some measures should be adopted to cure the condition. boys under twelve years of age seem to be affected more frequently than girls. it is wrong to assume that it is caused by negligence or laziness, as some parents do. it has generally a special cause, and the cause usually can be found if it is carefully sought for. it may be the result of bad habits: exposure to cold in the night; lying on the back; drinking too much liquid in the afternoon or at bedtime. it may be due to too much acid in the urine, and if so it will be found necessary to reduce meats and eggs the child is eating. worms, stone in the bladder, some anatomical abnormality or deficiency, may be responsible for it. the diet may be at fault; adenoids are supposed by some physicians to be the cause. no matter what the actual cause may be, it must be found and remedied before we can hope for a permanent cure. a very large majority of these cases are due to nervousness. these children are of a nervous temperament. they are not necessarily sickly children; they are simply of a nervous type. they are well-nourished, active, and lively. incontinence of urine during the day and long-continued bed-wetting does not at all affect the health of the child. if they are in poor health, it is essential to treat their general condition before trying to cure the incontinence. it is absolutely wrong to punish or to crush the spirit of these children. constant nagging and taunting, even if done in the hope of shaming the child into a cure, will simply make a coward of him and will not aid in improving matters, but will be distinctly detrimental. scrupulous cleanliness must be constantly practiced or these children, if neglected, may develop ulcers and sores of a very obstinate character. the odor is also bad for the health of the child. treatment.--find and remove the cause if possible. if due to general poor health, give tonics, obtain a change of air, and build the child up. reduce the total quantity of liquids, if in excess, and be very careful not to give any liquids near bedtime. don't cover these children too much; they should never be "too warm"; they should sleep in a well-aired room, and they should receive a quick, cool sponge bath every morning. they should be taught to sleep on their sides, never on their backs. their diet should be light but nourishing. when bed-wetting is established it will continue, if untreated, until the child is eight or ten years of age, and it frequently lasts much longer. when treatment is undertaken it should be distinctly understood by the mother that it will take many months to cure; and during these months she must give her constant attention to the child. if she does not undertake to do this, or if she fails to do it, the treatment should not be begun at all, as it will not succeed. various plans should be tried to keep the child from sleeping on its back. the reason of this is because it has been found that the child wets the bed only when sleeping on its back and never when sleeping on its side. the simplest method, of tying a towel or cloth around the child with a knot over the spinal column, so that it will hurt and waken it, if it turns on its back, is a very good one and should be carefully tried for some time. the nervous system of these children should never be overtaxed at home or at school. early hours and plenty of sleep are desirable. certain articles of diet of a stimulating character should be entirely avoided,--for example, coffee, tea, beer, candies, sugars, and pickles. the best diet for these children is one composed exclusively of milk, vegetables, fruits, meats, and cereals. meats, however, should be given only once every two days. it is a good plan to teach the child to hold his water during the day, as long as he can, to accustom the bladder to being full. adenoid growths, which contribute to the nervousness of a naturally nervous child, should be removed. it is a good plan to take the child up when the parents go in bed and let him urinate. this often cures the condition in itself. sometimes moral measures, such as the promise of a reward, will strengthen the will so that the child may overcome the tendency. find out what the child most desires in the way of a toy, and promise it if he goes so long without wetting the bed. aid and encourage him to make efforts to win the reward. if drugs have to be resorted to, it is necessary to call the family physician, as the only drugs that are of any use are very powerful and have to be given with great care and caution. it is the experience of most physicians and specialists, however, that in a large majority of cases the treatment, along the lines as given above, will be effective, without drugs, if faithfully persisted in by the mother. these children should be examined by a physician. the cause of the bed-wetting is frequently discovered to be produced by anatomical abnormalities which render circumcision imperative. in these cases no method of treatment will succeed until circumcision is performed. sleeplessness. disturbed sleep causes.--in babies, disturbed sleep is most frequently due to hunger or to indigestion. the latter is the result of overfeeding or improper feeding. rocking the child to sleep, or feeding it during the night will cause sleeplessness. teething, colic, or any pain will result in disturbed sleep. nervous children are frequently poor sleepers. in older children, some digestive disturbance is, as a rule, the cause. chronic intestinal indigestion, worms, adenoid growths, enlarged tonsils, lack of fresh air in the bedroom, cold feet, may, however, be the cause. overstudy in school, poor blood, poor nourishment are always accompanied by inability to sleep soundly. too strenuous play, exciting stories read before bedtime, may cause sleeplessness. treatment.--the removal of the cause is absolutely necessary. in order to discover the cause it is sometimes essential to study the child's whole routine in order to be able to tell exactly just what is causing the apparent insomnia. it may be necessary to change the method of feeding, to regulate the studies and the exercises, and to suggest changes regarding the sanitary and hygienic environment of the child's life. mothers must be warned against using drugs in the form of soothing syrups or teething mixtures. they are dangerous and absolutely forbidden under the above conditions. the nervous disposition of the child must be taken into consideration and treated if necessary. if bad habits exist they must be stopped. poor blood and poor nutrition must receive the treatment suggested under these headings. nightmare. night terrors in a nightmare a child wakes suddenly in a state of fright and will inform you that it has had a bad dream. his mind seems clear and he recognizes those about him. he is not easily calmed and may cry for some time; finally he goes to sleep again. the next day he will remember the dream and most of the incidents of the night before. such cases are quite frequent. they are to be treated in the same way as cases of disturbed sleep, as they really have the same cause. they are mostly due to digestive disturbances and errors of diet. night-terrors.--cases under this heading form a distinct group by themselves. they are not frequent, but the condition is much more serious. the cause seems to be wholly nervous and may indicate an important nervous derangement. it seems to have some indefinite relation to such conditions as migraine, hysteria, epilepsy, and even insanity. the child wakes suddenly during the night and sits up, evidently in terror; he does not apparently regain his full consciousness. he talks of being scared, calls for his mother, trembles and shakes, cannot answer questions intelligently, and after a time goes to sleep. next day he remembers nothing of the attack and does not seem to suffer in any way as a result of it. i am disposed to believe that all of these attacks are not due to a nervous condition. a number of them of exactly this type have been cured by absolutely withdrawing milk from the diet. it is a good plan to restrict the possibility of excessive play in these children. they are of the type whose play is work, and too much of it is too exhausting. some person should sleep in the same room with these patients or in an adjoining room with the door open. if the condition occurs frequently the child should be subjected to a thorough physical examination, because it may be one evidence of a serious ailment. sometimes these little patients have to be taken out of school and sent to the country, where they should remain for many months. it is far better to regard the condition as indicating an abnormality,--even though it may not have any deeper significance than that the digestive apparatus of the child is not quite right,--and make every effort to cure it, than to permit the child to go on under what really are unjust and unfavorable conditions. headache headaches are not common in little children. the most frequent ones are caused by: . chronic indigestion and constipation. . anemia and malnutrition. . nervous disorders. . diseases of the eye, nose, throat. . rheumatism and gout. . disturbances of the genital tract. those arising from anemia and poor nutrition are most frequently present in girls from ten to fifteen years of age. they may result from overcrowding of school work, which results in loss of appetite and poor sleep. nervous headaches may be hereditary or acquired through unhygienic surroundings. hysteria, epilepsy, disease of the brain, neuralgia from carious teeth, may result in nervous headaches. headaches from disturbances of the genital tract may afflict girls about the time of puberty. treatment.--to remove the cause is the only plan that promises any result. each one must be investigated by itself and dealt with accordingly. for the headache itself a hot foot bath, cold to the head, and small doses of phenacetine (one grain every hour for four doses) are perhaps the most certain of all methods of treatment. thumb-sucking the habit of sucking the thumb may be corrected by wearing a pair of white mittens, or gloves tied at the wrist. should children attempt to suck the thumb with gloves on, as some do, it will be necessary to saturate the thumb and fingers of the gloves with tincture of aloes, or a solution of the bisulphate of quinine, one dram to two ounces of water. biting the finger nails biting the finger nails may be stopped by the use of the same bitter remedies as are used in thumb-sucking. how to wash out the bowels colon irrigation. a high enema procure a soft rubber catheter,--no. american is about right. it is not advisable to get too soft rubber for the reason that it will buckle when the child strains and it will be impossible to wash out the bowel. fill half full an ordinary two-quart douche bag with water that is warm, but not too hot. dissolve a heaping teaspoonful of table salt in a glass of hot water and add this to the water in the bag. hang the bag about two feet above the level of the child, so that the water will not flow in with too strong a stream; otherwise the child will immediately try to eject it. if the water flows in gently, the child may not object to it to the extent of making strenuous efforts to force the catheter out. use the small sized nozzle that comes with the douche bag. place the rubber catheter over this nozzle, lubricate the catheter, place the child on its back over a douche pan, insert the catheter about two inches, let the water run and as it runs in push the catheter up gently until it is all in the bowel except the end on the douche tip. the object of letting the water run while pushing in the catheter is because it floats up with the water as it distends the bowel; there is no risk then of pushing the end into the intestinal wall or hurting the child. while the water is flowing into the bowel it is a good plan to compress the buttocks together to aid in holding the water, as the child is very apt to let it run out as soon as it feels uncomfortable. the temperature of the water for the ordinary rectal injection should be ° f. when the child is exhausted or very weak, or when the circulation is poor, the temperature of the water may be as high as ° f. when, on the other hand, the fever is very high, the water may be much cooler; as low as ° f. has been given with good results on the fever. if the irrigation is given with the intention of reducing the fever, it is best to begin with water around ° f., and reduce it to ° f., gradually. indications for irrigation of the colon.--when it is desired to cleanse the bowel of any collection of matter a colon irrigation is indicated. this matter may be mucus, fecal substance, undigested food, or the decomposing waste products which may remain there as a result of disease or other conditions. when it is desired to medicate by putting fluids into the bowel we adopt the colon infusion. every diseased condition of the bowel does not, however, indicate irrigation. if a child is having frequent loose movements every half-hour it is safe to assume that the bowel is being cleaned out sufficiently without any artificial aid. to irrigate in these cases would only irritate and would not accomplish anything. the cases which are benefited are those in which we have a fever with four or five green stools in the twenty-four hours, or where we have a high fever with no movement at all. to irrigate in these cases we not only get rid of the products of decomposition, but we prevent further decomposition and we reduce the fever, thereby contributing to the general welfare of the child. when the child is convalescing and when there is only mucus in the stools, with no fever--as in cases of chronic ileo-colitis--the colon irrigations should be stopped, as they tend to keep up the discharge of mucus in these cases. if, however, there is a relapse with fever, which would indicate a fresh infection with more discharging mucus and possibly green stools, the irrigation must be used until the fever subsides. colon irrigations should always be given in every case of convulsions in infancy, first to clean out the bowel to prevent putrefaction, and second to empty the bowel on general principles because an overloaded bowel is very frequently the cause of convulsions in children. when irrigation of the bowel is given at all it must be given thoroughly. enough water must pass into the bowel to wash it all out. for this reason it is essential that the catheter should be all in and in the bowel--not doubled on itself two or three inches in the bowel. if it is a serious case and the mother nervous, someone else should give the washing--preferably the physician himself. if the child objects strenuously, as often happens, it must be done with greater care to be successful. remember that a colon irrigation is never given unless it is absolutely necessary and as a consequence it is given to accomplish a certain purpose; it must, therefore, be done thoroughly. if it is not, your child may miss the chance it has of getting over some immediate difficulty and if the moment of the "chance" is wasted or lost, that moment will not return. be thorough, therefore. enema.--some physicians talk about a high enema and a low enema. a high enema is really an irrigation as described above. the following remarks apply to low enemas only. a so-called low enema is given to clean out the rectum of constipated matter, or for the introduction of food or medicine by rectum, when for various reasons it is necessary to spare the stomach. it may be given with the fountain syringe or with the ordinary bulb (baby) syringe. a catheter may be put on the tip of the syringe if it is thought best to inject higher up than in the rectum. when an enema is used in infants or older children for the relief of constipation, the best medium to use is glycerine. for an infant, one teaspoonful to an ounce of water is sufficient; for older children, one tablespoonful to two ounces of water, given with the bulb syringe, will give prompt results. if the constipation is pronounced, the fecal mass very hard, an enema of sweet oil, allowed to remain in for ten minutes, will soften it and permit a movement. soap suds are often used. they are good but not as reliable as the glycerine or oil; if, however, neither of these two are at hand the soap suds may be given. enemas should be carefully given and the liquid slowly injected. if the fountain syringe is used care must be exercised in not having the bag too high. if it is too high the liquid will flow in too strongly, either injuring the bowel wall or causing the child to strain immediately and pass out the injection before it has an opportunity of accomplishing its work. the temperature of the enema should be warm--not hot, and not cold, simply body heat. methods of reducing fever during the course of acute illness it is frequently necessary to reduce the fever, if possible, without the use of drugs. the following means are often adopted. it is desirable that the mother should know just how to carry out these methods: ice-cap.--an ice-cap is used to protect the brain when a child or adult is running a very high fever. it is put on when the fever is above ° f. it may be used in other conditions--brain disease, or disease of the meninges or cord--in which case the physician will be in attendance and will direct what should be done. ice-bags are procured in the drug stores. the best one is the flat french ice-bag. fill it three-quarters full of finely chopped ice, put the ice-bag in a towel, and place on the patient's head. there should be only one thickness of the towel between the ice-bag and the head. it will be necessary to keep a record of the fever so that the ice-bag may be withdrawn when it falls below ° f. when the ice melts the bag must be at once refilled. this is often overlooked by careless mothers. cold sponging.--cold sponging is used to reduce fever or to allay nervous irritability. equal parts of alcohol and water or vinegar and water are used. the temperature of the water should be ° to ° f. infants to be sponged should be completely undressed and laid upon a blanket. the sponging should be done for about fifteen or twenty minutes, after which the child is wrapped in a dry blanket without further clothing except the diaper. to be effective it must be done frequently. cold pack.--the cold pack is used to reduce fever. it is one of the simplest and one of the best means we have. the child is undressed completely, and laid upon a blanket. it is completely covered with a small blanket (except its head) wrung out of water at ° f. outside of this the child is rubbed with a piece of ice, front and back, for a sufficiently long time to render the surface cool, but not cold. children take kindly to this means of reducing fever; there is no shock and they are quieted by it. just how long one will rub with the ice depends upon circumstances. from five to thirty minutes may be employed. the head should be sponged with cold water while this is being done and it is a good plan to have a hot-water bottle at the child's feet. the cold bath.--to reduce fever the cold bath is used in the following way: water at a temperature of ° f. is put into the bath and the child is first put into this water, then the water is reduced by putting into it shaved ice until it reaches ° f. the child's body is well rubbed while it is in the bath and cold water is applied to its head. the bath is continued for five minutes, or sometimes with a robust child to ten minutes. on removal the child should be put into a warm blanket after being thoroughly dried. rectal irrigations.--these are sometimes given to reduce fever. they are very useful and very successful if they are given properly and without exciting the child too much. it is best to give water of an ordinary temperature at first and gradually reduce it to ° f. it should be continued for ten minutes or longer. it may be repeated every three hours. (see page .) various baths every mother should know how to give any bath that may be directed by the physician. the mustard bath.--take from three to four tablespoonfuls of english mustard; mix thoroughly in about one gallon of warm water. add to this about five gallons of plain water at a temperature of ° f. if it is necessary to raise the temperature of the water higher it may be done by adding water until the temperature reaches ° or ° f. the mustard bath is exceedingly effective in cases of shock, great sudden depression, collapse, heart failure, or in sudden congestion of the lungs or brain. the special use of the mustard bath is in the treatment of convulsions; it is also useful for nervous children who sleep badly. two or three minutes in the mustard bath, followed by a quick rubbing, will induce refreshing sleep in these children. it is not necessary to have more than one tablespoonful of mustard in these cases. the hot bath.--a bath is prepared of water at a temperature of ° f. after the child is in the bath the temperature of the water is raised to °, or to ° f. it is not safe to go above this point. the body of the child should be well rubbed while it is in the bath. in most cases it is advisable to apply cold water to the head while the child is in the bath. a bath thermometer should be kept in the water to see that it does not rise above the temperature desired. the hot bath, like the mustard bath, is used to promote reaction in cases of shock, collapse, etc., and in convulsions. the hot pack.--remove all clothing from the baby and envelop the body in a sheet wrung out of water at a temperature of ° f., to ° f., after which the body should be rolled in a thick blanket. those hot applications may be changed every twenty minutes until free perspiration is produced. this condition may be kept up as long as is necessary. the hot pack is used mainly in disease of the kidney. the hot-air or vapor bath.--the child is put in bed wholly undressed with the bed clothing raised about twelve inches, and held in that position by a wicker support. the child's head is of course outside the bed clothing. beneath the bed clothing hot air or vapor from a croup kettle is introduced. this will cause free perspiration in twenty minutes. it may be continued from twenty to thirty minutes at a time. the vapor bath is used in diseases of the kidney, as a rule. the bran bath.--in five gallons of water place a bag in which is put one quart of ordinary wheat bran. the bag is made of cheese cloth. squeeze and manipulate the bran bag until the water resembles a thin porridge. the temperature of the water is usually about ° f., though it may be given with any temperature of water. the bran bath is of great value in eczema, or in rashes about the buttocks, or in delicate skin conditions when plain water would irritate. the tepid bath.--this bath may be given at a temperature of °, or ° f. it is of distinct advantage in extremely nervous children. to induce sleep it is often better than drugs. the cold sponge or shower bath.--this bath should be given in the morning in a warm room. a tub should be provided with enough water in it to cover the child's feet. this water should be warm because when the feet are in warm water it prevents the shock which frequently comes when cold water is applied to any other part of the body. a large sponge is filled with water at a temperature of from ° to ° f. this is squeezed a number of times over the child's chest, shoulders, and back. while the cold water is being applied the body should be well rubbed with the free hand of the mother. the bath should not last longer than half a minute. when finished take the child out quickly and stand him on a bath towel and give him a brisk rubbing with a bath towel until the skin reacts. this is an exceedingly valuable tonic for a delicate child. it should not be used on younger children than eighteen months of age. in younger children a cold plunge is preferable. for the cold plunge water at a temperature of ° f. is prepared. the child is lifted into this and given a single dip up to the neck. he is then briskly rubbed off as above. there are a very few children who do not take kindly to either the cold sponge or plunge. these children do not react; they remain pale or blue and pinched for some time after. it may be necessary to discontinue the procedure or to use water of a higher temperature. poultices poultices are useful in inflammation and for the relief of pain. to be of any value they should be applied frequently--every ten or twenty minutes--and they should be applied hot. ground flaxseed is the best material for poultices. it should be mixed with boiling water until the proper thickness is reached. it may be kept simmering on a fire. when one poultice is taken off it can be scraped into the pot and heated over if there is no discharge. each poultice should be put into clean muslin, put on the part and covered with oiled silk. this will help to retain the heat and prevent the clothing or bed sheet from becoming wet. hot fomentations a hot fomentation is simply a clean poultice. several thicknesses of flannel are taken, wrung out of very hot water, covered with cotton batting, and then with oiled silk. how to make and how to apply a mustard paste.--for infants: take one part english mustard to six parts flour, mix with lukewarm water, and spread between two layers of cheesecloth. for older children and adults: take one tablespoonful english mustard to three or four tablespoonfuls of flour, and mix as above. mustard pastes should be made big enough. you can accomplish a great deal more by putting on a sufficiently large mustard paste than by simply putting on one the size of the palm of your hand. it should be left on until the skin is distinctly red. the length of time will depend, of course, upon the strength of the mustard. mustard pastes may be put on every three hours, if necessary, and they may be used for a week at this interval if the conditions demand it. if they are used in pneumonia or other pulmonary diseases, they should be used large enough to go around the whole chest. if they are used in heart failure, they should be big enough to cover the whole trunk. when made with the white of an egg they will not blister. or if the part is rubbed with white vaseline before applying, it will not blister and it will be just as effective. when a mustard paste is removed the red area should be rubbed with white vaseline and covered with a clean piece of flannel. how to prepare and use the mustard pack.--the child is stripped and laid upon a blanket, and the trunk is surrounded by a large towel or sheet saturated with mustard water. this is prepared as follows: take one tablespoonful of english mustard and dissolve it in one quart of water, slightly warmed. saturate a towel in this mixture and apply to the body of the child while it is dripping. the patient is then rolled in a blanket. keep the child in this pack for ten or fifteen minutes. the mustard pack is not as good as the mustard bath, but it is all that is necessary in a number of various conditions. the physician will, of course, decide these matters. it is simply the duty of the mother to know how to carry out the physician's instructions. the turpentine stupe.--take a piece of flannel, big enough to cover the area which it is desired to affect, wring it out of as hot water as it is possible. upon this sprinkle twenty drops of spirits of turpentine. place the stupe wherever it is desired and cover with a piece of oiled silk or dry flannel. the turpentine stupe is mostly used in pain of the abdominal cavity. in colic from acute indigestion it is a very convenient means of quieting the child by allaying the pain. care should be taken not to allow this form of application to remain on too long. take it off when the skin is red. for continuous use it is not as good as the mustard paste. oiled silk. what it is, and why it is used oiled silk is sold in the drug stores by the yard. it is one yard wide. it is used to cover any local application to prevent evaporation into the air or to prevent the clothing from absorbing the medicament. if a liniment is applied on cloth to effect a certain result, it may take some time to do its work. if the wet cloth is covered with the clothing, the clothing will absorb the medicine quicker than the body will and thereby defeat the object in view, in addition to rendering the clothing wet and nasty. if the application is covered with oiled silk it cannot escape into the clothing, because the oiled silk is impervious. the body will be compelled to absorb the medicine and consequently results will be quicker and more certain. many liniments are expensive; to permit them to be absorbed by the clothing is needless waste it is therefore economical to apply the oiled silk. diseases of children [illustration: by permission of henry h. goddard.] the first blight this is one of those truly unfortunate cases which, so far as present knowledge goes, cannot be guarded against. eunice, age , mentally , is a low-grade imbecile. there is not in the whole family, for generations back, a single case of feeble-mindedness, nor of disease that would undermine the nervous organization. close scrutiny does not reveal a single assignable cause. she came, as an accident, to blight an otherwise normal family. such cases are few, but unfortunately they do occur. it is for eugenics to materially reduce the possibility of such occurrences. * * * * * chapter xxxviii infectious or contagious diseases rules to be observed in the treatment of contagious diseases--what isolation means--the contagious sick room--conduct and dress of the nurse--feeding the patient and nurse--how to disinfect the clothing and linen--how to disinfect the urine and feces--how to disinfect the hands--disinfection of the room necessary--how to disinfect the mouth and nose--how to disinfect the throat--receptacle for the sputum--care of the skin in contagious diseases--convalescence after a contagious disease--disinfecting the sick chamber--the after treatment of a disinfected room--how to disinfect the bed clothing and clothes--mumps--epidemic parotitis--chicken pox--varicella--la grippe--influenza--diphtheria--whooping cough--pertussis--measles--koplik's spots--department of health rules in measles--scarlet fever--scarlatina--typhoid fever--various solutions--boracic acid solution--normal salt solution--carron oil--thiersch's solution--solution of bichloride of mercury--how to make various solutions. rules to be observed in the treatment of contagious diseases every mother should know the elementary principles involved in the treatment of contagious diseases. they are contagious because they may be conveyed from one individual to another or because a person nursing a victim of a contagious disease may carry that disease to another person without having the disease herself. for this reason, certain rules have been established by the medical profession, which experience has taught are necessary in order to preserve the health of the community when such diseases are prevalent. the very first rule to which the physician will direct the mother's attention, when there is a contagious disease, will be that the child must be "isolated." what isolation means.--isolation means the complete seclusion of the patient in a room by himself, so that no one will see him or come in contact with him except the physician and the nurse or mother who will tend him during the entire course of the disease. isolation implies more than it would seem to mean. it implies that every article used during the sickness will be thoroughly disinfected before it leaves the room in which the patient himself is isolated. mothers must always remember that every article used by the patient may carry the germs of the disease to some other member of the family or to some other individual. these articles are the clothing of the child, the bedclothes, napkins, handkerchiefs, towels, dishes, knives and spoons, rags, the various discharges--sputum, urine, and bowel passages--and, we may add to this list, flies, insects, and domestic animals. every precaution must, therefore, be taken to safeguard any dissemination of the disease by means of these articles. thorough isolation also implies that the nurse shall frequently bathe and disinfect her person and her clothing, and that the sick-room itself shall be carefully dusted with a moist cloth and disinfected from time to time. the contagious sick-room.--the contagious sick-room will be prepared in exactly the same way as the ordinary sick-room which has been previously described. in addition, however, it will be safeguarded in the following manner. a wet sheet will be hung up outside the door. this sheet will be kept constantly moistened with a solution of chloride of lime. one-half pound to an ordinary house-pail of water is the strength of the solution to use. every window must be effectively screened to prevent the ingress and egress of flies and other insects. conduct and dress of the nurse.--she will remain in the sick-room all the time unless when she takes outdoor exercise. her dress will consist of a long gown which will entirely cover her person from the neck to the shoes and will be of plain, white, easily washed material, without tucks or ruffles or adornment of any kind. she should wear an ordinary pair of house slippers made of light leather. her cap will be large enough to cover and include her hair and head. when she leaves the room, she will remove her cap, gown, and slippers, disinfect her hands in a disinfecting solution and wash her face, neck, and hands in soap and water. she should go directly out and in, without coming in contact with any occupant of the home. feeding the patient and nurse.--the meals for the patient and nurse should be left on a table outside the door of the sick-room, from which place the nurse will then take them into the room. the utensils used for these meals should not be used by other members of the family during the entire sickness. after the patient and nurse have eaten, the utensils should be placed in a chloride of lime solution for disinfection. if any of the food is left over it should be put into a jar in which it may be disinfected and rendered harmless before being disposed of. how to disinfect the clothing and linen.--all bed and body linen, towels, handkerchiefs, napkins, etc., should be immediately put into a large receptacle--a wash boiler, or tub, will answer the purpose admirably--containing a five per cent. solution of carbolic acid in which an adequate quantity of soft soap has been dissolved. they should remain in this mixture for two hours, after which they may be wrung out and taken to the laundry. how to disinfect the urine and feces.--the urine and the stools should be passed into vessels containing a solution of four ounces of carbolic acid to the gallon of water. this vessel should be covered and the mixture allowed to stand for one hour, after which time it may be thrown out. how to disinfect the hands.--any of the following solutions may be used for disinfection of the nurse's hands: creolin, one teaspoonful to the quart of water; chloride of lime, one-half pound to a pail of water; formalin, thirty-two drops to a quart of water. a basin containing one of the above solutions should be constantly kept standing for the frequent disinfection of the nurse's hands. after disinfection, the hands should be washed in plain water and soap. disinfection of room necessary.--the room in which a contagious patient is confined requires systematic attention on the part of the nurse. every other day all flat or projecting surfaces should be disinfected. mantels, window-sills, door knobs, picture moldings, furniture, chairs, and bed-railings, should be wiped with cloths moistened in a disinfecting solution. a suitable solution for this purpose is one containing one ounce of carbolic acid to the quart of water. how to disinfect the mouth and nose.--in the course of all contagious diseases the mouth and throat of the patient and nurse should be thoroughly disinfected as a matter of routine. it should be done at least twice daily unless more frequent disinfection is called for because of the nature of the disease. in measles and diphtheria, for example, the nasal and throat conditions will undoubtedly call for more frequent and more thorough disinfection than twice daily. this may also apply to scarlet fever if the throat is involved as is often the case. pocket handkerchiefs should never be used by a patient suffering from a contagious disease. the nose and mouth should be wiped with pieces of gauze or cheesecloth, cut into small squares for this purpose. these should be immediately burned after being used. to disinfect the throat, a solution of formalin, six drops to six ounces of water, is effective. to disinfect the nose, a solution of glyco-thymoline is suitable. these applications should be made by means of an atomizer, a different atomizer being used for the patient and nurse. receptacle for the sputum.--a cuspidor, or basin, should be constantly kept at the side of the bed in which the patient may conveniently expectorate. this utensil should contain the chloride of lime solution previously mentioned. care of the skin in contagious diseases.--as in all other sick conditions, the skin of the patient should be bathed frequently with an alcoholic solution. in the later stages of measles and scarlet fever it is essential to anoint the skin while the patient is scaling. this may be done with carbolated vaseline. mothers should understand why this is necessary. these diseases have a distinct rash or eruption. this eruption practically kills the skin cells and at a certain period these cells are cast off by the new growth of skin underneath. this process is called scaling. in measles the scales are small, and are cast off in the form of bran like dust. in scarlet fever, the cells adhere together and are cast off in large scales. these scales are contagious. they are very light and will float in the air if dry. the movement of the patient, changing the bed clothing, etc., will waft a multitude of these contagious scales into the air of the room and infect every article they may land on. this would make the disinfection of the room difficult and tedious. in order to obviate this tendency experience has taught us that much of the difficulty and nearly all of the risk of contagion may be overcome by rubbing some oily or sticky substance on the skin. by this method the dust and scales are rendered heavier than the air, stick together and will not float. during the scaling period there is a constant itch present which irritates the little patient. by using carbolated vaseline to anoint the skin we accomplish two purposes. the carbolic acid in the vaseline relieves the itch, and the vaseline itself greases the skin so that the scales remain in the bed. each day the nurse changes the bed-sheet, gathers the scales in the sheet and puts all in the disinfecting solution. convalescence after a contagious disease.--complete isolation must be kept up until all danger from contagion is passed. in diphtheria this period is not reached until the examination of the throat contents under the microscope is returned negative. in diseases which have a rash this period is not reached until all scaling is completed. even then, and for a number of days or weeks, the patient may be taken out for exercise daily, but must not be allowed to play with other children until his strength justifies active exercise. it takes a much longer period to rid the system of the poison of a contagious disease than most mothers appreciate. many children have died from heart failure after they were considered well simply because the active exercise overtaxed the heart before the system was wholly free from the poison of the disease. before the child is removed from the sick-room for the first time he should have a disinfecting bath. this bath should be in a solution of bichloride of mercury, the strength of which should be one part to five thousand parts of water. the towels used to dry the patient after the bath should be fresh and should not have been in the sick-room. he should then be dressed in clothing which has never been in the sick-room. disinfecting the sick-chamber how to disinfect a room.--the most efficient way to disinfect a room is by means of formaldehyde gas. this, however, requires a special apparatus which can only be used by one familiar with the process. in all large cities the department of health usually undertakes the disinfection of rooms after any contagious disease. the next best method is by sulphur. when sulphur is employed it should be used in the form of powder or in small pieces. this is placed in a shallow iron pan set on a couple of boards in a tub partly filled with water. the sulphur is moistened with alcohol before it is set on fire. it is always necessary, of course, before disinfecting by any process to make the room as nearly air tight as is possible. to accomplish this the windows must be tightly closed, the doors locked, and the cracks and keyhole sealed with pieces of paper or adhesive paper. the room should remain closed for six or eight hours, after which it should be thoroughly aired for several days. the after treatment of a disinfected room.--the walls, ceiling, and all flat surfaces, such as mantels, window-sills, etc., should be washed with a fresh chloride of lime solution. the floor should be scrubbed with a four per cent. soda solution. all carpets and curtains, if any, should be removed, taken to a vacant lot and thoroughly beaten and then exposed to direct sunlight for a number of hours. the room should then be well aired again for a couple of days before it is again occupied. how to disinfect the bed clothing and clothes.--the surest way is to boil them for half an hour; otherwise they may be left in the room while it is being disinfected. spraying the clothes with a spray of formaldehyde is an effective way of disinfecting them. mumps: epidemic parotitis mumps is a contagious disease. it is most common between the fourth and sixth years. infants are rarely affected. the disease is not very contagious, direct contact being necessary to communicate it. every case should be isolated for a period of three weeks from the beginning of the disease. the seat of the affection is the parotid gland which is located in front of and on a level with the ear. one or both glands may be affected at the same time or one may follow the other in succumbing. the duration of the disease from the time the swelling becomes noticeable is about ten days. it is contagious for a week after the swelling subsides. the period of incubation is from one to three weeks. symptoms.--in the majority of cases the first symptom is the swelling and the discomfort which it causes. in more severe cases the child feels sick and is listless for from twenty-four to forty-eight hours. there may be a headache, vomiting, pains in the back and limbs, and fever. there is pain in the swelling which is increased by movement of the jaws and by pressure. the degree of the swelling varies with the severity of the attack. it may be very little or it may be so great as to completely distort, and render unrecognizable, the face. it must be remembered that, though mumps is not regarded as an important or dangerous disease, it may assume dangerous characteristics. we sometimes see distressing complications with mumps. in boys, orchitis, or inflammation of the testicles, occasionally occur. in girls, ovaritis, or inflammation of the ovaries may be present. these complications may be avoided by keeping the patients in bed. treatment.--keep the child in bed until the fever is gone. keep him in the house for one week after the swelling has entirely subsided. he should be put on a liquid diet while the fever lasts. the bowels should move each day. the mouth should be kept clean by an antiseptic mouth wash. if there is much pain in the swollen gland, warm, wet dressings give the best results. sometimes it is advisable to paint the gland with belladonna ointment. if it is not very painful, the most comfortable way to dress the gland is simply to place over it a large pad of absorbent cotton held in place by a broad strip of flannel cloth. chicken pox. varicella chicken pox is an affection almost entirely special to children, in whom it may be observed from their first year, although it is especially frequent from the ages of two to six. it appears often in the epidemical form and spreads by contagion. some doctors are inclined to regard varicella as a very attenuated form of smallpox, hence the name "chicken pox," by which it is popularly known. this opinion is based merely on the analogy between the two types of skin eruptions and the coincidence sometimes observed between two epidemics of smallpox and chicken pox. but the theory falls on considering that, on the one hand, chicken pox offers no safeguard against infection by smallpox and does not prevent the effects of vaccination, and, on the other hand the disease may occur in children who have been vaccinated or who have had smallpox. chicken pox, too, differs essentially from smallpox in the course of its development. after a period of incubation, extending over a fortnight, chicken pox becomes apparent by such symptoms as slight shivering, extreme fatigue and a general but not very intense condition of fever. in less than twenty-four hours small pink spots will appear on the skin, and these after a few hours are topped by a vesicle, and the next day the whole rash shows a vesiculous appearance. the vesicles are sometimes small and pointed, sometimes more voluminous and globular in form. they are filled with a limpid or a slightly yellowish liquid. their base is sometimes surrounded by an inflammatory ring. by the third day the contents of the vesicle has become thicker and tends to become purulent. on the fourth day desiccation commences, and the vesicles shrivel and shrink in and form small brownish scabs, which fall about the eighth day. frequently the child will scratch them off with the finger nails before they are entirely desiccated. the vesicles leave small reddish spots, which generally disappear gradually, almost always without a scar. an eruption of chicken pox does not burst out all over the body at once, but appears in successive rashes. it is not confined to any special parts of the body. it may begin and spread at the same time from the face, the trunk of the body or the limbs. a dozen pimples may be seen the first day, while three or even ten times as many may be visible the next day, and so on for several days in succession. sometimes the vesicles appear on mucous membrane at different parts--the mouth, tongue, soft palate and tonsils--and may also invade the conjunctiva and cornea, or the larynx, where they will set up laryngitis. owing to the very contagious nature of chicken pox, the first thing to be done is to provide for the complete isolation during a period of twelve to fifteen days of all patients attacked by the disease. the treatment of the disease is solely a matter of hygiene. the more severe the fever the stricter the diet should be, and in the case of great fever, the diet should be restricted to broth and milk. if there is no fever the child need not be placed on any special diet. if the intestines are sluggish, they may be stimulated by administering a dose of castor oil. it is advisable to make the patient rinse his mouth two or three times a day with a mouth wash. it is also well to apply a lotion around the eyes and face, consisting of two per cent. boracic acid solution with the chill taken off. finally, in order to prevent the child scratching the sores and the consequent danger of inoculation by the finger nails, it is a good practice to rub a small amount of carbolated vaseline over the itching parts. it is frequently found necessary to have the little patient wear white woolen gloves to prevent scratching and infecting the sores. if a child scratches the sores on the face it will leave an unsightly mark which will stay for the rest of its life. the child, of course, should not be allowed to rejoin his playmates without having had a good bath, and having had his clothes completely disinfected. influenza: la grippe the most important feature with reference to influenza in children is its very active tendency to develop complications. these complications generally affect the respiratory tract. so we find in children suffering from grippe an easy disposition to get bronchitis or broncho-pneumonia. the younger the child the greater the danger. the disease itself, so long as it remains an uncomplicated influenza, is not of much importance or severity. the lesson to be learned, therefore, is to treat the disease with respect and take every precaution to avoid the possibility of developing a complication. la grippe is a highly contagious disease. it prevails epidemically, and after an active epidemic it may remain in the vicinity for a number of years. it is more frequently seen in the late winter months and early spring. the poison of the disease clings to clothing and apartments as well as to railroad and street cars. the germ is found in the sputum and in the nasal secretions. sneezing is one of its symptoms and it is one of the ways by which the disease is spread around. children should never be brought near an adult suffering from influenza. one attack does not render the patient immune to a subsequent attack as is the case with most of the contagious diseases. the reverse is the rule with la grippe because one attack favors the development of another attack. it is a common experience for many people to have influenza every winter or spring. symptoms.--if a child "catches" grippe, it becomes quite sick abruptly. there is usually chilliness, pains in the muscles all over the body, more or less fever, sometimes nausea and vomiting. if the attack is a more severe one, the prostration is more marked, the temperature higher and the signs of shock and poisoning of the system are more in evidence. a child a few months old can get influenza so severely as to cause collapse and death in thirty-six hours. as a rule the type of grippe most common in infancy is of a very mild character. it lasts about a week. children may be a little slow in convalescing and it may be three or four weeks before they regain their health. complications.--as has been intimated, the most frequent complication is bronchitis and the most fatal one is broncho-pneumonia. a congestion of the entire mucous membrane of the respiratory tract, producing a nasal discharge, a sore and inflamed throat, pains and a feeling of compression, with a cough in the chest, may accompany the disease. gastric symptoms, with vomiting, intestinal disturbance, diarrhea, with or without mucus and blood, are quite common in some epidemics. not infrequently we have numerous cases in which the ear seems to be the vulnerable part. as a consequence running ears have to receive most of our attention. when the ears are affected, the glands of the neck become inflamed. they swell up and add considerable to the discomfort of the little patient. treatment.--cases of influenza should be isolated. children should be put in a room by themselves and the other children of the family should not be permitted to see them. the rooms should be disinfected after the case is over. as complications are the dangerous element in grippe, we should try to prevent them. this can be best done by promptly putting the child in bed, making him comfortable, opening his bowels by castor oil or calomel. he should be made to drink hot lemonade. he should be kept on a light diet from which meat and vegetables are excluded. the above treatment will usually suffice in the ordinary uncomplicated grippe. if complications arise they must be treated according to the conditions. it is well to remember that the degree of prostration following a rather severe attack of grippe is out of all proportion to the extent of the disease. these little patients sometimes suffer considerably and do not regain their strength promptly. experience has taught us that the best thing to do is to send them away. a change of climate will do wonders for them, more quickly and more thoroughly than all the medicine we can give them at home. the seashore is particularly good for them. diphtheria diphtheria is an acute, specific, infectious, communicable disease. it affects the tonsils, throat, nose, or larynx. it is most frequently seen in children between the ages of two and five years, though it may appear at any time during life. the two sexes are equally liable to it. the same person may have the disease twice or more times at different ages. children suffering from disease of the nose or throat are more likely to get it than are others. such diseases are cold in the head with running nose, catarrh of the nose and throat, inflammation of the mucous membranes of the nose or throat. diphtheria may occur at any time of the year, though it is more frequent during the cold months. the incubation, or the length of time between exposure to the disease and the development of the symptoms, is between two and five days. in its mild form the disease may be present without giving any constitutional symptoms. in its severe form, however, it is one of the most dangerous diseases of childhood. in large cities it is present all the year round with more or less frequent outbreaks in the form of local epidemics. in the country it is only seen in its epidemic form. it does not arise without a cause, that is, there is always a preceding case from which an epidemic springs, though it is not always easy to trace the connection. the child inhales the bacilli which cause the disease with the air it breathes. the bacilli may lodge on toys or other articles from which the child gets them. direct infection is usually the mode of communication through which a child obtains the disease. the saliva and mucus from the nose contain the bacilli in large quantities and if a patient coughs or sneezes they are expelled in this way and infect others. frequently a child suffering from a mild form of diphtheria may attend school and infect others without it being known that the child has the disease. symptoms.--the symptoms vary with the severity of the attack. there are mild cases, as has been stated, that give no constitutional symptoms. there may be a small amount of local disturbance in the throat or nose and there may be some membrane present, but, for some reason, there does not seem to be any absorption of the poison into the system and the child escapes the systemic disturbance. even as a local condition these cases vary. there is always a fever at the beginning, but the child never seems sick enough to go to bed. if the throat is examined it will be found to be red and slightly inflamed, there may be spots on the tonsils, or there may be a gray film over them. there is no discharge from the nose and the child does not complain of an excess of mucus from the throat. the spots may last for a week and then disappear. these cases are difficult to diagnose without making a culture, and if the physician insists upon keeping the child confined to bed while apparently well the family as a rule object, though it is absolutely necessary. these are the cases that do great harm in school, and no mother should object if the physician insists in taking preventative measures to stop an epidemic if the bacilli have been found in the child's throat. she should rather feel thankful that the child escaped so easily. since the introduction of antitoxin we do not see the severe cases now, so that a description of them would not be of any use in a book of this character. mothers should, however, know that it is absolutely criminal to take any chances with a "sore throat." antitoxin is a prompt and an absolute remedy if used soon after the onset of the disease. it is more sure if used the first or second day, still reliable the third day, but its efficacy diminishes the longer we postpone its use from the date of the onset of the disease. when, therefore, a child complains of being sick and states that its throat hurts, medical aid should be at once sought. the disease may develop in one of two ways. it may begin as a slight indisposition for a day or two, and perhaps some soreness of the throat. the fever may be slight. the child will continue to be sick despite any treatment given and will get slowly worse until the fourth or fifth day, when it will be impossible to mistake the condition. at other times the disease begins abruptly. the child complains of being sick. it may vomit, or suffer from headache, chilly feelings, and a fever. the glands in the neck may swell and cause considerable disturbance. there is, as a rule, an abundant discharge from the nose and there is an excess of mucus in the throat. membrane is seen in the throat. it may cover the tonsils and spread over the entire throat cavity, or it may extend up into the nose and over the roof of the mouth. all the parts are much swollen and breathing is interfered with, sometimes seriously. if the attack is very severe there is an active absorption of poison going on from the throat which soon renders the little patient intensely sick. there is marked weakness and prostration, the circulation becomes poor, the pulse rapid and the child falls into a stupor. the physician will, of course, have taken complete charge of the case before the patient has gone thus far. the nursing of the case, which may fall to the mother if no trained nurse is present, is most important. she should preserve absolute cleanliness of herself and of the sick room. she should never eat or sleep in the same room with the patient, and should use a gargle, which the physician should prescribe, frequently during the day. she should dress simply, so that whatever is worn can be changed often and washed easily. every article of furniture must be taken out of the sick room that is not absolutely essential in the care of the case. if toys are allowed they should be burned as soon as the child is tired of them, never left around the house after the case is over. the room should be a large one and it should be thoroughly aired each day. the floor should be washed each day with a solution of bichloride of mercury, and all dusting should be done with a wet cloth. the bed linen and any rags or handkerchiefs used should be treated as in scarlet fever. all vessels in which the patient expectorates should have an antiseptic in them. the room must be disinfected after the case is over. the patient must be kept in bed during the entire attack. he must not be allowed to even sit up in bed until the physician gives him permission. this is a very important essential in the treatment of this disease, and the nurse must be held responsible for the conduct of the patient in this respect. because of the character of the poison, there is a tendency to paralysis of the heart, and frequently children have been allowed to sit up too soon only to fall back dead in bed. the same thing has occurred later in the disease when children have been allowed to play too heartily before the poison had an opportunity to completely eliminate itself. nursing children should be fed on breast milk pumped from the mother, but they must not nurse it themselves. older children can take milk and should depend upon it mostly. the physician will give any other special directions that he may think necessary, the duty of the mother being to see that they are faithfully carried out. whooping-cough whooping-cough is usually seen in young children. it may, however, affect a person at any age. it is contagious. during infancy it is one of the most fatal diseases. during adult life it is a dangerous condition, while in childhood it is simply regarded as a mildly contagious disease. it is most contagious during the catarrhal stage,--the first ten days. children suffering from whooping-cough should not be allowed to mix or play with other children for two months. after an exposure to the disease it takes about fourteen days for a case to develop. the danger of whooping-cough is the tendency to develop pneumonia or bronchitis. symptoms.--during the first ten days the child acts as if suffering from an ordinary catarrhal cold with cough. this is called the catarrhal stage. there is no way of telling that whooping-cough is present until the child whoops. most children do not whoop until the expiration of the catarrhal stage, though a very few do from the beginning of the disease. if a child is treated for an ordinary cold with cough and does not respond to treatment, and whooping-cough is epidemic, it is fair to assume that whooping-cough has been contracted. when the cough shows a distinct tendency to be worse at night it is further proof of this assumption. when they begin to cough in paroxysms, and whoop, the second, or spasmodic stage begins. these fits of paroxysmal coughing are much more severe than spells of ordinary coughing. these may only be three or four attacks daily, or the child may have from forty to fifty such attacks. when children feel these attacks coming on they seek support, holding on to chairs or they stand by the mother's knee. the coughing is explosive, rapid, and forceful, the child fails to catch its breath and is compelled to take a deep inspiration, which is the whoop; it then goes on coughing more. the face may become purple, the eyes protrude, and the veins of the face swell up. near the end of the attack the child raises, or vomits a mass of stringy, glutinous mucus. after it is over the child is exhausted, there is a more or less profuse perspiration, and he may be quite dazed. these attacks are, as a rule, more frequent and more severe during the night. this stage lasts about one month and is then followed by the stage of decline, during which the disease subsides into what appears as an ordinary bronchial cold. it is quite common for these children to get relapses, especially during inclement winter weather, and go on whooping for two or three months longer. their vitality suffers because their sleep and nourishment is interfered with, and they become nervous and difficult to manage. treatment.--inasmuch as there is no remedy known that will cure whooping-cough, the best we can do is to render the patient physically efficient to stand the severe strain of coughing, which is the worst feature of the disease. experience has taught us that those children do best who spend their entire time out of doors. we, therefore, advise parents to encourage their children to play in the open air. there is no exception to this rule, even in winter weather, unless it is particularly inclement. if the weather is wet or raw, or if the child has bronchitis, or is running a fever, it would be more safe to keep the child indoors, in a well-aired room, until the temporary conditions pass over, when they could again resume the open-air treatment. naturally delicate children if under two years of age should not risk staying out of doors too much in very cold or raw weather, even if not suffering from any of the above complications. the bedrooms of children suffering from whooping-cough should be large and thoroughly aired day and night. the nourishment in these cases is of great importance. they should be carefully fed, and if they vomit with the paroxysms of coughing, they should be fed small quantities frequently. any form of digestive disturbance is very apt to accentuate the frequency of coughing. a fluid diet of milk is the best. milk punches aid in keeping up the strength; malted milk and eggs beaten in milk are nutritious and easily digested. so far as internal medication is concerned, i have found pertussin to be the most efficacious remedy. if it is begun early and in sufficient dosage, it not only favors an early termination of the disease, but it lessens the frequency and the severity of the paroxysms. if it is suspected that the child has been exposed to whooping-cough, pertussin may be given during the catarrhal stage with the advantage that it will render the whole course of the disease milder. if it is given during the course of an ordinary catarrhal cold, it will in most cases be as effectual as any ordinary cough remedy. the dosage should be large enough to produce results. i have found a teaspoonful every two hours to a child of three years to be the average dose. in older children i give two teaspoonfuls every three hours. it is necessary to continue its use throughout the disease. the taste of pertussin is pleasant and young children take it willingly. when the disease is inclined to a protracted course, or when the cough does not subside, especially during unfavorable weather, it is of great importance to send the child away. a change of climate, preferably to the seashore, even for a short time, will act like a charm, and will cure the cough of whooping-cough quicker than any other possible measure. measles measles is the most widely prevalent, eruptive, contagious disease. with few exceptions, every human being "gets" measles. as an uncomplicated disease it is never fatal, and is not even regarded as dangerous. because of this characteristic, however, parents are neglectful and complications occur, and these frequently prove fatal. one attack renders the patient immune. it is very highly contagious and spreads with great rapidity among those who have never had it. it is not possible to carry the disease any great distance by a third person or by means of living objects. it does not, however, cling to clothing or other objects as long as scarlet fever. its period of incubation is from eleven to fourteen days. symptoms.--the symptoms develop gradually. a severe cold in the head is the first and most characteristic symptom of the disease. there is a discharge from the nose, swollen and watery eyes, sneezing and a hoarse, harsh cough. the patient may complain of the throat being painful and examination will reveal a general congestion of the parts. there are also headache, lassitude, pains in the back, and there may be vomiting and diarrhea. children in the early stages of measles are tired and sleepy. koplik's spots.--three or four days, in rare cases somewhat longer, before the appearance of the rash there appears on the mucous membrane of the cheeks small, bluish white, or yellowish white points, the size of a small pin head. these points are surrounded with reddened areas which give the appearance of a general rash with fine white points upon it. these points resemble milk particles. they adhere firmly to the mucous membrane and when an effort is made to remove them it is found that the underlying surface is ulcerated and excoriated. the koplik spots are not of much value to the mother other than that they may be relied upon to indicate the coming disease with which they child is affected. physicians look for them as an aid in diagnosis before the rash would of itself indicate the disease. the rash appears on the third, fourth, or fifth day of the disease. from the day of the infection to the outbreak of the rash about thirteen days intervene. it is seen first at the roots of the hair on the forehead, behind the ears or on the neck. it may be seen first on the cheeks. the beginning rash appears as small, dark red, dull spots. at first there are only a few, but they soon become more numerous, they join together, and soon the surface looks inflamed as if entirely covered with the rash. the rash covers the entire body, including the soles and palms. in twenty-four hours it is at its height on the face. it spreads downward like a wave, first the face, then the neck and chest, then the abdomen and later the legs. by the time it invades the legs it has begun to fade on the face. it fades slowly in the order of its appearance. its duration is about four days. the skin is swollen; it burns and itches. the eyes are swollen and red and intensely sensitive to light. there is usually a muco-pus discharge from them. the cough is invariably an annoying feature. the fever is high and reaches its highest point when the rash is at its height. as the rash fades the fever subsides. when the rash fades, the patient begins to "scale." the scales of measles are fine, like bran, never in large patches like the scales of scarlet fever. the amount of the scaling varies. it may be quite considerable or it may be so small as to be overlooked. complications.--the most important and by far the most frequent complication of measles is broncho-pneumonia. there may be various conditions affecting the stomach, bowels, throat, ears, bronchi, and the nervous system, which may accompany the disease but are seldom of a serious or important character. treatment.--measles runs a certain course and will run that course, no matter what we may or may not do. we cannot stop it, or shorten it, or lessen its severity. we can only hope to make the patient comfortable and to prevent the development of complications. the child should be put in bed and kept comfortably warm but not too warm. the room should be kept at the ordinary temperature of the sick room, ° to ° f. it should be darkened but not dark. the food should be fluid and given regularly. the child may be given all the cool,--not cold,--water it wants to drink. the bowels should be kept open daily. if constipation occurs an enema may be given. the eyes must be carefully watched and washed every hour or two during the day with a boracic acid solution. if the cough is distressing, it may be rendered less distressing, though we cannot hope to stop it until the disease has run its course. the restlessness, headache and general discomfort can be much modified by suitable remedies. if the itching is acute, the body can be rubbed with carbolated vaseline. when the rash subsides and the patient is free from fever a daily warm bath should be given in order to facilitate scaling. should complications arise they should be promptly cared for by the attending physician. summary:-- . measles is the most prevalent infectious disease of childhood. . the danger of measles has been and is underestimated. because of its prevalency many mothers treat it with less respect than they should, with the result that fatal complications occur, or the future health of the child is permanently injured. . children with measles should be put in bed and kept in bed and treated as directed above. the following rules have been formulated by the department of health of new york city, with reference to measles, and embody precautions that should find general observance: . all children in the family must be promptly excluded from school attendance. . careful and continued isolation of the patient must be enforced until the case is terminated and fumigation has been ordered by the medical inspector of the department. . all secondary cases must be reported even if the first case is still under surveillance of the department of health. . suspected cases must be treated as contagious cases until a sufficiently long observation has shown that the patient has a non-contagious disease. all cases will be considered as measles, if so reported. any change in the original diagnosis must be made in writing to the department of health and must be confirmed by a diagnostician. . physicians must not order the removal of patients to the contagious disease hospital, or elsewhere, in cabs or other vehicles, but must notify the department of health and the removal will be effected by a coupé or ambulance of the department. . whenever there is a case of measles in rooms in the rear of, or communicating with, a store, the inspector is required to have the store closed at once, or to report the case for immediate removal to the hospital. . a case of measles must not be removed from one house to another, or even to a different apartment in the same house, without the permission of the department. such removal is in direct violation of the provisions of the sanitary code. . no case of measles shall be discharged from observation until the department has been notified, the case examined by an inspector to see if desquamation is entirely completed, and the premises ordered fumigated. this examination by the inspector is necessary because the department of health must have official information as to the completion of desquamation before a child is dismissed from observation. other people with children demand this protection. at no other time is the inspector allowed to examine the patient. in any case, however, where isolation has not been maintained and it becomes necessary to remove the patient to the hospital, a diagnostician will make an examination. it is recommended that physicians provide a special washable gown for each case of measles. this gown should be put on before entering the sick-room and taken off outside the sick-room as soon as the visit is completed. the gown should be kept in a closet or suitable place, separate from all other clothing, and the gown, and the closet should be fumigated after the termination of the case. . in private houses only fumigation may be performed under the supervision of the attending physician; provided he follow accurately the directions given in the following rules and regulations. upon request a blank will be provided upon which he must state the manner and extent of the work performed under his orders and supervision. if satisfactory to the department, this will be accepted in place of fumigation by the department. it is essential, however, that he should know that the disinfection has been efficiently carried out. in every case of fumigation the following regulations must be complied with: all cracks or crevices in rooms to be fumigated must be sealed or calked, to prevent the escape of the disinfectant, and one of the following disinfectants used in the quantities named: a. sulphur, lbs., for every , cubic feet of air space, hours' exposure. b. formaline, oz. for every , cubic feet of air space, hours' exposure. c. paraform, , grains for every , cubic feet of air space, hours' exposure. the following disinfecting solutions may be used for goods, which are afterwards to be washed: a. carbolic acid, to per cent. b. bichloride of mercury, - , . scarlet fever. scarlatina. scarlet fever is an acute, contagious disease. it begins abruptly. the child may have a severe attack and be quite sick from the beginning, or he may have a mild attack and not be very sick. usually the fever rises rapidly, the child vomits and complains of a sore throat. if the attack is very mild the throat symptoms may not cause any distress. frequently, about the third day, there are patches on the tonsils. prostration may be profound if the fever is very high. convulsions and diarrhea are sometimes present in very young patients. it takes from two to six days to develop scarlet fever from the time the child is exposed to it. the disease may be caught at any time, but it is most contagious during the time the patient is scaling. it is not as contagious as measles. some children seem to escape even though directly exposed to it. it is more frequent in the fall and during the winter, and it is more severe during the latter months. eruption.--the eruption appears at any time after twelve hours. it may not, however, appear before the third or fourth day. it lasts from three to seven days, and only takes a few hours to cover the whole body after it is first seen. the rash is first seen on the neck or chest; it appears as a red, uniform blush, but, when examined closely, small reddish spots may be seen all over it. if the rash is very faint and of a doubtful character a hot bath may bring it out. a bright red, well-developed rash is a sign of good heart action. in the event of heart failure, the rash fades quickly. itching is a constant symptom after the rash is fully out. about the eighth day the rash begins to scale or desquamate. it begins on the neck and chest. it takes from one to three weeks to scale completely, from the time it begins to peel. the hands and feet are the last spots to scale. it must always be kept in mind that mild cases are just as contagious as severe cases, and that a mild case may cause in another person a very severe attack. the throat may be mildly affected or it may be the most troublesome feature of the case. it is red and swollen and the child complains of pain during the act of swallowing. patches may be seen on the tonsils on the third day. there is usually a discharge from the nose and this discharge may be contagious. while the fever is high, the child is restless, complains of thirst, and may be slightly delirious. one attack is usually all a child has during life, though there are exceptions to this rule. complications are quite frequent with scarlet fever. inflammation of the ears and kidneys is most often met. measures to be taken to prevent spread of disease.--every case, no matter how mild, should be isolated for four weeks. many cases must be isolated longer,--until scaling is complete. children should not play or sleep with other children for three or four weeks after all symptoms have been absent. other children in the family, who have not been exposed, should be sent away. all clothing should be changed and washed in soap and water and then boiled in a carbolic solution. the nurse should not mix freely with other members of the family. the sick room should be kept clean, and well aired. it should be dusted with a wet cloth, and this should afterwards be burned. there should be no furniture, or hangings, or pictures in the room other than are absolutely necessary. the room should not be used after the case is over until it is thoroughly and completely disinfected. during the period of scaling the patient should be rubbed all over with carbolated vaseline. this allays itching and prevents the scales flying around. the bed sheet can be taken off daily with the scales in it, and immediately put in carbolic water and boiled. treatment.--inasmuch as scarlet fever is one of the most dangerous and one of the most treacherous diseases of childhood, we cannot afford to take any chances with it. every child with scarlet fever should be put in bed, and kept there during the entire illness,--that is, from four to six weeks. light, and the free circulation of fresh air are absolutely necessary for the proper care of a scarlet fever case. the child should be clothed only with the usual night gown and a light undershirt. no extra wraps or blankets are required. the diet should be reduced in quantity and strength. the bowels should move daily. if anything is necessary to accomplish this, citrate of magnesia is quite satisfactory. there is no special medicine for the treatment of this disease. often it is not necessary to give any. good nursing is more essential, and with proper attention to the bowels, diet, fresh air, clothing, sleep, and quiet, all will, as a rule, result favorably. quiet is essential. consequently, two persons at a time should never be allowed in the room with the little patient. the family physician will prescribe whatever medicine is necessary in his judgment, and will meet any complication as it arises. typhoid fever typhoid fever is an acute infectious disease. it is rare in infancy. after the fifth year it is more common. it is caused by drinking infected water or milk. it is not a serious disease in childhood, rarely being fatal. symptoms.--it may begin suddenly or it may come on slowly. if suddenly, the child develops what appears to be an attack of indigestion, has fever, vomiting, and is prostrated. in cases developing slowly the child complains of being tired, has a headache, nausea, and fever. vomiting is the suggestive and important symptom. diarrhea is usually present. constipation, however, may accompany the entire illness. children may not complain of an excess of gas as do adults. the abdomen is tender. the typhoid eruption is rarely seen in children. they lose flesh steadily and then strength diminishes rapidly. headache and delirium at night are quite common, and the child is dull and indifferent, and often in a state of semi-stupor. in order to tell definitely whether the child has typhoid, it is necessary to make a blood examination. there are so many intestinal conditions in children that simulate typhoid, that a blood examination is imperative. treatment.--the patient should remain in bed during the time fever is present and for a few days after. a fluid diet, preferably milk, is the most suitable means of nourishing the child. it may be diluted or given plain according to the age of the patient. water is essential and should be given freely. the discharges of the patient should be thoroughly disinfected in a solution of carbolic acid, - . all clothing and bed linen should be boiled for two hours. if the fever remains high cold sponging is advisable. the attending physician should instruct regarding this feature, as some children do not stand cold applications well. the average duration of the disease is about six weeks. how to keep from getting and spreading typhoid fever.--typhoid fever is a communicable disease, but, if certain precautions are taken, its contraction and spread can almost certainly be prevented. the disease is caused by a specific germ known as the typhoid bacillus. these germs are found in the excreta (stools and urine) of persons ill with typhoid fever. failure to properly disinfect these excreta and carelessness in the care of persons ill with typhoid fever lead to the transmission of the disease from the sick to the well by the infection of water, milk or food with the typhoid bacillus or by direct contact. the disease is contracted by taking into the mouth in some form the discharges from some previous case. there is no other way. it is, therefore, a disease of filth and someone is at fault somewhere for every case of typhoid fever that occurs. bad sanitary conditions, such as lack of drainage, open cess-pools, sewer gas, decaying vegetable matter, etc., may favor the contraction of the disease, but cannot cause it unless the specific germ, the typhoid bacillus, is present. the water supply of a community becomes infected by the entrance into it of the excreta (stools and urine) of persons suffering from typhoid fever. milk (in which typhoid bacilli grow and multiply very rapidly) usually becomes infected by washing out milk cans with water in which these bacilli are present, or from the presence of the bacilli on the hands or persons of those handling milk. oysters spread the disease when they have been "freshed" in water rich in sewage and containing the typhoid bacillus. flies, whose bodies have become foul with typhoid excreta, may infect food, milk, etc. those who take care of typhoid patients may contract the disease if they do not at once disinfect their hands after handling the patient, or clothing or bedding which has become soiled with the discharges. how to keep from getting typhoid fever.--if the chance of infection is to be reduced to a minimum, all drinking water, concerning the character of which there may be the slightest doubt, should be boiled, and all milk, the handling and care of which is not absolutely beyond suspicion, should be pasteurized or boiled. all food supplies (meat, milk, vegetables, etc.), should be carefully protected against flies, and flies should not be permitted access to the sick-room, the kitchen nor to the room in which the meals are eaten. bathing at all beaches which have sewers emptying in their immediate vicinity should be strictly avoided. in the majority of cases it is probable that the system must be slightly below par in order that the disease may be contracted; therefore, all indigestible food, green fruit, etc., which may set up indigestion or diarrhea, and so render the system more susceptible to infection, should be avoided. in addition, the elementary rules of cleanliness and hygiene, both as to the house and person, should be most strictly observed. no member of a household in which a case of typhoid fever occurs should take food in any form without previously washing the hands. typhoid bacilli enter the body only through the mouth. if sufficient care be taken to prevent their entrance, the contraction of the disease can be absolutely prevented. how to keep from spreading the disease.--in order to protect themselves and others in the household, persons caring for or in any way coming into contact with a case of typhoid fever must constantly bear in mind that the secretions and excretions (urine, stools, etc.), of the patient contain typhoid bacilli and are capable of transmitting the disease to others. the person who nurses the patient should not do the cooking for the family. the bedding used by the patient should be washed separately from that used by others. special dishes, plates, knives, forks, etc., should be kept for the use of the patient alone, and should be washed separately and thoroughly. particular attention should be paid to immediate disinfection of the stools and urine of the patients until the restoration of health is complete. the urine is especially dangerous. it may look entirely normal and yet contain typhoid bacilli for some time after recovery is apparently complete. in a few instances the typhoid bacilli may persist in the stools for weeks or months after recovery. such persons are called "typhoid carriers," and constitute a grave menace to the health of the community. the best disinfectants are carbolic acid and freshly slacked lime; both are effectual, cheap and easily obtained. urine or stools to which has been added one-third of their volume of a solution of one part of carbolic acid to twenty parts of water are, as a rule, sufficiently disinfected in half an hour, provided the mass of the stool is broken up and thoroughly mixed with the solutions. the best method is to keep the urinal of bed-pan partly filled with the disinfecting solution at all times. in this way any germs present in the urine or stools are almost instantly destroyed. stools and urine should never be thrown out on the ground. if no system of drainage is at hand, they should be very thoroughly disinfected and emptied into a hole in the ground and covered with earth. all persons nursing or handling the patient in any way should be careful to wash their hands very thoroughly with soap and water before leaving the sick-room. they should never, while in the sick-room, touch any article of food or put their hands to their mouths. careful observation of the above suggestions and precautions will almost certainly prevent contraction of typhoid fever or the spread of the disease. various solutions boracic acid solution.--in the previous pages mothers are frequently told to use "a saturated solution of boracic acid." a saturated solution means that the water in the solution has dissolved all of the product that is put into it that it is capable of dissolving. when boracic acid is put into water, the water will dissolve it up to a certain point; if you add more the boracic acid will not dissolve; it will float if it is in the form of powder, or it will remain at the bottom of the glass if it is crystal--in other words the water is saturated to its limit and the solution is known as a saturated solution. the strength of a saturated solution of boracic acid is as follows:-- boracic acid ounces - / hot sterile water pints which means that pints of hot water will completely dissolve - / ounces of boracic acid. if any more boracic acid is added the water will not dissolve it because it is already "saturated." inasmuch, however, as boracic acid is harmless, it is perfectly safe to use the liquid part of a solution which contains some undissolved acid. a saturated solution is used in the eyes after it is strained. normal salt solution.--a normal salt solution is made in the following proportions:-- sodium chloride (ordinary table salt) grains sterile water pints normal salt solution is much used in irrigating the bowel. a mother may safely use it in the proportion of one heaping teaspoonful to two quarts of water--two quarts being the size of the ordinary fountain syringe. carron oil.--lime water and raw linseed oil, equal parts. this mixture is much used in burns. it should be made fresh. thiersch's solution:-- salicylic acid drams / boracic acid drams sterile water pints thiersch's solution is a good, mild antiseptic solution, or wash. solution of bichloride of mercury ( to ):-- bichloride of mercury grains common salt grains sterile water pints bichloride of mercury is one of the most powerful and poisonous drugs. solutions made from it should never be used without special directions from a physician. in much weaker solutions than the above it is one of the best antiseptic washes known. it is used to disinfect wounds, for douches, and for various other purposes, but always by special direction of a physician. other solutions.--frequently mothers are directed to use solutions in the proportion of to , or to . this means that there will be one part of the drug, or of the liquid medicine, to , or parts of water. for example if you were asked to make up a solution of bichloride of mercury in the strength of to , you would use one ounce of bichloride of mercury to four thousand ounces of water, or one grain of the mercury to four thousand drops of water,--one grain being equivalent to one drop. sometimes solutions are made up on the percentage basis. for example, a five per cent. solution of carbolic acid. in this case it would be necessary to take five ounces of carbolic to one hundred ounces of water, or five drops of carbolic to one hundred drops of water. * * * * * chapter xxxix accidents and emergencies accidents and emergencies--contents of the family medicine chest--foreign bodies in the eye--foreign bodies in the ear--foreign bodies in the nose--foreign bodies in the throat--a bruise or contusion--wounds--arrest of hemorrhage--removal of foreign bodies from a wound--cleansing a wound--closing and dressing wounds--the condition of shock--dog bites--sprains--dislocations--wounds of the scalp--run-around--felon--whitlow--burns and scalds contents of the family medicine chest.--the family medicine cabinet should contain the following articles: a graduate, medicine droppers, hot water bags, a flat ice bag, a fountain syringe, a davidson's syringe, a baby syringe, sterile gauze, absorbent cotton, gauze bandages of various widths, a yard of oiled silk, one roll of one inch "z o" adhesive plaster, a bottle of pearson's creolin, hydrogen peroxide (fresh), one ounce tincture of iodine in an air-tight bottle, a can of colman's mustard, two ounces of syrup of ipecac, a bottle of castor oil (fresh), one pound of boracic acid powder, one pound of boracic acid crystal, a bottle of glycerine, a bottle of white vaseline, a bath thermometer, some good whisky or brandy, aromatic spirits of ammonia, smelling salts, pure sodium bicarbonate, oil of cloves for an aching gum or toothache, a bottle of alkolol for mouth wash and gargle, and one ounce of the following ointment for use in the various emergencies which occur in all homes,-- bismuth subnitrate dram one zinc oxide dram one phenol ( %) drops twelve resinol ointment to make ounce one this ointment may be applied to all cuts, bruises, skin eruptions, chafings and sores of minor importance. it is one of the best applications for chafing of the skin in babies. the medicine chest should also contain a small jar of unguentine for burns; one-tenth grain calomel tablets for a cathartic for baby to be used as explained in the text of the book, or as advised by the physician. it may also contain tablets for colds and for other purposes as suggested by the family physician. it should never contain medicines the use of which is not thoroughly understood by the mother. it is a wrong practice for mothers to keep medicines to use for the same ailment at a subsequent time. the ailment may not be the same and frequently the medicine itself deteriorates, or it may get stronger with age. many medicines are made with alcohol in them. if kept for some time the alcohol evaporates and leaves a concentrated mixture which, if given in the dose meant for the fresh preparation, may poison a child. such cases of poisoning are on record. the same argument applies to powders. certain drugs lose their strength, some absorb moisture, others change their chemical strength if kept mixed with other chemicals. they should be thrown away after the case is over if they have not been used. it is a dangerous practice to keep medicines around if there are children in the family. foreign bodies in the eye.--particles which accidentally lodge in the eye are usually located on the under surface of the upper lid. they are sometimes, however, found on the ball of the eye or on the inner aspect of the lower lid. foreign bodies which are propelled into the eye with great force, as iron specks which railroad men frequently get sometimes imbed themselves into the eye-ball and have to be cut out or dug out. the entrance of the foreign particle is always accompanied by a flow of tears which is nature's way of removing them. the offending object may escape through the tear duct into the nose, or it may be simply washed out with the flow of tears. rubbing the well eye will cause a flow of tears in both eyes and may facilitate removal of the foreign matter. blowing the nose may force the particle into the tear duct. the use of the eye cup may help in ridding the eye of the body. the same object may be accomplished if the eyes are immersed in a basin of water and opened wide. then by moving the eyes around the particle may be washed out. if the particle is located on the under surface of the upper lid it may be promptly removed by pulling the upper lid forcibly down and over the lower lid. the eyelashes of the lower lid act as a brush and as a rule quickly remove the irritant if the procedure is carried out adroitly. everting the upper lid is a means of locating the body and in making possible its removal by a small camel's hair brush or corner of a handkerchief. to evert the upper lid it is necessary to employ a guide. a match stem may be used in an emergency. this is laid across the middle of the upper lid, the eye lashes are grasped with the fingers of the other hand and the lid is bent over the match stem and turned up thus everting or turning inside out the entire upper lid. the procedure may be facilitated if the patient is instructed to look down while the operator is drawing the eye-lid upward. if the particle cannot be easily removed by any of the above methods it is not safe for an uninstructed individual to go any further. the eye is an exceedingly delicate organ and may be permanently injured by unnecessary irritation. it is always safer and it may be cheaper in the long run to consult a competent oculist in such cases. after the removal of any object from the eye, it is desirable to frequently wash it out with a saturated solution of boracic acid. this mixture will allay any inflammation and will tend to restore the normal condition more quickly and more satisfactorily than if the eye were left to heal itself. foreign bodies in the ear.--when a foreign body gets into the ear mothers are unnecessarily alarmed because of a failure to appreciate that the ear is a closed passage. it is impossible for any object to get into the ear itself; the depth of the external passage is only about one inch in an adult. at this point the passage is completely closed by the drum membrane. most of the harm is done by ignorant meddling, not by the object itself. children frequently put foreign bodies in the ear, as, buttons, pebbles, beans, cherry stones, coffee, etc. the very first thing for the mother to do when she learns that her child has put "something" in its ear is to keep cool, and try to find out what the something is. it is essential to know what the article is because different articles are treated differently. for example if we try to remove a bean or pea with a syringe, the liquid will cause the pea or bean to swell and result in wedging it in so firmly that it will be impossible to dislodge it in this way. if the object is hard, as a marble, button, pebble, bead, the greatest care must be exercised. try to make the object fall out. to effect this, turn the child's head downward with the injured ear toward the floor. then pull the lobe of the ear outward and backward so as to straighten the canal. a teaspoonful of olive oil poured into the ear will aid in its expulsion. if after the oil is poured in, the head is suddenly turned as above described the object will fall out. a very effective way to remove a hard object is to take a small camel's hair brush and coat the end with glue, or any other adhesive substance, then place it in contact with the object and permit it to remain long enough to become firmly attached after which it may be gently pulled out with the object attached. never employ an instrument in the ear to remove a foreign body. when a live insect or fly enters the ear a number of safe methods may be developed. if the ear is immediately turned to a bright light the insect may come out of its own accord. it may be floated out with salt water, or it may be smothered with sweet oil or castor oil after which it may be floated or syringed out. if it is necessary to employ a syringe this should be used gently. a foreign body may remain in the ear for days or weeks without doing any harm. this suggests that any unnecessary poking or prying should not be undertaken, because this may wedge it in tighter and to injure the drum membrane. foreign bodies in the nose.--children may put any of these articles into the nose. very often they do, and do not know enough to tell. if such is the case the first symptom calling attention to the fact that something is wrong is the appearance of a thick foul discharge from one nostril or some obstruction to breathing on the same side. when the foreign body may be seen the child should be made to blow the nose, first closing the well side with the finger. if this does not expel the object the child should be made to sneeze by tickling the free nostril with a feather or by taking snuff. the mother should never permit the use of instruments by one unskilled in an effort to rid the nose of an obstruction. there is great danger of seriously injuring the delicate structure of the nose in this way or of pushing the object so far in that it may necessitate an operation to extract it. it is much safer to seek medical aid before any damage is effected. it seldom does harm to wait until the right assistance is at hand; it often does serious harm to be too smart in these little matters. foreign bodies in the throat.--if the foreign body is in the upper part of the throat and can be seen it may be removed with any instrument that can grasp it. the child may be immediately held up by its feet when the article may be shaken out. if it is further back or in the air passages the child should be made to vomit by tickling the throat with a feather or with the finger held in the throat till it does vomit. when the object interferes with breathing a physician should be sent for in a hurry. in the meantime the family may try to dislodge it by having the child bend forward or by holding it with the head downward and, while in this position, sharply striking the back with each cough. striking the chest when in this position may effect the same purpose. if no success follows this procedure try the reverse position. have the child bend backward over the arm of a sofa, for example, or put him in bed with the body hanging out of the bed face upward. if none of these effect relief you must depend upon the skill of the physician. a bruise or contusion.--a bruise or contusion is an injury to the tissues underneath the skin, but this does not imply that the skin itself is opened or damaged. in every bruise the small blood vessels are ruptured, and the blood collects in the tissues causing distention, swelling and pain. the blood is held in the tissues, it is stagnant, becomes dark in color and so produces the bluish discoloration that we see in all bruises. the color varies according to the extent of the collected blood. at first it is red and inflamed looking, then purple, then black, then greenish and finally citron. the so-called "black-eye" is a typical example of this degree of bruise. after a bruise the parts swell from the collection of blood and from the accompanying inflammation. this causes pain which persists for a day although the spot may be sore and tender for a week or more. in all mild varieties home remedies may suffice, but in the more serious and extensive bruises it is advisable to seek medical assistance. it is essential to completely put the part to rest and to elevate it. this will relieve the pain and favor the absorption of the exuded blood. if the bruise is on the foot, the leg should be elevated until the foot is higher than the hip. if, on the hand, it should be so held that it will be higher than the elbow and it may frequently be held higher than the shoulder to relieve the throbbing and the pain. as a rule, cold should be applied as soon after the injury as possible, cloths wrung out of ice water, or a piece of ice may be bound on the part for a short time. the object of the cold is to stop the internal bleeding. if the injury is slight, as are most of the injuries of the household, the mother may apply repeated cloths wrung out of very hot water. this procedure tends to aid the immediate absorption of the blood and prevents a discoloration of the part. if there is great pain relief may be afforded by applying a firm bandage saturated in the lead-water and laudanum mixture which may be obtained in the drug store under the name of lead and opium wash. the bruised part should be massaged every day and a simple ointment may be applied to soften the inflamed area. if any complication arises in the treatment of a bruise, it will be necessary to consult a physician. wounds.--a wound implies an injury to the skin in addition to injury to the underlying parts to a lesser or greater extent. the skin may be opened by cutting, or stabbing wounds; or it may be punctured, torn, contused, or bruised open. these injuries are effected in various ways. we speak of machinery or mechanical wounds, or gunshot wounds, bites, cuts, stabs and other varieties of wounds. it is very important to know exactly how a wound is produced and the nature of the instrument which opened the skin. we try to obtain this information in order to estimate the probable degree of poison that may or may not have entered into the wound. the first thing to do in treating wounds is to stop the bleeding. if the patient is suffering from shock he should be given active treatment for this condition as described elsewhere. if the wound contains any foreign bodies these should be removed. the wound should then be cleansed, closed and dressed and kept at rest. if the wound is poisoned, or if there is any fear that lockjaw may arise, or if the wound has been caused by a mad dog it will require special treatment. it is far better not to interfere if you do not know what to do than to do harm. one should offer no advice if they are not qualified to give advice. much harm has resulted from doing the wrong thing in these cases. the instruction in the following pages is given so that the average mother may know what to do in emergency but not with the intention that she may regard her knowledge as sufficient to dispense with the aid of the physician. arrest of hemorrhage.--when there is a wound there is always bleeding; this means that some blood vessels have been cut or torn open allowing blood to escape. the character of the hemorrhage will determine the nature of the treatment to be employed. on general principles, the first thing to do in the presence of bleeding is to elevate the part, if that is possible. if there is simply a general oozing of blood, it may be controlled and arrested by pressure. this pressure should be steady and prolonged. it is best accomplished by wetting a clean handkerchief or a pad of gauze in ice cold water, placing this on the part and binding it on firmly with a bandage. if the discharge of blood flows in a steady stream and is rather dark the hemorrhage is coming from a vein. we know that veins carry blood toward the heart so that any pressure or constriction employed to stop a venous hemorrhage should be tied on the side of the wound further removed from the heart. inasmuch as veins have soft walls the right kind of pressure will in most instances stop the bleeding. the part should be elevated after the pad is adjusted in place. any tight band on the limb as a garter or sleeve band should be removed as they tend to interrupt the return circulation. if the hemorrhage is from an artery the blood is bright red. it spurts out forcibly, is difficult to control and demands immediate attention. arteries carry the blood from the heart to the extremities. they beat with every pulsation of the heart so that blood coming from an artery spurts with every pulse beat. even a small artery may be responsible for a very considerable hemorrhage in a very short time. whatever is done must be done quickly. the parts should be freed from all clothing and if possible elevated. pressure may be tried, if it succeeds it must be strong and steady pressure. the point to press must be on the heart side of the bleeding artery since the blood stream is coming that way--this the mother will note is the reverse from treating bleeding from a vein as previously explained. the artery at this point may be felt beating. it is frequently necessary to clamp the whole limb to stop an arterial hemorrhage. this may be done in the following manner. take a strong piece of cloth or bandage and tie above the bleeding point. insert a short piece of stick between the bandage and the limb and twist around until the bleeding stops. this should not be kept on longer than one hour. a tourniquet of this character shuts off all the blood in the limb and if kept on too long the parts may mortify. the best means to stop a hemorrhage of this character is by means of a rubber bandage sold for the purpose. it is applied by stretching at every turn. it exerts uniform pressure and in this way does no injury to the parts. all these measures are, of course, only temporary expedients as the artery will finally have to be caught and tied by a physician. removal of foreign bodies from a wound.--when the foreign bodies are large enough to be seen they may be picked out with the fingers after the hands have been rendered sterile. smaller bodies may be picked up with forceps, or they may be washed out with water that has been boiled and cooled slightly, or a bichloride of mercury solution in the strength of to may be used; or a normal salt solution may be used. as a general rule the physician should be allowed to undertake this procedure so that you may not be blamed for something that may come up later. cleansing a wound.--the simplest way, and the most effective, to cleanse a wound, no matter how caused, is to procure a brush and paint it thoroughly with tincture of iodine. the iodine should be painted right into the raw wound, it is then bound up and left if it is small and does not need any stitching. when the physician comes he can attend to any further procedure that may be necessary. closing and dressing wounds.--if the wound is small, its edges may be drawn together with narrow strips of adhesive bandage after it has been painted with iodine. it is then bound up and kept at rest. it should be inspected the following day to see if it is healing properly. if the wound is large or torn, it should be seen by a physician and dressed and closed by him. all wounds do better if they are kept at rest. the condition of shock.--when a person suffers a serious injury, loses a large quantity of blood, or is subjected to a profound emotion, it affects the vital powers to such an extent that the individual is said to be suffering from shock. shock expresses itself in varying degrees of apathy. the patient may or may not be conscious. if conscious he gives no evidence of feeling, he is silent and motionless although he will respond to directions and may answer questions. the eyes are dull and listless, the face pale and pinched, and the general expression is apathetic. the skin is cold and there may be perspiration; the pulse is feeble and irregular, and the breathing is shallow. the whole attitude of the victim is one of indifference and apparent inability to appreciate the seriousness of the situation and a seeming immunity to pain or discomfort. when this condition exists it must always be regarded as serious because the patient may die as a direct result of the condition of shock. the various symptoms depend upon a temporary paralysis of the blood vessels which deprives the brain of blood. there is always a certain degree of shock with all injuries. mothers should know what to do in these cases before the physician comes. the general treatment in all cases is to keep the patient warm and quiet, and to use stimulants carefully. the patient should be put in bed or on a flat surface with the feet higher than the head. if raising the feet should cause the face to become blue it will be advisable to restore the patient to the horizontal posture. artificial heat must be applied to the patient's body and extremities by means of hot water bags, bottles, bricks, plates, or any other handy device. blankets should be put around the patient and every possible means resorted to, to maintain body heat. mustard plasters may be put to the heart, spine and shins. stimulants are necessary, such as hot black coffee if possible or hot water, in which a small portion of brandy may be put. if brandy is not obtainable the patient may take aromatic spirits of ammonia in hot water every twenty minutes for a number of doses. in every case of shock a physician should be sent for immediately. dog bites.--when a child is bit by a dog every effort should be made to get the dog. it should be kept in a safe place for a week so that it may be definitely known whether it is sick or not. if the dog dies within a few days after biting anyone it may be assumed that he had rabies. its head should be sent to the local health authorities who can tell after examination if it was mad. if there is any reason to assume that the dog was infected, the child should receive the pasteur treatment. this treatment will, if conducted under favorable circumstances, absolutely prevent hydrophobia. the mother should sterilize the wound as thoroughly as possible. this may be done by using pure hydrogen peroxide. a little piece of absorbent cotton is wound round the end of a tooth-pick or match, dipped in the peroxide and the incision thoroughly rubbed clean. this may be done a number of times to ensure thorough cleansing. no effort should be made to cauterize the wound. it is not considered proper to employ this method with dog bites. when the physician examines the wound he may or may not open it further for more extensive inspection and sterilization. mothers should remember that there are thousands of bites by dogs that never cause any trouble, and if it is known that the dog is healthy no worry need trouble the family. it is also wrong to inform the child of the probability of hydrophobia. the child may worry himself sick with fear and if the mother is nervous and excitable he is apt to be made sick with the dread of what may follow. it is better, therefore, to remain quiet, to keep cool, and not to excite the little patient at all. sprains.--every joint is held together by ligaments which are attached to the bones forming the joint. if these ligaments are subjected to a sudden twist in a direction in which the joint is not constructed to move, the resulting injury is known as a sprain. the ligaments are stretched, though they may be torn apart and even small pieces of the bone may be split off if the wrench is great enough. the injury is an exceedingly painful one and frequently renders the limb useless for some time. it is always accompanied with some degree of swelling and more or less inflammation. a sprained joint should be immediately put at absolute rest. the best dressing is the lead and opium wash. two pints of it may be obtained at the drug store. pour into a large bowl, saturate a large piece of thick absorbent cotton, wrap around the joint and bind in place. this dressing may be repeated as often as the cotton becomes dry. when the swelling has disappeared and the pain is gone, it is desirable to have the joint supported with strips of adhesive bandage. these must be put on in a certain way in order to properly support the joint. consequently a physician should put them on. if a sprain is not attended to effectively there is danger of the joint being more or less incapacitated for life. dislocations.--a dislocated joint is one that has been put out of place. it is best to allow a physician to treat a dislocation. unskilled handling of a dislocated joint may not only increase the damage but it may permanently put the joint out of business. until the physician arrives the part should be kept absolutely at rest. wounds of the scalp.--children frequently get injuries of the scalp. these wounds bleed freely and as a rule they occasion a great deal of unnecessary worry and apprehension. usually they are not of much importance. we must keep in mind, however, the probability of fracture as a consequence of severe injury. the first thing to do when there is bleeding from the scalp is to cut or shave away the hair surrounding the wound. this should be done for an inch around the wound so that thorough disinfection may be possible. the wound should now be cleansed as previously instructed and an effort made to stop the bleeding. the best method is to first apply pads of gauze wrung out of very hot water. when success is evident a pad made of boiled cotton should be placed on the wound and held tightly in place for some time. if the wound is of such a character as to demand stitches a physician should of course put them in. run-around: felon: whitlow.--when pus germs enter around a finger nail and lodge in the soft tissue a "run-around" is the result. it is accompanied with pain, swelling, redness and inflammation. the loss of the nail may follow. a felon or whitlow is a more extensive and a more serious condition. it is not always possible to trace the cause of a felon. the fact that germs gain an entrance, however, is soon established. sometimes a bruise, or scratch, or a wound is the primary cause. the last joint of any of the fingers may be the seat of a felon. a end of the finger becomes hot, tense, swollen and very painful; the pain is intense if the hand is held down. the surface may or may not be red. there is as a rule some fever. if the felon is on the little finger or thumb the condition is worse than on the others as a rule,--the inflammation extending to the hand and often into the arm. the condition affects the palmar surface of the fingers. if the felon results in the "death" of the bone, the last joint will have to be taken off and the hand may be distorted, crippled, and rendered permanently disabled. blood poison may set in and death is possible as a result of this complication. treatment.--every effort should be made to abort a felon. continuous application of equal parts of alcohol and water night and day may abort it. tincture of iodine applied to the entire end of the finger may be effective. the hand must be at rest, carried in a sling during the day and slung over the head to the bed-board at night. if these efforts are not successful after twenty-four hours hot poultices should be resorted to, but they must be changed every twenty minutes. if, at the end of another twenty-four hours, there is no improvement the finger must be freely cut open by a surgeon and the poultices continued. treatment of "run-around."--apply iodine freely, cold applications, and if the inflammation persists use poultices. it is frequently necessary to incise the run-around. patients suffering from either of these conditions need general tonic treatment and should be under the care of a physician. burns and scalds.--burns result from undue exposure to dry heat. scalds are produced by the action of hot liquids and steam. there are always produced two results from a burn or a scald. first the local effect, and, second, the general effect. the general effect may produce shock, the symptoms of which have been described in the previous pages. the degree of shock depends upon the extent of the local injury and may be severe enough to result in death. if the local injury covers more than two-thirds of the body death as a rule takes place within two days. how to extinguish burning clothing.--the thought to keep in mind is to smother the flames effectively. if we deprive the flame of all air or oxygen it will immediately subside. this may be done quickly by wrapping the burning part in a carpet, rug, blanket, overcoat or any large woolen material at hand. if none of these articles are at hand the victim may roll on the floor and try to smother the flame by pressure, aided by the hands. it is a good plan to throw water on the patient immediately after the fire has been put out, so as to extinguish the smoldering fire. when a person is scalded by steam or boiling water or other liquid, it is advisable to pour cold water freely over the wound. how to remove the clothing.--when it is necessary to remove the clothing it is essential to be gentle in order not to do greater injury. the clothing must not be pulled. the garment should be cut so that they fall off. if any part sticks to the skin, it must be left, not torn away. later, it may be removed by moistening it with salt water. treatment of scalds and burns.--all slight burns or scalds may be effectively treated with unguentine. this substance may be obtained in any drug store. it is spread on a cloth and applied directly to the injured part, bound securely on and renewed every day until the wound is healed. if unguentine is not readily obtainable the part may be covered with any of the following mixtures or oils: carbolated vaseline, equal parts of linseed oil and lime water, olive oil, castor oil or kerosene, cloths soaked in a solution of baking soda, or a solution of phenol sodique. in severe burns or scalds the mother should not attempt to treat the child. a physician should be summoned at once. the child may be given a little whisky or brandy in warm water, and if the pain is great a dose of laudanum may be given. the dose of laudanum is one drop for each year of life. if the child has a chill he may be put into a warm bath of °f. it is not wise to cut a burn blister. the water may be let out by puncturing with a sterile needle, but the skin must be left intact until the new skin is grown. the treatment of burns must be done with the greatest cleanliness because if infected with germs they may prove serious. * * * * * miscellaneous chapter xl miscellaneous the dangerous house fly--diseases transmitted by flies--homes should be carefully screened and protected--the breeding places of flies--special care should be given to stables, privy vaults, garbage, vacant lots, foodstuffs, water fronts, drains--precautions to be observed--how to kill flies--moths--what physicians are doing--radium--x-ray treatment and x-ray diagnosis--aseptic surgery--new anesthetics--vaccine in typhoid fever--" "--transplanting the organs of dead men into the living--bacteria that make soil barren or productive--anti-meningitis serum--a serum for malaria in sight. the dangerous house fly mothers should become thoroughly acquainted with the grave consequences which may result from fly-infected foods, and from the possible carriage of disease by means of flies, even where foods are carefully protected. the transmission of the following diseases by means of flies has been conclusively proven: typhoid fever, tuberculosis, cholera, oriental plague, inflammation of the eyelids, serious infection of wounds. summer diarrhea of children is also transmitted in this way. typhoid fever and summer diarrhea of children in this country, and cholera and oriental plague in the countries in which those diseases exist, may be transmitted through the various foods that are eaten in an uncooked state, if infected by flies, through cooked foods infected by flies after the process of cooking, through drinking water which has been infected by flies, and through milk similarly infected. fruits are especially likely to be infected by the small fruit fly commonly found around markets and stands. fish may be infected by flies, and in consequence will undergo rapid decomposition. decomposition caused in this way has resulted in many cases of diarrhea and dysentery. what is commonly known as fly speck is the excreta of the fly, and frequently contains virulent disease germs. these specks are often found on foodstuffs that have not been properly protected. transmission of disease may also occur by the infection of open wounds through contact with infected flies. this is true of all pus formation in wounds. the simple contact of a fly infected with the disease may cause oriental plague, sore eyes, and possibly granular eyelids. a fly infected with dysentery or typhoid fever may cause either of these diseases by simply coming in contact with the lips of susceptible persons. the fly in the house should be relentlessly pursued and destroyed. the house which is carefully screened and protected from flies is infinitely safer than one not so protected. in the spring of the year the house fly begins to take on life. eggs which were laid the preceding fall begin to hatch. at first the fly is only a little worm wriggling in some pile of filth. the eggs are usually laid and the grub developed in a manure pile or some mass of garbage or other filth. before the grub develops into the fly it is easily destroyed. if everything in and about the house were kept scrupulously clean, and if every manure pile were kept carefully screened or covered so as to protect it from flies, there would be no difficulty in preventing the fly nuisance. the most effective way to accomplish this is to destroy the breeding places. the importance of this may be seen when it is considered that one fly produces one hundred and twenty-five millions or more of its kind in one season. stables.--manure is by far the commonest material in which the fly lays her eggs. all stables should be kept scrupulously clean. no manure should be allowed to accumulate where it will be exposed to flies for even a few minutes. immediately after it is dropped by an animal, it should be removed and covered. manure may be treated with considerable quantities of lime without interfering with its fertilizing value, and in this way the development of the eggs laid in it by the flies can be practically prevented. the floors of stables should be thoroughly flushed with water at least once in every twenty-four hours. privy vaults.--human excrement also affords an excellent breeding place for flies. in army camps the latrines are the points from which much infection is transmitted to troops, and thousands of the men have lost their lives by contracting typhoid fever transmitted in this manner. during the summer time all open vaults and dry closets should be treated continuously with lime, crude creolin or crude carbolic acid, and they should be carefully cleaned out at frequent intervals. garbage.--as a medium for the development of flies, garbage may be considered next in importance to excreta. the eggs of the fly hatch in about twenty-four hours, and garbage which is retained in the kitchen for that length of time may contain flies in the grub stage. to prevent this development, all garbage should be covered and pails should be emptied as often as possible. in country districts garbage should be burned in the kitchen or buried in the garden at frequent intervals, twenty-four hours being the maximum time it should be retained. vacant lots.--vacant lots frequently contain appreciable quantities of organic matter in a state of decomposition, affording favorable breeding places for flies. these vacant areas should be maintained in a state of scrupulous cleanliness. foodstuffs.--in order to prevent contamination of foodstuffs, all foods that are eaten in the raw state and all foods that are exposed for sale after having been cooked should be carefully protected from contact with flies, by screens or covers. a point where rapid development of flies takes place is along the city's water front. this is due to the fact that many of the sewers do not discharge below the level of the water. all open drains should be eliminated, whether they be sewers, private house drains or drains from cess-pools. precautions to be observed.--keep the house free from flies. every fly should be considered a possible disease carrier and should be destroyed. keep the windows of the house, especially the kitchen windows, carefully screened during the spring, summer and autumn. protect children from exposure to flies, particularly children who are ill, and do not allow nursing bottles to be exposed to flies. protect milk and other foodstuffs from contact with flies. keep the garbage outside of the house, carefully covered. abolish open drains near dwelling places. stable manure should be frequently sprinkled with lime and kept covered. earth closets and privy vaults should be treated with lime, crude creolin or crude carbolic acid at frequent intervals. earth closets and privy vaults should be cleaned frequently in order to prevent excrement accumulating to an undue extent. to kill flies.--dissolve one dram of bichromate of potash in two ounces of water, add a little sugar to this solution and put some of it in shallow dishes and place about the house. sticky fly paper and fly traps may also be used. to clean the room where there are many flies, burn pyrethrum powder (persian insect powder). this stupefies the flies and in this condition they may be swept up and burned. probably the best and simplest fly killer is a weak solution of formaldehyde in water (two teaspoonfuls to the pint). this solution should be placed in plates or saucers throughout the house. ten cents' worth of formaldehyde, obtained in the drug store, will last an ordinary family all summer. don't smell formaldehyde in the pure state; it is very pungent and strong. in the solution of the strength used for flies it has no offensive smell. it is fatal to disease organisms, and is practically non-poisonous except to insects. flies will not stay in the house when this solution is around. moths.--late spring and early summer is the time to guard against moths and beetles. many of these fabric-destroying insects are brought into the house on flowers. may and june are especially bad months, as both moths and beetles are only dangerous to fabrics in their young or grub stage. these insects will destroy almost anything from coarse rugs to the finest of ball gowns and dress suits. carpets that are rarely swept and garments that are seldom disturbed are most liable to damage. the substitution of the frequently removed and easily cleaned rugs for carpets will greatly lessen the danger from the destructive moth and beetle grubs. carpets laid on tight floors are much less liable to injury than where numerous cracks furnish safe retreats for the insects. tarred paper under a carpet is an excellent preventive. all clothes presses should be thoroughly cleaned at frequent intervals. the garments should be removed, aired and vigorously brushed. any larvæ which are not dislodged in this way should be destroyed. it is a bad plan to keep odds and ends of woolen or other materials in attics where these pests can breed and thus spread to more valuable articles. spraying with benzine two or three times during hot weather is a good way of preventing injury to furniture or carriage upholstery and other articles which are in storage or not in use for a long time. if you are certain that woolens and furs are free from the pests they may be stored in safety by placing them in tight paste board boxes and sealing the covers firmly with gummed paper. both moths and carpet beetles are harmless at a temperature of degrees fahrenheit--a fact very well known to advantage by the large fur storage companies. they cannot survive furthermore a temperature of decrees if subjected to it for about twenty minutes. what physicians are doing.--it is desirable that the ordinary non-medical individual should know what the science of medicine is doing and what it is accomplishing. during the past fifteen years the art of curing and preventing disease has taken on giant strides. the man or woman most ready to question the accomplishments and the ability of the humble family physician or the motive of the science of medicine, is the one who appreciates least that it is due to the skill and intelligence of the medical men of to-day that he owes his comfort, his health, and his freedom from pestilence, plague and disease. unthinking people laud and praise some upstart whose ability lies in his faculty to fool the gullible, or they will rush to seek the false aid of some nondescript science, because it is popular and well advertised, while they pass by or ignore the men whose labors have made the world what it is, and who alone possess the ability to intelligently wage the battle in the interest of humanity against disease. the medical profession has repeatedly pointed out that there are, on an average, six hundred thousand lives lost every year in the united states from preventable disease and accidents. six hundred thousand lives which medical science has at hand the remedy to save, but which the medical profession sacrificed because of inadequate legislation. few people can comprehend just what six hundred thousand lives mean. let us put it in another way. there are destroyed by preventable disease and accidents every day american lives equal in number to the crews of two battle ships, equal in three months to more than the total combined numbers of the army and navy of the united states; equal in one year to more than the total number of lives lost in all our wars since the declaration of independence. the titanic disaster shocked the public for a moment, and seemed to impress them as though it was a terrible and unheard of waste of good human lives. yet in the loss of life due to preventable causes we have in this country every day in the year a destruction of our citizens exceeding in magnitude that which occurred when the titanic sank. think of it! a titanic disaster a day, and yet the public does not rise up and demand in a spirit of anger and determination that steps be taken at once to put an end to this appalling and unnecessary waste of lives. under modern hygienic conditions, the average length of existence for an individual in great britain has increased ten years in the last half century. among all the enlightened and advanced nations, the expectation of the individual for long survival is greater. since the appearance of uncheckable and epidemic disorders is less frequent and the percentage of cures is greater. since quarantine has been regularly established and the sewage system made efficient in large cities, and since the sanitary plumbing laws have been made compulsory, the general death rate has decreased enormously. these regulations have been the product of regularly educated medical or sanitary experts. no 'ism or 'ology has ever established any scientific principle which has contributed to the general welfare of the people. we no longer fear the plague, or typhus or yellow fever, cholera, diphtheria, typhoid, consumption, and other diseases which once were a constant menace to the race. the plague, for example, is practically limited to the far east, where modern methods cannot evidently be introduced efficiently. at one time it periodically devastated europe, where it cannot now get a foothold because of the introduction of sanitary systems and hygienic principles. tetanus or lockjaw and hydrophobia are now amenable to cure while formerly all cases were practically fatal. the mortality of diphtheria has been reduced more than fifty per cent. antiseptic precautions in surgical cases, first introduced by the famous surgeon, lord lister, have made possible and successful operations that formerly could not be undertaken, thus broadening the whole field of surgical possibilities. the boer war and the war with spain proved this truth in a way that could not be denied. smallpox is almost a medical curiosity in new york city, where it once was a scourge. the mortality of childbirth has been reduced to about one-fifth of what it was by the introduction of antiseptics and anesthetics. the new methods of making and preparing drugs, the sterilization and inspection of milk, the methods devised for the care of and preparation of infant foods have all enormously contributed to checking disease, to preventing disease, and to increasing the length of life and its happiness. these are all facts which may be proved by any one, no matter how incompetent they may be. if we were to give up all these hard earned victories, cease to investigate or experiment, deny the existence of disease, and depend upon the questionable methods of hysterical emotionalists we would soon find ourselves facing all the horrors of the past. can we afford to lose the priceless benefits we have achieved and are attaining? can we sit still and permit the profession of medicine, which has always contained the best of the race in its membership, the best intellects, the most sympathetic and unselfish characters, the noblest and most steadfast souls, to be maligned and assailed, to have its means of well-doing assaulted and threatened, when we know that it should be supported and protected for the sake of all it has done in the past in the interest of humanity? every mother should be acquainted with these facts so that she may lend her influence in behalf of honest effort and honest inquiry. the following summary comprises a brief review of what medicine has been doing in the recent past: radium.--this element was discovered about fifteen years ago by professor and mme. curie. it possesses the wonderful property of giving out inexhaustible stores of energy. it virtually possesses the property of perpetual motion. professor becquerel was the first one to suggest that it might possess therapeutic or healing powers. the suggestion came to him in a curious way. he carried a tube of radium in his vest pocket and was severely burnt as a consequence. the incident suggested to him that, if radium could attack healthy tissue in such a short time, it should be able to similarly attack diseased tissue. experiments were soon instituted, and are still being conducted to exactly define its curative value and scope. it was hailed as a cure for cancer and other serious conditions, but we have found that it is not a cure for these ailments. it is, however, exceedingly valuable in the treatment of certain skin diseases. in lupus, epithelial tumors, ulcers, papillomata, angiomata and pruritus, it is being widely and successfully used. it was later discovered that it can quickly kill disease-producing bacteria. it is also well known that it will efficiently purify water. x-ray treatment and x-ray diagnosis.--professor roentgen gave to the world an exceedingly valuable discovery in the x-ray. he discovered that a certain form of electrical energy, when applied in a certain way, would produce shadows that differentiated between a certain degrees of opacity. for example, it would, if directed upon the human hand, produce shadows that clearly indicated whether the substance through which the rays passed was bone or muscle. the chief value of the x-rays has been found to be this property rather than any healing value which has been attributed to them. the fact that these shadows can be photographed has rendered them of supreme value in surgery and medicine. previously it was essential that the surgeon should depend upon his own diagnosis, upon what he could learn from his sense of touch and from surrounding conditions. with the x-rays at his disposal he can quite eliminate the personal equation. his pictures are precise and mathematically accurate; he can prove the truth of his diagnosis before he cuts. we can take pictures of fractured bones and from what we learn we can immediately tell how they should be set to attain the very best results. we can actually tell if there is a stone in the kidney before we subject the patient to a serious operation. we can actually take pictures of the stomach at various stages of digestion and tell what disease affects the individual with a degree of precision that was not possible before the x-rays were introduced. these examples only suggest its use. there are a multiplicity of uses for these as yet unknown rays which have greatly aided in diagnosis and consequently in successful treatment. aseptic surgery.--the utility of the aseptic principle in surgery was demonstrated by the japanese army surgeons during the war with russia in - . their success in preventing deaths from suppurating wounds amazed the world. their method was to discard the use of antiseptics and to depend upon absolutely clean instruments, dressings and hands. the most terrible wounds healed under this method without festering. this is, of course, the method in vogue to-day all over the civilized world. the japanese did not discover aseptic surgery, but they were the first to put it to actual test in a large way. the old method was to depend upon drugs to kill the germs which might find their way into wounds and operations. to-day we prevent the germs from getting into the wound and depend upon nature to do the rest. new anesthetics.--several important advances have been made in methods of giving anesthetics and in the nature of the products used. temporary unconsciousness with electricity was induced in by dr. stephane leduc. stovaine was invented by dr. jonnesco, of bucharest. he injected it into the spinal cord after the method made famous by biers with cocaine in . dr. w. s. schley invented novocaine for the same purpose. temporary unconsciousness was accomplished by the use of epsom salts injected into the spinal cord by dr. samuel j. meltzer. all of these efforts to discover a harmless anesthetic by spinal injection were made possible by investigations and experiments of dr. j. leonard corning, of new york, who worked along this line as far back as . the most revolutionary discovery, however, was that of dr. s. j. meltzer at the rockefeller institute, new york, when he inserted a tube into the windpipe, through which he pumped the anesthetic into the lungs. while doing this he at the same time pumped oxygen to aerate the blood, thus ensuring the patient against possible accident during the course of difficult and tedious operations on the lungs and heart. vaccine in typhoid fever.--inasmuch as typhoid fever has played an important part in the conduct of all wars, it has always been a source of much careful study by military and naval surgeons in every civilized country in the world. we had not, however, reached a stage when it was possible to hope for its extermination until medical science began to appreciate the possibilities of vaccine therapy. the cuban, boer and russian wars, because of the terrible experiences of the soldiers with typhoid in each of them, stimulated inquiry along the line of discovering a serum of vaccine that would be effectual against it. american, british, french and japanese military and naval surgeons instituted experiments simultaneously to discover an anti-typhoid vaccine. in the fall of , american army surgeons were experimenting with a serum at washington and on governor's island with success, but the first public announcement of an absolutely successful vaccine was made by captain vincent of the french navy on june th, , before the académie de medicine in paris. the final success of the anti-typhoid serum has been conclusively proved by elaborate tests upon soldiers and sailors in many nations. it is difficult for the ordinary individual to appreciate the significance and importance of a discovery of this character and magnitude. when one thinks calmly of the thousands and thousands of men who have lost their lives during wars because of typhoid epidemics, and of the thousands of others who have returned home practically invalided for life from the same cause, it is possible to, at least, conceive of the benefit to the race such a discovery promises. and when we learn that the discovery is a product of the same principle or method which gave to the world a cure for smallpox, diphtheria and syphilis, we must begin to believe that the medical profession is on the path which is unlimited in its field of promise so far as efficient treatment is concerned. yet to-day we have people who do not believe in vaccination or in anti-diphtheritic serum. we may not live to see the time, but it is not far distant in the opinion of men qualified to speak with authority, when every disease will be amenable to the serum therapy, and when drugs will virtually be discarded by the human race. " ."--one of the most important discoveries in the history of medicine was recently given to the world by dr. paul ehrlich. he called it " ," because it was the th experiment he had made with the same end in view. it was designed with the purpose of curing the most terrible disease known to man, syphilis. the name of the remedy is salvarsan. that it will do all that was first claimed for it is still doubtful, but salvarsan and its improvements, neosalvarsan, etc., are accepted by the profession as by far the best treatment yet devised for this dread disease. it points the way for improvement along the same line to an ultimate specific. transplanting the organs of dead men into living men.--to take from a recently dead individual a kidney, or a bone, or an artery, and by immersing them in certain fluids thereby keeping them alive indefinitely, and later transplanting them in the body of a living individual so that they will continue to live and perform their function in the new environment, is a revolutionary and a seemingly incredible performance. yet dr. alexis carrel of the rockefeller institute, new york, has accomplished this wonderful task. the smallest imagination can picture the possibilities of this kind of surgery, but, inasmuch as the discovery is so recent and the opportunities for testing it upon human beings are so relatively few, that time alone can tell how far it may be possible to go. anti-meningitis serum.--another important discovery that has emanated from the rockefeller institute is the anti-meningitis serum. the death rate from spinal meningitis, before the introduction of the serum, was per cent., the use of the serum has reduced this percentage to . we owe this important contribution to dr. simon flexner. a serum for malaria now possible.--dr. c. c. bass, of tulane university, has succeeded in extracting malaria-producing parasites from human blood and keeping them alive in test tubes. this feat had been long attempted but never before with success. the significance of this achievement is that it is the first step toward preparing a serum that will give immunity to malaria. none (this file was produced from images from the home economics archive: research, tradition and history, albert r. mann library, cornell university) applied eugenics by paul popenoe editor of the journal of heredity (organ of the american genetic association), washington, d. c. and roswell hill johnson professor in the university of pittsburg the macmillan company new york · boston · chicago · dallas atlanta - san francisco macmillan & co., limited london · bombay · calcutta melbourne the macmillan co. of canada, ltd. toronto _all rights reserved_ copyright, , by the macmillan company set up and electrotyped. published october, . preface the science of eugenics consists of a foundation of biology and a superstructure of sociology. galton, its founder, emphasized both parts in due proportion. until recently, however, most sociologists have been either indifferent or hostile to eugenics, and the science has been left for the most part in the hands of biologists, who have naturally worked most on the foundations and neglected the superstructure. although we are not disposed to minimize the importance of the biological part, we think it desirable that the means of applying the biological principles should be more carefully studied. the reader of this book will, consequently, find only a summary explanation of the mechanism of inheritance. emphasis has rather been laid on the practical means by which society may encourage the reproduction of superior persons and discourage that of inferiors. we assume that in general, a eugenically superior or desirable person has, to a greater degree than the average, the germinal basis for the following characteristics: to live past maturity, to reproduce adequately, to live happily and to make contributions to the productivity, happiness, and progress of society. it is desirable to discriminate as much as possible between the possession of the germinal basis and the observed achievement, since the latter consists of the former plus or minus environmental influence. but where the amount of modification is too obscure to be detected, it is advantageous to take the demonstrated achievement as a tentative measure of the germinal basis. the problem of eugenics is to make such legal, social and economic adjustments that ( ) a larger proportion of superior persons will have children than at present, ( ) that the average number of offspring of each superior person will be greater than at present, ( ) that the most inferior persons will have no children, and finally that ( ) other inferior persons will have fewer children than now. the science of eugenics is still young and much of its program must be tentative and subject to the test of actual experiment. it is more important that the student acquire the habit of looking at society from a biological as well as a sociological point of view, than that he put his faith in the efficacy of any particular mode of procedure. the essential points of our eugenics program were laid down by professor johnson in an article entitled "human evolution and its control" in the _popular science monthly_ for january, . considerable parts of the material in the present book have appeared in the _journal of heredity_. helpful suggestions and criticism have been received from several friends, in particular sewall wright and o. e. baker of the united states department of agriculture. paul popenoe. washington, _june, ._ table of contents page preface v introduction by edward a. ross xi chapter i. nature or nurture? ii. modification of the germ-plasm iii. differences among men iv. the inheritance of mental capacities v. the laws of heredity vi. natural selection vii. origin and growth of the eugenics movement viii. desirability of restrictive eugenics ix. the dysgenic classes x. methods of restriction xi. the improvement of sexual selection xii. increasing the marriage rate of the superior xiii. increase of the birth-rate of the superior xiv. the color line xv. immigration xvi. war xvii. genealogy and eugenics xviii. the eugenic aspect of some specific reforms taxation back to the farm movement democracy socialism child labor compulsory education vocational guidance and training minimum wage mother's pensions housing feminism old age pensions sex hygiene movement trades unionism prohibition pedagogical celibacy xix. religion and eugenics xx. eugenics and euthenics appendix a. ovarian transplantation " b. dynamic evolution " c. the "melting pot" " d. the essence of mendelism " e. useful works of reference " f. glossary list of illustrations figure page . four baby girls at once . the effect of nurture in changing nature . height in corn and men . why men grow short or tall . bound foot of a chinese woman . defective little toe of a prehistoric egyptian . effect of lead as a "racial poison" . distribution of -year-old school children . variation in ability . origin of a normal probability curve . the "chance" or "probability" form of distribution . probability curve with increased number of steps . normal variability curve following law of chance . cadets arranged to show normal curve of variability . variation in heights of recruits to the american army . how do you clasp your hands? . the effect of orthodactyly . a family with orthodactyly . white blaze in the hair . a family of spotted negroes . a human finger-tip . the limits of hereditary control . the distribution of intelligence . the twins whose finger-prints are shown in fig. . finger-prints of twins . a home of the "hickory" family . a chieftain of the hickory clan . two juke homes of the present day . mongolian deficiency . feeble-minded men are capable of much rough labor . feeble-minded at a vineland colony . how beauty aids a girl's chance of marriage . intelligent girls are most likely to marry . years between graduation and marriage . the effect of late marriages . wellesley graduates and non-graduates . birth rate of harvard and yale graduates . families of prominent methodists . examining immigrants at ellis island, new york, . line of ascent that carries the family name . the small value of a famous, but remote, ancestor . history of babies . adult morality . influence of mother's age . the "mean man" of the old white american stock . the carriers of heredity introduction the great war has caused a vast destruction of the sounder portion of the belligerent peoples and it is certain that in the next generation the progeny of their weaker members will constitute a much larger proportion of the whole than would have been the case if the war had not occurred. owing to this immeasurable calamity that has befallen the white race, the question of eugenics has ceased to be merely academic. it looms large whenever we consider the means of avoiding a stagnation or even decline of our civilization in consequence of the losses the war has inflicted upon the more valuable stocks. eugenics is by no means tender with established customs and institutions, and once it seemed likely that its teachings would be left for our grandchildren to act on. but the plowshare of war has turned up the tough sod of custom, and now every sound new idea has a chance. rooted prejudices have been leveled like the forests of picardy under gun fire. the fear of racial decline provides the eugenist with a far stronger leverage than did the hope of accelerating racial progress. it may be, then, that owing to the war eugenic policies will gain as much ground by the middle of this century as without it they would have gained by the end of the century. this book could not have been written ten years ago because many of the data it relies on were not then in existence. in view of inquiries now going on, we may reasonably hope that ten years hence it will be possible to make a much better book on the subject. but i am sure that this book is as good a presentation as can be made of eugenics at its present stage of development. the results of all the trustworthy observations and experiments have been taken into account, and the testing of human customs and institutions in the light of biological principles tallies well with the sociology of our times. i cannot understand how any conscientious person, dealing in a large way with human life, should have the hardihood to ignore eugenics. this book should command the attention not only of students of sociology, but, as well, of philanthropists, social workers, settlement wardens, doctors, clergymen, educators, editors, publicists, y. m. c. a. secretaries and industrial engineers. it ought to lie at the elbow of law-makers, statesmen, poor relief officials, immigration inspectors, judges of juvenile courts, probation officers, members of state boards of control and heads of charitable and correctional institutions. finally, the thoughtful ought to find in it guidance in their problem of mating. it will inspire the superior to rise above certain worldly ideals of life and to aim at a family success rather than an individual success. edward alsworth ross. the university of wisconsin madison, wisconsin july . applied eugenics chapter i nature or nurture? at the first race betterment conference held at battle creek, mich., many methods were suggested by which it was believed that the people of america might be made, on the average, healthier, happier, and more efficient. one afternoon the discussion turned to the children of the slums. their condition was pictured in dark colors. a number of eugenists remarked that they were in many cases handicapped by a poor heredity. then jacob riis--a man for whom every american must feel a profound admiration--strode upon the platform, filled with indignation. "we have heard friends here talk about heredity," he exclaimed. "the word has rung in my ears until i am sick of it. heredity! heredity! there is just one heredity in all the world that is ours--we are children of god, and there is nothing in the whole big world that we cannot do in his service with it." it is probably not beyond the truth to say that in this statement jacob riis voiced the opinion of a majority of the social workers of this country, and likewise a majority of the people who are faithfully and with much self-sacrifice supporting charities, uplift movements, reform legislation, and philanthropic attempts at social betterment in many directions. they suppose that they are at the same time making the race better by making the conditions better in which people live. it is widely supposed that, although nature may have distributed some handicaps at birth, they can be removed if the body is properly warmed and fed and the mind properly exercised. it is further widely supposed that this improvement in the condition of the individual will result in his production of better infants, and that thus the race, gaining a little momentum in each generation, will gradually move on toward ultimate perfection. there is no lack of efforts to improve the race, by this method of direct change of the environment. it involves two assumptions, which are sometimes made explicitly, sometimes merely taken for granted. these are: . that changes in a man's surroundings, or, to use the more technical biological term, in his nurture, will change the nature that he has inherited. . that such changes will further be transmitted to his children. any one who proposes methods of race betterment, as we do in the present book, must meet these two popular beliefs. we shall therefore examine the first of them in this chapter, and the second in chapter ii. galton adopted and popularized shakespere's antithesis of _nature_ and _nurture_ to describe a man's inheritance and his surroundings, the two terms including everything that can pertain to a human being. the words are not wholly suitable, particularly since nature has two distinct meanings,--human nature and external nature. the first is the only one considered by galton. further, nurture is capable of subdivision into those environmental influences which do not undergo much change,--e.g., soil and climate,--and those forces of civilization and education which might better be described as culture. the evolutionist has really to deal with the three factors of germ-plasm, physical surroundings and culture. but galton's phrase is so widely current that we shall continue to use it, with the implications that have just been outlined. the antithesis of nature and nurture is not a new one; it was met long ago by biologists and settled by them to their own satisfaction. the whole body of experimental and observational evidence in biology tends to show that the characters which the individual inherits from his ancestors remain remarkably constant in all ordinary conditions to which they may be subjected. their constancy is roughly proportionate to the place of the animal in the scale of evolution; lower forms are more easily changed by outside influence, but as one ascends to the higher forms, which are more differentiated, it is found more and more difficult to effect any change in them. their characters are more definitely fixed at birth.[ ] it is with the highest of all forms, man, that we have now to deal. the student in biology is not likely to doubt that the differences in men are due much more to inherited nature than to any influences brought to bear after birth, even though these latter influences include such powerful ones as nutrition and education within ordinary limits. but the biological evidence does not lend itself readily to summary treatment, and we shall therefore examine the question by statistical methods.[ ] these have the further advantage of being more easily understood; for facts which can be measured and expressed in numbers are facts whose import the reader can usually decide for himself: he is perfectly able to determine, without any special training, whether twice two does or does not make four. one further preliminary remark: the problem of nature vs. nurture can not be solved in general terms; a moment's thought will show that it can be understood only by examining one trait at a time. the problem is to decide whether the differences between the people met in everyday life are due more to inheritance or to outside influences, and these differences must naturally be examined separately; they can not be lumped together. to ask whether nature in general contributes more to a man than nurture is futile; but it is not at all futile to ask whether the differences in a given human trait are more affected by differences in nature than by differences in nurture. it is easy to see that a verdict may be sometimes given to one side, sometimes to the other. albinism in animals, for instance, is a trait which is known to be inherited, and which is very slightly affected by differences of climate, food supply, etc. on the other hand, there are factors which, although having inherited bases, owe their expression almost wholly to outside influences. professor morgan, for example, has found a strain of fruit flies whose offspring in cold weather are usually born with supernumerary legs. in hot weather they are practically normal. if this strain were bred only in the tropics, the abnormality would probably not be noticed; on the other hand, if it were bred only in cold regions, it would be set down as one characterized by duplication of limbs. the heredity factor would be the same in each case, the difference in appearance being due merely to temperature. mere inspection does not always tell whether some feature of an individual is more affected by changes in heredity or changes in surroundings. on seeing a swarthy man, one may suppose that he comes of a swarthy race, or that he is a fair-skinned man who has lived long in the desert. in the one case the swarthiness would be inheritable, in the other not. which explanation is correct, can only be told by examining a number of such individuals under critical conditions, or by an examination of the ancestry. a man from a dark-skinned race would become little darker by living under the desert sun, while a white man would take on a good deal of tan. the limited effect of nurture in changing nature is in some fields a matter of common observation. the man who works in the gymnasium knows that exercise increases the strength of a given group of muscles for a while, but not indefinitely. there comes a time when the limit of a man's hereditary potentiality is reached, and no amount of exercise will add another millimeter to the circumference of his arm. similarly the handball or tennis player some day reaches his highest point, as do runners or race horses. a trainer could bring arthur duffy in a few years to the point of running a hundred yards in - / seconds, but no amount of training after that could clip off another fifth of a second. a parallel case is found in the students who take a college examination. half a dozen of them may have devoted the same amount of time to it--may have crammed to the limit--but they will still receive widely different marks. these commonplace cases show that nurture has seemingly some power to mold the individual, by giving his inborn possibilities a chance to express themselves, but that nature says the first and last word. francis galton, the father of eugenics, hit on an ingenious and more convincing illustration by studying the history of twins.[ ] there are, everyday observation shows, two kinds of twins--ordinary twins and the so-called identical twins. ordinary twins are merely brothers, or sisters, or brother and sister, who happen to be born two at a time, because two ova have developed simultaneously. the fact that they were born at the same time does not make them alike--they differ quite as widely from each other as ordinary brothers and sisters do. identical twins have their origin in a different phenomenon--they are believed to be halves of the same egg-cell, in which two growing-points appeared at a very early embryonic stage, each of these developing into a separate individual. as would be expected, these identical twins are always of the same sex, and extremely like each other, so that sometimes their own mother can not tell them apart. this likeness extends to all sorts of traits:--they have lost their milk teeth on the same day in one case, they even fell ill on the same day with the same disease, even though they were in different cities. now galton reasoned that if environment really changes the inborn character, then these identical twins, who start life as halves of the same whole, ought to become more unlike if they were brought up apart; and as they grew older and moved into different spheres of activity, they ought to become measurably dissimilar. on the other hand, ordinary twins, who start dissimilar, ought to become more alike when brought up in the same family, on the same diet, among the same friends, with the same education. if the course of years shows that identical twins remain as like as ever and ordinary twins as unlike as ever, regardless of changes in conditions, then environment will have failed to demonstrate that it has any great power to modify one's inborn nature in these traits. with this view, galton collected the history of eighty pairs of identical twins, thirty-five cases being accompanied by very full details, which showed that the twins were really as nearly identical, in childhood, as one could expect to find. on this point, galton's inquiries were careful, and the replies satisfactory. they are not, however, as he remarks, much varied in character. "when the twins are children, they are usually distinguished by ribbons tied around the wrist or neck; nevertheless the one is sometimes fed, physicked, and whipped by mistake for the other, and the description of these little domestic catastrophes was usually given by the mother, in a phraseology, that is sometimes touching by reason of its seriousness. i have one case in which a doubt remains whether the children were not changed in their bath, and the presumed a is not really b, and _vice versa_. in another case, an artist was engaged on the portraits of twins who were between three and four years of age; he had to lay aside his work for three weeks, and, on resuming it, could not tell to which child the respective likeness he had in hand belonged. the mistakes become less numerous on the part of the mother during the boyhood and girlhood of the twins, but are almost as frequent as before on the part of strangers. i have many instances of tutors being unable to distinguish their twin pupils. two girls used regularly to impose on their music teacher when one of them wanted a whole holiday; they had their lessons at separate hours, and the one girl sacrificed herself to receive two lessons on the same day, while the other one enjoyed herself from morning to evening. here is a brief and comprehensive account: 'exactly alike in all, their schoolmasters could never tell them apart; at dancing parties they constantly changed partners without discovery; their close resemblance is scarcely diminished by age." [illustration: four baby girls at once fig. .--these quadruplet daughters were born to mr. and mrs. f. m. keys, hollis, okla., on july , , and were seven months old when the photograph was taken. up to that time they had never had any other nourishment than their mother's milk. their weights at birth were as follows (reading from left to right): roberta, pounds; mona, - / pounds; mary, - / pounds; leota, - / pounds. when photographed, roberta weighed pounds and each of the others weighed - / . their aunt vouches for the fact that the care of the four is less trouble than a single baby often makes. the mother has had no previous plural births, although she has borne four children prior to these. her own mother had but two children, a son and a daughter, and there is no record of twins on the mother's side. the father of the quadruplets is one of twelve children, among whom is one pair of twins. it is known that twinning is largely due to inheritance, and it would seem that the appearance of these quadruplets is due to the hereditary influence of the father rather than the mother. if this is the case, then the four girls must all have come from one egg-cell, which split up at an early stage. note the uniform shape of the mouth, and the ears, set unusually low on the head.] "the following is a typical schoolboy anecdote: "'two twins were fond of playing tricks, and complaints were frequently made; but the boys would never own which was the guilty one, and the complainants were never certain which of the two it was. one head master used to say he would never flog the innocent for the guilty, and the other used to flog them both.' "no less than nine anecdotes have reached me of a twin seeing his or her reflection in the looking-glass, and addressing it in the belief that it was the other twin in person. "children are usually quick in distinguishing between their parent and his or her twin; but i have two cases to the contrary. thus, the daughter of a twin says: "'such was the marvelous similarity of their features, voice, manner, etc., that i remember, as a child, being very much puzzled, and i think, had my aunt lived much with us, i should have ended by thinking i had two mothers!' "in the other case, a father who was a twin, remarks of himself and his brother: "'we were extremely alike, and are so at this moment, so much so that our children up to five and six years old did not know us apart.' "among my thirty-five detailed cases of close similarity, there are no less than seven in which both twins suffered from some special ailment or had some exceptional peculiarity. both twins are apt to sicken at the same time in no less than nine out of the thirty-five cases. either their illnesses, to which i refer, were non-contagious, or, if contagious, the twins caught them simultaneously; they did not catch them the one from the other." similarity in association of ideas, in tastes and habits was equally close. in short, their resemblances were not superficial, but extremely intimate, both in mind and body, while they were young; they were reared almost exactly alike up to their early manhood and womanhood. then they separated into different walks of life. did this change of the environment alter their inborn character? for the detailed evidence, one should consult galton's own account; we give only his conclusions: in many cases the resemblance of body and mind continued unaltered up to old age, notwithstanding very different conditions of life; in others a severe disease was sufficient to account for some change noticed. other dissimilarity that developed, galton had reason to believe, was due to the development of inborn characters that appeared late in life. he therefore felt justified in broadly concluding "that the only circumstance, within the range of those by which persons of similar conditions of life are affected, that is capable of producing a marked effect on the character of adults, is illness or some accident which causes physical infirmity. the twins who closely resembled each other in childhood and early youth, and were reared under not very dissimilar conditions, either grow unlike through the development of natural [that is, inherited] characteristics which had lain dormant at first, or else they continue their lives, keeping time like two watches, hardly to be thrown out of accord except by some physical jar." here was a distinct failure of nurture to modify the inborn nature. we next consider the ordinary twins who were unlike from the start. galton had twenty such cases, given with much detail. "it is a fact," he observes, "that extreme dissimilarity, such as existed between jacob and esau, is a no less marked peculiarity of twins of the same sex than extreme similarity." the character of the evidence as a whole may be fairly conveyed by a few quotations: ( ) one parent says: "they have had _exactly the same nurture_ from their birth up to the present time; they are both perfectly healthy and strong, yet they are otherwise as dissimilar as two boys could be, physically, mentally, and in their emotional nature." ( ) "i can answer most decidedly that the twins have been perfectly dissimilar in character, habits, and likeness from the moment of their birth to the present time, though they were nursed by the same woman, went to school together, and were never separated until the age of thirteen." ( ) "they have never been separated, never the least differently treated in food, clothing, or education; both teethed at the same time, both had measles, whooping cough, and scarlatina at the same time, and neither has had any other serious illness. both are and have been exceedingly healthy, and have good abilities; yet they differ as much from each other in mental cast as any one of my family differs from another." ( ) "very dissimilar in mind and body; the one is quiet, retiring, and slow but sure; good-tempered, but disposed to be sulky when provoked;--the other is quick, vivacious, forward, acquiring easily and forgetting soon; quick-tempered and choleric, but quickly forgiving and forgetting. they have been educated together and never separated." ( ) "they were never alike either in mind or body, and their dissimilarity increases daily. the external influences have been identical; they have never been separated." ( ) "the two sisters are very different in ability and disposition. the one is retiring, but firm and determined; she has no taste for music or drawing. the other is of an active, excitable temperament; she displays an unusual amount of quickness and talent, and is passionately fond of music and drawing. from infancy, they have been rarely separated even at school, and as children visiting their friends, they always went together." and so on. not a single case was found in which originally dissimilar characters became assimilated, although submitted to exactly the same influences. reviewing the evidence in his usual cautious way, galton declared, "there is no escape from the conclusion that nature prevails enormously over nurture, when the differences of nurture do not exceed what is commonly to be found among persons of the same rank in society and in the same country." this kind of evidence was a good start for eugenics but as the science grew, it outgrew such evidence. it no longer wanted to be told, no matter how minute the details, that "nature prevails enormously over nurture." it wanted to know exactly how much. it refused to be satisfied with the statement that a certain quantity was large; it demanded that it be measured or weighed. so galton, karl pearson and other mathematicians devised means of doing this, and then professor edward l. thorndike of columbia university took up galton's problem again, with more refined methods. the tool used by professor thorndike was the coefficient of correlation, which shows the amount of resemblance or association between any two things that are capable of measurement, and is expressed in the form of a decimal fraction somewhere between and the unit . zero shows that there is no constant resemblance at all between the two things concerned,--that they are wholly independent of each other, while shows that they are completely dependent on each other, a condition that rarely exists, of course.[ ] for instance, the correlation between the right and left femur in man's legs is . . professor thorndike found in the new york city schools fifty pairs of twins of about the same age and measured the closeness of their resemblance in eight physical characters, and also in six mental characters, the latter being measured by the proficiency with which the subjects performed various tests. then children of the same age and sex, picked at random from the same schools, were measured in the same way. it was thus possible to tell how much more alike twins were than ordinary children in the same environment.[ ] [illustration: the effect of nurture in changing nature fig. .--corn of a single variety (leaming dent) grown in two plots: at the left spaced far apart in hills, at the right crowded. the former grows to its full potential height, the latter is stunted. the size differences in the two plots are due to differences in environment, the heredity in both cases being the same. plants are much more susceptible to nutritional influences on size than are mammals, but to a less degree nutrition has a similar effect on man. photograph from a. f. blakeslee.] "if now these resemblances are due to the fact that the two members of any twin pair are treated alike at home, have the same parental models, attend the same school and are subject in general to closely similar environmental conditions, then ( ) twins should, up to the age of leaving home, grow more and more alike, and in our measurements the twins and years old should be much more alike than those and years old. again ( ) if similarity in training is the cause of similarity in mental traits, ordinary fraternal pairs not over four or five years apart in age should show a resemblance somewhat nearly as great as twin pairs, for the home and school condition of a pair of the former will not be much less similar than those of a pair of the latter. again, ( ) if training is the cause, twins should show greater resemblance in the case of traits much subject to training, such as ability in addition or multiplication, than in traits less subject to training, such as quickness in marking off the a's on a sheet of printed capitals, or in writing the opposites of words." the data were elaborately analyzed from many points of view. they showed ( ) that the twins - years old were not any more alike than the twins - years old, although they ought to have been, if environment has great power to mold the character during these so-called "plastic years of childhood." they showed ( ) that the resemblance between twins was two or three times as great as between ordinary children of the same age and sex, brought up under similar environment. there seems to be no reason, except heredity, why twins should be more alike. the data showed ( ) that the twins were no more alike in traits subject to much training than in traits subject to little or no training. their achievement in these traits was determined by their heredity; training did not measurably alter these hereditary potentialities. "the facts," professor thorndike wrote, "are easily, simply and completely explained by one simple hypothesis; namely, that the nature of the germ-cells--the conditions of conception--cause whatever similarities and differences exist in the original natures of men, that these conditions influence mind and body equally, and that in life the differences in modification of mind and body produced by such differences as obtain between the environments of present-day new york city public school children are slight." "the inferences," he says, "with respect to the enormous importance of original nature in determining the behavior and achievements of any man in comparison with his fellows of the same period of civilization and conditions of life are obvious. all theories of human life must accept as a first principle the fact that human beings at birth differ enormously in mental capacities and that these differences are largely due to similar differences in their ancestry. all attempts to change human nature must accept as their most important condition the limits set by original nature to each individual." meantime other investigators, principally followers of karl pearson in england, were working out correlation coefficients in other lines of research for hundreds of different traits. as we show in more detail in chapter iv, it was found, no matter what physical or mental trait was measured, that the coefficient of correlation between parent and child was a little less than . and that the coefficient between brother and brother, or sister and sister, or brother and sister, was a little more than . . on the average of many cases the mean "nature" value, the coefficient of direct heredity, was placed at . . this gave another means of measuring nurture, for it was also possible to measure the relation between any trait in the child and some factor in the environment. a specific instance will make this clearer. groups of school children usually show an appalling percentage of short-sightedness. now suppose it is suggested that this is because they are allowed to learn to read at too early an age. one can find out the age at which any given child did learn to read, and work out the coefficient of correlation between this age and the child's amount of myopia. if the relation between them is very close--say . or . --it will be evident that the earlier a child learns to read, the more short-sighted he is as he grows older. this will not prove a relation of cause and effect, but it will at least create a great suspicion. if on the contrary the correlation is very slight, it will be evident that early reading has little to do with the prevalance of defective vision among school children. if investigators similarly work out all the other correlations that can be suggested, finding whether there is any regular relation between myopia and overcrowding, long hours of study, general economic conditions at home, general physical or moral conditions of parents, the time the child spends out of doors, etc., and if no important relation is found between these various factors and myopia, it will be evident that no factor of the environment which one can think of as likely to cause the trouble really accounts for the poor eyesight of school children. [illustration: height in corn and men fig. .--an unusually short and an unusually tall man, photographed beside extreme varieties of corn which, like the men, owe their differences in height indisputably to heredity rather than to environment. no imaginable environmental differences could reverse the positions of these two men, or of these two varieties of corn, the heredity in each case being what it is. the large one might be stunted, but the small one could not be made much larger. photograph from a. f. blakeslee.] this has actually been done,[ ] and none of the conditions enumerated has been found to be closely related to myopia in school children. correlations between fifteen environmental conditions and the goodness of children's eyesight were measured, and only in one case was the correlation as high as . . the mean of these correlations was about . --an absolutely negligible quantity when compared with the common heredity coefficient of . . does this prove that the myopia is rather due to heredity? it would, by a process of exclusion, if every conceivable environmental factor had been measured and found wanting. that point in the investigation can never be reached, but a tremendously strong suspicion is at least justified. now if the degree of resemblance between the prevalence of myopia in parents and that in children be directly measured, and if it be found that when the parent has eye trouble the child also has it, then it seems that a general knowledge of heredity should lead to the belief that the difficulty lies there, and that an environmental cause for the poor vision of the school child was being sought, when it was all the time due almost entirely to heredity. this final step has not yet been completed in an adequate way,[ ] but the evidence, partly analogical, gives every reason to believe in the soundness of the conclusion stated, that in most cases the schoolboy must wear glasses because of his heredity, not because of overstudy or any neglect on the part of his parents to care for his eyes properly during his childhood. [illustration: why men grow short or tall fig. .--pedigree charts of the two men shown in the preceding illustration. squares represent men and circles women; figures underlined denote measurement in stocking feet. it is obvious from a comparison of the ancestry of the two men that the short one comes from a predominantly short family, while the tall one gains his height likewise from heredity. the shortest individual in the right-hand chart would have been accounted tall in the family represented on the left. after a. f. blakeslee.] the extent to which the intelligence of school children is dependent on defective physique and unfavorable home environment is an important practical question, which david heron of london attacked by the methods we have outlined. he wanted to find out whether the healthy children were the most intelligent. one is constantly hearing stories of how the intelligence of school children has been improved by some treatment which improved their general health, but these stories are rarely presented in such a way as to contribute evidence of scientific value. it was desirable to know what exact measurement would show. the intelligence of all the children in fourteen schools was measured in its correlation with weight and height, conditions of clothing and teeth, state of nutrition, cleanliness, good hearing, and the condition of the cervical glands, tonsils and adenoids. it could not be found that mental capacity was closely related to any of the characters dealt with.[ ] the particular set of characters measured was taken because it happened to be furnished by data collected for another purpose; the various items are suggestive rather than directly conclusive. here again, the correlation in most cases was less than . , as compared with the general heredity correlation of . . the investigation need not be limited to problems of bad breeding. eugenics, as its name shows, is primarily interested in "good breeding;" it is particularly worth while, therefore, to examine the relations between heredity and environment in the production of mental and moral superiority. if success in life--the kind of success that is due to great mental and moral superiority--is due to the opportunities a man has, then it ought to be pretty evenly distributed among all persons who have had favorable opportunities, provided a large enough number of persons be taken to allow the laws of probability full play. england offers a good field to investigate this point, because oxford and cambridge, her two great universities, turn out most of the eminent men of the country, or at least have done so until recently. if nothing more is necessary to ensure a youth's success than to give him a first-class education and the chance to associate with superior people, then the prizes of life ought to be pretty evenly distributed among the graduates of the two universities, during a period of a century or two. this is not the case. when we look at the history of england, as galton did nearly half a century ago, we find success in life to an unexpected degree a family affair. the distinguished father is likely to have a distinguished son, while the son of two "nobodies" has a very small chance of becoming distinguished. to cite one concrete case, galton found[ ] that the son of a distinguished judge had about one chance in four of becoming himself distinguished, while the son of a man picked out at random from the population had about one chance in , of becoming similarly distinguished. the objection at once occurs that perhaps social opportunities might play the predominant part; that the son of an obscure man never gets a chance, while the son of the prominent man is pushed forward regardless of his inherent abilities. this, as galton argued at length, can not be true of men of really eminent attainments. the true genius, he thought, frequently succeeds in rising despite great obstacles, while no amount of family pull will succeed in making a mediocrity into a genius, although it may land him in some high and very comfortable official position. galton found a good illustration in the papacy, where during many centuries it was the custom for a pope to adopt one of his nephews as a son, and push him forward in every way. if opportunity were all that is required, these adopted sons ought to have reached eminence as often as a real son would have done; but statistics show that they reached eminence only as often as would be expected for nephews of great men, whose chance is notably less, of course, than that of sons of great men, in whom the intensity of heredity is much greater. transfer the inquiry to america, and it becomes even more conclusive, for this is supposed to be the country of equal opportunities, where it is a popular tradition that every boy has a chance to become president. success may be in some degree a family affair in caste-ridden england; is it possible that the past history of the united states should show the same state of affairs? galton found that about half of the great men of england had distinguished close relatives. if the great men of america have fewer distinguished close relatives, environment will be able to make out a plausible case: it will be evident that in this continent of boundless opportunities the boy with ambition and energy gets to the top, and that this ambition and energy do not depend on the kind of family he comes from. frederick adams woods has made precisely this investigation.[ ] the first step was to find out how many eminent men there are in american history. biographical dictionaries list about , , and this number provides a sufficiently unbiased standard from which to work. now, dr. woods says, if we suppose the average person to have as many as twenty close relatives--as near as an uncle or a grandson--then computation shows that only one person in in the united states has a chance to be a near relative of one of the , eminent men--provided it is purely a matter of chance. as a fact, the , eminent men listed by the biographical dictionaries are related to each other not as one in , but as one in five. if the more celebrated men alone be considered, it is found that the percentage increases so that about one in three of them has a close relative who is also distinguished. this ratio increases to more than one in two when the families of the forty-six americans in the hall of fame are made the basis of study. if all the eminent relations of those in the hall of fame are counted, they average more than one apiece. therefore, they are from five hundred to a thousand times as much related to distinguished people as the ordinary mortal is. to look at it from another point of view, something like % of the population of the country is as likely to produce a man of genius as is all the rest of the population put together,--the other %. this might still be due in some degree to family influence, to the prestige of a famous name, or to educational advantages afforded the sons of successful men. dr. woods' study of the royal families of europe is more decisive.[ ] in the latter group, the environment must be admitted--on the whole--to be uniformly favorable. it has varied, naturally, in each case, but speaking broadly it is certain that all the members of this group have had the advantage of a good education, of unusual care and attention. if such things affect achievement, then the achievements of this class ought to be pretty generally distributed among the whole class. if opportunity is the cause of a man's success, then most of the members of this class ought to have succeeded, because to every one of royal blood, the door of opportunity usually stands open. one would expect the heir to the throne to show a better record than his younger brothers, however, because his opportunity to distinguish himself is naturally greater. this last point will be discussed first. dr. woods divided all the individuals in his study into ten classes for intellectuality and ten for morality, those most deficient in the qualities being put in class , while the men and women of preëminent intellectual and moral worth were put in class . now if preëminent intellect and morality were at all linked with the better chances that an inheritor of succession has, then heirs to the throne ought to be more plentiful in the higher grades than in the lower. actual count shows this not to be the case. a slightly larger percentage of inheritors is rather to be found in the lower grades. the younger sons have made just as good a showing as the sons who succeeded to power; as one would expect if intellect and morality are due largely to heredity, but as one would not expect if intellect and morality are due largely to outward circumstances. are "conditions of turmoil, stress and adversity" strong forces in the production of great men, as has often been claimed? there is no evidence from facts to support that view. in the case of a few great commanders, the times seemed particularly favorable. napoleon, for example, could hardly have been napoleon had it not been for the french revolution. but in general there have been wars going on during the whole period of modern european history; there have always been opportunities for a royal hero to make his appearance; but often the country has called for many years in vain. circumstances were powerless to produce a great man and the nation had to wait until heredity produced him. spain has for several centuries been calling for genius in leadership in some lines; but in vain. england could not get an able man from the stuart line, despite her need, and had to wait for william of orange, who was a descendant of a man of genius, william the silent. "italy had to wait fifty years in bondage for her deliverers, cavour, garibaldi and victor emmanuel." "the upshot of it all," dr. woods decides, "is that, as regards intellectual life, environment is a totally inadequate explanation. if it explains certain characters in certain instances, it always fails to explain many more, while heredity not only explains all, or at least %, of the intellectual side of character in practically every instance, but does so best when questions of environment are left out of discussion." despite the good environment almost uniformly present, the geniuses in royalty are not scattered over the surface of the pedigree chart, but form isolated little groups of closely related individuals. one centers in frederick the great, another in queen isabella of spain, a third in william the silent, and a fourth in gustavus adolphus. furthermore, the royal personages who are conspicuously low in intellect and morality are similarly grouped. careful study of the circumstances shows nothing in the environment that would produce this grouping of genius, while it is exactly what a knowledge of heredity leads one to expect. in the next place, do the superior members of royalty have proportionately more superior individuals among their close relatives, as was found to be the case among the americans in the hall of fame? a count shows at once that they do. the first six grades all have about an equal number of eminent relatives, but grade has more while grade has more than grade , and the geniuses of grade have the highest proportion of nearer relatives of their own character. surely it cannot be supposed that a relative of a king in grade has on the average a much less favorable environment than a relative of a king in grade . is it not fair, then, to assume that this relative's greater endowment in the latter case is due to heredity? conditions are the same, whether males or females be considered. the royal families of europe offer a test case because for them the environment is nearly uniformly favorable. a study of them shows great mental and moral differences between them, and critical evidence indicates that these differences are largely due to differences in heredity. differences of opportunity do not appear to be largely responsible for the achievements of the individuals. but, it is sometimes objected, opportunity certainly is responsible for the appearance of much talent that would otherwise never appear. take the great increase in the number of scientific men in germany during the last half century, for example. it can not be pretended that this is due to an increased birth-rate of such talent; it means that the growth of an appreciation of scientific work has produced an increased amount of scientific talent. j. mckeen cattell has argued this point most carefully in his study of the families of one thousand american men of science (_popular science monthly_, may, ). "a darwin born in china in ," he says, "could not have become a darwin, nor could a lincoln born here on the same day have become a lincoln had there been no civil war. if the two infants had been exchanged there would have been no darwin in america and no lincoln in england." and so he continues, urging that in the production of scientific men, at least, education is more important than eugenics. this line of argument contains a great deal of obvious truth, but is subject to a somewhat obvious objection, if it is pushed too far. it is certainly true that the exact field in which a man's activities will find play is largely determined by his surroundings and education. young men in the united states are now becoming lawyers or men of science, who would have become ministers had they been born a century or two ago. but this environmental influence seems to us a minor one, for the man who is highly gifted in some one line is usually, as all the work of differential psychology shows, gifted more than the average in many other lines. opportunity decides in just what field his life work shall lie; but he would be able to make a success in a number of fields. darwin born in america would probably not have become the darwin we know, but it is not to be supposed that he would have died a "mute, inglorious milton": it is not likely that he would have failed to make his mark in some line of human activity. dr. cattell's argument, then, while admissible, can not properly be urged against the fact that ability is mainly dependent on inheritance. we need not stop with the conclusion that equality of training or opportunity is unable to level the inborn differences between men. we can go even farther, and produce evidence to show that equality of training _increases the differences_ in results achieved. this evidence is obtained by measuring the effects of equal amounts of exercise of a function upon individual differences in respect to efficiency in it. suppose one should pick out, at random, eight children, and let them do problems in multiplication for minutes. after a number of such trials, the three best might average correct solutions in the minutes, and the three poorest might average examples. then let them continue the work, until each one of them has done examples. here is equality in training; does it lead to uniform results? dr. starch made the actual test which we have outlined and found that the three best pupils gained on the average in the course of doing examples; while the three poorest gained only in the same course of time. similar tests have been made of school children in a number of instances, and have shown that equality of training fails to bring about equality of performance. all improve to some extent; but those who are naturally better than their comrades usually become better still, when conditions for all are the same. e. l. thorndike gives[ ] the following tabular statement of a test he conducted: the effect of equal amounts of practice upon individual differences in the mental multiplication of a three-place by a three-place number amount done percentage of per unit of correct figures time in answers hours of practice | | first examples first examples | | | | | last or | last or | | examples | examples | | | | | | | | gain | | gain initial highest five individuals . " next five " . " " six " . " " six " . " " five " . " " one individual . - similar results have been obtained by half a dozen other experimenters, using the tests of mental multiplication, addition, marking a's on a printed sheet of capitals, and the like. it would be a mistake to conclude too much from experiments of such restricted scope; but they all agree in showing that if every child were given an equal training, the differences in these traits would nevertheless be very great. and although we do not wish to strain the application of these results too far, we are at least justified in saying that they strongly indicate that inborn mediocrity can not be made into a high grade of talent by training. not every boy has a chance to distinguish himself, even if he receives a good education. we are driven back to the same old conclusion, that it is primarily inborn nature which causes the achievements of men and women to be what they are. good environment, opportunity, training, will give good heredity a chance to express itself; but they can not produce greatness from bad heredity. these conclusions are familiar to scientific sociologists, but they have not yet had the influence on social service and practical attempts at reform which they deserve. many popular writers continue to confuse cause and effect, as for example h. addington bruce, who contributed an article to the _century magazine_, not long ago, on "the boy who goes wrong." after alleging that the boy who goes wrong does so because he is not properly brought up, mr. bruce quotes with approval the following passage from paul dubois, "the eminent swiss physician and philosopher: "if you have the happiness to be a well-living man, take care not to attribute the credit of it to yourself. remember the favorable conditions in which you have lived, surrounded by the relatives who loved you and set you a good example; do not forget the close friends who have taken you by the hand and led you away from the quagmires of evil; keep a grateful remembrance for all the teachers who have influenced you, the kind and intelligent school-master, the devoted pastor; realize all these multiple influences which have made you what you are. then you will remember that such and such a culprit has not in his sad life met with these favorable conditions; that he had a drunken father or a foolish mother, and that he has lived without affection, exposed to all kinds of temptation. you will then take pity upon this disinherited man, whose mind has been nourished upon malformed mental images, begetting evil sentiments such as immoderate desire or social hatred." mr. bruce indorses this kind of talk when he concludes, "the blame for the boy who goes wrong does not rest with the boy himself, or yet with his remote ancestors. it rests squarely with the parents who, through ignorance or neglect, have failed to mold him aright in the plastic days of childhood." where is the evidence of the existence of these plastic days of childhood? if they exist, why do not ordinary brothers become as much alike as identical twins? how long are we to be asked to believe, on blind faith, that the child is putty, of which the educator can make either mediocrity or genius, depending on his skill? what does the environmentalist _know_ about these "plastic days"? if a boy has a drunken father or foolish mother, does it not suggest that there is something wrong with his pedigree? with such an ancestry, we do not expect him to turn out brilliantly, no matter in what home he is brought up. if a boy has the kind of parents who bring him up well; if he is, as dr. dubois says, surrounded by relatives who love him and set him a good example, we at once have ground for a suspicion that he comes of a pretty good family, a stock characterized by a high standard of intellectuality and morality, and it would surprise us if such a boy did not turn out well. but he turns out well because what's bred in the bone will show in him, if it gets any kind of a chance. it is his nature, not his nurture, that is mainly responsible for his character. chapter ii modification of the germ-plasm every living creature was at some stage of its life nothing more than a single cell. it is generally known that human beings result from the union of an egg-cell and a sperm-cell, but it is not so universally understood that these germ-cells are part of a continuous stream of germ-plasm which has been in existence ever since the appearance of life on the globe, and which is destined to continue in existence as long as life remains on the globe. the corollaries of this fact are of great importance. some of them will be considered in this chapter. early investigators tended naturally to look on the germ-cells as a product of the body. being supposedly products of the body, it was natural to think that they would in some measure reproduce the character of the body which created them; and darwin elaborated an ingenious hypothesis to explain how the various characters could be represented in the germ-cell. the idea held by him, in common with most other thinkers of his period, is still held more or less unconsciously by those who have not given particular attention to the subject. generation is conceived as a direct chain: the body produces the germ-cell which produces another body which in turn produces another germ-cell, and so on. but a generation ago this idea fell under suspicion. august weismann, professor of zoölogy in the university of freiburg, germany, made himself the champion of the new idea, about , and developed it so effectively that it is now a part of the creed of nearly every biologist. weismann caused a general abandonment of the idea that the germ-cell is produced by the body in each generation, and popularized the conception of the germ-cell as a product of a stream of undifferentiated germ-plasm, not only continuous but (potentially at least) immortal. the body does not produce the germ-cells, he pointed out; instead, the germ-cells produce the body. the basis of this theory can best be understood by a brief consideration of the reproduction of very simple organisms. "death is the end of life," is the belief of many other persons than the lotus eaters. it is commonly supposed that everything which lives must eventually die. but study of a one-celled animal, an infusorian, for example, reveals that when it reaches a certain age it pinches in two, and each half becomes an infusorian in all appearance identical with the original cell. has the parent cell then died? it may rather be said to survive, in two parts. each of these daughter cells will in turn go through the same process of reproduction by simple fission, and the process will be continued in their descendants. the infusorian can be called potentially immortal, because of this method of reproduction. the immortality, as weismann pointed out, is not of the kind attributed by the greeks to their gods, who could not die because no wound could destroy them. on the contrary, the infusorian is extremely fragile, and is dying by millions at every instant; but if circumstances are favorable, it _can_ live on; it is not inevitably doomed to die sooner or later, as is man. "it dies from accident often, from old age never." now the single-celled infusorian is in many respects comparable with the single-celled germ of the higher animals. the analogy has often been carried too far; yet it remains indisputable that the germ-cells of men reproduce in the same way--by simple fission--as the infusorian and other one-celled animals and plants, and that they are organized on much the same plan. given favorable circumstances, the germ-cell should be expected to be equally immortal. does it ever find these favorable circumstances? the investigations of microscopists indicate that it does--that evolution has provided it with these favorable circumstances, in the bodies of the higher animals. let us recall in outline the early history of the fertilized germ-cell, the _zygote_ formed by the union of ovum and spermatozoön. these two unite to form a single cell, which is essentially the same, physiologically, as other germ-cells. it divides in two similar cells; these each divide; the resulting cells again divide, and so the process continues, until the whole body--a fully developed man,--has been produced by division and redivision of the one zygote. but the germ-cell is obviously different from most of the cells that make up the finished product, the body. the latter are highly differentiated and specialized for different functions--blood cells, nerve cells, bone cells, muscle cells, and so on, each a single cell but each adapted to do a certain work, for which the original, undifferentiated germ-cell was wholly unfit. it is evident that differentiation began to take place at some point in the series of divisions, that is to say, in the development of the embryo. th. boveri, studying the development of a threadworm, made the interesting discovery that this differentiation began at the first division. of the two daughter-cells produced from the zygote, one continued dividing at a very slow rate, and without showing any specialization. its "line of descent" produced only germ-cells. the products of division of the other daughter-cell began to differentiate, and soon formed all the necessary kinds of cells to make up the body of the mature worm. in this body, the cells from the first daughter-cell mentioned were inclosed, still undifferentiated: they formed the germ-cells of the next generation, and after maturity were ready to be ejected from the body, and to form new threadworms. imagine this process taking place through generation after generation of threadworms, and one will realize that the germ-plasm was passed on directly from one generation to the next; that in each generation it gave rise to body-plasm, but that it did not at any time lose its identity or continuity, a part of the germ-plasm being always set aside, undifferentiated, to be handed on to the next generation. in the light of this example, one can better understand the definition of germ-plasm as "that part of the substance of the parents which does not die with them, but perpetuates itself in their offspring." by bringing his imagination into play, the reader will realize that there is no limit to the backward continuity of this germ-plasm in the threadworm. granted that each species has arisen by evolution from some other, this germ-cell which is observed in the body of the threadworm, must be regarded as part of what may well be called a stream of germ-plasm, that reaches back to the beginning of life in the world. it will be equally evident that these is no foreordained limit to the forward extension of the stream. it will continue in some branch, as long as there are any threadworms or descendants of threadworms in the world. the reader may well express doubt as to whether what has been demonstrated for the threadworm can be demonstrated for the higher animals, including man. it must be admitted that in many of these animals conditions are too unfavorable, and the process of embryology too complicated, or too difficult to observe, to permit as distinct a demonstration of this continuity of the germ-plasm, wherever it is sought. but it has been demonstrated in a great many animals; no facts which impair the theory have been discovered; and biologists therefore feel perfectly justified in generalizing and declaring the continuity of germ-plasm to be a law of the world of living things. focusing attention on its application to man, one sees that the race must represent an immense network of lines of descent, running back through a vast number of different forms of gradually diminishing specialization, until it comes to a point where all its threads merge in one knot--the single cell with which it may be supposed that life on this globe began. each individual is not only figuratively, but in a very literal sense, the carrier of the heritage of the whole race--of the whole past, indeed. each individual is temporarily the custodian of part of the "stuff of life"; from an evolutionary point of view, he may be said to have been brought into existence, primarily to pass this sacred heritage on to the next generation. from nature's standpoint, he is of little use in the world, his existence is scarcely justified, unless he faithfully discharges this trust, passing on to the future the "lamp of life" whose fire he has been created to guard for a short while. immortality, we may point out in passing, is thus no mere _hope_ to the parent: it is a _real possibility_. the death of the huge agglomeration of highly specialized body-cells is a matter of little consequence, if the germ-plasm, with its power to reproduce not only these body-cells, but the mental traits--indeed, we may in a sense say the very soul--that inhabited them, has been passed on. the individual continues to live, in his offspring, just as the past lives in him. to the eugenist, life everlasting is something more than a figure of speech or a theological concept--it is as much a reality as the beat of the heart, the growth of muscles or the activity of the mind. this doctrine of the continuity of germ-plasm throws a fresh light on the nature of human relationships. it is evident that the son who resembles his father can not accurately be called a "chip off the old block." rather, they are both chips off the same block; and aside from bringing about the fusion of two distinct strains of germ-plasm, father and mother are no more responsible for endowing the child with its characters except in the choice of mate, than is the child for "stamping his impress" on his parents. from another point of view, it has been said that father and son ought to be thought of as half-brothers by two different mothers, each being the product of the same strain of paternal germ-plasm, but not of the same strain of maternal germ-plasm. biologically, the father or mother should not be thought of as the _producer_ of a child, but as the trustee of a stream of germ-plasm which produces a child whenever the proper conditions arise. or as sir michael foster put it, "the animal body is in reality a vehicle for ova or sperm; and after the life of the parent has become potentially renewed in the offspring, the body remains as a cast-off envelope whose future is but to die." finally to quote the metaphor of j. arthur thomson, one may "think for a moment of a baker who has a very precious kind of leaven; he uses much of this in baking a large loaf; but he so arranges matters by a clever contrivance that part of the original leaven is always carried on unaltered, carefully preserved for the next baking. nature is the baker, the loaf is the body, the leaven is the germ-plasm, and each baking is a generation." when the respective functions and relative importance, from a genetic point of view, of germ-plasm and body-plasm are understood, it must be fairly evident that the natural point of attack for any attempt at race betterment which aims to be fundamental rather than wholly superficial, must be the germ-plasm rather than the body-plasm. the failure to hold this point of view has been responsible for the disappointing results of much of the sociological theory of the last century, and for the fact that some of the work now carried on under the name of race betterment is producing results that are of little or no significance to true race betterment. on the other hand, it must be fairly evident, from the pains which nature has taken to arrange for the transmission of the germ-plasm from generation to generation, that she would also protect it from injury with meticulous care. it seems hardly reasonable to suppose that a material of this sort should be exposed, in the higher animals at least, to all the vicissitudes of the environment, and to injury or change from the chance of outward circumstances. in spite of these presumptions which the biologist would, to say the least, consider worthy of careful investigation, the world is full of well-intentioned people who are anxious to improve the race, and who in their attempts to do so, wholly ignore the germ-plasm. they see only the body-plasm. they are devoted to the dogma that if they can change the body (and what is here said of the body applies equally to the mind) in the direction they wish, this change will in some unascertainable way be reproduced in the next generation. they rarely stop to think that man is an animal, or that the science of biology might conceivably have something to say about the means by which his species can be improved; but if they do, they commonly take refuge, deliberately or unconsciously, in the biology of half a century ago, which still believed that these changes of the body could be so impressed on the germ-plasm as to be continued in the following generation. such an assumption is made to-day by few who have thoroughly studied the subject. even those who still believed in what is conventionally called "the inheritance of acquired characteristics" would be quick to repudiate any such application of the doctrine as is commonly made by most of the philanthropists and social workers who are proceeding without seeking the light of biology. but the idea that these modifications are inherited is so widespread among all who have not studied biology, and is so much a part of the tradition of society, that the question must be here examined, before we can proceed confidently with our program of eugenics. the problem is first to be defined. it is evident that all characters which make up a man or woman, or any other organism, must be either germinal or acquired. it is impossible to conceive of any other category. but it is frequently hard to say in which class a given character falls. worse still, many persons do not even distinguish the two categories accurately--a confusion made easier by the quibble that _all_ characters must be acquired, since the organism starts from a single cell, which possesses practically none of the traits of the adult. what we mean by an inborn character is one whose expression is due to something which is present in the germ-plasm; one which is inherent and due to heredity. an acquired character is simply a modification, due to some cause external to the germ-plasm acting on an inborn character. in looking at an individual, one can not always say with certainty which characters are which; but with a little trouble, one can usually reach a reliable decision. it is possible to measure the variation in a given character in a group of parents and their children, in a number of different environments; if the degree of resemblance between parent and offspring is about the same in each case, regardless of the different surroundings in which the children may have been brought up, the character may properly be called germinal. this is the biometric method of investigation. in practice, one can often reach a decision by much simpler means: if the character is one that appears at birth, e.g., skin color, it is usually safe to assume that it is a germinal character, unless there is some evident reason for deciding otherwise, as in the case of a child born with some disease from which the mother had been suffering for the previous few months. in general, it is more difficult to decide whether a mental trait is germinal, than whether a physical one is; and great care should be used in classification. to make the distinction, one ought to be familiar with an individual from birth, and to have some knowledge of the conditions to which he was exposed, in the period between conception and birth,--for of course a modification which takes place during that time is as truly an acquired character as one that takes place after parturition. blindness, for example, may be an inborn defect. the child from conception may have lacked the requisites for the development of sight. on the other hand, it may be an acquired character, due to an ill-advised display of patriotism on july , at some time during childhood; or even to infection at the moment of birth. similarly small size may be an inborn character, due to a small-sized ancestry; but if the child comes of a normal ancestry and is stunted merely because of lack of proper care and food, the smallness is an acquired character. deafness may be congenital and inborn, or it may be acquired as the result, say, of scarlet fever during childhood. now the inborn characters (excepting modifications _in utero_) are admittedly heritable, for inborn characters must exist potentially in the germ-plasm. the belief that acquired characters are also inherited, therefore, involves belief that in some way the trait acquired by the parent is incorporated in the germ-plasm of the parent, to be handed on to the child and reappear in the course of the child's development. the impress on the parental _body_ must in some way be transferred to the parental _germ-plasm_; and not as a general influence, but as a specific one which can be reproduced by the germ-plasm. this idea was held almost without question by the biologists of the past, from aristotle on. questionings indeed arose from time to time, but they were vague and carried no weight, until a generation ago several able men elaborated them. for many years, it was the question of chief dispute in the study of heredity. the last word has not yet been said on it. it has theoretical bearings of immense importance; for our conception of the process of evolution will be shaped according to the belief that acquired characters are or are not inherited. herbert spencer went so far as to say, "close contemplation of the facts impresses me more strongly than ever with two alternatives--either that there has been inheritance of acquired characters, or there has been no evolution." but its practical bearings are no less momentous. again to quote spencer: "considering the width and depth of the effects which the acceptance or non-acceptance of one or the other of these hypotheses must have on our views of life, the question, which of them is true? demands beyond all other questions whatever the attention of scientific men. a grave responsibility rests on biologists in respect of the general question, since wrong answers lead, among other effects, to wrong belief about social affairs and to disastrous social actions." biologists certainly have not shirked this "grave responsibility" during the last years, and they have, in our opinion, satisfactorily answered the general question. the answer they give is not the answer herbert spencer gave. but the popular mind frequently lags a generation behind, in its grasp of the work of science, and it must be said that in this case the popular mind is still largely under the influence of herbert spencer and his school. _whether they know it or not_, most people who have not made a particular study of the question still tacitly assume that the acquirements of one generation form part of the inborn heritage of the next, and the present social and educational systems are founded in large part on this false foundation. most philanthropy starts out unquestioningly with the assumption that by modifying the individual for the better, it will thereby improve the germinal quality of the race. even a self-styled eugenist asks, "can prospective parents who have thoroughly and systematically disciplined themselves, physically, mentally and morally, transmit to their offspring the traits or tendencies which they have developed?" and answers the question with the astounding statement, "it seems reasonable to suppose that they have this power, it being simply a phase of heredity, the tendency of like to beget like." the right understanding of this famous problem is therefore fraught with the most important consequences to eugenics. the huge mass of experimental evidence that has been accumulated during the last quarter of a century has, necessarily, been almost wholly based on work with plants and lower animals. even though we can not attempt to present a general review of this evidence, for which the reader must consult one of the standard works on biology or genetics, we shall point out some of the considerations underlying the problem and its solution. in the first place, it must be definitely understood that we are dealing only with specific, as distinguished from general, transmission. as the germ-cells derive their nourishment from the body, it is obvious that any cause profoundly affecting the latter might in that way exercise an influence on the germ-cells; that if the parent was starved, the germ-cells might be ill-nourished and the resulting offspring might be weak and puny. there is experimental evidence that this is the case; but that is not the inheritance of an acquired character. if, however, a white man tanned by long exposure to the tropical sun should have children who were brunettes, when the family stock was all blond; or if men whose legs were deformed through falls in childhood should have children whose legs, at birth, appeared deformed in the same manner; then there would be a distinct case of the transmission of an acquired characteristic. "the precise question," as professor thomson words it, "is this: can a structural change in the body, induced by some change in use or disuse, or by a change in surrounding influence, affect the germ-cells in such a _specific_ or representative way that the offspring will through its inheritance exhibit, even in a slight degree, the modification which the parent acquired?" he then lists a number of current misunderstandings, which are so widespread that they deserve to be considered here. ( ) it is frequently argued (as herbert spencer himself suggested) that unless modifications are inherited, there could be no such thing as evolution. such pessimism is unwarranted. there _is_ abundant explanation of evolution, in the abundant supply of germinal variations which every individual presents. ( ) it is common to advance an _interpretation_ of some observation, in support of the lamarckian doctrine, as if it were a _fact_. interpretations are not facts. what is wanted are the facts; each student has a right to interpret them as he sees fit, but not to represent his interpretation as a fact. it is easy to find structural features in nature which _may be interpreted_ as resulting from the inheritance of acquired characters; but this is not the same as to say and to prove that they _have resulted_ from such inheritance. ( ) it is common to beg the question by pointing to the transmission of some character that is not proved to be a modification. herbert spencer cited the prevalence of short-sightedness among the "notoriously studious" germans as a defect due to the inheritance of an acquired character. but he offered no evidence that this is an acquirement rather than a germinal character. as a fact, there is reason to believe that weakness of the eyes is one of the characteristics of that race, and existed long before the germans ever became studious--even at a time when most of them could neither read nor write. ( ) the reappearance of a modification may be mistaken for the transmission of a modification. thus a blond european family moves to the tropics, and the parents become tanned. the children who grow up under the tropical sun are tanned from infancy; and after the grandchildren or great-grandchildren appear, brown from childhood, some one points to the case as an instance of permanent modification of skin-color. but of course the children at the time of birth are as white as their distant cousins in europe, and if taken back to the north to be brought up, would be no darker than their kinsmen who had never been in the tropics. such "evidence" has often been brought forward by careless observers, but can deceive no one who inquires carefully into the facts. ( ) in the case of diseases, re-infection is often mistaken for transmission. the father had pneumonia; the son later developed it; ergo, he must have inherited it. what evidence is there that the son in this case did not get it from an entirely different source? medical literature is heavily burdened with such spurious evidence. ( ) changes in the germ-cells _along with_ changes in the body are not relevant to this discussion. the mother's body, for example, is poisoned with alcohol, which is present in large quantities in the blood and therefore might affect the germ-cells directly. if the children subsequently born are consistently defective it is not an inheritance of a body character but the result of a direct modification of the germ-plasm. the inheritance of an acquired modification of the body can only be proved if some particular change made in the parent is inherited as such by the child. ( ) there is often a failure to distinguish between the possible inheritance of a particular modification, and the possible inheritance of indirect results of that modification, or of changes correlated with it. this is a nice but crucial point on which most popular writers are confused. let us examine it through a hypothetical case. a woman, not herself strong, bears a child that is weak. the woman then goes in for athletics, in order better to fit herself for motherhood; she specializes on tennis. after a few years she bears another child, which is much stronger and better developed than the first. "look," some one will say, "how the mother has transmitted her acquirement to her offspring." we grant that her improved general health will probably result in a child that is better nourished than the first; but that is a very different thing from heredity. if, however, the mother had played tennis until her right arm was over-developed, and her spine bent; if these characteristics were nowhere present in the ancestry and not seen in the first child; but if the second child were born with a bent spine and a right arm of exaggerated musculature, we would be willing to consider the case on the basis of the inheritance of an acquired character. we are not likely to have such a case presented to us. to put the matter more generally, it is not enough to show that _some_ modification in the parent results in _some_ modification in the child. for the purposes of this argument there must be a similar modification. ( ) finally, data are frequently presented, which cover only two generations--parent and child. indeed, almost all the data alleged to show the inheritance of acquired characteristics are of this kind. they are of little or no value as evidence. cases covering a number of generations, where a _cumulative_ change was visible, would be of weight, but on the rare occasions when they are forthcoming, they can be explained in some other way more satisfactorily than by an appeal to the theory of lamarck.[ ] if the evidence currently offered to support a belief in the inheritance of acquired characters is tested by the application of these "misunderstandings," it will at once be found that most of it disappears; that it can be thrown out of court without further formality. the lamarckian doctrine is now held mainly by persons who have either lacked training in the evaluation of evidence, or have never examined critically the assumptions on which they proceed. medical men and breeders of plants or animals are to a large extent believers in lamarckism, but the evidence (if any) on which they rely is always susceptible of explanation in a more reasonable way. it must not be forgotten that some of the ablest intellects in the world have been assidously engaged in getting at the truth in the case, during the last half-century; and it is certainly worthy of consideration that not in a single case has the transmission of an acquired body character ever been proved beyond dispute. those who still hold a belief in it (and it is fair to say that some men of real ability are among that number) too often do so, it is to be feared, because it is necessary for the support of some theoretical doctrine which they have formulated. certainly there are few men who can say that they have carefully examined the evidence in the case, and accept lamarckism because the evidence forces them to do so. it will be interesting to review the various classes of alleged evidence, though we can cite only a few cases from the great number available (most of them, however, dealing with plants or lower animals). nearly all the evidence adduced can be put in one of these four classes: ( ) mutilations. ( ) diseases. ( ) results of use or disuse. ( ) physico-chemical effects of environment. the case in regard to mutilations is particularly clear cut and leaves little room for doubt. the noses and ears of oriental women have been pierced for generations without number, yet girls are still born with these parts entire. circumcision offers another test case. the evidence of laboratory experiments (amputation of tails) shows no inheritance. it may be said without hesitation that mutilations are not heritable, no matter how many generations undergo them. ( ) the transmissibility of acquired diseases is a question involved in more of a haze of ignorance and loose thinking. it is particularly frequent to see cases of uterine infection offered as cases of the inheritance of acquired characters. to use the word "heredity" in such a case is unjustified. uterine infection has no bearing whatever on the question. taking an historical view, it seems fairly evident that if diseases were really inherited, the race would have been extinct long ago. of course there are constitutional defects or abnormalities that are in the germ-plasm and are heritable: such is the peculiar inability of the blood to coagulate, which marks "bleeders" (sufferers from hemophilia, a highly hereditary disease). and in many cases it is difficult to distinguish between a real germinal condition of this sort, and an acquired disease. the inheritance of an acquired disease is not only inconceivable, in the light of what is known about the germ-plasm, but there is no evidence to support it. while there is most decidedly such a thing as the inheritance of a tendency to or lack of resistance to a disease, it is not the result of incidence of the disease on the parent. it is possible to inherit a tendency to headaches or to chronic alcoholism; and it is possible to inherit a lack of resistance to common diseases such as malaria, small-pox or measles; but actually to inherit a zymotic disease as an inherent genetic trait, is impossible,--is, in fact, a contradiction of terms. ( ) when we come to the effects of use and disuse, we reach a much debated ground, and one complicated by the injection of a great deal of biological theorizing, as well as the presence of the usual large amount of faulty observation and inference. it will be admitted by every one that a part of the body which is much used tends to increase in size, or strength, and similarly that a part which is not used tends to atrophy. it is further found that such changes are progressive in the race, in many cases. man's brain has steadily increased in size, as he used it more and more; on the other hand, his canine teeth have grown smaller. can this be regarded as the inheritance of a long continued process of use and disuse? such a view is often taken, but the lamarckian doctrine seems to us just as mystical here as anywhere else, and no more necessary. progressive changes can be satisfactorily accounted for by natural selection; retrogressive changes are susceptible of explanation along similar lines. when an organ is no longer necessary, as the hind legs of a whale, for instance, natural selection no longer keeps it at the point of perfection. variation, however, continues to occur in it. since the organ is now useless, natural selection will no longer restrain variation in such an organ, and degeneracy will naturally follow, for of all the variations that occur in the organ, those tending to loss are more numerous than those tending to addition. if the embryonic development of a whale's hind leg be compared to some complicated mechanical process, such as the manufacture of a typewriter, it will be easier to realize that a trivial variation which affected one of the first stages of the process would alter all succeeding stages and ruin the final perfection of the machine. it appears, then, that progressive degeneration of an organ can be adequately explained by variation with the removal of natural selection, and that it is not necessary or desirable to appeal to any lamarckian factor of an unexplainable and undemonstrable nature. the situation remains the same, when purely mental processes, such as instincts, are considered. habit often repeated becomes instinctive, it is said; and then the instinct thus formed by the individual is passed on to his descendants and becomes in the end a racial instinct. most psychologists have now abandoned this view, which receives no support from investigation. such prevalence as it still retains seems to be largely due to a confusion of thought brought about by the use of the word "instinctive" in two different senses,--first literally and then figuratively. a persistent attempt has been made in america during recent years, by c. l. redfield, a chicago engineer, to rehabilitate the theory of the inheritance of the effects of use and disuse. he has presented it in a way that, to one ignorant of biology, appears very exact and plausible; but his evidence is defective and his interpretation of his evidence fallacious. because of the widespread publicity, mr. redfield's work has received, we discuss it further in appendix b. since the importance of hormones (internal secretions) in the body became known, it has often been suggested that their action may furnish the clue to some sort of an inheritance of modifications. the hormone might conceivably modify the germ-plasm but if so, it would more likely be in some wholly different way. in general, we may confidently say that there is neither theoretical necessity nor adequate experimental proof for belief that the results of use and disuse are inherited. ( ) when we come to consider whether the effects of the environment are inherited, we attack a stronghold of sociologists and historians. herbert spencer thought one of the strongest pieces of evidence in this category was to be found in the assimilation of foreigners in the united states. "the descendants of the immigrant irish," he pointed out, "lose their celtic aspect and become americanised.... to say that 'spontaneous variation,' increased by natural selection, can have produced this effect, is going too far." unfortunately for mr. spencer, he was basing his conclusions on guesswork. it is only within the last few months that the first trustworthy evidence on the point has appeared, in the careful measurements of hrdlicka who has demonstrated that spencer was quite wrong in his statement. as a fact, the original traits persist with almost incredible fidelity. (appendix c.) in , franz boas of columbia university published measurements of the head form of children of immigrants[ ] which purported to show that american conditions caused in some mysterious manner a change in the shape of the head. this conclusion in itself would have been striking enough, but was made more startling when he announced that the change worked both ways: "the east european hebrew, who has a very round head, becomes more long-headed; the south italian, who in italy has an exceedingly long head, becomes more short-headed"; and moreover this potent influence was alleged to be a subtle one "which does not affect the young child born abroad and growing up in american environment, but which makes itself felt among the children born in america, even a short time after the arrival of the parents in this country." boas' work was naturally pleasing to sociologists who believe in the reality of the "melting-pot," and has obtained widespread acceptance in popular literature. it has obtained little acceptance among his fellow-anthropologists, some of whom allege that it is unsound because of the faulty methods by which the measurements were made and the incorrect standards used for comparison. the many instances quoted by historians, where races have changed after immigration, are to be explained in most cases by natural selection under new conditions, or by interbreeding with the natives, and not as the direct result of climate. ellsworth huntington, the most recent and careful student of the effect of climate on man,[ ] finds that climate has a great deal of influence on man's energy, but as far as inherited traits in general are concerned, he is constantly led to remark how little heredity is capable of being changed. most members of the white race have little toes that are partly atrophied, and considerably deformed. in many cases one of the joints has undergone ankylosis--that is, the bones have coalesced. it is confidently alleged that this is due to the inheritance of the effects of wearing tight shoes through many centuries. when it is found that the prehistoric egyptians, who knew not tight shoes, suffered from the same defect in a similar degree, one's confidence in this kind of evidence is much diminished. the retrogression of the little toe in man is probably to be explained like the degeneration of the hind leg of the whale, as a result of the excess of deteriorating variations which, when not eliminated by natural selection, lead to atrophy. since man began to limit the use of his feet to walking on the ground, the little toe has had much less value to him. the feet of chinese women offer another illustration along this line. although they have been tightly bound for many generations, no deformity is apparent in the feet of girl babies. breeders are generally of the opinion that good care and feed bestowed on their stock produce results in succeeding generations. this is in a way true, but it is due merely to the fact that the offspring get better nourishment and therefore a better start in life. the changes in breeds, the increase in milk yield, and similar facts, often explained as due to inheritance of acquired characters, are better explained as the results of selection, sometimes conscious, sometimes quite unconscious. [illustration: bound foot of a chinese woman fig. .--for centuries the feet of upper class women, and many lower class women, in china have been distorted in this manner; but their daughters have perfect feet when born.] [illustration: defective little toe of a prehistoric egyptian fig. .--the above illustration shows the foot of a prehistoric egyptian who is estimated to have lived about b. c. the last joint of the little toe had entirely disappeared, and careful dissection leaves no doubt that it was a germinal abnormality, such as is occasionally seen to-day, and not the result of disease. it is, therefore, evident that the degeneration of man's little toe must be ascribed to some more natural cause than the wearing of shoes for many generations. photograph from dr. gorgy sobhy, school of medicine, cairo.] the question of inherited immunity to diseases, as the result of vaccination or actual illness from them, has appeared in the controversy in a number of forms, and is a point of much importance. it is not yet clear, partly because the doctors disagree as to what immunity is. but there is no adequate evidence that an immunity to anything can be created and transmitted through the germ-plasm to succeeding generations. in short, no matter what evidence we examine, we must conclude that inheritance of acquired bodily characters is not a subject that need be reckoned with, in applied eugenics. on the other hand, there is a possible indirect influence of modifications, which may have real importance in man. if the individual is modified in a certain way, in a number of generations, even though such a modification is not transmitted to his descendants, yet its continued existence may make possible, the survival of some germinal variation bearing in the same direction, which without the protecting influence of the pre-existing modification, would have been swamped or destroyed. finally, it should be borne in mind that even if physical and mental characters acquired during a man's lifetime are not transmitted, yet there is a sort of transmission of acquired characters which has been of immense importance to the evolution of the race. this is the so-called "inheritance" of the environment; the passing on from one generation to the next of the achievements of the race, its accumulated social experience; its civilization, in short. it is doubtful whether any useful end is gained by speaking of this continuance of the environment as "heredity;" it certainly tends to confuse many people who are not used to thinking in biological terms. tradition is the preferable term. there is much to be said in favor of e. b. poulton's definition,--"civilization in general is the sum of those contrivances which enable human beings to advance independently of heredity." whatever wisdom, material gain, or language is acquired by one generation may be passed on to the next. as far as the environment is concerned, one generation stands on the shoulders of its predecessor. it might simplify the task of eugenics if the same could be said of biological heredity. but it can not. each generation must "start from scratch." in august weismann's words, the development of a function in offspring begins at the point where it _began_ in his parents, not at the point where it _ended_ in them. biological improvement of the race (and such improvement greatly fosters all other kinds) must be made through a selective birth-rate. there is no short-cut by way of euthenics, merely. we must now consider whether there is any direct way of impairing good heredity. it is currently believed that there are certain substances, popularly known as "racial-poisons," which are capable of affecting the germ-plasm adversely and permanently in spite of its isolation and protection. for example, the literature of alcoholism, and much of the literature of eugenics, abounds with statements to the effect that alcohol _originates_ degeneracy in the human race. the proof or disproof of this proposition must depend in the last analysis on direct observation and carefully controlled experiments. as the latter cannot be made feasibly on man, a number of students have taken up the problem by using small animals which are easily handled in laboratories. many of these experiments are so imperfect in method that, when carefully examined, they are found to possess little or no value as evidence on the point here discussed. hodge, mairet and combemale, for example, have published data which convinced them that the germ-plasm of dogs was injured by the administration of alcohol. the test was the quality of offspring directly produced by the intoxicated animals under experiment. but the number of dogs used was too small to be conclusive, and there was no "control": hence these experiments carry little weight. ovize, fêrê and stockard have shown that the effect of alcohol on hen's eggs is to produce malformed embryos. this, however, is a case of influencing the development of the individual, rather than the germ-plasm. evidence is abundant that individual development can be harmed by alcohol, but the experiments with eggs are not to the point of our present purpose. carlo todde and others have carried out similar experiments on cocks. the conclusions have in general been in favor of injury to the germ-plasm, but the experiments were inadequate in extent. laitinen experimented on rabbits and guinea pigs, but he used small doses and secured only negative results. several series of experiments with rats indicate that if the dosage is large enough, the offspring can be affected. nice, using very small numbers of white mice, subjected them not only to alcohol, but to caffein, nicotin, and tobacco smoke. the fecundity of all these sets of mice was higher than that of the untreated ones used as control; all of them gained in weight; of young, none was deformed, none stillborn, and there was only one abortion. the young of the alcoholized mice surpassed all others in growth. the dosage nice employed was too small, however, to give his experiment great weight. at the university of wisconsin, leon j. cole has been treating male rabbits with alcohol and reports that "what appear to be decisive results have already been obtained. in the case of alcoholic poisoning of the male the most marked result has been a lessening of his efficiency as a sire, the alcohol apparently having had some effect on the vitality of his spermatozoa." his experiment is properly planned and carried out, but so far as results have been made public, they do not appear to afford conclusive evidence that alcohol originates degeneracy in offspring. the long-continued and carefully conducted experiment of charles r. stockard at the cornell medical college is most widely quoted in this connection. he works with guinea-pigs. the animals are intoxicated daily, six days in the week, by inhaling the fumes of alcohol to the point where they show evident signs of its influence; their condition may thus be compared to that of the toper who never gets "dead drunk" but is never entirely sober. treatment of this sort for a period as long as three years produces no apparent bad effect on the individuals; they continue to grow and become fat and vigorous, taking plenty of food and behaving in a normal manner in every particular. some of them have been killed from time to time, and all the tissues, including the reproductive glands, have been found perfectly normal. "the treated animals are, therefore, little changed or injured so far as their behavior and structure goes. nevertheless, the effects of the treatment are most decidedly indicated by the type of offspring to which they give rise, whether they are mated together or with normal individuals." before the treatment is begun, every individual is mated at least once, to demonstrate its possibility of giving rise to sound offspring. the crucial test of the influence of alcohol on the germ-cells is, of course, the mating of a previously alcoholized male with a normal, untreated female, in a normal environment. when the experiment was last reported,[ ] it had covered five years and four generations. the records of offspring produced by matings were tabulated, matings of alcoholized animals, in which either the father, mother, or both were alcoholic, gave , or almost %, negative results or early abortions, while only % of the control matings failed to give full-term litters. of the full-term litters from alcoholic parents % contained stillborn young and only % of all the matings resulted in living litters, while % of the individuals in the litters of living young died soon after birth. in contrast to this record % of the control matings gave living litters and % of the young in these litters survived as normal, healthy animals. "the mating records of the descendants of the alcoholized guinea pigs, although they themselves were not treated with alcohol, compare in some respects even more unfavorably with the control records than do the above data from the directly alcoholized animals." the records of the matings in the second filial generation "are still worse, higher mortality and more pronounced deformities, while the few individuals which have survived are generally weak and in many instances appear to be quite sterile even though paired with vigorous, prolific, normal mates." we do not minimize the value of this experiment, when we say that too much weight has been popularly placed on its results. compare it with the experiment with fowls at the university of maine, which raymond pearl reports.[ ] he treated fowls with alcohol, little effect on the general health being shown, and none on egg production. from their eggs chicks were produced; the average percentage of fertility of the eggs was diminished but the average percentage of hatchability of fertile eggs was increased. the infant mortality of these chicks was smaller than normal, the chicks were heavier when hatched and grew more rapidly than normal afterwards. no deformities were found. "out of different characters for which we have exact quantitative data, the offspring of treated parents taken as a group are superior to the offspring of untreated parents in characters," in two characters they are inferior and in the remaining two there is no discernible difference. at this stage dr. pearl's experiment is admittedly too small, but he is continuing it. as far as reported, it confirms the work of professor nice, above mentioned, and shows that what is true for guinea pigs may not be true for other animals, and that the amount of dosage probably also makes a difference. dr. pearl explains his results by the hypothesis that the alcohol eliminated the weaker germs in the parents, and allowed only the stronger germs to be used for reproduction. despite the unsatisfactory nature of much of the alleged evidence, we must conclude that alcohol, when given in large enough doses, may sometimes affect the germ-plasm of some lower animals in such a way as to deteriorate the quality of their offspring. this effect is probably an "induction," which does not produce a permanent change in the bases of heredity, but will wear away in a generation or two of good surroundings. it must be remembered that although the second-generation treated males of dr. stockard's experiment produced defective offspring when mated with females from similarly treated stock, they produced normal offspring when mated with normal females. the significance of this fact has been too little emphasized in writings on "racial poisons." if a normal mate will counteract the influence of a "poisoned" one, it is obvious that the probabilities of danger to any race from this source are much decreased, while if only a small part of the race is affected, and mates at random, the racial damage might be so small that it could hardly be detected. there are several possible explanations of the fact that injury is found in some experiments but not in others. it may be, as dr. pearl thinks, that only weak germs are killed by moderate treatment, and the strong ones are uninjured. and it is probable (this applies more particularly to man) that the body can take care of a certain amount of alcohol without receiving any injury therefrom; it is only when the dosage passes the "danger point" that the possibility of injury appears. as to the location of this limit, which varies with the species, little is known. much more work is needed before the problem will be fully cleared up. alcohol has been in use in parts of the world for many centuries; it was common in the orient before the beginning of historical knowledge. now if its use by man impairs the germ-plasm, then it seems obvious that the child of one who uses alcohol to a degree sufficient to impair his germ-plasm will tend to be born inferior to his parent. if that child himself is alcoholic, his own offspring will suffer still more, since they must carry the burden of two generations of impairment. continuing this line of reasoning over a number of generations, in a race where alcohol is freely used by most of the population, one seems unable to escape from the conclusion that the effects of this racial poison, if it be such, must necessarily be cumulative. the damage done to the race must increase in each generation. if the deterioration of the race could be measured, it might even be found to grow in a series of figures representing arithmetical progression. it seems impossible, with such a state of affairs, that a race in which alcohol was widely used for a long period of time, could avoid extinction. at any rate, the races which have used alcohol longest ought to show great degeneracy--unless there be some regenerative process at work constantly counteracting this cumulative effect of the racial poison in impairing the germ-plasm. such a proposition at once demands an appeal to history. what is found in examination of the races that have used alcohol the longest? have they undergone a progressive physical degeneracy, as should be expected? by no means. in this particular respect they seem to have become stronger rather than weaker, as time went on; that is, they have been less and less injured by alcohol in each century, as far as can be told. examination of the history of nations which are now comparatively sober, although having access to unlimited quantities of alcohol, shows that at an earlier period in their history, they were notoriously drunken; and the sobriety of a race seems to be proportioned to the length of time in which it has had experience of alcohol. the mediterranean peoples, who have had abundance of it from the earliest period recorded, are now relatively temperate. one rarely sees a drunkard among them, although many individuals in them would never think of drinking water or any other non-alcoholic beverage. in the northern nations, where the experience of alcohol has been less prolonged, there is still a good deal of drunkenness, although not so much as formerly. but among nations to whom strong alcohol has only recently been made available--the american indian, for instance, or the eskimo--drunkenness is frequent wherever the protecting arm of government does not interfere. what bearing does this have on the theory of racial poisons? surely a consideration of the principle of natural selection will make it clear that alcohol is acting as an instrument of racial purification through the elimination of weak stocks. it is a drastic sort of purification, which one can hardly view with complacency; but the effect, nevertheless, seems clear cut. to demonstrate the action of natural selection, we must first demonstrate the existence of variations on which it can act. this is not difficult in the character under consideration--namely, the greater or less capacity of individuals to be attracted by alcohol, to an injurious degree. as g. archdall reid has pointed out,[ ] men drink for at least three different reasons: ( ) to satisfy thirst. this leads to the use of a light wine or a malt liquor. ( ) to gratify the palate. this again usually results in the use of drinks of low alcohol content, in which the flavor is the main consideration. ( ) finally, men drink "to induce those peculiar feelings, those peculiar frames of mind" caused by alcohol. although the three motives may and often do coexist in the same individual, or may animate him at different periods of life, the fact remains that they are quite distinct. thirst and taste do not lead to excessive drinking; and there is good evidence that the degree of concentration and the dosage are important factors in the amount of harm alcohol may do to the individual. the concern of evolutionists, therefore, is with the man who is so constituted that the mental effects of alcohol acting directly on the brain are pleasing, and we must show that there is a congenital variability in this mental quality, among individuals. surely an appeal to personal experience will leave little room for doubt on that point. the alcohol question is so hedged about with moral and ethical issues that those who never get drunk, or who perhaps never even "take a drink," are likely to ascribe that line of conduct to superior intelligence and great self-control. as a fact, a dispassionate analysis of the case will show that why many such do not use alcoholic beverages to excess is because intoxication has no charm for them. he is so constituted that the action of alcohol on the brain is distasteful rather than pleasing to him. in other cases it is variation in controlling satisfaction of immediate pleasures for later greater good. some of the real inebriates have a strong will and a real desire to be sober, but have a different mental make-up, vividly described by william james:[ ] "the craving for drink in real dipsomaniacs, or for opium and chloral in those subjugated, is of a strength of which normal persons can have no conception. 'were a keg of rum in one corner of the room, and were a cannon constantly discharging balls between me and it, i could not refrain from passing before that cannon in order to get that rum. if a bottle of brandy stood on one hand, and the pit of hell yawned on the other, and i were convinced i should be pushed in as surely as i took one glass, i could not refrain.' such statements abound in dipsomaniacs' mouths." between this extreme, and the other of the man who is sickened by a single glass of beer, there are all intermediates. now, given an abundant and accessible supply of alcohol to a race, what happens? those who are not tempted or have adequate control, do not drink to excess; those who are so constituted as to crave the effects of alcohol (once they have experienced them), and who lack the ability to deny themselves the immediate pleasure for the sake of a future gain, seek to renew these pleasures of intoxication at every opportunity; and the well attested result is that they are likely to drink themselves to a premature death. although it is a fact that the birth-rate in drunkard's families may be and often is larger than that of the general population,[ ] it is none the less a fact that many of the worst drunkards leave no or few offspring. they die of their own excesses at an early age; or their conduct makes them unattractive as mates; or they give so little care to their children that the latter die from neglect, exposure or accident. as these drunkards would tend to hand down their own inborn peculiarity, or weakness for alcohol, to their children, it must be obvious that their death results in a smaller proportion of such persons in the next generation. in other words, natural selection is at work again here, with alcohol as its agent. by killing off the worst drunkards in each generation, nature provides that the following generation shall contain fewer people who lack the power to resist the attraction of the effect of alcohol, or who have a tendency to use it to such an extent as to injure their minds and bodies. and it must be obvious that the speed and efficacy of this ruthless temperance reform movement are proportionate to the abundance and accessibility of the supply of alcohol. where the supply is ample and available, there is certain to be a relatively high death-rate among those who find it too attractive, and the average of the race therefore is certain to become stronger in this respect with each generation. such a conclusion can be abundantly justified by an appeal to the history of the teutonic nations, the nations around the mediterranean, the jews, or any race which has been submitted to the test. there seems hardly room for dispute on the reality of this phase of natural selection. but there is another way in which the process of strengthening the race against the attraction and effect of alcohol may be going on at the same time. if the drug does actually injure the germ-plasm, and set up a deterioriation, it is obvious that natural selection is given another point at which to work. the more deteriorated would be eliminated in each generation in competition with the less deteriorated or normal; and the process of racial purification would then go on the more rapidly. the fact that races long submitted to the action of alcohol have become relatively resistant to it, therefore, does not in itself answer the question of whether alcohol injures the human germ-plasm. the possible racial effect of alcoholization is, in short, a much more complicated problem than it appears at first sight to be. it involves the action of natural selection in several important ways, and this action might easily mask the direct action of alcohol on the germ-plasm, if there be any measurable direct result. no longer content with a long perspective historical view, we will scrutinize the direct investigations of the problem which have been made during recent years. these investigations have in many cases been widely advertised to the public, and their conclusions have been so much repeated that they are often taken at their face value, without critical examination. it must be borne in mind that the solution of the problem depends on finding evidence of degeneracy or impairment in the offspring of persons who have used alcohol, and that this relation might be explainable in one or more of three ways: ( ) it may be that alcoholism is merely a symptom of a degenerate stock. in this case the children will be defective, not because their parents drank, but because their parents were defective--the parents' drinking being merely one of the symptoms of their defect. ( ) it may be that alcohol directly poisons the germ-plasm, in such a way that parents of sound stock, who drink alcoholic beverages, will have defective offspring. ( ) it may be that the degeneracy observed in the children of drunkards (for of course no one will deny that children of drunkards are frequently defective) is due solely to social and economic causes, or other causes in the environment: that the drunken parents, for instance, do not take adequate care of their children, and that this lack of care leads to the defects of the children. the latter influence is doubtless one that is nearly always at work, but it is wholly outside the scope of the present inquiry, and we shall therefore ignore it, save as it may appear incidentally. nor does it require emphasis here; for the disastrous social and economic effects of alcoholism are patent to every observer. we find it most convenient to concentrate our attention first on the second of the questions above enumerated: to ask whether there is any good evidence that the use of alcoholic beverages by men and women really does originate degeneracy in their offspring. to get such evidence, one must seek an instance that will be crucial, one that will leave no room for other interpretations. one must, therefore, exclude consideration of cases where a mother drank before child birth. it is well-known that alcohol can pass through the placenta, and that if a prospective mother drinks, the percentage of alcohol in the circulation of the unborn child will very soon be nearly equal to that in her own circulation. it is well established that such a condition is extremely injurious to the child; but it has nothing directly to do with heredity. therefore we can not accept evidence of the supposed effect of alcohol on the fertilized egg-cell, at any stage in its development, because that is an effect on the individual, not on posterity. and the only means by which we can wholly avoid this fallacy is to give up altogether an attempt to prove our case by citing instances in which the mother was alcoholic. if this is not done, there will always be liability of mistaking an effect of prenatal nutrition for a direct injury to the germ-plasm. but if we can find cases where the mother was of perfectly sound stock, and non-alcoholic; where the father was of sound stock, but alcoholic; and where the offspring were impaired in ways that can be plausibly attributed to an earlier injury to the germ-plasm by the father's alcohol; then we have evidence that must weigh heavily with the fair-minded. an interesting case is the well-known one recorded by schweighofer, which is summarized as follows: "a normal woman married a normal man and had three sound children. the husband died and the woman married a drunkard and gave birth to three other children; one of these became a drunkard; one had infantilism, while the third was a social degenerate and a drunkard. the first two of these children contracted tuberculosis, which had never before been in the family. the woman married a third time and by this sober husband again produced sound children." although such evidence is at first sight pertinent, it lacks much of being convincing. much must be known about the ancestry of the drunken husband, and of the woman herself, before it can be certain that the defective children owe their defect to alcoholism rather than to heredity. we can not undertake to review all the literature of this subject, for it fills volumes, but we shall refer to a few of the studies which are commonly cited, by the believers in the racial-poison character of alcohol, as being the most weighty. taav laitinen of helsingfors secured information from the parents of , babies, who agreed to weigh their infants once a month for the first eight months after birth, and who also furnished information about their own drinking habits. his conclusion is that the average weight of the abstainer's child is greater at birth, that these children develop more rapidly during the first eight months than do the children of the moderate drinker, and that the latter exceed in the same way the children of the heavier drinker. but a careful analysis of his work by karl pearson, whose great ability in handling statistics has thrown light on many dark places in the alcohol problem, shows[ ] that professor laitinen's statistical methods were so faulty that no weight can be attached to his conclusions. furthermore, he appears to have mixed various social classes and races together without distinction; and he has made no distinction between parents, one of whom drank, and parents, both of whom drank. yet, this distinction, as we have pointed out, is a critical one for such inquiries. professor laitinen's paper, according to one believer in racial poisons, "surpasses in magnitude and precision all the many studies of this subject which have proved the relation between drink and degeneracy." as a fact, it proves nothing of the sort as to race degeneracy. again, t. a. macnicholl reported on , american school children, from , of whom he secured information about the parents' attitude to alcoholic drinks. he found an extraordinarily large proportion ( %) of deficient and backward children in the group. but the mere bulk of his work, probably, has given it far more prestige than it deserves; for his methods are careless, his classifications vague, his information inadequate; he seems to have dealt with a degenerate section of the population, which does not offer suitable material for testing the question at issue; and he states that many of the children drank and smoked,--hence, any defects found in them may be due to their own intemperance, rather than that of their parents. in short, dr. macnicholl's data offer no help in an attempt to decide whether alcoholism is an inheritable effect. another supposed piece of evidence which has deceived a great many students is the investigation of bezzola into the distribution of the birth-rate of imbeciles in switzerland. he announced that in wine-growing districts the number of idiots conceived at the time of the vintage and carnival is very large, while at other periods it is almost _nil_. the conclusion was that excesses of drunkenness occurring in connection with the vintage and carnival caused this production of imbeciles. but aside from the unjustified assumptions involved in his reasoning, professor pearson has recently gone over the data and shown the faulty statistical method; that, in fact, the number of imbeciles conceived at vintage-time, in excess of the average monthly number, was only three in spite of the large numbers! bezzola's testimony, which has long been cited as proof of the disastrous results of the use of alcohol at the time of conception, must be discarded. demme's plausible investigation is also widely quoted to support the belief that alcohol poisons the germ-plasm. he studied the offspring of drunken and sober pairs of parents, and found that of the children of the latter, were normal, while of the progeny of the drunkards, only nine were normal. this is a good specimen of much of the evidence cited to prove that alcohol impairs the germ-plasm; it has been widely circulated by propagandists in america during recent years. of course, its value depends wholly on whether the pairs of parents were of sound, comparable stock. karl pearson has pointed out that this is not the case. demme selected his children of drunkards by selecting children who came to his hospital on account of imperfect development of speech, mental defect, imbecility or idiocy. when he found families in which such defective children occurred, he then inquired as to their ancestry. many of these children, he found, were reduced to a condition approaching epilepsy, or actually epileptic, because they themselves were alcoholic. obviously such material can not legitimately be used to prove that the use of alcohol by parents injures the heredity of their children. the figures do not at all give the proof we are seeking, that alcohol can so affect sound germ-plasm as to lead to the production of defective children. dr. bertholet made a microscopic examination of the reproductive glands of chronic male alcoholics, and in cases he found them more or less atrophied, and devoid of spermatozoa. observing the same glands in non-alcoholics who had died of various chronic diseases, such as tuberculosis, he found no such condition. his conclusion is that the reproductive glands are more sensitive to the effects of alcohol than any other organ. so far as is known to us, his results have never been discredited; they have, on the contrary, been confirmed by other investigators. they are of great significance to eugenics, in showing how the action of natural selection to purge the race of drunkards is sometimes facilitated in a way we had not counted, through reduced fertility due to alcohol, as well as through death due to alcohol. but it should not be thought that his results are typical, and that all chronic alcoholists become sterile: every reader will know of cases in his own experience, where drunkards have large families; and the experimental work with smaller animals also shows that long-continued inebriety is compatible with great fecundity. it is probable that extreme inebriety reduces fertility, but a lesser amount increases it in the cases of many men by reducing the prudence which leads to limited families. in appeared the investigation of miss ethel m. elderton and karl pearson on school children in edinburgh and manchester.[ ] their aim was to take a population under the same environmental conditions, and with no discoverable initial differentiation, and inquire whether the temperate and intemperate sections had children differing widely in physique and mentality. handling their material with the most refined statistical methods, and in an elaborate way, they reached the conclusion that parental alcoholism does not markedly affect the physique or mentality of the offspring as children. whether results might differ in later life, their material did not show. their conclusions were as follows: "( ) there is a higher death-rate among the offspring of alcoholic than among the offspring of sober parents. this appears to be more marked in the case of the mother than in the case of the father, and since it is sensibly higher in the case of the mother who has drinking bouts [periodical sprees] than of the mother who habitually drinks, it would appear to be due very considerably to accidents and gross carelessness and possibly in a minor degree to toxic effect on the offspring. "owing to the greater fertility of alcoholic parents, the net family of the sober is hardly larger than the net family of the alcoholic. [it should be remembered that the study did not include childless couples.] "( ) the mean weight and height of the children of alcoholic parents are slightly greater than those of sober parents, but as the age of the former children is slightly greater, the correlations when corrected for age are slightly positive, i.e., there is slightly greater height and weight in the children of the sober." "( ) the wages of the alcoholic as contrasted with the sober parent show a slight difference compatible with the employers' dislike for an alcoholic employee, but wholly inconsistent with a marked mental or physical inferiority in the alcoholic parent. "( ) the general health of the children of alcoholic parents appears on the whole slightly better than that of sober parents. there are fewer delicate children, and in a most marked way cases of tuberculosis and epilepsy are less frequent than among the children of sober parents. the source of this relation may be sought in two directions; the physically strongest in the community have probably the greatest capacity and taste for alcohol. further the higher death rate of the children of alcoholic parents probably leaves the fittest to survive. epilepsy and tuberculosis both depending upon inherited constitutional conditions, they will be more common in the parents of affected offspring, and probably if combined with alcohol, are incompatible with any length of life or size of family. if these views be correct, we can only say that parental alcoholism has no marked effect on filial health. "( ) parental alcoholism is not the source of mental defect in offspring. "( ) the relationship, if any, between parental alcoholism and filial intelligence is so slight that even its sign can not be determined from the present material. "( ) the normal visioned and normal refractioned offspring appear to be in rather a preponderance in the families of the drinking parents, the parents who have 'bouts' give intermediate results, but there is no substantial relationship between goodness of sight and parental alcoholism. some explanation was sought on the basis of alcoholic homes driving the children out into the streets. this was found to be markedly the case, the children of alcoholic parents spending much more of their spare time in the streets. an examination, however, of the vision and refraction of children with regard to the time they spent in-and out-of-doors, showed no clear and definite result, the children who spent the whole or most of their spare time in the streets having the most myopia and also most normal sight. it was not possible to assert that the outdoor life was better for the sight, or that the better sight of the offspring of alcoholic parentage was due to the greater time spent outdoors. "( ) the frequency of diseases of the eye and eyelids, which might well be attributed to parental neglect, was found to have little, if any, relation to parental alcoholism. "to sum up, then no _marked_ relation has been found between the intelligence, physique or disease of the offspring and the parental alcoholism in any of the categories mentioned. on the whole the balance turns as often in favor of the alcoholic as of the non-alcoholic parentage. it is needless to say that we do not attribute this to the alcohol but to certain physical and possibly mental characters which appear to be associated with the tendency to alcohol." of the many criticisms made of this work, most are irrelevant to our present purpose, or have been satisfactorily met by the authors. it must be said, however, that as the children examined were all school children, the really degenerate offspring of alcoholics, if any such existed, would not have been found, because they would not have been admitted to the school. further, it is not definitely known whether the parents' alcoholism dated from before or after the birth of the child examined. then, the report did not exactly compare the offspring of drinkers and non-drinkers, but classified the parents as those who drank, and those who were sober; the latter were not, for the most part, teetotalers, but merely persons whose use of alcohol was so moderate that it exercised no visible bad influence on the health of the individual or the welfare of the home. something can be said on both sides of all these objections; but giving them as much weight as one thinks necessary, the fact remains that the elderton-pearson investigation failed to demonstrate any racial poisoning due to alcohol, in the kind of cases where one would certainly have expected it to be demonstrated, if it existed. much more observation and measurement must be made before a generalization can be safely drawn, as to whether alcohol is or is not a racial poison, in the sense in which that expression is used by eugenists. it has been shown that the evidence which is commonly believed to prove beyond doubt that alcohol does injure the germ-plasm, is mostly worthless. but it must not be thought that the authors intend to deny that alcohol is a racial poison, where the dosage is very heavy and continuous. if we have no good evidence that it is, we equally lack evidence on the other side. we wish only to suggest caution against making rash generalizations on the subject which lack supporting evidence and therefore are a weak basis for propaganda. so far as immediate action is concerned, eugenics must proceed on the basis that there is no proof that alcohol as ordinarily consumed will injure the human germ-plasm. to say this is not in any way to minify the evil results which alcohol often has on the individual, or the disastrous consequences to his offspring, euthenically. but nothing is to be gained by making an assumption of "racial poisoning," and acting on that assumption, without evidence that it is true; and the temperance movement would command more respect from genetics if it ceased to allege proof that alcohol has a directly injurious effect on the race, by poisoning the human germ-plasm, when no adequate proof exists. how, then, can one account for the immense bulk of cases, some of which come within everyone's range of vision, where alcoholism in the parent is associated with defect in the offspring? by a process of exclusion, we are driven to the explanation already indicated: that alcoholism may be a symptom, rather than a cause, of degeneracy. some drunkards are drunkards, because they come of a stock that is, in a way, mentally defective; physical defects are frequently correlated in such stocks; naturally the children inherit part or all of the parental defects including, very likely, alcoholism; but the parent's alcoholism, we repeat, must not be considered the _cause_ of the child's defect. the child would have been defective in the same way, regardless of the parent's beverage. it follows, then, as a practical consequence for eugenics, that in the light of present knowledge any campaign against alcoholic liquors would be better based on the very adequate ground of physiology and economics, than on genetics. from the narrowest point of view of genetics, the way to solve the liquor problem would be, not to eliminate drink, but to eliminate the drinker: to prevent the reproduction of the degenerate stocks and the tainted strains that contribute most of the chronic alcoholics. we do not mean to advocate this as the only proper basis for the temperance campaign, because the physiological and economic aspects are of sufficient importance to keep up the campaign at twice the present intensity.[ ] but it is desirable to have the eugenic aspect of the matter clearly understood, and to point out that in checking the production of defectives in the united states, eugenics will do its share, and a big share, toward the solution of the drink problem, which is at the same time being attacked along other and equally praiseworthy lines by other people. a number of other substances are sometimes credited with being racial poisons. the poison of _spirochæte pallida_, the microörganism which causes syphilis, has been widely credited with a directly noxious effect on the germ-plasm, and the statement has been made that this effect can be transmitted for several generations. on the other hand, healthy children are reported as being born to cured syphilitics. further evidence is needed, taking care to eliminate cases of infection from the parents. if the alleged deterioration really occurs, it will still remain to be determined if the effect is permanent or an induction, that is, a change in the germ-cells which does not permanently alter the nature of the inherited traits, and which would disappear in a few generations under favorable conditions. the case against lead is similar. sir thomas oliver, in his _diseases of occupation_, sums up the evidence as follows: "rennert has attempted to express in statistical terms the varying degrees of gravity in the prognosis of cases in which at the moment of conception both parents are the subjects of lead poisoning, also when one alone is affected. the malign influence of lead is reflected upon the fetus and upon the continuation of the pregnancy times out of when both parents have been working in lead, times when the mother alone is affected, and times when it is the father alone who has worked in lead. taking seven healthy women who were married to lead workers, and in whom there was a total of pregnancies, lewin (berlin) tells us that the results were as follows: miscarriages, one stillbirth, children died within the first year after their birth, four in the second year, five in the third year and one subsequent to this, leaving only two children out of pregnancies as likely to live to manhood. in cases where women have had a series of miscarriages so long as their husbands worked in lead, a change of industrial occupation on the part of the husband restores to the wives normal child-bearing powers." the data of constantin paul, published as long ago as , indicated that lead exercised an injurious effect through the male as well as the female parent. this sort of evidence is certainly weak, in that it fails to take into account the possible effects of environment; and one would do well to keep an open mind on the subject. in a recent series of careful experiments at the university of wisconsin, leon j. cole has treated male rabbits with lead. he reports: "the 'leaded' males have produced as many or more offspring than normal fathers, but their young have averaged smaller in size and are of lowered vitality, so that larger numbers of them die off at an early age than is the case with those from untreated fathers." [illustration: effect of lead as a "racial poison" fig. .--that lead poisoning can affect the germ plasm of rabbits is indicated by experiments conducted by leon j. cole at the university of wisconsin. with reference to the above illustration, professor cole writes: "each of the photographs shows two young from the same litter, in all cases the mother being a normal (nonpoisoned) albino. in each of the litters the white young is from an albino father which received the lead treatment, while the pigmented offspring is from a normal, homozygous, pigmented male. while these are, it is true, selected individuals, they represent what tend to be average, rather than extreme, conditions. the albino male was considerably larger than the pigmented male; nevertheless his young average distinctly smaller in size. note also the brighter expression of the pigmented young."] there is, then, a suspicion that lead is a racial poison, but no evidence as yet as to whether the effect is permanent or in the nature of an induction. this concludes the short list of substances for which there has been any plausible case made out, as racial poisons. gonorrhea, malaria, arsenic, tobacco, and numerous other substances have been mentioned from time to time, and even ardently contended by propagandists to be racial poisons, but in the case of none of them, so far as we know, is there any evidence to support the claim. and as has been shown, in the case of the three chief so-called racial poisons, alcohol, syphilis and lead, the evidence is not great. we are thus in a position to state that, from the eugenists' point of view, the _origination_ of degeneracy, by some direct action of the germ-plasm, is a contingency that hardly needs to be reckoned with. even in case the evidence were much stronger than it is, the damage done may only be a physiological or chemical induction, the effects of which will wear off in a few generations; rather than a radical change in the hereditary constituents of the germ-plasm. the germ-plasm is so carefully isolated and guarded that it is almost impossible to injure it, except by treatment so severe as to kill it altogether; and the degeneracy with which eugenists are called on to deal is a degeneracy which is running along from generation to generation and which, when once stopped by the cessation of reproduction, is in little danger of being originated anew through some racial poison. through these facts, the problem of race betterment is not only immensely simplified, but it is clearly shown to be more a matter for treatment by the biologist, acting through eugenics, than for the optimistic improver of the environment. there is another way in which it is widely believed that some such result as a direct influence of the germ-plasm can be produced: that is through the imaginary process known as maternal impression, prenatal influence, etc. belief in maternal impressions is no novelty. in the book of genesis[ ] jacob is described as making use of it to get the better of his tricky father-in-law. some animal breeders still profess faith in it as a part of their methods of breeding: if they want a black calf, for instance, they will keep a white cow in a black stall, and express perfect confidence that her offspring will resemble midnight darkness. it is easy to see that this method, if it "works," would be a potent instrument for eugenics. and it is being recommended for that reason. says a recent writer, who professes on the cover of her book to give a "complete and intelligent summary of all the principles of eugenics": "too much emphasis can not be placed upon the necessity of young people making the proper choice of mates in marriage; yet if the production of superior children were dependent upon that one factor, the outlook would be most discouraging to prospective fathers and mothers, for weak traits of character are to be found in all. but when young people learn that by a conscious endeavor to train themselves, they are thereby training their unborn children, they can feel that there is some hope and joy in parentage; that it is something to which they can look forward with delight and even rapture; then they will be inspired to work hard to attain the best and highest that there is in them, leading the lives that will not only be a blessing to themselves, but to their succeeding generation." the author of this quotation has no difficulty in finding supporters. many physicians and surgeons, who are supposed to be trained in scientific methods of thought, will indorse what she says. the author of one of the most recent and in many respects admirable books on the care of babies, is almost contemptuous in her disdain for those who think otherwise: "science wrangles over the rival importance of heredity and environment, but we women know what effects prenatal influence works on children." "the woman who frets brings forth a nervous child. the woman who rebels generally bears a morbid child." "self-control, cheerfulness and love for the little life breathing in unison with your own will practically insure you a child of normal physique and nerves." such statements, backed up by a great array of writers and speakers whom the layman supposes to be scientific, and who think themselves scientific, can not fail to influence strongly an immense number of fathers and mothers. if they are truly scientific statements, their general acceptance must be a great good. but think of the misplaced effort if these widespread statements are false! is there, or is there not, a short cut to race betterment? everyone interested in the welfare of the race must feel the necessity of getting at the truth in the case; and the truth can be found only by rigorously scientific thought. let us turn to the observed facts. this sample is taken from the health department of a popular magazine, quite recently issued: "since birth my body has been covered with scales strikingly resembling the surface of a fish. my parents and i have expended considerable money on remedies and specialists without deriving any permanent benefit. i bathe my entire body with hot water daily, using the best quality of soap. the scales fall off continually. my brother, who is younger than myself, is afflicted with the same trouble, but in a lesser degree. my sister, the third member of the family, has been troubled only on the knees and abdomen. my mother has always been quite nervous and susceptible to any unusual mental impression. she believes that she marked me by craving fish, and preferring to clean them herself. during the prenatal life of my brother, she worried much lest she might mark him in the same way. in the case of my sister she tried to control her mind."[ ] another is taken from a little publication which is devoted to eugenics.[ ] as a "horrible example" the editor gives the case of jesse pomeroy, a murderer whom older readers will remember. his father, it appears, worked in a meat market. before the birth of jesse, his mother went daily to the shop to carry a luncheon to her husband, and her eyes naturally fell upon the bloody carcases hung about the walls. inevitably, the sight of such things would produce bloody thoughts in the mind of the unborn child! these are extreme cases; we quote from a medieval medical writer another case that carries the principle to its logical conclusion: a woman saw a negro,--at that time a rarity in europe. she immediately had a sickening suspicion that her child would be born with a black skin. to obviate the danger, she had a happy inspiration--she hastened home and washed her body all over with warm water. when the child appeared, his skin was found to be normally white--except between the fingers and toes, where it was black. his mother had failed to wash herself thoroughly in those places! of course, few of the cases now credited are as gross as this, but the principle involved remains the same. we will take a hypothetical case of a common sort for the sake of clearness: the mother receives a wound on the arm; when her child is born it is found to have a scar of some sort at about the same place on the corresponding arm. few mothers would fail to see the result of a maternal impression here. but how could this mark have been transmitted? this is not a question of the transmission of acquired characters through the germ-plasm, or anything of that sort, for the child was already formed when the mother was injured. one is obliged, therefore, to believe that the injury was in some way transmitted through the placenta, the only connection between the mother and the unborn child; and that it was then reproduced in some way in the child. here is a situation which, examined in the cold light of reason, puts a heavy enough strain on the credulity. such an influence can reach the embryo only through the blood of the mother. is it conceivable to any rational human being, that a scar, or what not, on the mother's body can be dissolved in her blood, pass through the placenta into the child's circulation, and then gather itself together into a definite scar on the infant's arm? there is just as much reason to expect the child to grow to resemble the cow on whose milk it is fed after birth, as to expect it to grow to resemble its mother, because of prenatal influence, as the term is customarily used, for once development has begun, the child draws nothing more than nourishment from its mother. of course we are accustomed to the pious rejoinder that man must not expect to understand all the mysteries of life; and to hear vague talk about the wonder of wireless telegraphy. but wireless telegraphy is something very definite and tangible--there is little mystery about it. waves of a given frequency are sent off, and caught by an instrument attuned to the same frequency. how any rational person can support a belief in maternal impressions by such an analogy, if he knows anything about anatomy and physiology, passes comprehension. now we are far from declaring that a reason can be found for everything that happens. science does not refuse belief in an observed fact merely because it is unexplainable. but let us examine this case of maternal impressions a little further. what can be learned of the time element? immediately arises the significant fact that most of the marks, deformities and other effects which are credited to prenatal influence must on this hypothesis take place at a comparatively late period in the antenatal life of the child. the mother is frightened by a dog; the child is born with a dog-face. if it be asked when her fright occurred, it is usually found that it was not earlier than the third month, more likely somewhere near the sixth. but it ought to be well known that the development of all the main parts of the body has been completed at the end of the second month. at that time, the mother rarely does more than suspect the coming of the child, and events which she believes to "mark" the child, usually occur after the fourth or fifth month, when the child is substantially formed, and it is impossible that many of the effects supposed to occur could actually occur. indeed, it is now believed that most errors of development, such as lead to the production of great physical defects, are due to some cause within the embryo itself, and that most of them take place in the first three or four weeks, when the mother is by no means likely to influence the course of embryological development by her mental attitude toward it, for the very good reason that she knows nothing about it. unless she is immured or isolated from the world, nearly every expectant mother sees many sights of the kind that, according to popular tradition, cause "marks." why is it that results are so few? why is it that women doctors and nurses, who are constantly exposed to unpleasant sights, have children that do not differ from those of other mothers? darwin, who knew how to think scientifically, saw that this is the logical line of proof or disproof. when sir joseph hooker, the botanist and geologist who was his closest friend, wrote of a supposed case of maternal impression, one of his kinswomen having insisted that a mole which appeared on her child was the effect of fright upon herself for having, before the birth of the child, blotted with sepia a copy of turner's _liber studiorum_ that had been lent her with special injunctions to be careful, darwin[ ] replied: "i should be very much obliged, if at any future or leisure time you could tell me on what you ground your doubtful belief in imagination of a mother affecting her offspring. i have attended to the several statements scattered about, but do not believe in more than accidental coincidences. w. hunter told my father, then in a lying-in hospital, that in many thousand cases he had asked the mother, before her confinement, whether anything had affected her imagination, and recorded the answers; and absolutely not one case came right, though, when the child was anything remarkable, they afterwards made the cap to fit." any doctor who has handled many maternity cases can call to mind instances where every condition was present to perfection, for the production of maternal impression, on the time-honored lines. none occurred. most mothers can, if they give the matter careful consideration, duplicate this experience from their own. why is it that results are so rare? that darwin gave the true explanation of a great many of the alleged cases is perfectly clear to us. when the child is born with any peculiar characteristic, the mother hunts for some experience in the preceding months that might explain it. if she succeeds in finding any experience of her own at all resembling in its effects the effect which the infant shows, she considers she has proved causation, has established a good case of prenatal influence. it is not causation; it is coincidence. if the prospective mother plays or sings a great deal, with the idea of giving her child a musical endowment, and the child actually turns out to have musical talent, the mother at once recalls her yearning that such might be the case; her assiduous practice which she hoped would be of benefit to her child. she immediately decides that it did benefit him, and she becomes a convinced witness to the belief in prenatal culture. has she not herself demonstrated it? she has not. but if she would examine the child's heredity, she would probably find a taste for music running in the germ-plasm. her study and practice had not the slightest effect on this hereditary disposition; it is equally certain that the child would have been born with a taste for music if its mother had devoted eight hours a day for nine months to cultivating thoughts of hatred for the musical profession and repugnance for everything that possesses rhythm or harmony. it necessarily follows, then, that attempts to influence the inherent nature of the child, physically or mentally, through "prenatal culture," are doomed to disappointment. the child develops along the lines of the potentialities which existed in the two germ-cells that united to become its origin. the course of its development can not be changed in any specific way by any corresponding act or attitude of its mother, good hygiene alone need be her concern. it must necessarily follow that attempts to improve the race on a large scale, by the general adoption of prenatal culture as an instrument of eugenics, are useless. indeed, the logical implication of the teaching is the reverse of eugenic. it would give a woman reason to think she might marry a man whose heredity was most objectionable, and yet, by prenatal culture, save her children from paying the inevitable penalty of this weak heritage. the world has long shuddered over the future of the girl who marries a man to reform him; but think what it means to the future of the race if a superior girl, armed with correspondence school lessons in prenatal culture, marries a man to reform his children! those who practice this doctrine are doomed to disillusion. the time they spend on prenatal culture is not cultivating the child; it is merely perpetuating a fallacy. not only is their time thus spent wasted, but worse, for they might have employed it in ways that really would have benefited the child--in open-air exercise, for instance. to recapitulate, the facts are: ( ) that there is, before birth, no connection between mother and child, by which impressions on the mother's mind or body could be transmitted to the child's mind or body. ( ) that in most cases the marks or defects whose origin is attributed to maternal impression, must necessarily have been complete long before the incident occurred which the mother, after the child's birth, ascribes as the cause. ( ) that these phenomena usually do not occur when they are, and by hypothesis ought to be, expected. the explanations are found after the event, and that is regarded as causation which is really coincidence. pre-natal care as a euthenic measure is of course not only legitimate but urgent. the embryo derives its entire nourishment from the mother; and its development depends wholly on its supply of nourishment. anything which affects the supply of nourishment will affect the embryo in a general, not a particular way. if the mother's mental and physical condition be good, the supply of nourishment to the embryo is likely to be good, and development will be normal. if, on the other hand, the mother is constantly harassed by fear or hatred, her physical health will suffer, she will be unable properly to nourish her developing offspring, and it may be its poor physical condition when born, indicates this. further, if the mother experiences a great mental or physical shock, it may so upset her health that her child is not properly nourished, its development is arrested, mentally as well as physically, and it is born defective. h. h. goddard, for example, tells[ ] of a high-grade imbecile in the training school at vineland, n. j. "nancy belongs to a thoroughly normal, respectable family. there is nothing to account for the condition unless one accepts the mother's theory. while it sounds somewhat like the discarded theory of maternal impression, yet it is not impossible that the fright and shock which the mother received may have interfered with the nutrition of the unborn child and resulted in the mental defect. the story in brief is as follows. shortly before this child was born, the mother was compelled to take care of a sister-in-law who was in a similar condition and very ill with convulsions. our child's mother was many times frightened severely as her sister-in-law was quite out of her mind." it is easily understandable that any event which makes such an impression on the mother as to affect her health, might so disturb the normal functioning of her body that her child would be badly nourished, or even poisoned. such facts undoubtedly form the basis on which the airy fabric of prenatal culture was reared by those who lived before the days of scientific biology. thus, it is easy enough to see the real explanation of such cases as those mentioned near the beginning of this discussion. the mothers who fret and rebel over their maternity, she found, are likely to bear neurotic children. it is obvious ( ) that mothers who fret and rebel are quite likely themselves to be neurotic in constitution, and the child naturally gets its heredity from them: ( ) that constant fretting and rebellion would so affect the mother's health that her child would not be properly nourished. when, however, she goes on to draw the inference that "self-control, cheerfulness and love ... will practically insure you a child normal in physique and nerves," we are obliged to stop. we know that what she says is not true. if the child's heredity is bad, neither self-control, cheerfulness, love, nor anything else known to science, can make that heredity good. at first thought, one may wish it were otherwise. there is something inspiring in the idea of a mother overcoming the effect of heredity by the sheer force of her own will-power. but perhaps in the long run it is as well; for there are advantages on the other side. it should be a satisfaction to mothers to know that their children will not be marked or injured by untoward events in the antenatal days; that if the child's heredity can not be changed for the better, neither can it be changed for the worse. the prenatal culturists and maternal-impressionists are trying to place on her a responsibility which she need not bear. obviously, it is the mother who is most nearly concerned with the bogy of maternal impressions, and it should make for her peace of mind to know that it is nothing more than a bogy. it is important for the expectant mother to keep herself in as nearly perfect condition as possible, both physically and mentally. her bodily mechanism will then run smoothly, and the child will get from her blood the nourishment needed for its development. beyond that there is nothing the mother can do to influence the development of her child. there is another and somewhat similar fallacy which deserves a passing word, although it is of more concern to the livestock breeder than to the eugenist. it is called telegony and is, briefly, this: that conception by a female results in a definite modification of her germ-plasm from the influence of the male, and that this modification will be shown in the offspring she may subsequently bear to a second male. the only case where it is often invoked in the human race is in miscegenation. a white woman has been married to a negro, for instance, and has borne one or more mulatto offspring. subsequently, she mates with a white man; but her children by him, instead of being pure white, it is alleged, will be also mulattoes. the idea of telegony, the persistent influence of the first mating, may be invoked to explain this discrepancy. it is a pure myth. there is no good evidence[ ] to support it, and there is abundant evidence to contradict it. telegony is still believed by many animal breeders, but it has no place in science. in such a case as the one quoted, the explanation is undoubtedly that the supposed father is not the real one; and this explanation will dispose of all other cases of telegony which can not be explained, as in most instances they can be, by the mixed ancestry of the offspring and the innate tendency of all living things to vary. now to sum up this long chapter. we started with a consideration of the germ-plasm, the physical basis of life; pointing out that it is continuous from generation to generation, and potentially immortal; that it is carefully isolated and guarded in the body, so that it is not likely to be injured by any ordinary means. one of the logical results of this continuity of the germ-plasm is that modifications of the body of the parent, or acquired characters, can hardly be transferred to the germ-plasm and become a part of the inheritance. further the experimental evidence upholds this position, and the inheritance of acquired body characters may be disregarded by eugenics, which is therefore obliged to concern itself solely with the material already in existence in the germ-plasm, except as that material may be changed by variation which can neither be predicted nor controlled. the evidence that the germ-plasm can be permanently modified does not warrant the belief; and such results, if they exist at all, are not large enough or uniform enough to concern the eugenist. pre-natal culture and telegony were found to be mere delusions. there is no justification for hoping to influence the race for good through the action of any kind of external influences; and there is not much danger of influencing it for ill through these external influences. the situation must be faced squarely then: if the race is to be improved, it must be by the use of the material already in existence; by endeavor to change the birth-and death-rates so as to alter the relative proportions of the amounts of good and bad germ-plasm in the race. this is the only road by which the goal of eugenics can be reached. chapter iii differences among men while mr. jefferson, when he wrote into the declaration of independence his belief in the self-evidence of the truth that all men are created equal, may have been thinking of legal rights merely, he was expressing an opinion common among philosophers of his time. j. j. rousseau it was who made the idea popular, and it met with widespread acceptance for many years. it is not surprising, therefore, that the phrase has long been a favorite with the demagogue and the utopian. even now the doctrine is by no means dead. the american educational system is based largely on this dogma, and much of the political system seems to be grounded on it. it can be seen in the tenets of labor unions, in the practice of many philanthropies--traces may be found almost anywhere one turns, in fact. common enough as applied to mental qualities, the theory of human equality is even more widely held of "moral" qualities. men are considered to be equally responsible for their conduct, and failure to conform to the accepted code in this respect brings punishment. it is sometimes conceded that men have had differing opportunities to learn the principles of morality; but given equal opportunities, it is almost universally held that failure to follow the principles indicates not inability but unwillingness. in short, public opinion rarely admits that men may differ in their inherent capacity to act morally. in view of its almost universal and unquestioned, although half unconscious, acceptance as part of the structure of society, it becomes of the utmost importance that this doctrine of human equality should be examined by scientific methods. fortunately this can be done with ease. methods of mental and physical measurement that have been evolved during the last few decades offer results that admit of no refutation, and they can be applied in hundreds of different places. [illustration: distribution of -year-old school children fig. .--the graph shows that -year-old children in connecticut ( ) are to be found in every grade, from the first to the eighth. the greatest number is in the fourth grade, and the number who are advanced is just about the same as the number who are retarded.] it will not be worth while to spend any time demonstrating that all individuals differ, at birth and during their subsequent life, physically. the fact is patent to all. it carries with it as a necessary corollary mental differences, since the brain is part of the body; nevertheless, we shall demonstrate these mental differences independently. we present in fig. a graph from e. l. thorndike, showing the number of -year-old children in connecticut ( ) in each school grade. if the children are all intellectually equal, all the -year-olds ought to be in the same grade, or near it. numerous explanations of their wide distribution suggest themselves; as a working hypothesis one might adopt the suggestion that it is because the children actually differ in innate ability to the extent here indicated. this hypothesis can be tested by a variety of mental measurements. s. a. courtis' investigation of the arithmetical abilities of the children in the schools of new york city will be a good beginning. he measured the achievements of pupils in responding to eight tests, which were believed to give a fair idea of the pupil's capacity for solving simple arithmetical problems. the results were, on the average, similar to the result he got in a certain eighth-grade class, whose record is shown in fig. . it is evident that some of the children were good in arithmetic, some were poor in it; the bulk of them were neither good nor bad but half way between, or, in statistical language, mediocre. [illustration: variation in ability fig. .--diagram to show the standing of children in a single class in a new york city school, in respect to their ability in arithmetic. there are wide divergences in the scores they made.] the literature of experimental psychology and anthropology is crammed with such examples as the above. no matter what trait of the individual be chosen, results are analogous. if one takes the simplest traits, to eliminate the most chances for confusion, one finds the same conditions every time. whether it be speed in marking off all the a's in a printed sheet of capitals, or in putting together the pieces of a puzzle, or in giving a reaction to some certain stimulus, or in making associations between ideas, or drawing figures, or memory for various things, or giving the opposites of words, or discrimination of lifted weights, or success in any one of hundreds of other mental tests, the conclusion is the same. there are wide differences in the abilities of individuals, no two being alike, either mentally or physically, at birth or any time thereafter. [illustration: origin of a normal probability curve fig. .--when deviations in all directions are equally probable, as in the case of shots fired at a target by an expert marksman, the "frequencies" will arrange themselves in the manner shown by the bullets in compartments above. a line drawn along the tops of these columns would be a "normal probability curve." diagram by c. h. popenoe.] whenever a large enough number of individuals is tested, these differences arrange themselves in the same general form. it is the form assumed by the distribution of any differences that are governed absolutely by chance. suppose an expert marksman shoots a thousand times at the center of a certain picket in a picket fence, and that there is no wind or any other source of constant error that would distort his aim. in the long run, the greatest number of his shots would be in the picket aimed at, and of his misses there would be just as many on one side as on the other, just as many above as below the center. now if all the shots, as they struck the fence, could drop into a box below, which had a compartment for each picket, it would be found at the end of his practice that the compartments were filled up unequally, most bullets being in that representing the middle picket and least in the outside ones. the intermediate compartments would have intermediate numbers of bullets. the whole scheme is shown in fig. . if a line be drawn to connect the tops of all the columns of bullets, it will make a rough curve or graph, which represents a typical chance distribution. it will be evident to anyone that the distribution was really governed by "chance," i.e., a multiplicity of causes too complex to permit detailed analysis. the imaginary sharp-shooter was an expert, and he was trying to hit the same spot with each shot. the deviation from the center is bound to be the same on all sides. [illustration: fig. .--the "chance" or "probability" form of distribution.] now suppose a series of measurements of a thousand children be taken in, let us say, the ability to do problems in subtraction in minutes. a few of them finish only one problem in that time; a few more do two, more still are able to complete three, and so on up. the great bulk of the children get through from to problems in the allotted time; a few finish the whole task. now if we make a column for all those who did one problem, another column beside it for all those who did two, and so on up for those who did three, four and on to eighteen, a line drawn over the tops of the columns make a curve like the above from thorndike. comparing this curve with the one formed by the marksman's spent bullets, one can not help being struck by the similarity. if the first represented a distribution governed purely by chance, it is evident that the children's ability seems to be distributed in accordance with a similar law. with the limited number of categories used in this example, it would not be possible to get a smooth curve, but only a kind of step pyramid. with an increase in the number of categories, the steps become smaller. with a hundred problems to work out, instead of , the curve would be something like this: [illustration: fig. .--probability curve with increased number of steps.] and with an infinite number, the steps would disappear altogether, leaving a perfectly smooth, flowing line, unmarred by a single step or break. it would be an absolutely _continuous_ distribution. if then, the results of all the tests that have been made on all mental traits be studied, it will be found that human mental ability as shown in at least % of all the traits that have been measured, is distributed throughout the race in various degrees, in accordance with the law of chance, and that if one could measure all the members of the species and plot a curve for these measurements, in any trait, he would get this smooth, continuous curve. in other words, human beings are not sharply divided into classes, but the differences between them shade off into each other, although between the best and the worst, in any respect, there is a great gulf. if this statement applies to simple traits, such as memory for numbers, it must also apply to combinations of simple traits in complex mental processes. for practical purposes, we are therefore justified in saying that in respect of any mental quality,--ability, industry, efficiency, persistence, attentiveness, neatness, honesty, anything you like,--in any large group of people, such as the white inhabitants of the united states, some individuals will be found who show the character in question in a very low degree, some who show it in a very high degree; and there will be found every possible degree in between. [illustration: normal variability curve following law of chance fig. .--the above photograph (from a. f. blakeslee), shows beans rolling down an inclined plane and accumulating in compartments at the base which are closed in front by glass. the exposure was long enough to cause the moving beans to appear as caterpillar-like objects hopping along the board. assuming that the irregularity of shape of the beans is such that each may make jumps toward the right or toward the left, in rolling down the board, the laws of chance lead to the expectation that in very few cases will these jumps all be in the same direction, as is demonstrated by the few beans collected in the compartments at the extreme right and left. rather the beans will tend to jump in both right and left directions, the most probable condition being that in which the beans make an equal number of jumps to the right and left, as is shown by the large number accumulated in the central compartment. if the board be tilted to one side, the curve of beans would be altered by this one-sided influence. in like fashion a series of factors--either of environment or of heredity--if acting equally in both favorable and unfavorable directions, will cause a group of men to form a similar variability curve, when classified according to their relative height.] the consequences of this for race progress are significant. is it desired to eliminate feeble-mindedness? then it must be borne in mind that there is no sharp distinction between feeble-mindedness and the normal mind. one can not divide sheep from goats, saying "a is feeble-minded. b is normal. c is feeble-minded. d is normal," and so on. if one took a scale of a hundred numbers, letting stand for an idiot and for a genius, one would find individuals corresponding to every single number on the scale. the only course possible would be a somewhat arbitrary one; say to consider every individual corresponding to a grade under seven as feeble-minded. it would have to be recognized that those graded eight were not much better than those graded seven, but the drawing of the line at seven would be justified on the ground that it had to be drawn somewhere, and seven seemed to be the most satisfactory point. in practice of course, students of retardation test children by standardized scales. testing a hundred -year-old children, the examiner might find a number who were able to do only those tests which are passed by a normal six-year-old child. he might properly decide to put all who thus showed four years of retardation, in the class of feeble-minded; and he might justifiably decide that those who tested seven years (i.e., three years mental retardation) or less would, for the present, be given the benefit of the doubt, and classed among the possibly normal. such a procedure, in dealing with intelligence, is necessary and justifiable, but its adoption must not blind students, as it often does, to the fact that the distinction made is an arbitrary one, and that there is no more a hard and fast line of demarcation between imbeciles and normals than there is between "rich men" and "poor men." [illustration: cadets arranged to show normal curve of variability fig. .--the above company of students at connecticut agricultural college was grouped according to height and photographed by a. f. blakeslee. the height of each rank, and the number of men of that height, is shown by the figures underneath the photograph. the company constitutes what is technically known as a "population" grouped in "arrays of variates"; the middle rank gives the median height of the population; the tallest array ( ft., in.) is the mode. if a line be drawn connecting the upper ends of the rows, the resulting geometric figure will be a "scheme of distribution of variates" or more briefly a "variability curve," such as was shown in several preceding figures. the arrangement of homogeneous objects of any kind in such form as this is the first step in the study of variation by modern statistical methods, and on such study much of the progress of genetics depends.] [illustration: fig. .--height is one of the stock examples of a continuous character--one of which all grades can be found. as will be seen from the above diagram, every height from considerably under five feet to considerably over six feet can be found in the army, but extreme deviations are relatively rare in proportion to the amount of deviation. the vertical columns represent the total number of individuals of a given height in inches. from davenport.] if a group of soldiers be measured as the children were measured for arithmetical ability, their height will be distributed in this same curve of probability. fig. shows the cadets of connecticut agricultural college; it is obvious that a line drawn along the tops of the files would again make the step-pyramid shown in figures , and . if a larger number were taken, the steps would disappear and give place to a smooth curve; the fact is well shown in a graph for the heights of recruits to the american army (fig. ). the investigation in this direction need not be pursued any farther. for the purpose of eugenics, it is sufficient to recognize that great differences exist between men, and women, not only in respect of physical traits, but equally in respect of mental ability. this conclusion might easily have been reached from a study of the facts in chapter i, but it seemed worth while to take time to present the fact in a more concrete form as the result of actual measurements. the evidence allows no doubt about the existence of considerable mental and physical differences between men. the question naturally arises, "what is the cause of these differences?" the study of twins showed that the differences could not be due to differences in training or home surroundings. if the reader will think back over the facts set forth in the first chapter, he will see clearly that the fundamental differences in men can not be due to anything that happens after they are born; and the facts presented in the second chapter showed that these differences can not be due in an important degree to any influences acting on the child prior to birth. chapter iv the inheritance of mental capacities we have come to the climax of the eugenist's preliminary argument; if the main differences between human beings are not due to anything in the environment or training, either of this or previous generations, there can be but one explanation for them. they must be due to the ancestry of the individual--that is, they must be matters of heredity in the ordinary sense, coupled with the fortuitous variations which accompany heredity throughout the organic world. we need not limit ourselves, however, to the argument by exclusion, for it is not difficult to present direct evidence that the differences between men are actually inherited by children from parents. the problem, formally stated, is to measure the amount by which the likeness of individuals of like ancestry surpasses the likeness of individuals of different ancestry. after subtraction of the necessary amount for the greater likeness in training, that the individuals of like ancestry will have, whatever amount is left will necessarily, represent the actual inheritance of the child from its ancestors--parents, grandparents, and so on. obviously, the subtraction for environmental effects is the point at which a mistake is most probable. we may safely start, therefore, with a problem in which no subtraction whatever need be made for this cause. eye color is a stock example, and a good one, for it is not conceivable that home environment or training would cause a change in the color of brothers' eyes. the correlation[ ] between brothers, or sisters, or brothers and sisters--briefly, the fraternal resemblance--for eye-color was found by karl pearson, using the method described in chapter i, to be . . we are in no danger of contradiction if we state with positiveness that this figure represents the influence of ancestry, or direct inheritance, in respect to this particular trait. suppose the resemblance between brothers be measured for stature--it is . ; for cephalic index, that is, the ratio of width of skull to length of skull--it is . ; for hair color--it is . . in all of these points, it will be admitted that no home training, or any other influence except heredity, can conceivably play an important part. we could go on with a long list of such measurements, which biometrists have made; and if they were all summed up it would be found that the fraternal correlation in these traits as to the heritability of which there can be no dispute, is about . . here is a good measure, albeit a technical one, of the influence of heredity from the near ancestry. it is possible, too, to measure the direct correlation between a trait in parent and the same trait in offspring; the average of many cases where only heredity can be thought to have had any effect in producing the result, is . . by the two methods of measurement, therefore, quite comparable results are obtained. so much work has been done in this subject that we have no hesitation in affirming . to represent approximately the average intensity of heredity for physical characters in man. if any well-marked physical character be measured, in which training and environment can not be assumed to have had any part, it will be found, in a large enough number of subjects, that the resemblance, measured on a scale from to , is just about one-half of unity. of course, perfect identity with the parents is not to be expected, because the child must inherit from both parents, who in turn each inherited from two parents, and so on. so far, it may be said, we have had plain sailing because we have carefully chosen traits in which we were not obliged to make any subtraction whatever for the influence of training. but it is evident that not all traits fall in that class. this is the point at which the inheritance of mental traits has been most often questioned. probably no one will care to dispute the inheritance of such physical traits as eye-color. but in considering the mind, a certain school of popular pseudo-psychological writers question the reality of mental inheritance, and allege that the proofs which the geneticist offers are worthless because they do not make account of the similarity in environment or training. of course, it is admitted that some sort of a mental groundwork must be inherited, but extremists allege that this is little more than a clean slate on which the environment, particularly during the early years of childhood, writes its autograph. we must grant that the analysis of the inheritance of mental traits is proceeding slowly. this is not the fault of the geneticist, but rather of the psychologist, who has not yet been able to furnish the geneticist with the description of definite traits of such a character as to make possible the exhaustive analysis of their individual inheritance. that department of psychology is only now being formed. we might even admit that no inherited "unit character" in the mind has yet been isolated; but it would be a great mistake to assume from this admission that proof of the inheritance of mental qualities, in general, is lacking. the psychologists and educators who think so appear either to be swayed by metaphysical views of the mind, or else to believe that resemblance between parent and offspring is the only evidence of inheritance that can be offered. the father dislikes cheese, the son dislikes cheese. "aha, you think that that is the inheritance of a dislike for cheese," cries the critic, "but we will teach you better." an interesting example of this sort of teaching is furnished by boris sidis, whose feelings are outraged because geneticists have represented that some forms of insanity are hereditary. he declaims for several pages[ ] in this fashion: "the so-called scientific method of the eugenists is radically faulty, in spite of the rich display of colored plates, stained tables, glittering biological speculations, brilliant mathematical formulæ and complicated statistical calculations. the eugenists pile ossa on pelion of facts by the simple method of enumeration which bacon and the thinkers coming after him have long ago condemned as puerile and futile. from the savage's belief in sympathetic, imitative magic with its consequent superstitions, omens, and taboos down to the articles of faith and dogmas of the eugenists we find the same faulty, primitive thought, guided by the puerile, imbecile method of simple enumeration, and controlled by the wisdom of the logical _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_." now if resemblance between parent and offspring were, as dr. sidis supposes, the only evidence of inheritance of mental traits which the eugenist can produce, his case would indeed be weak. and it is perfectly true that "evidence" of this kind has sometimes been advanced as sufficient by geneticists who should have known better. but this is not the real evidence which genetics offers. the evidence is of numerous kinds, and several lines might be destroyed without impairing the validity of the remainder. it is impossible to review the whole body of evidence here, but some of the various kinds may be indicated, and samples given, even though this involves the necessity of repeating some things we have said in earlier chapters. the reader will then be able to form his own opinion as to whether the geneticists' proofs or the mere assurances of those who have not studied the subject are the more weighty. . _the analogy from breeding experiments._ tame rats, for instance, are very docile; their offspring can be handled without a bit of trouble. the wild rat, on the other hand, is not at all docile. w. e. castle, of harvard university, writes:[ ] "we have repeatedly mated tame female rats with wild males, the mothers being removed to isolated cages before the birth of the young. these young which had never seen or been near their father were very wild in disposition in every case. the observations of yerkes on such rats raised by us indicates that their wildness was not quite as extreme as that of the pure wild rat but closely approached it." who can suggest any plausible explanation of their conduct, save that they inherited a certain temperament from their sire? yet the inheritance of temperament is one of the things which certain psychologists most "view with alarm." if it is proved in other animals, can it be considered wholly impossible in man? . _the segregation of mental traits._ when an insane, or epileptic, or feeble-minded person mates with a normal individual, in whose family no taint is found, the offspring (generally speaking) will be mentally sound, even though one parent is not. on the other hand, if two people from tainted stocks marry, although neither one may be personally defective, part of their offspring will be affected. this production of sound children from an unsound parent, in the first case, and unsound children from two apparently sound parents in the second case, is exactly the opposite of what one would expect if the child gets his unsoundness merely by imitation or "contagion." the difference can not reasonably be explained by any difference in environment or external stimuli. heredity offers a satisfactory explanation, for some forms of feeble-mindedness and epilepsy, and some of the diseases known as insanity, behave as recessives and segregate in just the way mentioned. there are abundant analogies in the inheritance of other traits in man, lower animals and plants, that behave in exactly the same manner. if mental defects are inherited, then it is worth while investigating whether mental excellencies may not also be. . _the persistence of like qualities regardless of difference in environment._ any parent with open eyes must see this in his own children--must see that they retained the inherited traits even when they left home and lived under entirely different surroundings. but the histories of twins furnish the most graphic evidence. galton, who collected detailed histories of thirty-five pairs of twins who were closely alike at birth, and examined their history in after years, writes:[ ] "in some cases the resemblance of body and mind had continued unaltered up to old age, notwithstanding very different conditions of life;" in other cases where some dissimilarity developed, it could be traced to the influence of an illness. making due allowance for the influence of illness, yet "instances do exist of an apparently thorough similarity of nature, in which such differences of external circumstances as may be consistent with the ordinary conditions of the same social rank and country do not create dissimilarity. positive evidence, such as this, can not be outweighed by any amount of negative evidence." frederick adams woods has brought forward[ ] a piece of more exact evidence under this head. it is known from many quantitative studies that in physical heredity, the influence of the paternal grandparents and the influence of the maternal grandparents is equal; on the average one pair will contribute no more to the grandchildren than the other. if mental qualities are due rather to early surroundings than to actual inheritance, this equality of grandparental influence is incredible in the royal families where dr. woods got his material; for the grandchild has been brought up at the court of the paternal grandfather, where he ought to have gotten all his "acquirements," and has perhaps never even seen his maternal grandparents, who therefore could not be expected to impress their mental peculiarities on him by "contagion." when dr. woods actually measured the extent of resemblance to the two sets of grandparents, for mental and moral qualities, he found it to be the same in each case; as is inevitable if they are inherited, but as is incomprehensible if heredity is not largely responsible for one's mental make-up. . _persistence of unlike qualities regardless of sameness in the_ _environment._ this is the converse of the preceding proposition, but even more convincing. in the last paragraph but one, we mentioned galton's study (cited at some length in our chapter i) of "identical" twins, who are so much alike at birth for the very good reason that they have identical heredity. this heredity was found to be not modified, either in the body or the mind, by ordinary differences of training and environment. some of galton's histories[ ] of ordinary, non-identical twins were also given in chapter i; two more follow: one parent says: "they have been treated exactly alike; both were brought up by hand; they have been under the same nurse and governess from their birth, and they are very fond of each other. their increasing dissimilarity must be ascribed to a natural difference of mind and character, as there has been nothing in their treatment to account for it." another writes: "this case is, i should think, somewhat remarkable for dissimilarity in physique as well as for strong contrast in character. they have been unlike in mind and body throughout their lives. both were reared in a country house and both were at the same schools until the age of ." in the face of such examples, can anyone maintain that differences in mental make-up are wholly due to different influences during childhood, and not at all to differences in germinal make-up? it is not necessary to depend, under this head, on mere descriptions, for accurate measurements are available to demonstrate the point. if the environment creates the mental nature, then ordinary brothers, not more than four or five years apart in age, ought to be about as closely similar to each other as identical twins are to each other; for the family influences in each case are practically the same. professor thorndike, by careful mental tests, showed[ ] that this is not true. the ordinary brothers come from different egg-cells, and, as is known from studies on lower animals, they do not get exactly the same inheritance from their parents; they show, therefore, considerable differences in their psychic natures. real identical twins, being two halves of the same egg-cell, have the same heredity, and their natures are therefore much more nearly identical. again, if the mind is molded during the "plastic years of childhood," children ought to become more alike, the longer they are together. twins who were unlike at birth ought to resemble each other more closely at than they did at , since they have been for five additional years subjected to this supposedly potent but very mystical "molding force." here again professor thorndike's exact measurements explode the fallacy. they are actually, measurably, less alike at the older age; their inborn natures are developing along predestined lines, with little regard to the identity of their surroundings. heredity accounts easily for these facts, but they cannot be squared with the idea that mental differences are the products solely of early training. . _differential rates of increase in qualities subject to much training._ if the mind is formed by training, then brothers ought to be more alike in qualities which have been subject to little or no training. professor thorndike's measurements on this point show the reverse to be true. the likeness of various traits is determined by heredity, and brothers may be more unlike in traits which have been subjected to a large and equal amount of training. twins were found to be less alike in their ability at addition and multiplication, in which the schools had been training them for some years, than they were in ability to mark off the a's on a printed sheet, or to write the opposites to a list of words--feats which they had probably never before tried to do. this same proposition may be put on a broader basis.[ ] "in so far as the differences in achievement found amongst a group of men are due to the differences in the quantity and quality of training which they had had in the function in question, the provision of equal amounts of the same sort of training for all individuals in the group should act to reduce the differences." "if the addition of equal amounts of practice does not reduce the differences found amongst men, those differences can not well be explained to any large extent by supposing them to have been due to corresponding differences in amount of previous practice. if, that is, inequalities in achievement are not reduced by equalizing practice, they can not well have been caused by inequalities in previous practice. if differences in opportunity cause the differences men display, making opportunity more nearly equal for all, by adding equal amounts to it in each case should make the differences less. "the facts found are rather startling. equalizing practice seems to increase differences. the superior man seems to have got his present superiority by his own nature rather than by superior advantages of the past, since, during a period of equal advantage for all, he increases his lead." this point has been tested by such simple devices as mental multiplication, addition, marking a's on a printed sheet of capitals and the like; all the contestants made some gain in efficiency, but those who were superior at the start were proportionately farther ahead than ever at the end. this is what the geneticist would expect, but fits very ill with some popular pseudo-science which denies that any child is mentally limited by nature. . _direct measurement of the amount of resemblance of mental traits in brothers and sisters._ it is manifestly impossible to assume that early training, or parental behavior, or anything of the sort, can have influenced very markedly the child's eye color, or the length of his forearm, or the ratio of the breadth of his head to its length. a measure of the amount of resemblance between two brothers in such traits may very confidently be said to represent the influence of heredity; one can feel no doubt that the child inherits his eye-color and other physical traits of that kind from his parents. it will be recalled that the resemblance, measured on a scale from to , has been found to be about . . karl pearson measured the resemblance between brothers and sisters in mental traits--for example, temper, conscientiousness, introspection, vivacity--and found it on the average to have the same intensity--that is, about . . starch gets similar results in studying school grades. professor pearson writes:[ ] "it has been suggested that this resemblance in the psychological characters is compounded of two factors, inheritance on the one hand and training and environment on the other. if so, one must admit that inheritance and environment make up the resemblance in the physical characters. now these two sorts of resemblance being of the same intensity, either the environmental influence is the same in both cases or it is not. if it is the same, we are forced to the conclusion that it is insensible, for it can not influence eye-color. if it is not the same, then it would be a most marvelous thing that with varying degrees of inheritance, some mysterious force always modifies the extent of home influence, until the resemblance of brothers and sisters is brought sensibly up to the same intensity! occam's razor[ ] will enable us at once to cut off such a theory. we are forced, i think, literally forced, to the general conclusion that the physical and psychical characters in man are inherited within broad lines in the same manner, and with approximate intensity. the average parental influence is in itself largely a result of the heritage of the stock and not an extraneous and additional factor causing the resemblance between children from the same home." a paragraph from edgar schuster[ ] may appropriately be added. "after considering the published evidence a word must be said of facts which most people may collect for themselves. they are difficult to record, but are perhaps more convincing than any quantity of statistics. if one knows well several members of a family, one is bound to see in them likenesses with regard to mental traits, both large and small, which may sometimes be accounted for by example on the one hand or unconscious imitation on the other, but are often quite inexplicable on any other theory than heredity. it is difficult to understand how the inheritance of mental capacity can be denied by those whose eyes are open and whose minds are open too." strictly speaking, it is of course true that man inherits nothing more than the capacity of making mental acquirements. but this general capacity is made up of many separate capacities, all of these capacities are variable, and the variations are inherited. such seems to us to be the unmistakable verdict of the evidence. our conclusions as to the inheritance of all sorts of mental capacity are not based on the mere presence of the same trait in parent and child. as the psychological analysis of individual traits proceeds, it will be possible to proceed further with the study of the inheritance of these traits. some work has been done on spelling, which is particularly interesting because most people, without reflection, would take it for granted that a child's spelling ability depends almost wholly on his training. professor thorndike's exposition[ ] of the investigation is as follows: "e. l. earle (' ) measured the spelling abilities of some children in the st. xavier school in new york by careful tests. as the children in this school commonly enter at a very early age, and as the staff and methods of teaching remain very constant, we have in the case of the pairs of brothers and sisters included in the children closely similar school training. mr. earle measured the ability of any individual by his deviation from the average for his grade and sex, and found the coefficient of correlation between children of the same family to be . . that is, any individual is on the average % as much above or below the average for his age and sex as his brother or sister. "similarities of home training might account for this, but any one experienced in teaching will hesitate to attribute much efficacy to such similarities. bad spellers remain bad spellers though their teachers change. moreover, dr. j. m. rice in his exhaustive study of spelling ability (' ) found little or no relationship between good spelling and any one of the popular methods, and little or none between poor spelling and foreign parentage. cornman's more careful study of spelling (' ) supports the view that ability to spell is little influenced by such differences in school or home training as commonly exist." this is a very clear-cut case of a definite intellectual ability, differences in which might be supposed to be due almost wholly to the child's training, but which seem, on investigation, to be largely due to heredity. the problem may be examined in still greater detail. does a man merely inherit manual skill, let us say, or does he inherit the precise kind of manual skill needed to make a surgeon but not the kind that would be useful to a watchmaker? is a man born merely with a generalized "artistic" ability, or is it one adapted solely for, let us say, music; or further, is it adapted solely for violin playing, not for the piano? galton, in his pioneer studies, sought for data on this question. in regard to english judges, he wrote: "do the judges often have sons who succeed in the same career, where success would have been impossible if they had not been gifted with the special qualities of their fathers? out of the judges, more than _one in every nine_ of them have been either father, son or brother to another judge, and the other high legal relationships have been even more numerous. there can not, then, remain a doubt but that the peculiar type of ability that is necessary to a judge is often transmitted by descent." unfortunately, we can not feel quite as free from doubt on the point as galton did. the judicial mind, if that be the main qualification for a judge, might be inherited, or it might be the result of training. such a case, standing alone, is inconclusive. galton similarly showed that the sons of statesmen tended to be statesmen, and that the same was true in families of great commanders, literary men, poets and divines. in his list of eminent painters, all the relatives mentioned are painters save four, two of whom were gifted in sculpture, one in music and one in embroidery. as to musicians, mendelssohn and meyerbeer are the only ones in his list whose eminent kinsmen achieved their success in other careers than music. havelock ellis, who likewise studied british men of genius, throws additional light on the subject. "painters and sculptors," he found, "constitute a group which appears to be of very distinct interest from the point of view of occupational heredity. in social origin, it may be noted, the group differs strikingly in constitution from the general body of men of genius in which the upper class is almost or quite predominant. of painters and sculptors of definitely known origin, only two can be placed in the aristocratic division. of the remainder are the sons of artists, the sons of craftsmen, leaving only for all other occupations, which are mainly of lower middle class character, and in many cases trades that are very closely allied to crafts. even, however, when we omit the trades as well as the cases in which the fathers were artists, we find a very notable predominance of craftsmen in the parentage of painters, to such an extent indeed that while craftsmen only constitute . % among the fathers of our eminent persons generally, they constitute nearly % among the fathers of the painters and sculptors. it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that there is a real connection between the father's aptitude for craftsmanship and the son's aptitude for art. "to suppose that environment adequately accounts for this relationship is an inadmissible theory. the association between the craft of builder, carpenter, tanner, jeweller, watchmaker, woodcarver, ropemaker, etc., and the painter's art is small at best, and in most cases is non-existent." arreat, investigating the heredity of eminent european painters, reached results similar to those of ellis, according to the latter's citation. arithmetical ability seems similarly to be subdivided, according to miss cobb.[ ] she made measurements of the efficiency with which children and their parents could do problems in addition, subtraction, multiplication and division, and could copy a column of figures. "the measurements made," she writes, "show that if, for instance, a child is much quicker than the average in subtraction, but not in addition, multiplication or division, it is to be expected that one at least of his parents shows a like trait; or if he falls below the average in subtraction and multiplication, and exceeds it in addition and division, again the same will hold true of at least one of his parents." these various kinds of arithmetic appear to be due to different functions of the brain, and are therefore probably inherited independently, if they are inherited at all. to assume that the resemblance between parent and offspring in arithmetical ability is due to association, training and imitation is not plausible. if this were the case, a class of children ought to come to resemble their teacher, but they do not. moreover, the child sometimes resembles more closely the parent with whom he has been less associated in daily life. from such data as these, we conclude that mental inheritance is considerably specialized. this conclusion is in accord with burris' finding (cited by thorndike) that the ability to do well in some one high school study is nearly or quite as much due to ancestry as is the ability to do well in the course as a whole. to sum up, we have reason to believe not only that one's mental character is due largely to heredity, but that the details of it may be equally due to heredity, in the sense that for any particular trait or complex in the child there is likely to be found a similar trait or complex in the ancestry. such a conclusion should not be pushed to the point of assuming inheritance of all sorts of dispositions that might be due to early training; on the other hand, a survey of the whole field would probably justify us in concluding that any given trait is _more likely than not_ to be inherited. the effect of training in the formation of the child's mental character is certainly much less than is popularly supposed; and even for the traits that are most due to training, it must never be forgotten that there are inherited mental bases. if the reader has accepted the facts presented in this chapter, and our inferences from the facts, he will admit that mental differences between men are at bottom due to heredity, just as physical differences are; that they are apparently inherited in the same manner and in approximately the same degree. chapter v the laws of heredity we have now established the bases for a practicable eugenics program. men differ; these differences are inherited; therefore the make-up of the race can be changed by any method which will alter the relative proportions of the contributions which different classes of men make to the following generation. for applied eugenics, it is sufficient to know that mental and physical differences are inherited; the exact manner of inheritance it would be important to know, but even without a knowledge of the details of the mechanism of heredity, a program of eugenics is yet wholly feasible. it is no part of the plan of this book to enter into the details of the mechanism of heredity, a complicated subject for which the reader can refer to one of the treatises mentioned in the bibliography at the close of this volume. it may be worth while, however, to outline in a very summary way the present status of the question. as to the details of inheritance, research has progressed in the last few years far beyond the crude conceptions of a decade ago, when a primitive form of mendelism was made to explain everything that occurred.[ ] one can hardly repress a smile at the simplicity of those early ideas,--though it must be said that some students of eugenics have not yet outgrown them. in those days it was thought that every visible character in man (or in any other organism) was represented by some "determiner" in the germ-plasm; that by suitable matings a breeder could rid a stream of germ-plasm of almost any determiner he wished; and that the corresponding unit character would thereupon disappear from the visible make-up of the individual. was a family reported as showing a taint, for instance, hereditary insanity? then it was asserted that by the proper series of matings, it was possible to squeeze out of the germ-plasm the particular concrete _something_ of which insanity was the visible expression, and have left a family stock that was perfectly sound and sane. the minute, meticulous researches of experimental breeders[ ] have left such a view of heredity far behind. certainly the last word has not been said; yet the present hypotheses _work_, whenever the conditions are such as to give a fair chance. the results of these studies have led to what is called the factorial hypothesis of heredity,[ ] according to which all the visible characters of the adult are produced by (purely hypothetical) factors in the germ-plasm; it is the factors that are inherited, and they, under proper conditions for development, produce the characters. the great difference between this and the earlier view is that instead of allotting one factor to each character, students now believe that each individual character of the organism is produced by the action of an indefinitely large number of factors,[ ] and they have been further forced to adopt the belief that each individual factor affects an indefinitely large number of characters, owing to the physiological interrelations and correlations of every part of the body. [illustration: how do you clasp your hands? fig. .--if the hands be clasped naturally with fingers alternating, as shown in the above illustration, most people will put the same thumb--either that of the right or that of the left hand--uppermost every time. frank e. lutz showed (_american naturalist_, xliii) that the position assumed depends largely on heredity. when both parents put the right thumb uppermost, about three-fourths of the children were found to do the same. when both parents put the left thumb uppermost, about three-fifths of the children did the same. no definite ratios could be found from the various kinds of matings. apparently the manner of clasping hands has no connection with one's right-handedness or left-handedness. it can hardly be due to imitation for the trait is such a slight one that most people have not noticed it before their attention is called to it by the geneticist. furthermore, babies are found almost always to clasp the hands in the same way every time. the trait is a good illustration of the almost incredible minuteness with which heredity enters into a man's make-up. photograph by john howard paine.] the sweet pea offers a good illustration of the widespread effects which may result from the change of a single factor. in addition to the ordinary climbing vine, there is a dwarf variety, and the difference between the two seems to be proved, by exhaustive experimental breeding, to be due to only one inherited factor. yet the action of this one factor not only changes the height of the plant, but also results in changes in color of foliage, length of internodes, size and arrangement of flowers, time of opening of flowers, fertility and viability. again, a mutant stock in the fruit fly (drosophila) has as its most marked characteristic very short wings. "but the factor for rudimentary wings also produces other effects as well. the females are almost completely sterile, while the males are fertile. the viability of the stocks is poor. when flies with rudimentary wings are put into competition with wild flies relatively few of the rudimentary flies come through, especially if the culture is crowded. the hind legs are also shortened. all of these effects are the results of a single factor-difference." to be strictly accurate, then, one should not say that a certain variation affects length of wing, but that its _chief_ effect is to shorten the wing. "one may venture to guess," t. h. morgan says,[ ] "that some of the specific and varietal differences that are characteristic of wild types and which at the same time appear to have no survival value, are only by-products of factors whose most important effect is on another part of the organism where their influence is of vital importance." "i am inclined to think," professor morgan continues, "that an overstatement to the effect that each factor may affect the entire body, is less likely to do harm than to state that each factor affects only a particular character. the reckless use of the phrase 'unit character' has done much to mislead the uninitiated as to the effects that a single change in the germ-plasm may produce on the organism. fortunately the expression 'unit character' is being less used by those students of genetics who are more careful in regard to the implications of their terminology." [illustration: the effect of orthodactyly fig. .--at the left is a hand with the third, fourth and fifth fingers affected. the middle joints of these fingers are stiff and cannot be bent. at the right the same hand is shown, closed. a normal hand in the middle serves to illustrate by contrast the nature of the abnormality, which appears in every generation of several large families. it is also called symphalangism, and is evidently related to the better-known abnormality of brachydactyly. photograph from frederick n. duncan.] [illustration: a family with orthodactyly fig. .--squares denote males and circles females, as is usual in the charts compiled by eugenists; black circles or squares denote affected individuals. a had all fingers affected in the way shown in fig. ; b had all but one finger affected; c had all but one finger affected; d had all fingers affected; d has all but forefingers affected. the family here shown is a branch, found by f. n. duncan, of a very large family first described by harvey cushing, in which this abnormality has run for at least seven generations. it is an excellent example of an inherited defect due to a single mendelian factor.] one of the best attested single characters in human heredity is brachydactyly, "short-fingerness," which results in a reduction in the length of the fingers by the dropping out of one joint. if one lumps together all the cases where any effect of this sort is found, it is evident that normals never transmit it to their posterity, that affected persons always do, and that in a mating between a normal and an affected person, all the offspring will show the abnormality. it is a good example of a unit character. but its effect is by no means confined to the fingers. it tends to affect the entire skeleton, and in a family where one child is markedly brachydactylous, that child is generally shorter than the others. the factor for brachydactyly evidently produces its primary effect on the bones of the hand, but it also produces a secondary effect on all the bones of the body. moreover, it will be found, if a number of brachydactylous persons are examined, that no two of them are affected to exactly the same degree. in some cases only one finger will be abnormal; in other cases there will be a slight effect in all the fingers; in other cases all the fingers will be highly affected. why is there such variation in the results produced by a unit character? because, presumably, in each individual there is a different set of modifying factors or else a variation in the factor. it has been found that an abnormality quite like brachydactyly is produced by abnormality in the pituitary gland. it is then fair to suppose that the factor which produces brachydactyly does so by affecting the pituitary gland in some way. but there must be many other factors which also affect the pituitary and in some cases probably favor its development, rather than hindering it. then if the factor for brachydactyly is depressing the pituitary, but if some other factors are at the same time stimulating that gland, the effect shown in the subject's fingers will be much less marked than if a group of modifying factors were present which acted in the same direction as the brachydactyly factor,--to perturb the action of the pituitary gland. this illustration is largely hypothetical; but there is no room for doubt that every factor produces more than a single effect. a white blaze in the hair, for example, is a well-proved unit factor in man; the factor not only produces a white streak in the hair, but affects the pigmentation of the skin as well, usually resulting in one or more white spots on some part of the body. it is really a factor for "piebaldism." for the sake of clear thinking, then, the idea of a unit character due to some unit determiner or factor in the germ-plasm must be given up, and it must be recognized that every visible character of an individual is the result of numerous factors, or differences in the germ-plasm. ordinarily one of these produces a more notable contribution to the end-product than do the others; but there are cases where this statement does not appear to hold good. this leads to the conception of _multiple factors_. in crossing a wheat with brown chaff and one with white chaff, h. nilsson-ehle ( ) expected in the second hybrid generation to secure a ratio of brown to white. as a fact, he got brown and white, a ratio of : . he interpreted this as meaning that the brown color in this particular variety was due not to one factor, but to two, which were equivalent to each other, and either one of which would produce the same result alone as would the two acting together. in further crossing red wheat with white, he secured ratios which led him to believe that the red was produced by three independent factors, any one of which would produce red either alone or with the other two. a. and g. howard later corroborated this work,[ ] but showed that the three factors were not identical: they are qualitatively slightly different, although so closely similar that the three reds look alike at first sight. e. m. east has obtained evidence from maize and g. h. shull from shepherd's-purse, which bears out the multiple factor hypothesis. [illustration: white blaze in the hair fig. .--the white lock of hair here shown is hereditary and has been traced back definitely through six generations; family tradition derives it from a son of harry "hot-spur" percy, born in , and fallaciously assigns its origin to "prenatal influence" or "maternal impression." this young woman inherited the blaze from her father, who had it from his mother, who had it from her father, who migrated from england to america nearly a century ago. the trait appears to be a simple dominant, following mendel's law; that is, when a person with one of these locks who is a child of one normal and one affected parent marries a normal individual, half of the children show the lock and half do not. photograph from newton miller.] [illustration: a family of spotted negroes fig. .--the piebald factor sometimes shows itself as nothing more than a blaze in the hair (see preceding figure); but it may take a much more extreme form, as illustrated by the above photograph from q. i. simpson and w. e. castle. mrs. s. a., a spotted mutant, founded a family which now comprises, in several generations, spotted and normal offspring. the white spotting factor behaves as a mendelian dominant, and the expectation would be equal numbers of normal and affected children. similar white factors are known in other animals. it is worth noting that all the well attested mendelian characters in man are abnormalities, no normal character having yet been proved to be inherited in this manner.] apart from multiple factors as properly defined (that is, factors which produce the same result, either alone or together), extensive analysis usually reveals that apparently simple characters are in reality complex. the purple aleurone color of maize seeds is attributed by r. a. emerson to five distinct factors, while e. baur found four factors responsible for the red color of snapdragon blossoms. there are, as g. n. collins says,[ ] "still many gross characters that stand as simple mendelian units, but few, if any, of these occur in plants or animals that have been subjected to extensive investigation. there is now such a large number of characters which at first behaved as units, but which have since been broken up by crossing with suitable selected material, that it seems not unreasonable to believe that the remaining cases await only the discovery of the right strains with which to hybridize them to bring about corresponding results." in spite of the fact that there is a real segregation between factors as has been shown, it must not be supposed that factors and their determiners are absolutely invariable. this has been too frequently assumed without adequate evidence by many geneticists. it is probable that just as the multiplicity and interrelation and minuteness of many factors have been the principal discoveries of genetics in recent years that the next few years will see a great deal of evidence following the important lead of castle and jennings, as to variation in factors. knowing that all the characters of an individual are due to the interaction of numerous factors, one must be particularly slow in assuming that such complex characters as man's mental traits are units, in any proper genetic sense of the word. it will, for instance, require very strong evidence to establish feeble-mindedness as a unit character. no one who examines the collected pedigrees of families marked by feeble-mindedness, can deny that it does appear at first sight to behave as a unit character, inherited in the typical mendelian fashion. the psychologist h. h. goddard, who started out with a strong bias against believing that such a complex trait could even _behave_ as a unit character, thought himself forced by the tabulation of his cases to adopt the conclusion that it does behave as a unit character. and other eugenists have not hesitated to affirm, mainly on the strength of dr. goddard's researches, that this unit character is due to a single determiner in the germ-plasm, which either is or is not present,--no halfway business about it. how were these cases of feeble-mindedness defined? the definition is purely arbitrary. ordinarily, any adult who tests much below years by the binet-simon scale is held to be feeble-minded; and the results of this test vary a little with the skill of the person applying it and with the edition of the scale used. furthermore, most of the feeble-minded cases in institutions, where the mendelian studies have usually been made, come from families which are themselves of a low grade of mentality. if the whole lot of those examined were measured, it would be difficult to draw the line between the normals and the affected; there is not nearly so much difference between the two classes, as one would suppose who only looks at a mendelian chart. [illustration: a human finger-tip fig. .--the palms of the hands and soles of the feet are covered with little ridges or corrugations, which are supposed to be useful in preventing the grasp from slipping; whence the name of friction-skin has been given to these surfaces. the ridges are developed into various patterns; the one above is a loop on the left forefinger. the ridges are studded with the openings of the sweat glands, the elevated position of which is supposed to prevent them from being clogged up; further, the moisture which they secrete perhaps adds to the friction of the skin. friction-skin patterns are inherited in some degree. photograph by john howard payne.] [illustration: the limits of hereditary control fig. .--print of a finger-tip showing a loop-pattern, enlarged about eight times. this is a common type of pattern, and at first glance the reader may think it could be mistaken for one of his own. there are, however, at least sixty-five "ridge characteristics" on the above print, which an expert would recognize and would use for the purpose of identification. if it were found that the first two or three of them noted corresponded to similar characteristics on another print, the expert would have no doubt that the two prints were made by the same finger. in police bureaus, finger-prints are filed for reference with a classification based on the type of pattern, number of ridges between two given points, etc.; and a simple formula results which makes it easy to find all prints which bear a general resemblance to each other. the exact identity or lack of it is then determined by a comparison of such _minutiæ_ as the sixty-five above enumerated. while the general outline of a pattern is inherited, these small characters do not seem to be, but are apparently rather due to the stretching of the skin as it grows. illustration from j. h. taylor.] [illustration: distribution of i q's of unselected children, - years of age the distribution of intelligence fig. .--diagram showing the mentality of unselected children, to years of age, who may probably be taken as representative of the whole population. the median or tallest column, about one-third of the whole number, represents those who were normal or, as a statistician would say, mediocre. their mental ages and chronological ages were practically identical. to the left of these the diminishing columns show the number whose mental ages fell short of their chronological ages. they are the mentally retarded, ranging all the way down to the lowest one-third of one per cent who represent a very low grade of feeble-mindedness. on the other side the mentally superior show a similar distribution. a curve drawn over the tops of the columns makes a good normal curve. "since the frequency of the various grades of intelligence decreases _gradually_ and at no point abruptly on each side of the median, it is evident that there is no definite dividing line between normality and feeble-mindedness, or between normality and genius. psychologically, the mentally defective child does not belong to a distinct type, nor does the genius.... the common opinion that extreme deviations below the median are vastly more frequent than extreme deviations above the median seems to have no foundation in fact. among unselected school children, at least, for every child of any given degree of deficiency there is roughly another child as far above the average as the former is below." lewis m. terman, _the measurement of intelligence_, pp. - .] it would be well to extend our view by measuring a whole population with one of the standard tests. if the intelligence of a thousand children picked at random from the population be measured, it will prove (as outlined in chapter iii) that some of them are feeble-minded, some are precocious or highly intelligent; and that there is every possible degree of intelligence between the two extremes. if a great number of children, all years old, were tested for intelligence, it would reveal a few absolute idiots whose intelligence was no more than that of the ordinary infant, a few more who were as bright as the ordinary kindergarten child, and so up to the great bulk of normal -year-olds, and farther to a few prize eugenic specimens who had as much intelligence as the average college freshman. in other words, this trait of general intelligence would be found distributed through the population in accordance with that same curve of chance, which was discussed and illustrated when we were talking about the differences between individuals. now what has become of the unit character, feeble-mindedness? how can one speak of a unit character, when the "unit" has an infinite number of values? is a _continuous quantity_ a _unit_? if intelligence is due to the inheritance of a vast, but indeterminate, number of factors of various kinds, each of which is independent, knowledge of heredity would lead one to expect that some children would get more of these factors than others and that, broadly speaking, no two would get the same number. all degrees of intelligence between the idiot and the genius would thus exist; and yet we can not doubt that a few of these factors are more important than the others, and the presence of even one or two of them may markedly affect the level of intelligence. it may make the matter clearer if we return for a moment to the physical. height, bodily stature, offers a very good analogy for the case we have just been discussing, because it is obvious that it must depend on a large number of different factors, a man's size being due to the sum total of the sizes of a great number of bones, ligaments, tissues, etc. it is obvious that one can be long in the trunk and short in the legs, or vice versa, and so on through a great number of possible combinations. here is a perfectly measurable character (no one has ever claimed that it is a genetic "unit character" _in man_ although it behaves as such in some plants) as to the complex basis of which all will agree. and it is known, from common observation as well as from pedigree studies, that it is not inherited as a unit: children are never born in two discontinuous classes, "tall" and "short," as they are with color blindness or normal color vision, for example. is it not a fair assumption that the difference between the apparent unit character of feeble-mindedness, and the obvious non-unit character of height, is a matter of difference in the number of factors involved, difference in the degree to which they hang together in transmission, variation in the factors, and certainly difference in the method of measurement? add that the line between normal and feeble-minded individuals is wholly arbitrary, and it seems that there is little reason to talk about feeble-mindedness as a unit character. it may be true that there is some sort of an inhibiting factor inherited as a unit, but it seems more likely that feeble-mindedness may be due to numerous different causes; that its presence in one child is due to one factor or group of factors, and in another child to a different one.[ ] it does not fall wholly into the class of blending inheritance, for it does segregate to a considerable extent, yet some of the factors may show blending. much more psychological analysis must be done before the question of the inheritance of feeble-mindedness can be considered solved. but at present one can say with confidence of this, as of other mental traits, that like tends to produce like; that low grades of mentality usually come from an ancestry of low mentality, and that bright children are usually produced in a stock that is marked by intelligence. most mental traits are even more complex in appearance than feeble-mindedness. none has yet been proved to be due to a single germinal difference, and it is possible that none will ever be so demonstrated. [illustration: fig. .--the twins whose finger-prints are shown in fig. .] intensive genetic research in lower animals and plants has shown that a visible character may be due to . independent multiple factors in the germ-plasm, as in the case of wheat mentioned a few pages back. . multiple allelomorphs, that is, a series of different grades of a single factor. . one distinct mendelian factor (or several such factors), with modifying factors which may cause either (a) intensification, (b) inhibition, or (c) dilution. . variation of a factor. . or several or all of the above explanations may apply to one case. moreover, the characters of which the origin has been most completely worked out are mostly color characters, whose physiological development seems to be relatively simple. it is probable that the development of a mental character is much more complicated, and therefore there is more likelihood of additional factors being involved. to say, then, that any mental trait is a unit character, or that it is due to a single germinal difference, is to go beyond both the evidence and the probabilities. and if mental traits are, in their germinal foundations, not simple but highly complex, it follows that any advice given as to how human matings should be arranged to produce any precise result in the progeny, should be viewed with distrust. such advice can be given only in the case of a few pathological characters such as color-blindness, night-blindness, or huntington's chorea. it is well that the man or woman interested in one of these abnormalities can get definite information on the subject; and huntington's chorea, in particular, is a dysgenic trait which can and should be stamped out. but it can not be pretended that any of man's traits, as to whose inheritance prediction can be made with confidence, is of great importance to national eugenics. in short, a knowledge of heredity shows that attempts to predict the mode of inheritance of the important human traits (particularly mental traits) are still uncertain in their results. the characters involved are too complex to offer any simple sequences. if two parents have brown eyes, it can not be said that all their children will have brown eyes; still less can it be said that all the children of two musically gifted parents are certain to be endowed with musical talent in any given degree. prediction is possible only when uniform sequences are found. how are such sequences to be found in heredity, if they do not appear when a parent and his offspring are examined? obviously it is necessary to examine _a large number_ of parents and their offspring,--to treat the problem by statistical methods. but, it may be objected, a uniformity gained by such methods is spurious. it is merely shutting the eyes to the mass of contradictions which are concealed by an apparent statistical uniformity. this objection would be valid, if the statistical results were used for prediction _in individual cases_. the statistician, however, expressly warns that his conclusions must not be used for such prediction. they are intended to predict only general trends, only average results; and for this purpose they are wholly legitimate. moreover, evolution itself is a problem of statistics, and therefore the statistical method of studying heredity may offer results of great value to eugenics, even though it can not furnish in individual cases the prediction which would be desirable. from this standpoint, we return to attack the problem of the relation between parent and offspring. we noted that there is no uniform sequence in a single family, and illustrated this by the case of brown eyes. but if a thousand parents and their offspring be selected and some trait, such as eye-color, or stature, or general intelligence, be measured, a uniformity at once appears in the fact of regression. its discoverer, sir francis galton, gives this account of it: [illustration: finger-prints of twins fig. .--above are the finger-prints, supplied by j. h. taylor of the navy department, of the two young sailors shown in fig. . the reader might examine them once or twice without seeing any differences. systematic comparison reveals that the thumbs of the left hands and the middle fingers of the right hands particularly are distinguishable. finger-prints as a means of identification were popularized by sir francis galton, the founder of eugenics, and their superiority to all other methods is now generally admitted. in addition to this practical usefulness, they also furnish material for study of the geneticist and zoölogist. the extent to which heredity is responsible for the patterns is indicated by the resemblance in pattern in spite of the great variability in this tract.] "if the word 'peculiarity' be used to signify the difference between the amount of any faculty possessed by a man, and the average of that possessed by the population at large, then the law of regression may be described as follows: each peculiarity in a man is shared by his kinsmen, but on the _average_ in a less degree. it is reduced to a definite fraction of its amount, quite independently of what its amount might be. the fraction differs in different orders of kinship, becoming smaller as they are more remote. when the kinship is so distant that its effects are not worth taking into account, the peculiarity of the man, however remarkable it may have been, is reduced to zero in his kinsmen. this apparent paradox is fundamentally due to the greater frequency of mediocre deviations than of extreme ones, occurring between limits separated by equal widths." as to the application of this law, let galton himself speak: "the law of regression tells heavily against the full hereditary transmission of any gift. only a few out of many children would be likely to differ from mediocrity so widely as their mid-parent [i. e., the average of their two parents], allowing for sexual differences, and still fewer would differ as widely as the more exceptional of the two parents. the more bountifully the parent is gifted by nature, the more rare will be his good fortune if he begets a son who is as richly endowed as himself, and still more so if he has a son who is endowed yet more largely. but the law is evenhanded; it levies an equal succession-tax on the transmission of badness as of goodness. if it discourages the extravagant hopes of a gifted parent that his children on the average will inherit all his powers, it not less discountenances extravagant fears that they will inherit all his weakness and disease. "it must be clearly understood that there is nothing in these statements to invalidate the general doctrine that the children of a gifted pair are much more likely to be gifted than the children of a mediocre pair." to this it should be added that progeny of very great ability will arise more frequently in proportion to the quality of their parents. it must be reiterated that this is a statistical, not a biological, law; and that even galton probably goes a little too far in applying it to individuals. it will hold good for a whole population, but not necessarily for only one family. further, we can afford to reëmphasize the fact that it in no way prevents the improvement of a race by selection and assortative mating. stature is the character which dr. galton used to get an exact measurement of the amount of regression. more recent studies have changed the value he found, without invalidating his method. when large numbers are taken it is now abundantly proved that if parents exceed the average stature of their race by a certain amount their offspring will, in general, exceed the racial average by only one-half as much as their parents did. this is due, as galton said, to the "drag" of the more remote ancestry, which when considered as a whole must represent very nearly mediocrity, statistically speaking. the general amount of regression in heredity, then, is one-half. if it be expressed as a decimal, . , the reader will at once note its identity with the coefficient of correlation which we have so often cited in this book as a measure of heredity. in fact, the coefficient of correlation is nothing more than a measure of the regression, and it is probably simpler to think of it as correlation than it is to speak of a law of regression, as sir francis did. this correlation or regression can, of course, be measured for other ancestors as well as for the immediate parents. from studies of eye-color in man and coat-color in horses, karl pearson worked out the necessary correlations, which are usually referred to as the law of ancestral inheritance. dr. galton had pointed out, years before, that the contributions of the several generations of individuals probably formed a geometrical series, and professor pearson calculated this series, for the two cases mentioned, as: parents grandparents g-grandparents g-g-grandparents . . . . ... etc. in other words, the two parents, together, will on the average of a great many cases be found to have contributed a little more than three-fifths of the hereditary peculiarities of any given individual; the four grandparents will be found responsible for a little less than one-fifth, and the eight great-grandparents for about six hundredths, and so on, the contribution of each generation becoming smaller with ascent, but each one having, in the average of many cases, a certain definite though small influence, until infinity. it can not be too strongly emphasized that this is a statistical law, not a biological law. it must not be applied to predict the character of the offspring of any one particular mating, for it might be highly misleading. it would be wholly unjustified, for example, to suppose that a certain man got three-tenths of his nature from his father, because the law of ancestral heredity required it: in point of fact, he might get one-tenth or nine-tenths, none or all of a given trait. but, when dealing with a large population, the errors on one side balance the errors on the other, and the law is found, in the cases to which it has been applied, to express the facts.[ ] while, therefore, this galton-pearson law gives no advice in regard to individual marriages, it is yet of great value to applied eugenics. in the first place, it crystallizes the vague realization that remote ancestry is of much less importance than immediate ancestry, to an individual, while showing that every generation has a part in making a man what he is. in the second place, it is found, by mathematical reasoning which need not here be repeated, that the type of a population may be quickly changed by the mating of like with like; and that this newly established type may be maintained when not capable of further progress. regression is not inevitable, for it may be overcome by selection. to put the matter in a more concrete form, there is reason to think that if for a few generations superior people would marry only people on the average superior in like degree (superior in ancestry as well as individuality), a point would be reached where all the offspring would tend to be superior, mediocrities of the former type being eliminated; and this superiority could be maintained as long as care was taken to avoid mating with inferior. in other words, the galton-pearson law gives statistical support for a belief that eugenic marriages will create an improved breed of men. and this, it seems to us, is the most important implication of that law for eugenics, although it is an implication that is generally ignored. we do not propose to discuss further the laws of heredity; but it is likely that the reader who has made no other study of the subject may by this time find himself somewhat bewildered. "can we talk only in generalities?" he may well ask; "does eugenics know no laws of heredity that will guide me in the choice of a wife? i thought that was the purpose of eugenics!" we reply: ( ) the laws of heredity are vastly complicated in man by the complex nature of most of his characters. the definite way in which some abnormalities are inherited is known; but it has not been thought necessary to include an account of such facts in this work. they are set forth in other books, especially davenport's _heredity in relation to eugenics_. the knowledge of how such a trait as color-blindness is inherited may be of importance to one man out of a thousand in choosing a wife; but we are taking a broader view of eugenics than this. as far as the great mass of human characters go, they are, in our opinion, due to so many separately inheritable factors that it is not safe to dogmatize about exactly how they will behave in heredity. such knowledge, desirable as it may be, is not necessary for race progress. ( ) but it is possible, with present knowledge, to say that human traits, mental as well as physical, are inherited, in a high degree. even before the final details as to the inheritance of all traits are worked out--a task that is never likely to be accomplished--there is ample material on which to base action for eugenics. the basal differences in the mental traits of man (and the physical as well, of course) are known to be due to heredity, and little modified by training. it is therefore possible to raise the level of the human race--the task of eugenics--by getting that half of the race which is, on the whole, superior in the traits that make for human progress and happiness, to contribute a larger proportion to the next generation than does the half which is on the whole inferior in that respect. eugenics need know nothing more, and the smoke of controversy over the exact way in which some trait or other is inherited must not be allowed for an instant to obscure the known fact that the level can be raised. chapter vi natural selection man has risen from the ape chiefly through the action of natural selection. any scheme of conscious race betterment, then, should carefully examine nature's method, to learn to what extent it is still acting, and to what extent it may better be supplanted or assisted by methods of man's own invention. natural selection operates in two ways: ( ) through a selective death-rate and ( ) through a selective birth-rate. the first of these forms has often been considered the whole of natural selection, but wrongly. the second steadily gains in importance as an organism rises in the scale of evolution; until in man it is likely soon to dwarf the lethal factor into insignificance. for it is evident that the appalling slaughter of all but a few of the individuals born, which one usually associates with the idea of natural selection, will take place only when the number of individuals born is very large. as the reproductive rate decreases, so does the death-rate, for a larger proportion of those born are able to find food and to escape enemies. when considering man, one realizes at once that relatively few babies or adults starve to death. the selective death-rate therefore must include only those who are unable to escape their enemies; and while these enemies of the species, particularly certain microörganisms, still take a heavy toll from the race, the progress of science is likely to make it much smaller in the future. the different aspects of natural selection may be classified as follows: { lethal { sustentative { { non-sustentative natural selection { { reproductive { sexual { { fecundal the lethal factor is the one which darwin himself most emphasized. obviously a race will be steadily improved, if the worst stock in it is cut off before it has a chance to reproduce, and if the best stock survives to perpetuate its kind. "this preservation of favourable individual differences and variations, and the destruction of those which are injurious, i have called natural selection, or the survival of the fittest," darwin wrote; and he went on to show that the principal checks on increase were overcrowding, the difficulty of obtaining food, destruction by enemies, and the lethal effects of climate. these causes may be conveniently divided as in the above diagram, into sustentative and non-sustentative. the sustentative factor has acquired particular prominence in the human species, since malthus wrote his essay on population--that essay which both darwin and wallace confess was the starting point of their discovery of natural selection. there is a "constant tendency in all animated life to increase beyond the nourishment prepared for it," malthus declared. "it is incontrovertibly true that there is no bound to the prolific plants and animals, but what is made by their crowding and interfering with each others' means of subsistence." his deduction is well known: that as man tends to increase in geometrical ratio, and can not hope to increase his food-supply more rapidly than in arithmetical ratio, the human race must eventually face starvation, unless the birth-rate be reduced. darwin was much impressed by this argument and ever since his time it has usually been the foundation for any discussion of natural selection. nevertheless it is partly false for all animals, as one of the authors showed[ ] some years ago, since a species which regularly eats up all the food in sight is rare indeed; and it is of very little racial importance in the present-day evolution of man. scarcity of food may put sufficient pressure on him to cause emigration, but rarely death. the importance of malthus' argument to eugenics is too slight to warrant further discussion. when the non-sustentative forms of lethal selection are considered, it is seen very clearly that man is not exempt from the workings of this law. a non-sustentative form of natural selection takes place through the destruction of the individual by some adverse feature of the environment, such as excessive cold, or bacteria; or by bodily deficiency; and it is independent of mere food-supply. w. f. r. weldon showed by a long series of measurements, for example, that as the harbor of plymouth, england, kept getting muddier, the crabs which lived in it kept getting narrower; those with the greatest frontal breadth filtered the water entering their gills least effectively, and died. but, it was objected, man is above all this. he has gained the control of his own environment. the bloody hand of natural selection may fall on crabs: but surely you would not have us think that man, the lord of creation, shares the same fate? biologists could hardly think otherwise. statisticians were able to supply the needed proof. a selective death-rate in man can not only be demonstrated but it can be actually measured. "the measure of the selective death-rate." says[ ] karl pearson, to whom this achievement is due, "is extraordinarily simple. it consists in the fact that the inheritance of the length of life between parent and offspring is found statistically to be about one-third of the average inheritance of physical characters in man. this can only be due to the fact that the death of parent or of offspring in a certain number of cases is due to random and not to constitutional causes." he arrived at the conclusion[ ] that % of the deaths were selective, in the quaker families which he was then studying. the exact proportion must vary in accordance with the nature of the material and the environment, but as a. ploetz found at least % of the deaths to be selective in the european royal families and nobility, where the environment is uniformly good, there is no reason to think that professor pearson's conclusion is invalid. dr. ploetz[ ] investigated the relation between length of life in parents, and infant mortality, in about , families including , children; half of these were from the nobility and half from the peasantry. the results were of the same order in each case, indicating that environment is a much less important factor than many have been wont to suppose. after discussing professor pearson's work, he continued: it seems to me that a simpler result can be reached from our material in the following way. since the greater child-mortality of each of our classes of children (divided according to the ages at death of their parents) indicates a higher mortality throughout the rest of their lives, the offspring of parents who die young will therefore be eliminated in a higher degree, that is, removed from the composition of the race, than will those whose parents died late. now the elimination can be non-selective, falling on all sorts of constitutions with the same frequency and degree. in that case it will of course have no connection with selection inside the race. or it may be of a selective nature, falling on its victims because they differ from those who are not selected, in a way that makes them less capable of resisting the pressure of the environment, and avoiding its dangers. then we speak of a selective process, of the elimination of the weaker and the survival of the stronger. since in our examination of the various causes of the difference in infant mortality, in the various age-classes of parents, we found no sufficient cause in the effects of the environment, which necessarily contains all the non-selective perils, but found the cause to be in the different constitutions inherited by the children, we can not escape the conclusion that the differences in infant mortality which we observe indicate a strong process of natural selection. our tables also permit us to get an approximate idea of the extent of selection by death among children in the first five years of life. the minimum of infant mortality is reached among those children whose parents have attained years of age. since these represent the strongest constitutions, the mortality of their children would appear to represent an absolute minimum, made up almost wholly of chance, non-selective, unavoidable deaths. as the number of children from marriages, both parties to which reached years of age, is so small as to render any safe conclusions impossible, our only recourse is to take the children of the -year-old fathers and the children of the -year-old mothers, add them together, and strike an average. but we must recognize that the minimum so obtained is nevertheless still too large, because among the consorts of the long-lived fathers and mothers, some died early with the result of increasing the infant mortality. the infant mortality with the -year-old fathers and mothers is found to be . %- . %, average about %. the total child-mortality reaches - %, of which the % make about %. accordingly at least %, and considering the above mentioned sources of error we may say two-thirds, of the child mortality is selective in character. that accords reasonably well with the - % which pearson found for the extent of selective deaths in his study. in general, then, one may believe that more than a half of the persons who die nowadays, die because they were not fit by by nature (i. e., heredity) to survive under the conditions into which they were born. they are the victims of lethal natural selection, nearly always of the non-sustentative type. as karl pearson says, "every man who has lived through a hard winter, every man who has examined a mortality table, every man who has studied the history of nations has probably seen natural selection at work." there is still another graphic way of seeing natural selection at work, by an examination of the infant mortality alone. imagine a thousand babies coming into the world on a given day. it is known that under average american conditions more than one-tenth of them will die during the first year of life. now if those who die at this time are the inherently weaker, then the death-rate among survivors ought to be correspondingly less during succeeding years, for many will have been cut down at once, who might otherwise have lingered for several years, although doomed to die before maturity. on the other hand, if only a few die during the first year, one might expect a proportionately greater number to die in succeeding years. if it is actually found that a high death-rate in the first year of life is associated with a low death-rate in succeeding years, then there will be grounds for believing that natural selection is really cutting off the weaker and allowing the stronger to survive. e. c. snow[ ] analyzed the infant mortality registration of parts of england and prussia to determine whether any such conclusion was justified. his investigation met with many difficulties, and his results are not as clear-cut as could be desired, but he felt justified in concluding from them that "the general result can not be questioned. natural selection, in the form of a selective death-rate, is strongly operative in man in the early years of life. we assert with great confidence that a high mortality in infancy (the first two years of life) is followed by a correspondingly low mortality in childhood, and vice-versa.... our work has led us to the conclusion that infant mortality _does_ effect a 'weeding out' of the unfit." "unfitness" in this connection must not be interpreted too narrowly. a child may be "unfit" to survive in its environment, merely because its parents are ignorant and careless. such unfitness makes more probable an inheritance of low intelligence. evidence of natural selection was gathered by karl pearson from another source and published in . he dealt with material analogous to that of dr. snow and showed "that when allowance was made for change of environment in the course of years, a very high association existed between the deaths in the first year of life and the deaths in childhood ( to years). this association was such that if the infantile death-rate _increased_ by % the child death rate _decreased_ by . % in males, while in females the _fall_ in the child death-rate was almost % for every % _rise_ in the infantile death-rate." to put the matter in the form of a truism, part of the children born in any district in a given year are doomed by heredity to a premature death; and if they die in one year they will not be alive to die in some succeeding year. lately a new mathematical method, which is termed the variate difference correlation method, has been invented and gives more accurate results, in such an investigation as that of natural selection, than any hitherto used. with this instrument professor pearson and miss elderton have confirmed the previous work. applying it to the registered births in england and wales between and , and the deaths during the first five years of life in the same period, they have again found[ ] that "for both sexes a heavy death-rate in one year of life means a markedly lower death-rate in the same group in the following year of life." this lessened death-rate extends in a lessened degree to the year following that, but is not by the present method easy to trace further. "it is difficult," as they conclude, "to believe that this important fact can be due to any other source than natural selection, i. e., a heavy mortality leaves behind it a stronger population." to avoid misunderstandings, it may be well to add to this review the closing words of the elderton-pearson memoir. "nature is not concerned with the moral or the immoral, which are standards of human conduct, and the duty of the naturalist is to point out what goes on in nature. there can now be scarcely a doubt that even in highly organized human communities the death-rate is selective, and physical fitness is the criterion for survival. to assert the existence of this selection and measure its intensity must be distinguished from an advocacy of high infant mortality as a factor of racial efficiency. this reminder is the more needful as there are not wanting those who assert that demonstrating the existence of natural selection in man is identical with decrying all efforts to reduce the infantile death-rate." a further discussion of this point will be found in a later chapter. the conclusion that, of the infants who die, a large number do so through inherent weakness--because they are not "fit" to survive--is also suggested by a study of the causes of death. from a third to a half of the deaths during the first year of life, and particularly during the first month, are due to what may be termed uterine causes, such as debility, atrophy, inanition, or premature birth. although in many cases such a death is the result of lack of prenatal care, in still more it must be ascribed to a defect in the parental stock. in connection with infant mortality, it may be of interest to point out that the intensity of natural selection is probably greater among boys than among girls. there is a steady preponderance of boys over girls at birth (about to , in the united states), while among the stillborn the proportion is to , if the massachusetts figures for - may be taken as general in application. evidently a large number of weak males have been eliminated before birth. this elimination continues for a number of years to be greater among boys than among girls, until in the period of adolescence the death-rates of the two sexes are equal. in adult life the death-rate among men is nearly always higher than that among women, but this is due largely to the fact that men pursue occupations where they are more exposed to death. in such cases, and particularly where deaths are due to accident, the mortality may not only be non-selective, but is sometimes contra-selective, for the strongest and most active men will often be those who expose themselves most to some danger. such a reversal of the action of natural selection is seen on a large scale in the case of war, where the strongest go to the fray and are killed, while the weaklings stay at home to perpetuate _their_ type of the race. a curious aspect of the kind of natural selection under consideration,--that which operates by death without reference to the food-supply,--is seen in the evolution of a wide pelvis in women. before the days of modern obstetrics, the woman born with an unusually narrow pelvis was likely to die during parturition, and the inheritance of a narrower type of pelvis was thus stopped. with the introduction and improvement of instrumental and induced deliveries, many of these women are enabled to survive, with the necessary consequence that their daughters will in many cases have a similarly narrow pelvis, and experience similar difficulty in childbirth. the percentage of deliveries in which instrumental aid is necessary is thus increasing from generation to generation, and is likely to continue to increase for some time. in other words, natural selection, because of man's interference, can no longer maintain the width of woman's pelvis, as it formerly did, and a certain amount of reversion in this respect is probably taking place--a reversion which, if unchecked, would necessarily lead after a long time to a reduction in the average size of skull of that part of the human race which frequently uses forceps at childbirth. the time would be long because the forceps permit the survival of some large-headed infants who otherwise would die. but it must not be supposed that lethal, non-sustentative selection works only through forms of infant mortality. that aspect was first discussed because it is most obvious, but the relation of natural selection to microbic disease is equally widespread and far more striking. as to the inheritance of disease as such there is little room for misunderstanding: no biologist now believes a disease is actually handed down from parent to child in the germ-plasm. but what the doctors call a diathesis, a predisposition to some given disease, is most certainly heritable--a fact which karl pearson and others have proved by statistics that can not be given here.[ ] and any individual who has inherited this diathesis, this lack of resistance to a given disease, is marked as a possible victim of natural selection. the extent to which and the manner in which it operates may be more readily understood by the study of a concrete case. tuberculosis is, as everyone knows, a disease caused directly by a bacillus; and a disease to which immunity can not be acquired by any process of vaccination or inoculation yet known. it is a disease which is not directly inherited as such. yet every city-dweller in the united states is almost constantly exposed to infection by this bacillus, and autopsies show that most persons have actually been infected at some period of life, but have resisted further encroachment. perhaps a fraction of them will eventually die of consumption; the rest will die of some other disease, and will probably never even know that they have carried the bacilli of tuberculosis in their lungs. of a group of men picked at random from the population, why will some eventually die of tuberculosis and the others resist infection? is it a matter of environment?--are open-air schools, sanitary tenements, proper hygiene, the kind of measures that will change this condition? such is the doctrine widely preached at the present day. it is alleged that the white plague may be stamped out, if the open cases of tuberculosis are isolated and the rest of the population is taught how to live properly. the problem is almost universally declared to be a problem of infection. infection certainly is the immediate problem, but the biologist sees a greater one a little farther back. it is the problem of natural selection. to prove this, it is necessary to prove ( ) that some people are born with less resistance to tuberculosis than others and ( ) that it is these people with weak natural resistance who die of phthisis, while their neighbors with stronger resistance survive. the proof of these propositions has been abundantly given by karl pearson, g. archdall reid and others. their main points may be indicated. in the first place it must be shown that the morbidity from tuberculosis is largely due to heredity--a point on which most medical men are still uninformed. measurement of the direct correlation between phthisis in parent and child shows it to be about . , i. e., what one expects if it is a matter of heredity. this is the coefficient for most physical and mental characters: it is the coefficient for such pathological traits as deafness and insanity, which are obviously due in most cases to inheritance rather than infection. but, one objects, this high correlation between parent and child does not prove inheritance,--it obviously proves infection. the family relations are so intimate that it is folly to overlook this factor in the spread of the disease. very well, professor pearson replied, if the relations between parent and child are so intimate that they lead to infection, they are certainly not less intimate between husband and wife, and there ought to be just as much infection in this relationship as in the former. the correlation was measured in thousands of cases and was found to lie around . , being lowest in the poorer classes and highest in the well-to-do classes. at first glance this seems partly to confirm the objection--it looks as if there must be a considerable amount of tubercular infection between husband and wife. but when it is found that the resemblance between husband and wife in the matter of insanity is also . , the objection becomes less formidable. certainly it will hardly be argued that one of the partners infects the other with this disability. as a fact, a correlation of . between husband and wife, for tuberculosis, is only partly due to infection. what it does mean is that like tends to mate with like--called assortative mating. this coefficient of resemblance between husband and wife in regard to phthisis is about the same as the correlation of resemblance between husband and wife for eye color, stature, longevity, general health, truthfulness, tone of voice, and many other characters. no one will suppose that life partners "infect" each other in these respects. certainly no one will claim that a man deliberately selects a wife on the basis of resemblance to himself in these points; but he most certainly does so to some extent unconsciously, as will be described at greater length in chapter xi. assortative mating is a well-established fact, and there is every reason to believe that much of the resemblance between husband and wife as regards tuberculosis is due to this fact, and not to infection.[ ] again, it is objected that the infection of children is not a family matter, but due to tuberculous cows' milk: how then does it appear equally among the japanese, where cows are not tuberculous and cow's milk rarely used as an infant food: or among such people as the esquimaux and polynesians, who have never seen a cow? but, it is argued, at any rate bad housing and unsanitary conditions of life will make infection easier and lower the resistance of the individual. perhaps such conditions may make infection easier, but that is of little importance considering how easy it is for all city dwellers--for the population as a whole. the question remains, will not bad housing cause a greater liability to fatal phthisis? will not destitution and its attendant conditions increase the probability that a given individual will succumb to the white plague? most physicians think this to be the case, but they have not taken the pains to measure the respective rôles, by the exact methods of modern science. s. adolphus knopf of new york, an authority on tuberculosis, recognizes the importance of the heredity factor, but says that after this, the most important predisposing conditions are of the nature of unsanitary schools, unsanitary tenements, unsanitary factories and workshops. this may be very true; these conditions may follow after heredity in importance--but how near do they follow? that is a matter capable of fairly accurate measurement, and should be discussed with figures, not generalities. taking the case of destitution, which includes, necessarily, most of the other evils specified, professor pearson measured the correlation with liability to phthisis and found it to be . . the correlation for direct heredity--that is, the resemblance between parent and offspring--it will be remembered, is . . as compared with this, the environmental factor of . is utterly insignificant. it seems evident that whether or not one dies from tuberculosis, under present-day urban conditions, depends mainly on the kind of constitution one has inherited. there is no escape, then, from the conclusion that in any individual, death from tuberculosis is largely a matter of natural selection. but by taking a longer view, one can actually see the change to which natural selection is one of the contributors. the following table shows the deaths from consumption in massachusetts, per , population: - . - . - . - . - . . . f. l. hoffman further points out[ ] that in massachusetts, rhode island, and connecticut, - , the decline in the death-rate from tuberculosis has been about %. "the evidence is absolutely conclusive that actually as well as relatively, the mortality from tuberculosis in what is the most intensely industrial area of america has progressively diminished during the last years." it will be noted that the great increase in death from consumption in this area began in the decade following , when the large irish immigration began. the irish are commonly believed to be particularly susceptible to phthisis. crowded together in industrial conditions, they rapidly underwent infection, and their weak racial resistance led to a high death-rate. the weak lines of heredity were rapidly cut off; in other words, the intensity of natural selection was great, for a while. the result was to leave the population of these new england states much more resistant, on the average, than it was before; and as the irish immigration soon slowed down, and no new stocks with great weakness arrived, tuberculosis naturally tended to "burn itself out." this seems to be a partial explanation of the decline in the death-rate from phthisis in new england during the last half century, although it is not suggested that it represents the complete explanation: improved methods of treatment and sanitation doubtless played their part. but that they are the sole cause of the decline is made highly improbable by the low correlation between phthisis and environmental factors, which was mentioned above, and by all the other biometric study of tuberculosis, which has proved that the results ascribed to hygiene, including sanitorium treatment, are to some degree illusory. that tuberculosis is particularly fatal to the negro race is well known. even to-day, after several centuries of natural selection in the united states, the annual death-rate from consumption among negroes in the registration area is . per , population (census of ) as compared with . for the whites; in the cities alone it is . . that overcrowding and climate can not be the sole factors is indicated by the fact that the negro race has been decimated, wherever it has met tuberculosis. "in the years and the british government imported three or four thousand negroes from mozambique into ceylon to form into regiments, and of these in december, , there were left just , including the male descendants. all the rest had perished mainly from tuberculosis, and in a country where the disease is not nearly so prevalent as in england."[ ] archdall reid has pointed out[ ] that the american, polynesian and australian aborigines, to whom tuberculosis was unknown before the advent of europeans, and who had therefore never been selected against it, could not survive its advent: they were killed by much smaller infections than would have injured a european, whose stock has been purged by centuries of natural selection. these racial histories are the most important evidence available to the student of natural selection in man. the conclusion to be drawn from them seems plain. natural selection, which has in the past never had an opportunity to act upon the negro race through tuberculosis, is now engaged in hastening, at a relatively rapid rate, the evolution of this race toward immunity from death by tuberculosis. the evolution of the white race on this line is, as the figures show, going on simultaneously, but having begun centuries earlier, it is not now so rapid. the weakest white stocks were cut off hundreds of years ago, in great britain or europe; those of the black race are only now going. despite all the efforts of medicine and sanitation, it is likely that the negro death-rate from phthisis will continue high for some years, until what is left of the race will possess a degree of resistance, or immunity, not much inferior to that of the whites among whom they live. the blacks in north america now must be already more resistant than their ancestors; the mulattoes descended of normal healthy unions should be more resistant than the pure negroes, although no statistics are available on the point; but were a new immigration to take place from africa to-day, and the immigrants to be put into villages with their americanized brethren, the high death-rate would result. while the negroes were thus undergoing the radical surgery of natural selection, what was happening to the aborigines of america? the answer of history is unmistakable; they were meeting the same fate, in an even more violent form. not tuberculosis alone, but small-pox, measles, alcohol and a dozen other importations of the conquerors, found in the aborigines of the new world a stock which had never been selected against these diseases. it is the custom of sentimentalists sometimes to talk as if the north american indian had been killed off by the white man. so he was,--but not directly: he was killed off by natural selection, acting through the white man's diseases and narcotics. in catlin wrote, "thirty millions of white men are now scuffling for the goods and luxuries of life over the bones of twelve millions of red men, six millions of whom have fallen victims to small-pox." small-pox is an old story to the white race, and the death of the least resistant strains in each generation has left a population that is fairly resistant. it was new to the natives of america, and history shows the result. alcohol, too, counted its victims by the thousand, for the same reason. the process of natural selection among the north american indians has not yet stopped; if there are a century from now any indians left, they will of necessity belong to stocks which are relatively resistant to alcohol and tuberculosis and the other widespread and fatal diseases which were unknown upon this continent before columbus. the decrease of natives following the spanish conquest of tropical america has long been one of the most striking events of history. popular historians sometimes speak as if most of the native population had been killed off by the cruelty of the conquistadores. surely such talk could not proceed from those who are familiar with the action of natural selection. it is obvious that when the spaniard brought the natives together, making them work in mines and assemble in churches, he brought them under conditions especially favorable for infection by the new diseases which he had brought. the aborigines of the new world, up to the time the spaniards came, had undergone no evolution whatever against these diseases; consequently the evolution began at so rapid a rate that in a few centuries only those who lived in out-of-the-way places remain unscathed. the same story is repeated, in a survey of the history of the pacific islands. even such a disease as whooping-cough carried off adults by the hundred. robert louis stevenson has left a graphic picture[ ] of natural selection at work: "the tribe of hapaa," he writes, "is said to have numbered some four hundred when the small-pox came and reduced them by one-fourth. six months later a woman developed tubercular consumption; the disease spread like fire about the valley, and in less than a year two survivors, a man and a woman, fled from the newly-created solitude.... early in the year of my visit, for example, or late the year before, the first case of phthisis appeared in a household of persons, and by the end of august, when the tale was told me, one soul survived, a boy who had been absent at his schooling." in tasmania is another good illustration of the evolution of a race proceeding so rapidly as to be fatal to the race. when the first english settled on the island, in , the native population consisted of several thousand. tuberculosis and many other new diseases, and, most of all, alcohol, began to operate on the aborigines, who were attracted to the settlements of the whites. in a quarter of a century there were only a few hundred left. many, of course, had met violent deaths, but an enlightened perusal of any history of the period,[ ] will leave no doubt that natural selection by disease was responsible for most of the mortality. by the number of native tasmanians was reduced to , who were already unmistakably doomed by alcohol and bacteria. when the last full-blood tasmanian died in , a new chapter was written in the story of the modern evolution of the human race. no such stories are told about the white settlements on this continent, even before the days of quarantine and scientific medicine. there is no other adequate explanation of the difference, than that the two races have evolved to a different degree in their resistance to these diseases. it is easily seen, then, that man's evolution is going on, at varying rates of speed, in probably all parts of the human race at the present time. we do not mean, of course, to suggest that all the natives who have died in the new world since the landing of columbus, have died because the evolution of their race had not proceeded so far in certain directions as had that of their conquerors. but the proportion of them who were eliminated for that reason is certainly very large. in the more remote parts of south america the process is still going on. recent press dispatches have carried the account of the university of pennsylvania's amazon expedition, under the direction of william c. farrabee. in a letter dated march , , the leader told of the discovery of the remains of the tribe of pikipitanges, a once populous tribe of which a chief, six women and two boys alone are left. the tribe had been almost wiped out, dr. farabee reported, by an epidemic of _influenza_! if the aborigines of the new world succumb to the diseases of the european, it is not less true that the european succumbs to diseases against which his race has not been selected. the deadliness of yellow fever to americans in the tropics, and the relative immunity of negroes, is familiar; so too is the frequently fatal result of the african tropical fevers on the white man, while the natives suffer from them much less, having been made more resistant by centuries of natural selection. this long discussion may now be summarized. we dealt with lethal selection, that form of natural selection which operates by prematurely killing off the less fit and leaving the more fit to survive and reproduce their kind. it is of course understood that the word "fit" in this connection does not necessarily mean morally or mentally superior, but merely fit for the particular environment. in a community of rascals, the greatest rascal might be the fittest to survive. in the slums of a modern city the jewish type, stringently selected through centuries of ghetto life, is particularly fit to survive, although it may not be the physical ideal of an anthropologist. two forms of lethal selection were distinguished, one depending on starvation and the other on causes not connected with the food supply. direct starvation is not a factor of importance in the survival of most races during most of the time at the present day so far as the civilized portion of the world is concerned. but disease and the other lethal factors not connected with the food-supply, through which natural selection acts, are still of great importance. from a half to two-thirds of all deaths are of a selective character, even under favorable conditions. it is also to be noted, however, that with the progress of medicine, and the diminution of unfit material, this kind of natural selection will tend to become less and less widespread. for a long time, natural selection in man has probably done little to cause marked change in his physical or mental characteristics. man's interference has prevented. in recent centuries natural selection has probably done no more on the whole than keep the race where it was: it is to be feared that it has not even done that. it is doubtful if there is any race to-day which attains the physical and mental average of the athenians of , years ago. lethal natural selection, then, has been and still is a factor of great importance in the evolution of the race, but at present it is doing little or nothing that promises to further the ideal of eugenics--race betterment. but lethal natural selection is only half the story. it is obvious that if the constitution of a race can be altered by excess of deaths in a certain class, it can equally be altered by excess of births in a certain class. this is reproductive selection, which may appear in either one of two forms. if the individual leaves few or no progeny because of his failure to mate at the proper time, it is called sexual selection; if, however, he mates, yet leaves few or no progeny (as compared with other individuals), it is called fecundal selection. even in man, the importance of the rôle of reproductive selection is insufficiently understood; in the lower animals scientists have tended still more to undervalue it. as a fact, no species ordinarily multiplies in such numbers as to exhaust all the food available, despite the teaching of malthus and darwin to the contrary. the rate of reproduction is the crux of natural selection; each species normally has such a reproduction rate as will suffice to withstand the premature deaths and sterility of some individuals, and yet not so large as to press unduly upon the food supply. the problem of natural selection is a problem of the adjustment between reproductive rate and death-rate, and the struggle for subsistence is only one of several factors. while the reproductive rate must be looked upon as a characteristic which has its adaptations like other characteristics, it has one peculiarity--its increase is always opposed by lethal selection. the chances of life are reduced by reproducing, inasmuch as more danger is entailed by the extra activities of courtship, and later, in bearing and caring for the young, since these duties reduce the normal wariness of individual life. the reproductive rate, therefore, always remains at the lowest point which will suffice for the reproductive needs of the species. for this reason alone the non-sustentative form of selection might be expected to be the predominant kind. j. t. gulick and karl pearson have pointed out that there is a normal conflict between natural selection and fecundal selection. fecundal selection is said by them to be constantly tending to increase the reproductive rate, because fecundity is partly a matter of heredity, and the fecund parents leave more offspring with the same characteristic. lethal selection, on the contrary, constantly asserts its power to reduce the reproductive rate, because the reproductive demands on the parents reduce their chances of life by interference with their natural ability of self-protection. this is quite true, but the analysis is incomplete, for an increased number of progeny not only decreases the life chances of the parents, but also of the young, by reducing the amount of care they receive. in short, lethal selection and reproductive selection accomplish the same end--a change in the constitution of the species--by different means; but they are so closely linked together and balanced that any change in the operation of one is likely to cause a change in the operation of the other. this will be clearer when the effect of reproductive selection is studied in man. recalling the truism that most human characters have a hereditary basis, it is evident that the constitution of society will remain stable from generation to generation, only if each section of society is reproducing at the same rate as every other (and assuming, for the moment, that the death-rate remains constant). then if the birth-rate of one part of the population is altered, if it is decreased, for example, the next generation will contain proportionately fewer representatives of this class, the succeeding generation fewer still, and so on indefinitely--unless a selective death-rate is operating at the same time. it is well known not only that the death-rate varies widely in different parts of the population, as was pointed out in the earlier part of this chapter, but that the birth-rate is rarely the same in any two sections of the population. evidently, therefore, the make-up of society must necessarily be changing from generation to generation. it will be the object of the rest of this chapter to investigate the ways in which it is changing, while in the latter half of the book we shall point out some of the ways in which it might be changed to better advantage than it is at present. sexual selection, or differential success in marrying, will be discussed at some length in chapter xi; here it may be pointed out that the number who fail to marry is very much greater than one often realizes. it has already been noted that a large part of the population dies before it reaches the age of marriage. of , babies born in the united states, only will reach the average age of marriage; in some countries half of the thousand will have fallen by that time. these dead certainly will leave no descendants; but even of the survivors, part will fail to marry. the returns of the thirteenth u. s. census showed that of the males - years of age, % were single, while % of the females, - years old, were single. few marriages will take place after those ages. add the number who died unmarried previous to those ages, but after the age of , and it is safe to say that at least one-third of the persons born in the united states die (early or late) without having married. the consideration of those who died before the age of marriage properly comes under the head of lethal selection, but if attention is confined to those who, though reaching the age of marriage, fail to marry, sexual selection still has importance. for instance, it is generally known (and some statistical proof will be given in chapter xi) that beauty is directly associated with the chance of marriage. the pretty girls in general marry earlier as well in larger percentage; many of the ugly ones will never find mates. herbert spencer argued ingeniously that beauty is associated with general mental and moral superiority, and the more exact studies of recent years have tended to confirm his generalization. a recent, but not conclusive, investigation[ ] showed beauty to be correlated with intelligence to the extent of . . if this is confirmed, it offers a good illustration of the action of sexual selection in furthering the progressive evolution of the race. miss gilmore, studying a group of normal school graduates, found a direct correlation between intelligence (as judged by class marks) and early marriage after graduation. anyone who would take the trouble could easily investigate numerous cases of this sort, which would show the effect of sexual selection in perpetuating desirable qualities. but sexual selection no longer has the importance that it once had, for nowadays the mere fact of marriage is not a measure of fecundity, to the extent that it once was. in the old days of unlimited fecundity, the early marriage of a beautiful, or intelligent, woman meant a probable perpetuation of her endowments; but at present, when artificial restraint of fertility is so widespread, the result does not follow as a matter of course: and it is evident that the race is little or not at all helped by the early marriage of an attractive woman, if she has too few or no children. fecundal selection, then, is becoming the important phase of reproductive selection, in the evolution of civilized races. the differential birth-rate is, as we have often insisted, the all-important factor of eugenics, and it merits careful consideration from all sides. such consideration is made difficult by the inadequate vital statistics of the united states (which ranks with turkey and china in this respect); but there is no doubt that the birth-rate as a whole is low, as compared with that of other countries; although as a whole it is not dangerously low and there is, of course, no necessary evil in a low birth-rate, of itself, if the quality be satisfactory. the u. s. census tabulation for gives the following comparison of the number of babies born alive each year, per , population, in various countries: russia in europe ( ) . japan ( ) . italy ( ) . austria ( ) . spain ( ) . austria ( ) . german empire ( ) . holland ( ) . denmark ( ) . norway ( ) . united states (registration area only, ) . england and wales ( ) . sweden ( ) . switzerland ( ) . belgium ( ) . france ( ) . the united states birth-rate may, on its face, appear high enough; but its face does not show that this height is due largely to the fecundity of immigrant women. statistics to prove this are given in chapter xiii, but may be supplemented here by some figures from pittsburgh. ward , in that city, contains the homes of many well-to-do, and contains more representatives of the old american stock than any other ward in the city, having . % of residents who are native born of native parents while the majority of the residents in nearly all the other wards in the city are either themselves foreign-born, or the offspring of foreign-born parents. ward has the lowest birth-rate and the lowest rate of net increase of any ward in the city. with this may be contrasted the sixth ward, which runs along the south bank of the allegheny river. it is one of the great factory districts of the city, but also contains a large number of homes. nearly , of its , males of voting age are illiterate. its death-rate is the highest in the city. almost nine-tenths of its residents are either foreigners or the children of foreigners. its birth-rate is three times that of the seventh ward. taking into account all the wards of the city, it is found that the birth-rate _rises_ as one considers the wards which are marked by a large foreign population, illiteracy, poverty and a high death-rate. on the other hand, the birth-rate _falls_ as one passes to the wards that have most native-born residents, most education, most prosperity--and, to some extent, education and prosperity denote efficiency and eugenic value. for wards there is a high negative correlation (-. ), between birth-rate and percentage of native-born of native parents in the population. the correlation between illiteracy and net increase[ ] is +. . the net increase of pittsburgh's population, therefore, is greatest where the percentage of foreign-born and of illiterates is greatest. the significance of such figures in natural selection must be evident. pittsburgh, like probably all large cities in civilized countries, breeds from the bottom. the lower a class is in the scale of intelligence, the greater is its reproductive contribution. recalling that intelligence is inherited, that like begets like in this respect, one can hardly feel encouraged over the quality of the population of pittsburgh, a few generations hence. of course these illiterate foreign laborers are, from a eugenic point of view, not wholly bad. the picture should not be painted any blacker than the original. some of these ignorant stocks, in another generation and with decent surroundings, will furnish excellent citizens. but taken as a whole, it can hardly be supposed that the fecund stocks of pittsburgh, with their illiteracy, squalor and tuberculosis, their high death-rates, their economic straits, are as good eugenic material as the families that are dying out in the more substantial residence section which their fathers created in the eastern part of the city. and it can hardly be supposed that the city, and the nation, of the future, would not benefit by a change in the distribution of births, whereby more would come from the seventh ward and its like, and fewer from the sixth and its like. evidently, there is no difficulty about seeing this form of natural selection at work, and at work in such a way as greatly to change the character of one section of the species. for comparison, some figures are presented from european sources. in the french war budget of it appears that from , women between the ages of and , in different districts of paris, the number of yearly births was as follows: very poor poor well-to-do very prosperous rich very rich disregarding the last class altogether, it is yet evident that while the mother in a wealthy home bears two children, the mother in the slums bears four. it is evident then that in paris at the present time reproductive selection is changing the mental and moral composition of the population at a rapid rate, which can not be very materially reduced even if it is found that the death-rate in the poorer districts is considerably greater than it is on the more fashionable boulevards. j. bertillon has brought together[ ] in a similar way data from a number of cities, showing the following birth-rates: _berlin_ _vienna_ _london_ very poor quarters poor quarters comfortable quarters very comfortable rich very rich --- --- --- average obviously, in all these cases reproductive selection will soon bring about such a change in the character of the population, that a much larger part of it than at present will have the hereditary characteristics of the poorer classes and a much smaller part of it than at present the hereditary characteristics of the well-to-do classes. david heron and others have recently studied[ ] the relation which the birth-rate in different boroughs of london bears to their social and economic conditions. using the correlation method, they found "that in london the birth-rate per , married women, aged to , is highest where the conditions show the greatest poverty--namely, in quarters where pawnbrokers abound, where unskilled labor is the principal source of income, where consumption is most common and most deadly, where pauperism is most rife, and, finally, where the greatest proportion of the children born die in infancy. the correlation coefficients show that the association of these evil conditions with the relative number of children born is a very close one; and if the question is put in another way, and the calculations are based on measures of prosperity instead of on measures of poverty, a high degree of correlation is found between prosperity and a low birth-rate. "it must not be supposed that a high rate of infant mortality, which almost invariably accompanies a high birth-rate, either in london or elsewhere, goes far toward counteracting the effects of the differential birth-rate. where infant mortality is highest the average number of children above the age of two for each married woman is highest also, and although the chances of death at all ages are greater among the inhabitants of the poorer quarters, their rate of natural increase remains considerably higher than that of the inhabitants of the richer. "from the detailed study of the figures made by newsholme and stevenson, conclusions essentially the same as those of heron can be drawn.... their first step was to divide the london boroughs into six groups according to the average number of domestic servants for families in each. this is probably as good a measure of prosperity as any other. they then determined the total birth-rate of the population in each group, and arrived at the following figures: _group_ i. domestic servants for families . ii. - . iii. - . iv. - . v. - . vi. over . "in order to find out how far the differences shown by these figures are due to differences in the percentage of women who marry in each group and the age at which they marry, they corrected the figures in such a way as to make them represent what the birth-rates would be in each group, if the proportion of wives of each age to the whole population comprising the group was the same as it is in the whole of england and wales. the corrected birth-rates thus obtained were as follows: _group_ i . ii . iii . iv . v . vi . "it will readily be seen that the effect of the correction has been to reduce the difference between the two extreme groups by about one-third, showing that to this extent it is due to the way in which they differ as to the average age and number of the women who marry. further, groups ii, iii, iv and v have all been brought to about the same level, with a corrected birth-rate about halfway between the highest and the lowest. this shows that there is no gradual decrease in fertility associated with a gradually increasing grade of prosperity, but that three sharply divided classes may be distinguished: a very poor class with a high degree of fertility, to which about a quarter of the population of london belong, a rich class with a low degree of fertility, and a class intermediate in both respects." "eugenics is less directly concerned with this side of the question that with the relative rate of increase of the different classes. this may be found for the six groups in the usual way by deducting the death-rate from the birth-rate. the following figures for the rate of natural increase are then obtained: _group_ i . ii . iii . iv . v . vi . "the figures show in a manner which hardly admits of any doubt that in london at any rate the inhabitants of the poorest quarters--over a million in number--are reproducing themselves at a much greater rate than the more well-to-do." a research on similar lines by s. r. steinmetz[ ] in holland shows that the average number of children in the lowest class families is . . people in industry or small trade, skilled mechanics and professors of theology have five children to the family; in other classes the number is as follows: artists . well-to-do commercial classes . high officials . university professors (excluding theological) . scholars and artists of the first rank . it is not hard to see that the next generation in holland is likely to have proportionately fewer gifted individuals than has the present one. fortunately, it is very probable that the differential birth-rate is not of such ominous import in rural districts as it is in cities, although some of the tribes of degenerates which live in the country show birth-rates of four to six children per wife.[ ] but in the more highly civilized nations now, something like a half of the population lives in urban districts, and the startling extent to which these urban populations breed from the bottom involves a disastrous change in the balance of population within a few generations, unless it is in some way checked. just how great the change may be, statistically, has been emphasized by karl pearson, who points out that " % of the married population provide % of the next generation," owing to the number of deaths before maturity, the number of celibates and the number of childless marriages. "the same rule may be expressed in another way: % of the next generation is produced by % of the married population." at this rate in a few generations the less efficient and socially valuable, with their large families, will overwhelm the more efficient and socially valuable, and their small families. fecundal selection is at work to-day on a large scale, changing the character of the population, and from a eugenic point of view changing it for the worse. fortunately, it is not impossible to arrest this change. but, it may be objected, is not this change merely "the survival of the fittest?" in a sense, yes; and it is necessary that the more intelligent classes should make themselves "fitter" to survive, by a change of attitude toward reproduction. but the dying-out of the intellectually superior part of the population is a pathological condition, not a part of normal evolution; for barring artificial interference with the birth-rate, fertility has been found to go hand in hand with general superiority. this demonstration is due to f. a. woods' study[ ] of members of the royal families of europe, among whom, for reasons of state, large families are desired, and among whom there has probably been little restraint on the birth-rate. averaging the ratings of his individuals from grade , the mentally and physically very inferior, to grade , the mentally and physically very superior, he found that the number of children produced and brought to maturity increased in a fairly direct ratio. his figures are as follows: both sexes (averaged) grades for virtues average number of adult children. . . . . . . . . . . investigations of karl pearson and alexander graham bell[ ] show that fecundity and longevity are associated. it follows that the mentally and morally superior, who are the most fecund, are also the longest-lived; and as this longevity is largely due to inheritance it follows that, under natural conditions, the standard of the stratum of society under consideration would gradually rise, in respect to longevity, in each generation. such is probably one of the methods by which the human race has gradually increased its level of desirable characters in each generation. the desirable characters were associated with each other, and also with fecundity. the desirable characters are still associated with each other, but their association with fecundity is now negative. it is in this change that eugenics finds justification for its existence as a propaganda. its object is to restore the positive correlation between desirable characters and fecundity, on which the progressive evolution of the race depends. the bearing of natural selection on the present-day evolution of the human race, particularly in the united states of america, must be reviewed in a few closing paragraphs. selection by death may result either from inadequate food supply, or from some other lethal factor. the former type, although something of a bugaboo ever since the time of malthus, has in reality relatively little effect on the human race at present. non-sustentative lethal selection in man is operating chiefly through zymotic diseases and the bad hygiene of the mentally inferior. reproductive selection is increasingly effective and its action is such as to cause grave alarm both through the failure of some to marry properly (sexual selection) and the failure of some to bear enough children, while others bear too many (fecundal selection). it is obvious that the racial result of this process will depend on what kind of people bear and rear the most children; and it has been shown that in general the larger families are in the section of the population that makes fewer contributions to human prosperity and happiness, while those endowed with great gifts, who ought to be transmitting them to their children, are in many cases not even reproducing their own number. natural selection raised man from apehood to his present estate. it is still operating on him on a large scale, in several ways, but in none of these ways is it now doing much actually to improve the race, and in some ways, owing to man's own interference, it is rapidly hastening race degeneracy. chapter vii origin and growth of the eugenics movement "eugenics," wrote francis galton, who founded the science and coined the name, "is the study of agencies under social control that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally." the definition is universally accepted, but by its use of the word "study" it defines a pure science, and the present book is concerned rather with the application of such a science. accepting galton's definition, we shall for our purposes slightly extend it by saying that applied eugenics embraces all such measures, in use or prospect either individually or collectively, as may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations of man, either physically or mentally, whether or not this was the avowed purpose. it is one of the newest of sciences. it was practically forced into existence by logical necessity. it is certainly here to stay, and it demands the right to speak, in many cases to cast the deciding vote, on some of the most important questions that confront society. the science of eugenics is the natural result of the spread and acceptance of organic evolution, following the publication of darwin's work on _the origin of species by means of natural selection_, in . it took a generation for his ideas to win the day; but then they revolutionized the intellectual life of the civilized world. man came to realize that the course of nature is regular; that the observed sequences of events can be described in formulas which are called natural laws; he learned that he could achieve great results in plant and animal breeding by working in harmony with these laws. then the question logically arose, "is not man himself subject to these same laws? can he not use his knowledge of them to improve his own species, as he has been more or less consciously improving the plants and animals that were of most value to him, for many centuries?" the evolutionist answered both these questions affirmatively. however great may be the superiority of his mind, man is first of all an animal, subject to the natural laws that govern other animals. he can learn to comply with these laws; he can, therefore, take an active share in furthering the process of evolution toward a higher life. that, briefly, is the scope of the science of eugenics, as its founder, sir francis galton, conceived it. "now that this new animal, man, finds himself somehow in existence, endowed with a little power and intelligence," galton wrote years ago, "he ought, i submit, to awake to a fuller knowledge of his relatively great position, and begin to assume a deliberate part in furthering the great work of evolution. he may infer the course it is bound to pursue, from his observation of that which it has already followed, and he might devote his modicum of power, intelligence and kindly feeling to render its future progress less slow and painful. man has already furthered evolution very considerably, half consciously, and for his own personal advantages, but he has not yet risen to the conviction that it is his religious duty to do so, deliberately and systematically." but, it may well be asked, how does this sudden need for eugenics arise, when the world has gone along without it for hundreds of millions of years in the past, and the human race has made the great ascent from an ape-like condition in spite of the fact that such a science as eugenics was never dreamed of? for answer recall that natural selection, which is mainly responsible for bringing man to his present situation, has worked chiefly through a differential death-rate. the less fit die: the more fit survive. in the earlier stages of society, man interfered little with natural selection. but during the last century the increase of the philanthropic spirit and the progress of medicine have done a great deal to interfere with the selective process. in some ways, selection in the human race has almost ceased; in many ways it is actually reversed, that is, it results in the survival of the inferior rather than the superior. in the olden days the criminal was summarily executed, the weakly child died soon after birth through lack of proper care and medical attention, the insane were dealt with so violently that if they were not killed by the treatment they were at least left hopelessly "incurable" and had little chance of becoming parents. harsh measures, all of these, but they kept the germ-plasm of the race reasonably purified. to-day, how is it? the inefficients, the wastrels, the physical, mental, and moral cripples are carefully preserved at public expense. the criminal is turned out on parole after a few years, to become the father of a family. the insane is discharged as "cured," again to take up the duties of citizenship. the feeble-minded child is painfully "educated," often at the expense of his normal brother or sister. in short, the undesirables of the race, with whom the bloody hand of natural selection would have made short work early in life, are now nursed along to old age. of course, one would not have it otherwise with respect to the prolongation of life. to expose deformed children as the spartans did would outrage our moral sentiments; to chloroform the incurable is a proposition that almost every one condemns. but this philanthropic spirit, this zealous regard for the interests of the unfortunate, which is rightly considered one of the highest manifestations of christian civilization, has in many cases benefited the few at the expense of the many. the present generation, in making its own life comfortable, is leaving a staggering bill to be paid by posterity. it is at this point that eugenics comes in and demands that a distinction be made between the interests of the individual and the interests of the race. it does not yield to any one in its solicitude for the individual unfortunate; but it says, "his happiness in life does not need to include leaving a family of children, inheritors of his defects, who if they were able to think might curse him for begetting them and curse society for allowing them to be born." and looking at the other side of the problem, eugenics says to the young man and young woman, "you should enjoy the greatest happiness that love can bring to a life. but something more is expected of you than a selfish, short-sighted indifference to all except yourselves in the world. when you understand the relation of the individual to the race, you will find your greatest happiness only in a marriage which will result in a family of worthy children. you are temporarily a custodian of the inheritance of the whole past; it is far more disgraceful for you to squander or ruin this heritage, or to regard it as intended solely for your individual, selfish gratification, than it would be for you to dissipate a fortune in money which you had received, or to betray any trust which had been confided to you by one of your fellow men." such is the teaching of eugenics. it is not wholly new. the early greeks gave much thought to it, and with the insight which characterized them, they rightly put the emphasis on the constructive side; they sought to breed better men and women, not merely to accomplish a work of hygiene, to lessen taxes, and reduce suffering, by reducing the number of unfortunates among them. as early as the first half of the sixth century b. c. the greek poet theognis of megara wrote: "we look for rams and asses and stallions of good stock, and one believes that good will come from good; yet a good man minds not to wed an evil daughter of an evil sire, if he but give her much wealth.... wealth confounds our stock. marvel not that the stock of our folk is tarnished, for the good is mingling with the base." a century later eugenics was discussed in some detail by plato, who suggested that the state intervene to mate the best with the best, and the worst with the worst; the former should be encouraged to have large families, and their children should be reared by the government, while the children of the unfit were to be, as he says, "put away in some mysterious, unknown places, as they should be." aristotle developed the idea on political lines, being more interested in the economic than the biological aspects of marriage; but he held firmly to the doctrine that the state should feel free to intervene in the interests of reproductive selection. for nearly two thousand years after this, conscious eugenic ideals were largely ignored. constant war reversed natural selection, as it is doing to-day, by killing off the physically fit and leaving the relatively unfit to reproduce the race; while monasticism and the enforced celibacy of the priesthood performed a similar office for many of the mentally superior, attracting them to a career in which they could leave no posterity. at the beginning of the last century a germ of modern eugenics is visible in malthus' famous essay on population, in which he directed attention to the importance of the birth-rate for human welfare, since this essay led darwin and wallace to enunciate the theory of natural selection, and to point out clearly the effects of artificial selection. it is really on darwin's work that the modern science of eugenics is based, and it owes its beginning to darwin's cousin, francis galton. galton was born in , studied mathematics and medicine, traveled widely, attained fame as an explorer in south africa, and after inheriting sufficient income to make him independent, settled down in london and gave his time to pioneering experiments in many branches of science. he contributed largely to founding the science of meteorology, opened new paths in experimental psychology, introduced the system of finger prints to anthropology, and took up the study of heredity, publishing in a series of articles under the title of "hereditary talent and genius," which contained his first utterances on eugenics. the present generation can hardly understand what a new field galton broke. even darwin had supposed that men do not differ very much in intellectual endowment, and that their differences in achievement are principally the result of differences in zeal and industry. galton's articles, whose thesis was that better men could be bred by conscious selection, attracted much attention from the scientific world and were expanded in in his book _hereditary genius_. this was an elaborate and painstaking study of the biographies of men who would rank, according to galton's estimate, as about to , of the general population, in respect to achievement. the number of families found to contain more than one eminent man was , divided as follows: judges, ; statesmen, ; commanders, ; literary, ; scientific, ; poets, ; artists, ; divines, . the close groupings of the interrelated eminence led to the conclusion that heredity plays a very important part in achievement. the greater success of real sons of great men as compared with adopted sons of great men likewise indicated, he thought, that success is due to actual biological heredity rather than to the good opportunities afforded the scion of the illustrious family. galton's conclusion was that by selecting from strains that produced eminence, a superior human stock could be bred. in he published a similar study of the heredity of eminent english scientists, reëmphasizing the claims of nature over nurture, to use his familiar antithesis. in he published "inquiries into the human faculty and its development," a collection of evolutionary and anthropometric essays where the word eugenics was first used in a new exposition of the author's views. "natural inheritance" appeared in , being the essence of various memoirs published since "hereditary genius," dealing with the general biological principles underlying the study of heredity and continuing the study of resemblances between individuals in respect to stature, eye color, artistic faculty and morbid conditions. galton's interest in eugenics was not lessened by the abundant criticism he received, and in he defended "the possible improvement of the human breed under existing conditions of law and sentiment" before the anthropological society. three years later he read a paper entitled "eugenics; its definition, scope and aims," to the sociological society. his program, in brief, was as follows: . disseminate knowledge of hereditary laws as far as surely known and promote their further study. . inquire into birth rates of various strata of society (classified according to civic usefulness) in ancient and modern nations. . collect reliable data showing how large and thriving families have most frequently originated. . study the influences affecting marriage. . persistently set forth the national importance of eugenics. the following year, galton again read a paper before the society, suggesting the award of certificates of quality to the eugenically fit. he also maintained that marriage customs which are largely controlled by public opinion could be modified for racial welfare through a molding of public sentiment. in he founded a research fellowship at the university of london to determine, if possible, what the standard of fitness is, and in a scholarship was added. edgar schuster and miss e. m. elderton held these posts until , when professor karl pearson took charge of the research work and, at the resignation of mr. schuster, david heron was appointed fellow. on galton's death, january , , it became known that through the terms of his will a professorship was founded and professor pearson was invited to hold it. his corps of workers constitutes the galton eugenics laboratory staff. to spread throughout the british empire such knowledge of eugenics as might be gathered by specialists, the eugenics education society was formed in with galton as honorary president. its field comprises: ( ) biology in so far as it concerns hereditary selection; ( ) anthropology as related to race and marriage; ( ) politics, where it bears on parenthood in relation to civic worth; ( ) ethics, in so far as it promotes ideals that lead to the improvement of social quality; ( ) religion, in so far as it strengthens and sanctifies eugenic duty. in america the movement got an early start but developed slowly. the first definite step was the formation of an institute of heredity in boston, shortly after , by loring moody, who was assisted by the poet longfellow, samuel e. sewall, mrs. horace mann, and other well-known people. he proposed to work very much along the lines that the eugenics record office later adopted, but he was ahead of his time, and his attempt seems to have come to nothing. in alexander graham bell, who may be considered the first scientific worker in eugenics in the united states, published a paper on the danger of the formation of a deaf variety of the human race in this country, in which he gave the result of researches he had made at martha's vineyard and other localities during preceding years, on the pedigrees of congenitally deaf persons--deaf mutes, as they were then called. he showed clearly that congenital deafness is largely due to heredity, that it is much increased by consanguineous marriages, and that it is of great importance to prevent the marriage of persons, in both of whose families congenital deafness is present. about five years later he founded the volta bureau in washington, d. c., for the study of deafness, and this has fostered a great deal of research work on this particular phase of heredity. in the american breeders' association was founded at st. louis by plant and animals breeders who desired to keep in touch with the new subject of genetics, the science of breeding, which was rapidly coming to have great practical importance. from the outset, the members realized that the changes which they could produce in races of animals and plants might also be produced in man, and the science of eugenics was thus recognized on a sound biological basis. soon a definite eugenics section was formed, and as the importance of this section increased, and it was realized that the name of breeders' association was too narrowly construed by the public, the association changed its name ( ) to the american genetic association, and the name of its organ from the _american breeders' magazine_ to the _journal of heredity_. under the auspices of this association, the eugenics record office was established at cold spring harbor, long island, by dr. c. b. davenport. it has been mainly supported by mrs. e. h. harriman, but has since been taken over by the carnegie institution of washington. it is gathering pedigrees in many parts of the united states, analyzing them and publishing the results in a series of bulletins. in the last few years, the public has come to take a keen interest in the possibilities of eugenics. this has led some sex hygienists, child welfare workers, and persons similarly engaged, to attempt to capitalize the interest in eugenics by appropriating the name for their own use. we strongly object to any such misuse of the word, which should designate the application of genetics to the human race. sex hygiene, child welfare, and other sanitary and sociological movements should stand on their own feet and leave to eugenics the scope which its greek derivation indicates for it,--the science of good breeding.[ ] in all parts of europe, the ideas of eugenics have gradually spread. in the first international eugenics congress was held at london, under auspices of the eugenics education society; more than delegates were in attendance. germany, sweden, switzerland and austria are united in an international eugenics society and the war led to the formation of a number of separate societies in germany. hungary has formed an organization of its own, france has its society in paris, and the italian anthropological society has given much attention to the subject. the anthropological society of denmark has similarly recognized eugenics by the formation of a separate section. the institut solvay of belgium, a foundation with sociological aims, created a eugenics section several years ago; and in holland a strong committee has been formed. last of all, sweden has put a large separate organization in the field. in the united states the subject has interested many women's clubs, college organizations and young men's christian associations, while the periodical press has given it a large amount of attention. public enthusiasm, often ill-guided, has in a few cases outrun the facts, and has secured legislation in some states, which by no means meets the approval of most scientific eugenists. when we speak of scientific eugenists, it may appear that we use the word in an invidious way. we use it deliberately, and by using it we mean to intimate that we do not think enthusiasm is an adequate substitute for knowledge, in anyone who assumes to pass judgment upon a measure as being eugenic or dysgenic--as likely to improve the race or cause its deterioration. eugenics is a biological science which, in its application, must be interpreted with the help of the best scientific method. very few social workers, whose field eugenics touches, are competent to understand its bearings without some study, and an appreciation of eugenics is the more difficult for them, because an understanding of it will show them that some of their work is based on false premises. the average legislator is equally unlikely to understand the full import of eugenics, unless he has made a definite effort to do so. all the more honor, then, to the rapidly increasing number of social workers and legislators who have grasped the full meaning of eugenics and are now striving to put it in effect. the agriculturist, through his experience with plants and animals, is probably better qualified than anyone else to realize the practicability of eugenics, and it is accordingly not a matter of mere chance that the science of eugenics in america was built up by a breeders' association, and has found and still finds hundreds of effective advocates in the graduates of the agricultural colleges. the program of eugenics naturally divides itself in two parts: ( ) reducing the racial contribution of the least desirable part of the population. ( ) increasing the racial contribution of the superior part of the population. the first part of this program is the most pressing and the most easily dealt with; it is no cause for surprise, then, that to many people it has seemed to be the predominant aim of eugenics. certainly the problem is great enough to stagger anyone who looks it full in the face; although for a variety of reasons, satisfactory statistical evidence of racial degeneracy is hard to get. considering only the "institutional population" of the united states, one gets the following figures: blind: total, , according to census of . of these, , were totally blind and , partly blind. the affection is stated to have been congenital in , cases. nineteen per cent of the blind were found to have blind relatives; . % of them were returned as the offspring of cousin marriages. deaf: total, , , according to the census of . more than , of them were deaf from childhood (under ), , being deaf from birth. at least . % of the deaf were stated to be offspring of cousin marriages, and . % to have deaf relatives. the significance of this can not be determined unless it is known how many normal persons have deaf relatives (or blind relatives, in considering the preceding paragraph), but it points to the existence of families that are characterized by deafness (or blindness). insane: the census of enumerated only the insane who were in institutions; they numbered , . the number outside of institutions is doubtless considerable but can not be computed. the institutional population is not a permanent, but mainly a transient one, the number of persons discharged from institutions in being , . as the number and size of institutions does not increase very rapidly, it would appear probable that , insane persons pass through and out of institutions, and back into the general population, each year. from this one can get some idea of the amount of neurotic weakness in the population of the united states,--much of it congenital and heritable in character. feeble-minded: the census ( ) lists only those in institutions, who totaled about , . the census experts believe that , would be a conservative estimate of the total number of feeble-minded in the country, and many psychologists think that , would be more nearly accurate. the number of feeble-minded who are receiving institutional care is almost certainly not more than % or % of the total, and many of these (about , ) are in almshouses, not special institutions. paupers: there were , paupers enumerated in almshouses on january , , and , admitted during the year, which indicates that the almshouse paupers are a rapidly shifting group. this population, probably of several hundred thousand persons, who drift into and out of almshouses, can hardly be characterized accurately, but in large part it must be considered at least inefficient and probably of mentally low grade. criminals: the inmates of prisons, penitentiaries, reformatories, and similar places of detention numbered , in ; this does not include , juvenile delinquents. the jail population is nearly all transient; one must be very cautious in inferring that conviction for an offense against the law indicates lack of eugenic value; but it is worth noting that the number of offenders who are feeble-minded is probably not less than one-fourth or one-third. if the number of inebriates could be added, it would greatly increase the total; and inebriacy or chronic alcoholism is generally recognized now as indicating in a majority of cases either feeble-mindedness or some other defect of the nervous system. the number of criminals who are in some way neurotically tainted is placed by some psychologists at % or more of the total prison population. add to these a number of epileptics, tramps, prostitutes, beggars, and others whom the census enumerator finds it difficult to catch, and the total number of possible undesirable parents becomes very large. it is in fact much larger than appears in these figures, because of the fact that many people carry defects that are latent and only appear in the offspring of a marriage representing two tainted strains. thus the feeble-minded child usually if not always has feeble-mindedness in both his father's and mother's ancestry, and for every one of the patent feeble-minded above enumerated, there may be several dozen latent ones, who are themselves probably normal in every way and yet carry the dangerously tainted germ-plasm. the estimate has frequently been made that the united states would be much better off eugenically if it were deprived of the future racial contributions of at least % of its citizens. while literally true this estimate is too high for the group which could be considered for attempts to directly control in a practical eugenics program. natural selection, in the early days of man's history, would have killed off many of these people early in life. they would have been unable to compete with their physically and mentally more vigorous fellows and would have died miserably by starvation or violence. natural selection's use of the death-rate was a brutal one, but at least it prevented such traits as these people show from increasing in each generation. eugenists hope to arrive at the same result, not by the death-rate but by the birth-rate. if germinally anti-social persons are kept humanely segregated during their lifetime, instead of being turned out after a few years of institutional life and allowed to marry, they will leave no descendants, and the number of congenital defectives in the community will be notably diminished. if the same policy is followed through succeeding generations, the number of defectives, of those incapable of taking a useful part in society, will become smaller and smaller. one who does not believe that these people hand on their traits to their descendants may profitably consider the famous history of the so-called juke family, a strain originating among the "finger lakes" of new york, whose history was published by r. l. dugdale as far back as and lately restudied by a. h. estabrook. "from one lazy vagabond nicknamed 'juke,' born in , whose two sons married five degenerate sisters, six generations numbering about , persons of every grade of idleness, viciousness, lewdness, pauperism, disease, idiocy, insanity and criminality were traced. of the total seven generations, died in infancy; were professional paupers, kept in almshouses a total of , years; were physically wrecked by their own 'diseased wickedness'; more than half the women fell into prostitution; were convicted criminals; were thieves; were murderers; only learned a trade, of these in state prison, and all at a state cost of over $ , , ."[ ] how heredity works both ways, is shown by the history of the kallikak family, published by h. h. goddard a few years ago. "at the beginning of the revolutionary war a young man, known in the history as martin kallikak, had a son by a nameless, feeble-minded girl, from whom there have descended in the direct line four hundred and eighty individuals. one hundred and forty-three of these are known to have been feeble-minded, and only forty-six are known to have been normal. the rest are unknown or doubtful. thirty-six have been illegitimate; thirty-three, sexually immoral, mostly prostitutes; twenty-four, alcoholic; three, epileptic; eighty-two died in infancy; three were criminal, and eight kept houses of ill-fame. after the war, martin kallikak married a woman of good stock. from this union have come in direct line four hundred and ninety-six, among whom only two were alcoholic, and one known to be sexually immoral. the legitimate children of martin have been doctors, lawyers, judges, educators, traders, landholders, in short, respectable citizens, men and women prominent in every phase of social life. these two families have lived on the same soil, in the same atmosphere, and in short, under the same general environment, yet the bar sinister has marked every generation of one and has been unknown in the other." if it were possible to improve or eradicate these defective strains by giving them better surroundings, the nation might easily get rid of this burden. but we have given reasons in chapter i for believing that the problem can not be solved in that way, and more evidence to the same effect will be present in other chapters of the book. an understanding of the nature of the problem will show that present methods of dispensing justice, giving charity, dealing with defectives and working for social betterment need careful examination and numerous modifications, if they are not to be ineffectual or merely palliative, or worse still, if they are not to give temporary relief at the cost of greatly aggravating the social disease in the end. in the past america has given and at present still gives much thought to the individual and little, if any, to posterity. eugenics does not want to diminish this regard for the individual, but it does insistently declare that the interests of the many are greater than those of the few, and it holds that a statesmanlike policy requires thought for the future as well as the present. it would be hard to find a eugenist to-day who would propose, with plato, that the infants with bad heredity should be put to death, but their right to grow up to the fullest enjoyment of life does not necessarily include the right to pass on their defective heredity to a long line of descendants, naturally increasing in number in each generation. indeed a regard for the totality of human happiness makes it necessary that they should not so continue. while it is the hope of eugenics that fewer defective and anti-social individuals shall be born in the future, it has been emphasized so much that the program of eugenics is likely to be seen in false perspective. in reality it is the less important side of the picture. more good citizens are wanted, as well as fewer bad ones. every race requires leaders. these leaders appear from time to time, and enough is known about eugenics now to show that their appearance is frequently predictable, not accidental. it is possible to have them appear more frequently; and in addition, to raise the level of the whole race, making the entire nation happier and more useful. these are the great tasks of eugenics. america needs more families like that old puritan strain which is one of the familiar examples of eugenics: "at their head stands jonathan edwards, and behind him an array of his descendants numbering in , , , of whom were college graduates; presidents of our greatest colleges; professors in colleges, besides many principals of other important educational institutions; physicians, many of whom were eminent; and more clergymen, missionaries, or theological professors; were officers in the army and navy; prominent authors and writers, by whom books of merit were written and published and important periodicals edited; american states and several foreign countries, and american cities and many foreign cities have profited by the beneficent influences of their eminent activity; and more were lawyers, of whom one was our most eminent professor of law; were judges; held public office, of whom one was vice president of the united states; three were united states senators; several were governors, members of congress, framers of state constitutions, mayors of cities and ministers of foreign courts; one was president of the pacific mail steamship company; railroads, many banks, insurance companies, and large industrial enterprises have been indebted to their management. almost if not every department of social progress and of the public weal has felt the impulse of this healthy and long-lived family. it is not known that any one of them was ever convicted of crime." every one will agree that the nation needs more families like that. how can it get them? galton blazed the way in , when he pointed to selective breeding as the effective means. the animal breeder knows what marvels he can accomplish by this means; but it is not practicable to breed human beings in that direct way. is there any indirect method of reaching the same ends? there are, in our opinion, a good many such means, and it is the principal purpose of this book to point them out. the problem of constructive or positive eugenics, naturally divides itself into two parts: . to secure a sufficient number of marriages of the superior. . to secure an adequate birth-rate from these marriages. the problem of securing these two results is a complex one, which must be attacked by a variety of methods. it is necessary that superior people first be made to desire marriage and children; and secondly, that it be economically and otherwise possible for them to carry out this desire. it may be of interest to know how the germans are attacking the problem, even though some of their measures may be considered ineffective or inadvisable. at its annual meeting in the german society for race hygiene adopted a resolution on the subject of applied eugenics. "the future of the german people is at stake," it declares. "the german empire can not in the long run maintain its true nationality and the independence of its development, if it does not begin without delay and with the greatest energy to mold its internal and external politics as well as the whole life of the people in accordance with eugenic principles. most important of all are measures for a higher reproduction of healthy and able families. the rapidly declining birth-rate of the healthy and able families necessarily leads to the social, economical and political retrogression of the german people," it points out, and then goes on to enumerate the causes of this decline, which it thinks is partly due to the action of racial poisons but principally to the increasing willful restriction of the number of children. the society recognizes that the reasons for this limitation of the size of families are largely economic. it enumerates the question of expense, considerations of economic inheritance--that is, a father does not like to divide up his estate too much; the labor of women, which is incompatible with the raising of a large family; and the difficulties caused by the crowded housing in the large cities. in order to secure a posterity sufficient in number and ability, the resolution continues, the german society for race hygiene demands: . a back-to-the farm movement. . better housing facilities in the cities. . economic assistance of large families through payment of a substantial relief to married mothers who survive their husbands, and consideration of the number of children in the payment of public and private employees. . abolition of certain impediments to marriage, such as the army regulation forbidding officers to marry before they reach a certain grade. . increase of tax on alcohol, tobacco and luxuries, the proceeds to be used to subsidize worthy families. . medical regulations of a hygienic nature. . setting out large prizes for excellent works of art (novels, dramas, plastic arts) which glorify the ideal of motherhood, the family and simple life. . awakening a national mind ready to undergo sacrifices on behalf of future generations. in spite of some defects such a program brings out clearly the principle of eugenics,--the substitution of a selective birth-rate for the selective death-rate by which natural selection has brought the race to its present level. nature lets a multitude of individuals be born and kills off the poorer ones; eugenics proposes to have fewer poor ones and more good ones born in each generation. any means which tends to bring about one of those ends, is a part of applied eugenics. by this time the reader will have seen that eugenics has some definite ideals not only as to how the race can be kept from deteriorating further, under the interference with natural selection which civilization entails, but as to how its physical, mental and moral level can actually be raised. he can easily draw his own conclusions as to what eugenics does _not_ propose. no eugenist worthy of the name has ever proposed to breed genius as the stockman breeds trotting horses, despite jibes of the comic press to the contrary. but if young people, before picking out their life partners, are thoroughly imbued with the idea that such qualities as energy, longevity, a sound constitution, public and private worth, are primarily due to heredity, and if they are taught to realize the fact that one marries not an individual but a family, the eugenist believes that better matings will be made, sometimes realized, sometimes insensibly. furthermore, if children from such matings are made an asset rather than a liability; if society ceases to penalize, in a hundred insidious ways, the parents of large and superior families, but honors and aids them instead, one may justifiably hope that the birth-rate in the most useful and happy part of the population will steadily increase. perhaps that is as far as it is necessary that the aim of eugenics should be defined; yet one can hardly ignore the philosophical aspect of the problem. galton's suggestion that man should assist the course of his own evolution meets with the general approval of biologists; but when one asks what the ultimate goal of human evolution should be, one faces a difficult question. under these circumstances, can it be said that eugenics really has a goal, or is it merely stumbling along in the dark, possibly far from the real road, of whose existence it is aware but of whose location it has no knowledge? there are several routes on which one can proceed with the confidence that, if no one of them is the main road, at least it is likely to lead into the latter at some time. fortunately, eugenics is, paradoxical as it may seem, able to advance on all these paths at once; for it proposes no definite goal, it sets up no one standard to which it would make the human race conform. taking man as it finds him, it proposes to multiply all the types that have been found by past experience or present reason to be of most value to society. not only would it multiply them in numbers, but also in efficiency, in capacity to serve the race. by so doing, it undoubtedly fulfills the requirements of that popular philosophy which holds the aim of society to be the greatest happiness for the greatest number, or more definitely the increase of the totality of human happiness. to cause not to exist those who would be doomed from birth to give only unhappiness to themselves and those about them; to increase the number of those in whom useful physical and mental traits are well developed; to bring about an increase in the number of energetic altruists and a decrease in the number of the anti-social or defective; surely such an undertaking will come nearer to increasing the happiness of the greatest number, than will any temporary social palliative, any ointment for incurable social wounds. to those who accept that philosophy, made prominent by jeremy bentham, john stuart mill, herbert spencer, and a host of other great thinkers, eugenics rightly understood must seem a prime necessity of society. but can any philosophy dispense with eugenics? take those to whom the popular philosophy of happiness seems a dangerous goal and to whom the only object of evolution that one is at present justified in recognizing is that of the perpetuation of the species and of the progressive conquest of nature, the acquiring of an ascendancy over all the earth. this is now as much a matter of self-preservation as it is of progress: although man no longer fights for life with the cave bear and saber-toothed tiger, the microbes which war with him are far more dangerous enemies than the big mammals of the past. the continuation of evolution, if it means conquest, is not a work for dilettantes and lotos eaters; it is a task that demands unremitting hard work. to this newer philosophy of creative work eugenics is none the less essential. for eugenics wants in the world more physically sound men and women _with greater ability in any valuable way_. whatever the actual goal of evolution may be, it can hardly be assumed by any except the professional pessimist, that a race made up of such men and women is going to be handicapped by their presence. the correlation of abilities is as well attested as any fact in psychology. those who decry eugenics on the ground that it is impossible to establish any "standard of perfection," since society needs many diverse kinds of people, are overlooking this fact. any plan which increases the production of children in able families of _various_ types will thereby produce more ability of all kinds, since if a family is particularly gifted in one way, it is likely to be gifted above the average in several other desirable ways. eugenics sets up no specific superman, as a type to which the rest of the race must be made to conform. it is not looking forward to the cessation of its work in a eugenic millenium. it is a perpetual process, which seeks only to raise the level of the race by the production of fewer people with physical and mental defects, and more people with physical and mental excellencies. such a race should be able to perpetuate itself, to subdue nature, to improve its environment progressively; its members should be happy and productive. to establish such a goal seems justified by the knowledge of evolution which is now available; and to make progress toward it is possible. chapter viii desirability of restrictive eugenics in a rural part of pennsylvania lives the l. family. three generations studied "all show the same drifting, irresponsible tendency. no one can say they are positively bad or serious disturbers of the communities where they may have a temporary home. certain members are epileptic and defective to the point of imbecility. the father of this family drank and provided little for their support. the mother, though hard working, was never able to care for them properly. so they and their children were frequent recipients of public relief, a habit which they have consistently kept up. ten of the children grew to maturity, and all but one married and had in their turn large families. with two exceptions these have lived in the territory studied. nobody knows how they have subsisted, even with the generous help they have received. they drift in and out of the various settlements, taking care to keep their residence in the county which has provided most liberally for their support. in some villages it is said that they have been in and out half a dozen times in the last few years. first one family comes slipping back, then one by one the others trail in as long as there are cheap shelters to be had. then rents fall due, neighbors become suspicious of invaded henroosts and potato patches, and one after another the families take their departure, only to reappear after a year or two. "the seven children of the eldest son were scattered years ago through the death of their father. they were taken by strangers, and though kept in school, none of them proved capable of advancement. three at least could not learn to read or handle the smallest quantities. the rest do this with difficulty. all but two are now married and founding the fourth generation of this line. the family of the fourth son are now county charges. of the children of school age in this and the remaining families, all are greatly retarded. one is an epileptic and at can not read or write. one at is in the third reader and should be set down as defective. the remainder are from one to four years retarded. "there is nothing striking in the annals of this family. it comes as near the lowest margin of human existence as possible and illustrates how marked defect may sometimes exist without serious results in the infringement of law and custom. its serious menace, however, lies in the certain marriage into stocks which are no better, and the production of large families which continue to exist on the same level of semi-dependency. in place of the two dependents of a generation ago we now find in the third generation descendants who bid fair to continue their existence on the same plane--certainly an enormous multiplication of the initial burden of expense."[ ] from cases of this sort, which represent the least striking kind of bad breeding, the student may pass through many types up to the great tribes of jukes, nams, kallikaks, zeros, dacks, ishmaels, sixties, hickories, hill folk, piney folk, and the rest, with which the readers of the literature of restrictive eugenics are familiar. it is abundantly demonstrated that much, if not most, of their trouble is the outcome of bad heredity. indeed, when a branch of one of these clans is transported, or emigrates, to a wholly new environment, it soon creates for itself, in many cases, an environment similar to that from which it came. whether it goes to the city, or to the agricultural districts of the west, it may soon manage to reëstablish the debasing atmosphere to which it has always been accustomed.[ ] those who see in improvement of the environment the cure for all such plague spots as these tribes inhabit, overlook the fact that man largely creates his own environment. the story of the tenement-dwellers who were supplied with bath tubs but refused to use them for any other purpose than to store coal, exemplifies a wide range of facts. [illustration: fig. .--to this shanty an elderly man of the "hickory" family, a great clan of defectives in rural ohio, brought his girl-bride, together with his two grown sons by a former marriage. the shanty was conveniently located at a distance of feet from the city dump where the family, all of which is feeble-minded, secured its food. such a family is incapable of protecting either itself or its neighbors, and should be cared for by the state. photograph from mina a. sessions.] [illustration: a chieftain of the hickory clan fig. .--this is "young hank," otherwise known as "sore-eyed hank." he is the eldest son and heir of that hank hickory who, with his wife and seven children, applied for admission to their county infirmary when it was first opened. for generation after generation, his family has been the chief patron of all the charities of its county. "young hank" married his cousin and duplicated his father's record by begetting seven children, three of whom (all feeble-minded) are now living. the number of his grandchildren and great-grandchildren is increasing every year, but the total can not be learned from him, for he is mentally incapable of counting even the number of his own children. he is about years of age, and has never done any work except to make baskets. he has lived a wandering life, largely dependent on charity. for the last years he has been partly blind, due to trachoma. he gets a blind pension of $ a month, which is adequate to keep him supplied with chewing tobacco, his regular mastication being cents a day. such specimens can be found in many rural communities; if they were segregated in youth both they and the community would be much better off. photograph from mina a. sessions.] although conditions may be worst in the older and more densely populated states, it is probable that there is no state in the union which has not many families, or group of families, of this dependent type, which in favorable cases may attract little notice, but therefore do all the more harm eugenically; in other cases may be notorious as centers of criminality. half a dozen well-defined areas of this kind have been found in pennsylvania, which is probably not exceptional in this respect. "these differ, of course, in extent and character and the gravity of the problems they present. in some there is great sexual laxity, which leads to various forms of dependency and sometimes to extreme mental defect. in others alcoholism prevails and the people show a propensity for deeds of violence. all informants, however, practically agreed to the following characterization: " . because of the thefts and depredations and the frequent applications for charitable relief from such sections they constitute a parasitic growth which saps the resources of the self-respecting, self-sustaining contingent of the population. " . they furnish an undue proportion of court cases, and are thus a serious expense to county and state. " . they are a source of physical decay and moral contamination, and thus menace the integrity of the entire social fabric."[ ] society has long since admitted that it is desirable to restrict the reproduction of certain classes of gross defectives, and criminals, by the method of segregation. the ground for this is sometimes biological, perhaps more often legal, as in the case of the insane and criminal, where it is held that the individual is legally incapacitated from entering into a contract, such as that of marriage. it would be better to have the biological basis of restriction on marriage and reproduction recognized in every case; but even with the present point of view the desired end may be reached. from an ethical standpoint, so few people would now contend that two feeble-minded or epileptic persons have any "right" to marry and perpetuate their kind, that it is hardly worth while to argue the point. we believe that the same logic would permit two individuals to marry, but deny them the privilege of having children. the reasons for this may be considered under three heads. . biological. are there cases in which persons may properly marry but may properly be prevented by society from having any offspring, on the ground that such offspring would be undesirable components of the race? the right of marriage is commonly, and may well be properly, regarded as an inalienable right of the individual, in so far as it does not conflict with the interests of the race. the companionship of two persons between whom true love exists, is beyond all question the highest happiness possible, and one which society should desire and strive to give its every member. on that point there will be no difference of opinion, but when it is asked whether there can be a separation between the comradeship aspect and the reproduction aspect, in marriage, whether any interest of the race can justifiably divorce these two phases, often considered inseparable, protests are at once aroused. in these protests, there is some justice. we would be the last ones to deny that a marriage has failed to achieve its goal, has failed to realize for its participants the greatest possible happiness, unless it has resulted in sound offspring. that word "sound" is the key to the distinction which must be made. the interests of the race demand sound offspring from every couple in a position to furnish them--not only in the interests of that couple,--interests the importance of which it is not easy to underestimate--but in the interests of the future of the race, whose welfare far transcends in importance the welfare of any one individual, or any pair of individuals. as surely as the race needs a constant supply of children of sound character, so surely is it harmed by a supply of children of inherently unsound character, physically or mentally, who may contribute others like themselves to the next generation. a recollection of the facts of heredity, and of the fact that the offspring of any individual tend to increase in geometric ratio, will supply adequate grounds for holding this conviction:--that from a biological point of view, every child of congenitally inferior character is a racial misfortune. the spartans and other peoples of antiquity fully realized this fact, and acted on it by exposing deformed infants. christianity properly revolted as such an action; but in repudiating the action, it lost sight of the principle back of the action. the principle should have been regarded, and civilized races are now coming back to a realization of that fact--are, indeed, realizing its weight far more fully than any other people has ever done, because of the growing realization of the importance of heredity. no one is likely seriously to argue again that deformed infants (whether their deformity be physical or mental) should be exposed to perish; but the argument that in the interests of the future of the race _they would better not be born_, is one that admits of no refutation. from a biological point of view, then, it is to the interest of the race that the number of children who will be either defective themselves, or transmit anti-social defects to their offspring, should be as small as possible. . the humanitarian aspect of the case is no less strong and is likely, in the present state of public education, to move a larger number of individuals. a visit to the children's ward of any hospital, an acquaintance with the sensitive mother of a feeble-minded or deformed child, will go far to convince anyone that the sum total of human happiness, and the happiness of the parents, would be greater had these children never been born. as for the children themselves, they will in many cases grow up to regret that they were ever brought into the world. we do not overlook the occasional genius who may be crippled physically or even mentally; we are here dealing with only the extreme defectives, such as the feeble-minded, insane, and epileptic. among such persons, human happiness would be promoted both now and in the future if the number of offspring were naught. . there is another argument which may legitimately be brought forward, and which may appeal to some who are relatively insensitive to the biological or even the humanitarian aspects of the case. this is the financial argument. except students of eugenics, few persons realize how staggering is the bill annually paid for the care of defectives. the amount which the state of new york expends yearly on the maintenance of its insane wards, is greater than it spends for any other purpose except education; and in a very few years, if its insane population continues to increase at the present rate, it will spend more on them than it does on the education of its normal children. the cost of institutional care for the socially inadequate is far from being all that these people cost the state; but those figures at least are not based on guesswork. the annual cost[ ] of maintaining a feeble-minded ward of the state, in various commonwealths, is: illinois $ . indiana . minnesota . ohio . wisconsin . kansas . michigan . kentucky . california . maine . at such prices, each state maintains hundreds, sometimes thousands, of feeble-minded, and the number is growing each year. in the near future the expenditures must grow much more rapidly, for public sentiment is beginning to demand that the defectives and delinquents of the community be properly cared for. the financial burden is becoming a heavy one; it will become a crushing one unless steps are taken to make the feeble-minded productive (as described in the next chapter) and an intangible "sinking fund" at the same time created to reduce the burden gradually by preventing the production of those who make it up. the burden can never be wholly obliterated, but it can be largely reduced by a restriction of the reproduction of those who are themselves socially inadequate. [illustration: two juke homes of the present day fig. .--the jukes have mostly been country-dwellers, a fact which has tended to increase the amount of consanguineous marriage among them. removal into a new environment usually does not mean any substantial change for them, because they succeed immediately in re-creating the same squalid sort of an environment from which they came. in the house below, one part was occupied by the family and the other part by pigs. photographs from a. h. estabrook.] alike then on biological, humanitarian and financial grounds, the nation would be the better for a diminution in the production of physically, mentally or morally defective children. and the way to secure this diminution is to prevent reproduction by parents whose offspring would almost certainly be undesirable in character. granted that such prevention is a proper function of society, the question again arises whether it is an ethically correct procedure to allow these potentially undesirable parents to marry at all. should they be doomed to perpetual celibacy, or should they be permitted to mate, on condition that the union be childless. the eugenic interests of society, of course, are equally safeguarded by either alternative. all the other interests of society appear to us to be better safeguarded by marriage than by celibacy. adding the interests of the individual, which will doubtless be for marriage, it seems to us that there is good reason for holding such a childless marriage ethically correct, in the relatively small number of cases where it might seem desirable. though such unions may be ethically justifiable, yet they would often be impracticable; the limits will be discussed in the next chapter. it is constantly alleged that the state can not interfere with an individual matter of this sort: "it is an intolerable invasion of personal liberty; it is reducing humanity to the level of the barn-yard; it is impossible to put artificial restraints on the relations between the sexes, founded as they are on such strong and primal feelings." the doctrine of personal liberty, in this extreme form, was enunciated and is maintained by people who are ignorant of biology and evolution;[ ] people who are ignorant of the world as it is, and deal only with the world as they think it ought to be. nature reveals no such extreme "law of personal liberty," and the race that tries to carry such a supposed law to its logical conclusion will soon find, in the supreme test of competition with other races, that the interests of the individual are much less important to nature than the interests of the race. perpetuation of the race is the first end to be sought. so far as according a wide measure of personal liberty to its members will compass that end, the personal liberty doctrine is a good one; but if it is held as a metaphysical dogma, to deny that the race may take any action necessary in its own interest, at the expense of the individual, this dogma becomes suicidal. as for "reducing humanity to the level of the barn-yard," this is merely a catch-phrase intended to arouse prejudice and to obscure the facts. the reader may judge for himself whether the eugenic program will degrade mankind to the level of the brutes, or whether it will ennoble it, beautify it, and increase its happiness. the delusion which so many people hold, that it is impossible to put artificial restraint on the relations between the sexes, is amazing. restraint is already a _fait accompli_. every civilized nation already puts restrictions on numerous classes of people, as has been noted--minors, criminals, and the insane, for example. even though this restriction is usually based on legal, rather than biological grounds, it is nevertheless a restriction, and sets a precedent for further restrictions, if any precedent were needed. [illustration: "mongolian" deficiency fig. .--a common type of feeble-mindedness is accompanied by a face called mongoloid, because of a certain resemblance to that of some of the mongolian races as will be noted above. the mother at the left and the father were normal. this type seems not to be inherited, but due to some other influence,--goddard suggests uterine exhaustion from too many frequent pregnancies.] it is, we conclude, both desirable and possible to enforce certain restrictions on marriage and parenthood. what these restrictions may be, and to whom they should be applied, is next to be considered. chapter ix the dysgenic classes before examining the methods by which society can put into effect some measure of negative or restrictive eugenics, it may be well to decide what classes of the population can properly fall within the scope of such treatment. strictly speaking, the problem is of course one of individuals rather than classes, but for the sake of convenience it will be treated as one of classes, it being understood that no individual should be put under restriction with eugenic intent merely because he may be supposed to belong to a given class; but that each case must be investigated on its own merits,--and investigated with much more care than has hitherto usually been thought necessary by many of those who have advocated restrictive eugenic measures. the first class demanding attention is that of those feeble-minded whose condition is due to heredity. there is reason to believe that at least two-thirds of the feeble-minded in the united states owe their condition directly to heredity,[ ] and will transmit it to a large per cent of their descendants, if they have any. feeble-minded persons from sound stock, whose arrested development is due to scarlet fever or some similar disease of childhood, or to accident, are of course not of direct concern to eugenists. the number of patent feeble-minded in the united states is probably not less than , , while the number of latent individuals--those carrying the taint in their germ-plasm and capable of transmitting it to their descendants, although the individuals themselves may show good mental development--is necessarily much greater. the defect is highly hereditary in nature: when two innately feeble-minded persons marry, all their offspring, almost without exception, are feeble-minded. the feeble-minded are never of much value to society--they never present such instances as are found among the insane, of persons with some mental lack of balance, who are yet geniuses. if restrictive eugenics dealt with no other class than the hereditarily feeble-minded, and dealt with that class effectively, it would richly justify its existence. but there are other classes on which it can act with safety as well as profit, and one of these is made up by the germinally insane. according to the census of , there are , insane in institutions in the united states; there are also a certain number outside of institutions, as to whom information can not easily be obtained. the number in the hospitals represented a ratio of . per , of the general population. in , when the enumeration of insane was particularly complete, a total of , was reported--a ratio of . per , of the total population at that time. this apparent increase of insanity has been subjected to much analysis, and it is admitted that part of it can be explained away. people are living longer now than formerly, and as insanity is primarily a disease of old age, the number of insane is thus increased. better means of diagnosis are undoubtedly responsible for some of the apparent increase. but when every conceivable allowance is made, there yet remains ground for belief that the proportion of insane persons in the population is increasing each year. this is partly due to immigration, as is indicated by the immense and constantly increasing insane population of the state of new york, where most immigrants land. in some cases, people who actually show some form of insanity may slip past the examiners; in the bulk of cases, probably, an individual is adapted to leading a normal life in his native environment, but transfer to the more strenuous environment of an american city proves to be too much for his nervous organization. the general flow of population from the country to large cities has a similar effect in increasing the number of insane. but when all is said, the fact remains that there are several hundred thousand insane persons in the united states, many of whom are not prevented from reproducing their kind, and that by this failure to restrain them society is putting a heavy burden of expense, unhappiness and a fearful dysgenic drag on coming generations. the word "insanity," as is frequently objected, means little or nothing from a biological point of view--it is a sort of catch-all to describe many different kinds of nervous disturbance. no one can properly be made the subject of restrictive measures for eugenic reasons, merely because he is said to be "insane." it would be wholly immoral so to treat, for example, a man or woman who was suffering from the form of insanity which sometimes follows typhoid fever. but there are certain forms of mental disease, generally lumped under the term "insanity," which indicate a hereditarily disordered nervous organization, and individuals suffering from one of these diseases should certainly not be given any chance to perpetuate their insanity to posterity. two types of insanity are now recognized as especially transmissible:--dementia precox, a sort of precocious old age, in which the patient (generally young) sinks into a lethargy from which he rarely recovers; and manic-depressive insanity, an over-excitable condition, in which there are occasional very erratic motor discharges, alternating with periods of depression. constitutional psychopathic inferiority, which means a lack of emotional adaptability, usually shows in the family history. the common type of insanity which is characterized by mild hallucinations is of less concern from a eugenic point of view. in general, the insane are more adequately restricted than any other dysgenic class in the community; not because the community recognizes the disadvantage of letting them reproduce their kind, but because there is a general fear of them, which leads to their strict segregation; and because an insane person is not considered legally competent to enter into a marriage contract. in general, the present isolation of the sexes at institutions for the insane is satisfactory; the principal problem which insanity presents lies in the fact that an individual is frequently committed to a hospital or asylum, kept there a few years until apparently cured, and then discharged; whereupon he returns to his family to beget offspring that are fairly likely to become insane at some period in their lives. every case of insanity should be accompanied by an investigation of the patient's ancestry, and if there is unmistakable evidence of serious neuropathic taint, such steps as are necessary should be taken to prevent that individual from becoming a parent at any time. the hereditary nature of most types of epilepsy is generally held to be established,[ ] and restrictive measures should be used to prevent the increase of the number of epileptics in the country. it has been calculated that the number of epileptics in the state of new jersey, where the most careful investigation of the problem has been made, will double every years under present conditions. in dealing with both insanity and epilepsy, the eugenist faces the difficulty that occasionally people of the very kind whose production he most wishes to see encouraged--real geniuses--may carry the taint. the exaggerated claims of the italian anthropologist c. lombroso and his school, in regard to the close relation between genius and insanity, have been largely disproved; yet there remains little doubt that the two sometimes do go together; and such supposed epileptics as mohammed, julius cæsar, and napoleon will at once be called to mind. to apply sweeping restrictive measures would prevent the production of a certain amount of talent of a very high order. the situation can only be met by dealing with every case on its individual merits, and recognizing that it is to the interests of society to allow some very superior individuals to reproduce, even though part of their posterity may be mentally or physically somewhat unsound. a field survey in two typical counties of indiana ( ) showed that there were . recognizable epileptics per thousand population. if these figures should approximately hold good for the entire united states, the number of epileptics can hardly be put at less than , . some of them are not anti-social, but many of them are. feeble-mindedness and insanity were also included in the census mentioned, and the total number of the three kinds of defectives was found to be per thousand in one county and . per thousand in the other. this would suggest a total for the entire united states of something like one million. in addition to these well-recognized classes of hopelessly defective, there is a class of defectives embracing very diverse characteristics, which demands careful consideration. in it are those who are germinally physical weaklings or deformed, those born with a hereditary diathesis or predisposition toward some serious disease (e.g., huntington's chorea), and those with some gross defect of the organs of special sense. the germinally blind and deaf will particularly occur to mind in the latter connection. cases falling in this category demand careful scrutiny by biological and psychological experts, before any action can be taken in the interest of eugenics; in many cases the affected individual himself will be glad to coöperate with society by remaining celibate or by the practice of birth control, to the end of leaving no offspring to bear what he has borne. finally, we come to the great class of delinquents who have hitherto been made the particular object of solicitude, on the part of those who have looked with favor upon sterilization legislation. the chronic inebriate, the confirmed criminal, the prostitute, the pauper, all deserve careful study by the eugenist. in many cases they will be found to be feeble-minded, and proper restriction of the feeble-minded will meet their cases. thus there is reason to believe that from a third to two-thirds of the prostitutes in american cities are feeble-minded.[ ] they should be committed to institutions for the feeble-minded and kept there. it is certain that many of the pauper class, which fills up almshouses, are similarly deficient. indeed, the census of discovered that of the , paupers in institutions on the first of january in that year, , were feeble-minded, , insane, , epileptic, deaf-mute, , blind, , crippled, maimed or deformed. a total of . % of the whole had some serious physical or mental defect. obviously, most of these would be taken care of under some other heading, in the program of restrictive eugenics. while paupers should be prohibited from reproduction as long as they are in state custody, careful discrimination is necessary in the treatment of those whose condition is due more to environment than heredity. in a consideration of the chronic inebriate, the problem of environmental influences is again met in an acute form, aggravated by the venom of controversy engendered by bigotry and self-interest. that many chronic inebriates owe their condition almost wholly to heredity, and are likely to leave offspring of the same character, is indisputable. as to the possibility of "reforming" such an individual, there may be room for a difference of opinion; as to the possibility of reforming his germ-plasm, there can be none. society owes them the best possible care, and part of its care should certainly be to see that they do not reproduce their kind. as to the borderland cases--and in the matter of inebriety borderland is perhaps bigger than mainland--it is doubtful whether much direct action can be taken in the present state of scientific knowledge and of public sentiment. education of public opinion to avoid marriage with drunkards will probably be the most effective means of procedure. finally, there is the criminal class, over which the respective champions of heredity and environment have so often waged partisan warfare. there is probably no field in which restrictive eugenics would think of interfering, where it encounters so much danger as here--danger of wronging both the individual and society. laws such as have been passed in several states, providing for the sterilization of criminals _as such,_ must be deplored by the eugenist as much as they are by the pseudo-sociologist who "does not believe in heredity"; but this is not saying that there are not many cases in which eugenic action is desirable; for inheritance of a lack of emotional control makes a man in one sense a "born criminal."[ ] he is not, in most respects, the creature which he was made out to be by lombroso and his followers; but he exists, nevertheless, and no ameliorative treatment given him will be of such value to society as preventing his reproduction. the feeble-minded who make up a large proportion of the petty criminals that fill the jails, must, of course, be excluded from this discussion except to note that their conviction assists in discovering their defect. they should be treated as feeble-minded, not as criminals.[ ] those who may have been made criminals by society, by their environment, must also be excepted. in an investigation, the benefit of the doubt should be given to the individual. but when every possible concession is made to the influence of environment, the psychiatric study of the individual and the investigation of his family history still show that there are criminals who congenitally lack the inhibitions and instincts which make it possible for others to be useful members of society.[ ] when a criminal of this natural type is found, the duty of society is unquestionably to protect itself by cutting off that line of descent. this, we believe, covers all the classes which are at this time proper subjects for direct restrictive action with eugenic intent; and we repeat that the problem is not to deal with classes as a whole, but to deal with individuals of the kind described, for the sake of convenience, in the above categories. artificial class names mean nothing to evolution. it would be a crime to cut off the posterity of a desirable member of society merely because he happened to have been popularly stigmatized by some class name that carried opprobrium with it. similarly it would be immoral to encourage or permit the reproduction of a manifestly defective member of society of the kinds indicated, even though that individual might in some way have secured the protection of a class name that was generally considered desirable. bearing this in mind, we believe no one can object to a proposal to prevent the reproduction of those feeble-minded, insane, epileptic, grossly defective or hopelessly delinquent people, whose condition can be proved to be due to heredity and is therefore probably transmissible to their offspring. we can imagine only one objection that might be opposed to all the advantages of such a program--namely, that no proper means can be found for putting it into effect. this objection is occasionally urged, but we believe it to be wholly without weight. we now propose to examine the various possible methods of restrictive eugenics, and to inquire which of them society can most profitably adopt. chapter x methods of restriction the means of restriction can be divided into coercive and non-coercive. we shall discuss the former first, interpreting the word "coercive" very broadly. from an historical point of view, the first method which presents itself is execution. this has been used since the beginning of the race, very probably, although rarely with a distinct understanding of its eugenic effect; and its value in keeping up the standard of the race should not be underestimated. it is a method the use of which prevents the rectification of mistakes. there are arguments against it on other grounds, which need not be discussed here, since it suffices to say that to put to death defectives or delinquents is wholly out of accord with the spirit of the times, and is not seriously considered by the eugenics movement. the next possible method castration. this has practically nothing to recommend it, except that it is effective--an argument that can also be made for the "lethal chamber." the objections against it are overwhelming. it has hardly been advocated, even by extremists, save for those whose sexual instincts are extremely disordered; but such advocacy is based on ignorance of the results. as a fact, castration frequently does not diminish the sexual impulses. its use should be limited to cases where desirable for therapeutic reasons as well. it is possible, however, to render either a man or woman sterile by a much less serious operation than castration. this operation, which has gained wide attention in recent years under the name of "sterilization," usually takes the form of vasectomy in man and salpingectomy in woman; it is desirable that the reader should have a clear understanding of its nature. vasectomy is a trivial operation performed in a few minutes, almost painlessly with the use of cocain as a local anæsthetic; it is sometimes performed with no anæsthetic whatever. the patient's sexual life is not affected in any way, save in the one respect that he is sterile. salpingectomy is more serious, because the operation can not be performed so near the surface of the body. the sexual life of the subject is in no way changed, save that she is rendered barren; but the operation is attended by illness and expense. the general advantage claimed for sterilization, as a method of preventing the reproduction of persons whose offspring would probably be a detriment to race progress, is the accomplishment of the end in view without much expense to the state, and without interfering with the "liberty and pursuit of happiness" of the individual. the general objection to it is that by removing all fear of consequences from an individual, it is likely to lead to the spread of sexual immorality and venereal disease. this objection is entitled to some consideration; but there exists a still more fundamental objection against sterilization as a program--namely, that it is sometimes not fair to the individual. its eugenic effects may be all that are desired; but in some cases its euthenic effects must frequently be deplorable. most of the persons whom it is proposed to sterilize are utterly unfit to hold their own in the world, in competition with normal people. for society to sterilize the feeble-minded, the insane, the alcoholic, the born criminals, the epileptic, and then turn them out to shift for themselves, saying, "we have no further concern with you, now that we know you will leave no children behind you," is unwise. people of this sort should be humanely isolated, so that they will be brought into competition only with their own kind; and they should be kept so segregated, not only until they have passed the reproductive age, but until death brings them relief from their misfortunes. such a course is, in most cases, the only one worthy of a christian nation; and it is obvious that if such a course is followed, the sexes can be effectively separated without difficulty, and any sterilization operation will be unnecessary. generally speaking, the only objection urged against segregation is that of expense. in reply, it may be said that the expense will decrease steadily, when segregation is viewed as a long-time investment, because the number of future wards of the state of any particular type will be decreasing every year. moreover, a large part of the expense can be met by properly organizing the labor of the inmates. this is particularly true of the feeble-minded, who will make up the largest part of the burden because of their numbers and the fact that most of them are not now under state care. as for the insane, epileptic, incorrigibly criminal, and the other defectives and delinquents embraced in the program, the state is already taking care of a large proportion of them, and the additional expense of making this care life-long, and extending it to those not yet under state control, but equally deserving of it, could probably be met by better organization of the labor of the persons involved, most of whom are able to do some sort of work that will at least cover the cost of their maintenance. that the problem is less serious than has often been supposed, may be illustrated by the following statement from h. hastings hart of the russell sage foundation: "of the , (estimated) mentally defective women of child-bearing age in the state of new york, only about , are cared for in institutions designated for the care of the feeble-minded, and about , are confined in insane asylums, reformatories and prisons, while at least , (probably many more) are at large in the community. "with reference to the , feeble-minded who are confined in hospitals for insane, prisons and reformatories and almshouses, the state would actually be the financial gainer by providing for them in custodial institutions. at the rome custodial asylum , inmates are humanely cared for at $ . per week. the same class of inmates is being cared for in the boys' reformatories at $ . ; in the hospitals for insane at $ . ; in the girls' reformatory at $ . , and in the almshouse at about $ . . if all of these persons were transferred to an institution conducted on the scale of the rome custodial asylum, they would not only relieve these other institutions of inmates who do not belong there and who are a great cause of care and anxiety, but they would make room for new patients of the proper class, obviating the necessity for enlargement. the money thus saved would build ample institutions for the care of these people at a much less per capita cost than that of the prisons, reformatories and asylums where they are now kept, and the annual per capita cost of maintenance would be reduced from to per cent., except in almshouses, where the cost would be increased about $ per week, but the almshouse inmates compose only a small fraction of the whole number. "i desire to emphasize the fact that one-half of the feeble-minded of this state are already under public care, but that two-thirds of them are cared for in the wrong kind of institutions. this difficulty can be remedied without increasing the public burden, in the manner already suggested. that leaves , feeble-minded for whom no provision has yet been made. it must be remembered that these , persons are being cared for in some way. we do not allow them to starve to death, but they are fed, clothed and housed, usually by the self-denying labor of their relatives. thousands of poor mothers are giving up their lives largely to the care of a feeble-minded child, but these mothers are unable to so protect them from becoming a menace to the community, and, in the long run, it would be far more economical for the community to segregate them in institutions than to allow them to remain in their homes, only to become ultimately paupers, criminals, prostitutes or parents of children like themselves." some sort of provision is now made for some of the feeble-minded in every state excepting eleven, viz.: alabama, arizona, florida, georgia, louisiana, nevada, new mexico, south carolina, tennessee and utah and west virginia. delaware sends a few cases to pennsylvania institutions; other states sometimes care for especially difficult cases in hospitals for the insane. the district of columbia should be added to the list, as having no institution for the care of its or more feeble-minded. alaska is likewise without such an institution. of the several hundred thousand feeble-minded persons in the united states, probably not more than a tenth are getting the institutional care which is needed in most cases for their own happiness, and in nearly every case for the protection of society. it is evident that a great deal of new machinery must be created, or old institutions extended, to meet this pressing problem--[ ] a problem to which, fortunately, the public is showing signs of awakening. in our opinion, the most promising attempt to solve the problem has been made by the training school of vineland, new jersey, through its "colony plan." superintendent e. r. johnstone of the training school describes the possibilities of action along this line, as follows:[ ] there are idiots, imbeciles, morons and backward children. the morons and the backward children are found in the public schools in large numbers. goddard's studies showed twelve per cent. of an entire school district below the high school to be two or three years behind their grades, and three per cent. four or more years behind. it is difficult for the expert to draw the line between these two classes, and parents and teachers are loth to admit that the morons are defective. this problem can best be solved by the establishment of special classes in the public schools for all who lag more than one year behind. if for no other reason, the normal children should be relieved of the drag of these backward pupils. the special classes will become the clearing houses. the training should be largely manual and industrial and as practical as possible. as the number of classes in any school district increases, the classification will sift out those who are merely backward and a little coaching and special attention will return them to the grades. the others--the morons--will remain and as long as they are not dangerous to society (sexually or otherwise) they may live at home and attend the special classes. as they grow older they will be transferred to proper custodial institutions. in the city districts, where there are many classes, this will occur between twelve and sixteen years of age. in the country districts it will occur earlier. these institutions will be the training schools and will form the center for the training and care of the other two groups, i. e., the imbeciles and idiots. branching out from the training schools should be colonies (unless the parent institution is on a very large tract of ground, which is most advisable). these colonies, or groups of comparatively small buildings, should be of two classes. for the imbeciles, simple buildings costing from two to four hundred dollars per inmate. the units might well be one hundred. a unit providing four dormitories, bath house, dining-halls, employees' buildings, pump house, water tank, sewage disposal, laundry, stables and farm buildings can be built within the above figures providing the buildings are of simple construction and one story. this has been done at vineland by having the larger imbecile and moron boys make the cement blocks of which the buildings are constructed. for the idiots the construction can be much the same. larger porches facing the south and more toilet fixtures will be necessary, and so add a little to the cost. the colony should be located on rough uncleared land--preferable forestry land. here these unskilled fellows find happy and useful occupation, waste humanity taking waste land and thus not only contributing toward their own support, but also making over land that would otherwise be useless. one reason for building inexpensive buildings is that having cleared a large tract--say , acres--the workers can be moved to another waste tract and by brushing, clearing of rocks, draining and what not, increase its value sufficiently to keep on moving indefinitely. many of these boy-men make excellent farmers, dairymen, swineherds and poultry raisers under proper direction, and in the winter they can work in the tailor, paint, carpenter, mattress and mat shops. nor need this be confined to the males alone. the girl-women raise poultry, small fruits and vegetables very successfully. they pickle and can the products of the land, and in winter do knitting, netting and sewing of all kinds. no manufacturer of to-day has let the product of his plant go to waste as society has wasted the energies of this by-product of humanity. and the feeble-minded are happy when they have occupation suited to their needs. if one will but see them when they are set at occupations within their comprehension and ability, he will quickly understand the joy they get out of congenial work. colonies such as mr. johnstone describes will take care of the able-bodied feeble-minded; other institutions will provide for the very young and the aged; finally, there will always be many of these defectives who can best be "segregated" in their own homes; whose relatives have means and inclination to care for them, and sufficient feeling of responsibility to see that the interests of society are protected. if there is any doubt on this last point, the state should itself assume charge, or should sterilize the defective individuals; but it is not likely that sterilization will need to be used to any large extent in the solution of this problem. in general it may be said that feeble-mindedness is the greatest single dysgenic problem facing the country, that it can be effectively solved by segregation, and that it presents no great difficulty save the initial one of arousing the public to its importance. similarly the hereditarily insane and epileptic can best be cared for through life-long segregation--a course which society is likely to adopt readily, because of a general dread of having insane and epileptic persons at liberty in the community. there are undoubtedly cases where the relatives of the affected individual can and should assume responsibility for his care. no insane or epileptic person whose condition is probably of a hereditary character should be allowed to leave an institution unless it is absolutely certain that he or she will not become a parent: if sterilization is the only means to assure this, then it should be used. in many cases it has been found that the individual and his relatives welcome such a step. the habitual criminals, the chronic alcoholics, and the other defectives whom we have mentioned as being undesirable parents, will in most cases need to be given institutional care throughout life, in their own interest as well as that of society. this is already being done with many of them, and the extension of the treatment involves no new principle nor special difficulty. it should be borne in mind that, from a eugenic point of view, the essential element in segregation is not so much isolation from society, but separation of the two sexes. properly operated, segregation increases the happiness of the individuals segregated, as well as working to the advantage of the body politic. in most cases the only objection to it is the expense, and this, as we have shown, need not be an insuperable difficulty. for these reasons, we believe that segregation is the best way in which to restrict the reproduction of those whose offspring could hardly fail to be undesirable, and that sterilization should be looked upon only as an adjunct, to be used in special cases where it may seem advantageous to allow an individual full liberty, or partial liberty, and yet where he or she can not be trusted to avoid reproduction. having reached this point in the discussion of restrictive eugenics, it may be profitable to consider the so-called "eugenic laws" which have been before the public in many states during recent years. they are one of the first manifestations of an awakening public conscience on the subject of eugenics; they show that the public, or part of it, feels the necessity of action; they equally show that the principles which should guide restrictive eugenics are not properly understood by most of those who have interested themselves in the legislative side of the program. twelve states now have laws on their statute books (but usually not in force) providing for the sterilization of certain classes of individuals. similar laws have been passed in a number of other states, but were vetoed by the governors; while in many others bills have been introduced but not passed. we shall review only the bills which are actually on the statute books in , and shall not attempt to detail all the provisions of them, but shall consider only the means by which they propose to attain a eugenic end. the state of indiana allows the sterilization of all inmates of state institutions, deemed by a commission of three surgeons to be unimprovable physically or mentally, and unfit for procreation. the object is purely eugenic. after a few hundred operations had been performed in jeffersonville reformatory, the law aroused the hostility of governor thomas r. marshall, who succeeded in preventing its enforcement; since we believe it has not been in effect. it is defectively drawn in some ways, particularly because it includes those who will be kept in custody for life, and who are therefore not proper objects of sterilization. the washington law applies to habitual criminals and sex offenders; it is a punitive measure which may be ordered by the court passing sentence on the offender, but has never been put in force. sterilization is not a suitable method of punishment, and its value as a eugenic instrument is jeopardized by the interjection of the punitive motive. california applied her law to all inmates (not voluntary) of state hospitals for the insane and the state home for the feeble-minded, and all recidivists in the state prisons. the motive is partly eugenic, partly therapeutic, partly punitive. it is reported[ ] that operations have been performed under this law, which is administered by the state commission for the insane, the resident physician of any state prison, and the medical superintendent of any state institution for "fools and idiots." for several years california had the distinction of being the only state where sterilization was actually being performed in accordance with the law. the california measure applies to those serving life sentences--an unnecessary application. although falling short of an ideal measure in some other particulars, it seems on the whole to be satisfactorily administered. connecticut's law provides that all inmates of state prisons and of the state hospitals at middletown and norwich may be sterilized if such action is recommended by a board of three surgeons, on eugenic or therapeutic grounds. it has been applied to a few insane persons ( , up to september, ). nevada has a purely punitive sterilization law applying to habitual criminals and sex offenders. the courts, which are authorized to apply it, have never done so. [illustration: feeble-minded men are capable of much rough labor fig. .--most of the cost of segregating the mentally defective can be met by properly organizing their labor, so as to make them as nearly self-supporting as possible. it has been found that they perform excellently such work as clearing forest land, or reforesting cleared land, and great gangs of them might profitably be put at such work, in most states. photograph from the training school, vineland, n. j.] [illustration: feeble-minded at a vineland colony fig. .--they have the bodies of adults but the minds of children. it is not to the interest of the state that they should be allowed to mingle with the normal population; and it is quite as little to their own interest, for they are not capable of competing successfully with people who are normal mentally.] iowa's comprehensive statute applies to inmates of public institutions for criminals, rapists, idiots, feeble-minded, imbeciles, lunatics, drug fiends, epileptics, syphilitics, moral and sexual perverts and diseased and degenerate persons. it is compulsory in case of persons twice convicted of felony or of a sexual offense other than "white slavery," in which offense one conviction makes sterilization mandatory. the state parole board, with the managing officer and physician of each institution, constitute the executive authorities. the act has many objectionable features, one of the most striking of which is the inclusion of syphilitics under the head of persons whom it is proposed to sterilize. as syphilis is a curable disease, there is scarcely more reason for sterilizing those afflicted with it than there is for sterilizing persons with measles. it is true that the sterilization of a large number of syphilitics might have a eugenic effect, if the cured syphilitics had a permanently impaired germ-plasm--a proposition which is very doubtful. but the framers of the law apparently were not influenced by that aspect of the case, and in any event such a method of procedure is too round-about to be commendable. criminals as such, and syphilitics, should certainly be removed from the workings of this law, and dealt with in some other way. however, no operations are reported as having been performed under the act. new jersey's law, which has never been operative, represents a much more advanced statute; it applies to inmates of state reformatories, charitable and penal institutions (rapists and confirmed criminals) and provides for a board of expert examiners, as well as for legal procedure. new york's law, applying to inmates of state hospitals for the insane, state prisons, reformatories and charitable institutions, is also fairly well drawn, providing for a board of examiners, and surrounding the operation with legal safeguards. no operations have been performed under it. north dakota includes inmates of state prisons, reform school, school for feeble-minded and asylum for the insane in its law, which is administered by a special board. although an emergency clause was tacked on, when it was passed in , putting it into effect at once, no operations have been performed under it. michigan's law applies to all inmates of state institutions maintained wholly or in part at public expense. it lacks many of the provisions of an ideal law, but is being applied to some of the feeble-minded. the kansas law, which provides suitable court procedure, embraces inmates of all state institutions intrusted with the care or custody of habitual criminals, idiots, epileptics, imbeciles or insane, an "habitual criminal" being defined as "a person who has been convicted of some felony involving moral turpitude." it has been a dead letter ever since it was placed on the statute books. wisconsin[ ] provides for a special board to consider the cases of "all inmates of state and county institutions for criminal, insane, feeble-minded and epileptic persons," prior to their release. the law has some good features, and has been applied to a hundred or more feeble-minded persons. in the american breeders' association appointed a "committee to study and report on the best practical means of cutting off the defective germ-plasm in the american population," and this committee has been at work ever since, under auspices of the eugenics record office, making a particular study of legal sterilization. it points out[ ] that a sterilization law, to be of the greatest possible value, must: ( ) consider sterilization as a eugenic measure, not as a punitive or even therapeutic one. ( ) provide due process of law, before any operation is carried out. ( ) provide adequate and competent executive agents. ( ) designate only proper classes of persons as subject to the law. ( ) provide for the nomination of individuals for sterilization, by suitable procedure. ( ) make an adequate investigation of each case, the family history being the most important part, and one which is often neglected at present. ( ) have express and adequate criteria for determining upon sterilization. ( ) designate the type of operation authorized. ( ) make each distinct step mandatory and fix definitely the responsibility for it. ( ) make adequate appropriation for carrying out the measure. tested by such standards, there is not a sterilization law in existence in the united states at the time this is written that is wholly commendable; and those introduced in various states during the last few years, but not passed, show few signs of improvement. it is evident that the commendable zeal has not had adequate guidance, in the drafting of sterilization legislation. the committee above referred to has drawn up a model law, and states which wish to adopt a program of legislative sterilization should pass a measure embodying at least the principles of this model law. but, as we have pointed out, wholesale sterilization is an unsatisfactory substitute for segregation. there are cases where it is advisable, in states too poor or niggardly to care adequately for their defectives and delinquents, but eugenists should favor segregation as the main policy, with sterilization for the special cases as previously indicated. there is another way in which attempts have recently been made to restrict the reproduction of anti-social persons: by putting restrictions on marriage. this form of campaign, although usually calling itself eugenic, has been due far less to eugenists than to sex hygienists who have chosen to sail under a borrowed flag. every eugenist must wish them success in their efforts to promote sex hygiene, but it is a matter of regret that they can not place their efforts in the proper light, for their masquerade as a eugenic propaganda has brought undeserved reproach on the eugenics movement. the customary form of legal action in this case is to demand that both applicants for a marriage license, or in some cases only the male, sign an affidavit or present a certificate from some medical authority stating that an examination has been made and the applicant found to be free from any venereal disease. in some cases other diseases or mental defects are included. when the law prevents marriage on account of insanity, feeble-mindedness, or other hereditary defect, it obviously has a eugenic value; but in so far as it concerns itself with venereal diseases, which are not hereditary, it is only of indirect interest to eugenics. the great objection to such laws is that they are too easily evaded by the persons whom they are intended to reach--a fact that has been demonstrated conclusively wherever they have been put in force. furthermore, the nature of the examination demanded is usually wholly inadequate to ascertain whether the applicant really is or is not afflicted with a venereal disease. finally, it is to be borne in mind that the denial of a marriage license will by no means prevent reproduction, among the anti-social classes of the community. for these reasons, the so-called eugenic laws of several states, which provide for a certificate of health before a marriage license is issued, are not adequate eugenic measures. they have some value in awakening public sentiment to the value of a clean record in a prospective life partner. to the extent that they are enforced, the probability that persons afflicted with venereal disease are on the average eugenically inferior to the unaffected gives these laws some eugenic effect. we are not called on to discuss them from a hygienic point of view; but we believe that it is a mistake for eugenists to let legislation of this sort be anything but a minor achievement, to be followed up by more efficient legislation. laws which tend to surround marriage with a reasonable amount of formality and publicity are, in general, desirable eugenically. they tend to discourage hasty and secret marriages, and to make matrimony appear as a matter in which the public has a legitimate interest, and which is not to be undertaken lightly and without consideration. laws compelling the young to get the consent of their parents before marriage are to be placed in this category; and likewise the german law which requires the presentation of birth-certificates before a marriage license is issued. a revival under proper form of the old custom of publishing the banns is desirable. undoubtedly many hasty and ill-considered marriages are contracted at the present time, with dysgenic results, which could be prevented if the relatives and friends of the contracting parties knew what was going on, and could bring to light defects or objections unknown or not properly realized by the young people. among other states, missouri has recently considered such a law, proposing that each applicant for a marriage license be required to present a certificate from a reputable physician, stating in concise terms the applicant's health and his fitness to marry. notice of application for a marriage license shall be published in a daily paper three consecutive times, at the expense of the county. if at the expiration of one day from the publication of the last notice, no charges have been filed with the recorder alleging the applicants' unfitness to marry, license shall be granted. if objection be made by three persons not related in blood to each other, on the ground of any item mentioned in the physician's certificate, the case shall be taken before the circuit court; if the court sustains the objection of these three unrelated persons, a license to wed shall be denied; if the court overrules the objection, the license shall be granted and court costs charged to the objectors. although interesting as showing the drift of public sentiment toward a revival of the banns, this proposed law is poorly drawn. three unrelated laymen and the judge of a circuit court are not the proper persons to decide on the biological fitness of a proposed marriage. we believe the interests of eugenics would be sufficiently met at this time by a law which provided that adequate notice of application for marriage license should be published, and no license granted (except under exceptional circumstances) until the expiration of two weeks from the publication of the notice. this would give families and friends time to act; but it is probably not practicable to forbid the issuance of a license at the expiration of the designated time, unless evidence is brought forward showing that one of the applicants is not legally capable of contracting marriage because of a previous mate still living and undivorced, or because of insanity, feeble-mindedness, under age, etc. such a law, we believe, could be put on the statute books of any state, and enforced, without arousing prejudices or running counter to public sentiment; and its eugenic value, if small, would certainly be real. this exhausts the list of suggested coercive means of restricting the reproduction of the inferior. what we propose is, we believe, a very modest program, and one which can be carried out, as soon as public opinion is educated on the subject, without any great sociological, legal or financial hindrances. we suggest nothing more than that individuals whose offspring would almost certainly be subversive of the general welfare, be prevented from having any offspring. in most cases, such individuals are, or should be, given life-long institutional care for their own benefit, and it is an easy matter, by segregation of the sexes, to prevent reproduction. in a few cases, it will probably be found desirable to sterilize the individual by a surgical operation. such coercive restriction does, in some cases, sacrifice what may be considered personal rights. in such instances, personal rights must give way before the immensely greater interests of the race. but there is a much larger class of cases, where coercion can not be approved, and yet where an enlightened conscience, or the subtle force of public opinion, may well bring about some measure of restraint on reproduction. this class includes many individuals who are not in any direct way detrimental to society; and who yet have some inherited taint or defect that should be checked, and of which they, if enlightened, would probably be the first to desire the elimination. the number of high-minded persons who deliberately refrain from marriage, or parenthood, in the interests of posterity, is greater than any one imagines, except a eugenist brought into intimate relations with people who take an intelligent interest in the subject. x. comes, let us say, from a family in which there is a persistent taint of epilepsy, or insanity. x. is a normal, useful, conscientious member of society. to talk of segregating such an individual would be rash. but x. has given some thought to heredity and eugenics, and decides that he, or she, will refrain from marriage, in order to avoid transmitting the family taint to another generation. here we have, in effect, a non-coercive restriction of reproduction. what shall we say of the action of x. in remaining celibate,--is it wise or unwise? to be encouraged or condemned? it is perhaps the most delicate problem which applied eugenics offers. it is a peculiarly personal one, and the outsider who advises in such a case is assuming a heavy responsibility, not only in regard to the future welfare of the race, but to the individual happiness of x. we can not accept the sweeping generalization sometimes made that "strength should marry weakness and weakness marry strength." no more can we hold fast to the ideal, which we believe to be utopian, that "strength should only marry strength." there are cases where such glittering generalities are futile; where the race and the individual would both be gainers by a marriage which produced children that had the family taint, but either latent or not to a degree serious enough to counteract their value. the individual must decide for himself with especial reference to the trait in question and his other compensating qualities; but he should at least have the benefit of whatever light genetics can offer him, before he makes his decision. for the sake of a concrete example, let us suppose that a man, in whose ancestry tuberculosis has appeared for several generations, is contemplating marriage. the first thing to be remembered is that if he marries a woman with a similar family history, their children will have a double inheritance of the taint, and are almost certain to be affected unless living in an especially favorable region. it would _in most cases_ be best that no children result from such a marriage. on the other hand, the man may marry a woman in whose family consumption is unknown. the chance of their children being tuberculous will not be great; nevertheless the taint, the diathesis, will be passed on just the same, although concealed, possibly to appear at some future time. such a marriage is in some ways more dangerous to the race, in the long run, than that of "weakness with weakness." yet society at present certainly has no safe grounds for interference, if such a marriage is made. if the two persons come of superior stock, it seems _probable_ that the gain will outweigh the loss. in any event, it is at least to be expected that both man and woman would have a deliberate consciousness of what they are doing, and that no person with any honor would enter into a marriage, concealing a defect in his or her ancestry. love is usually blind enough to overlook such a thing, but if it chooses not to, it ought not to be blindfolded. in short, the mating of strength with strength is certainly the ideal which society should have and which every individual should have. but human heredity is so mixed that this ideal is not always practicable; and if any two persons wish to abandon it, society is hardly justified in interfering, unless the case be so gross as those which we were discussing in the first part of this chapter. progress in this direction is to be expected mainly from the enlightened action of the individual. much more progress in the study of heredity must be made before advice on marriage matings can be given in any except fairly obvious cases. the most that can now be done is to urge that a full knowledge of the family history of an intended life partner be sought, to encourage the discreet inquiries and subtle guidance of parents, and to appeal to the eugenic conscience of a young man or woman. in case of doubt the advice of a competent biologist should be taken. there is a real danger that high-minded people may allow some minor physical defect to outweigh a greater mental excellence. there remains one other non-coercive method of influencing the distribution of marriage, which deserves consideration in this connection. we have said that society can not well put many restrictions on marriage at the present time. we urge by every means at our command that marriage be looked upon more seriously, that it be undertaken with more deliberation and consideration. we consider it a crime for people to marry, without knowing each other's family histories. but in spite of all this, ill-assorted, dysgenic marriages will still be made. when such a marriage is later demonstrated to have been a mistake, not only from an individual, but also from a eugenic point of view, society should be ready to dissolve the union. divorce is far preferable to mere separation, since the unoffending party should not be denied the privilege of remarriage, as the race in most cases needs his or her contribution to the next generation. in extreme cases, it would be proper for society to take adequate steps to insure that the dysgenic party could neither remarry nor have offspring outside marriage. the time-honored justifiable grounds for divorce,--adultery, sterility, impotence, venereal infection, desertion, non-support, habitual cruelty,--appear to us to be no more worthy of legal recognition than the more purely dysgenic grounds of chronic inebriety, feeble-mindedness, epilepsy, insanity or any other serious inheritable physical, mental or moral defect. this view of the eugenic value of divorce should not be construed as a plea for the admission of mutual consent as a ground for divorce. it is desirable, however, to realize that mismating is the real evil. divorce in such cases is merely a cure for an improper condition. social condemnation should stigmatize the wrong of mismating, not the undoing of such a wrong. restrictions on age at marriage are almost universal. the object is to prevent too early marriages. the objections which are commonly urged against early marriage (in so far as they bear upon eugenics) are the following: . that it results in inferior offspring. this objection is not well supported except possibly in the most extreme cases. physically, there is evidence that the younger parents on the whole bear the sounder children. . that a postponement of marriage provides the opportunity for better sexual selection. this is a valid ground for discouraging the marriage of minors. . the better educated classes are obliged to marry late, because a man usually can not marry until he has finished his education and established himself in business. a fair amount of restriction as to age at marriage will therefore not affect these classes, but may affect the uneducated classes. in so far as lack of education is correlated with eugenic inferiority, some restriction of this sort is desirable, because it will keep inferiors from reproducing too rapidly, as compared with the superior elements of the population. while the widespread rule that men should not marry under and women under has some justification, then, an ideal law would permit exceptions where there was adequate income and good mating. laws to prohibit or restrict consanguineous marriages fall within the scope of this chapter, in so far as they are not based on dogma alone, since their aim is popularly supposed to be to prevent marriages that will result in undesirable offspring. examining the laws of all the united states, c. b. davenport[ ] found the following classes excluded from marriage: . sibs (i.e., full brothers and sisters) in all states, and half sibs in most states. . parent and child in all states, and parent and grandchild in all states except pennsylvania. . child and parent's sibs (i.e., niece and uncle, nephew and aunt). prohibited in all but four states. . first cousins. marriages of this type are prohibited in over a third of the states, and tacitly or specifically permitted in the others. . other blood relatives are occasionally prohibited from marrying. thus, second cousins in oklahoma and a child and his or her parent's half sibs in alabama, minnesota, new jersey, texas, and other states. in the closest of blood-relationships the well-nigh universal restrictions should be retained. but when marriage between cousins--the commonest form of consanguineous marriage--is examined, it is found to result frequently well, sometimes ill. there is a widespread belief that such marriages are dangerous, and in support of this idea, one is referred to the histories of various isolated communities where consanguineous marriage is alleged to have led to "an appalling amount of defect and degeneracy." without questioning the facts, one may question the interpretation of the facts, and it seems to us that a wrong interpretation of these stories is partly responsible for the widespread condemnation of cousin marriage at the present time. the bahama islands furnish one of the stock examples. clement a. penrose writes[ ] of them: "in some of the white colonies where black blood has been excluded, and where, owing to their isolated positions, frequent intermarriage has taken place, as for instance at spanish wells, and hopetown, much degeneracy is present, manifested by many abnormalities of mind and body.... i am strongly of the opinion that the deplorable state of degeneracy which we observed at hopetown has been in a great measure, if not entirely, brought about by too close intermarrying of the inhabitants." to demonstrate his point, he took the pains to compile a family tree of the most degenerate strains at hopetown. there are fifty-five marriages represented, and the chart is overlaid with twenty-three red lines, each of which is said to represent an intermarriage. this looks like a good deal of consanguineous mating; but to test the matter a little farther the fraternity at the bottom of the chart,--eight children, of whom five were idiots,--was traced. in the second generation it ran to another island, and when the data gave out, at the fourth generation, there was not a single case of consanguineous marriage involved. another fraternity was then picked out consisting of two men, both idiots and congenitally blind, and a woman who had married and given birth to ten normal children. in the fourth generation this pedigree, which was far from complete, went out of the islands; so far as the data showed there was not a single case of consanguineous marriage. there was one case where a name was repeated, but the author had failed to mark this as a case of intermarriage, if it really was such. it is difficult to share the conviction of dr. penrose, that the two pedigrees investigated, offer an example of the nefarious workings of intermarriage. finally a fraternity was traced to which the author had called particular attention because three of its eleven members were born blind. the defect was described as "optic atrophy associated with a pigmentary retinitis and choryditis" and "this condition," dr. penrose averred, "is one stated by the authorities to be due to the effects of consanguineous marriage." fortunately, the pedigree was fairly full and several lines of it could be carried through the sixth generation. there was, indeed, a considerable amount of consanguineous marriage involved. when the amount of inbreeding represented by these blind boys was measured, it proved to be almost identical with the amount represented by the present kaiser of germany.[ ] we are unable to see in such a history as that of hopetown, bahama islands, any evidence that consanguineous marriage necessarily results in degeneracy. dr. penrose himself points to a potent factor when he says of his chart in another connection: "it will be noticed that only a few of the descendants of widow malone [the first settler at hopetown] are indicated as having married. by this it is not meant that the others did not marry; many of them did, but they moved away and settled elsewhere, and in no way affected the future history of the settlement of hopetown." by moving away, it appears to us, they did very decidedly affect the future history of hopetown. who are the emigrants? might they not have been the more enterprising and intelligent, the physically and mentally superior of the population, who rebelled at the limited opportunities of their little village, and went to seek a fortune in some broader field? did not the best go in general; the misfits, the defectives, stay behind to propagate? emigration in such a case would have the same effect as war; it would drain off the best stock and leave the weaklings to stay home and propagate their kind. under such conditions, defectives would be bound to multiply, regardless of whether or not the marriages are consanguineous. "it will be seen at a glance," dr. penrose writes, "that early in the history of the malone family these indications of degeneracy were absent; but they began in the fourth generation and rapidly increased afterward until they culminated by the presence of five idiots in one family. the original stock was apparently excellent, but the present state of the descendants is deplorable." now three generations of emigration from a little community, which even to-day has only , inhabitants, would naturally make quite a difference in the average eugenic quality of the population. in almost any population, a few defectives are constantly being produced. take out the better individuals, and leave these defectives to multiply, and the amount of degeneracy in the population will increase, regardless of whether the defectives are marrying their cousins, or unrelated persons. the family of five idiots, cited by dr. penrose, is an excellent illustration, for it is not the result of consanguineous marriage--at least, not in a close enough degree to have appeared on the chart. it is doubtless a mating of like with like; and biologically, consanguineous marriage is nothing more. honesty demands, therefore, that consanguineous marriage be not credited with results for which the consanguineous element is in no wise responsible. the prevailing habit of picking out a community or a strain where consanguineous marriage and defects are associated and loudly declaring the one to be the cause of the other, is evidence of the lack of scientific thought that is all too common. most of the studies of these isolated communities where intermarriage has taken place, illustrate the same point. c. b. davenport, for example, quotes[ ] an anonymous correspondent from the island of bermuda, which "shows the usual consequence of island life." he writes: "in some of the parishes (somerset and paget chiefly) there has been much intermarriage, not only with cousins but with double first cousins in several cases. intermarriage has chiefly caused weakness of character leading to drink, not lack of brains or a certain amount of physical strength, but a very inert and lazy disposition." it is difficult to believe that anyone who has lived in the tropics could have written this except as a practical joke. those who have resided in the warmer parts of the world know, by observation if not by experience, that a "weakness of character leading to drink" and "an inert and lazy disposition" are by no means the prerogatives of the inbred. if one is going to credit consanguineous marriage with these evil results, what can one say when evil results fail to follow? what about smith's island, off the coast of maryland, where all the inhabitants are said to be interrelated, and where a physician who lived in the community for three years failed to find among the persons a single case of idiocy, insanity, epilepsy or congenital deafness? what about the community of batz, on the coast of france, where voisin found five marriages of first cousins and thirty-one of second cousins, without a single case of mental defect, congenital deafness, albinism, retinitis pigmentosa or malformation? the population was , , all of whom were said to be interrelated. what about cape cod, whose natives are known throughout new england for their ability? "at a recent visit to the congregational sunday-school," says a student, "i noticed all officers, many teachers, organist, ex-superintendent, and pastor's wife all dyers. a lady at truro united in herself four quarters dyer, father, mother and both grandmothers dyers." and finally, what about the experience of livestock breeders? not only has strict brother and sister mating--the closest inbreeding possible--been carried on experimentally for twenty or twenty-five generations without bad results; but the history of practically every fine breed shows that inbreeding is largely responsible for its excellence. the ptolemies, who ruled egypt for several centuries, wanted to keep the throne in the family, and hence practiced a system of intermating which has long been the classical evidence that consanguineous marriage is not necessarily followed by immediate evil effects. the following fragment of the genealogy of cleopatra vii (mistress of julius cæsar and marc antony) is condensed from weigall's _life and times of cleopatra_ ( ) and ptolemy i | | ptolemy ii | | ptolemy iii m. berenice ii, his half-cousin. | | ptolemy iv m. arsinoë iii, his full sister. | | ptolemy v. | | ptolemy vii m. cleopatra ii, his full sister. | | cleopatra iii m. ptolemy ix (brother of vii), her uncle. | | ptolemy x. m. cleopatra iv, his full sister. | -----| | berenice ii m. ptolemy xi (brother of x), her uncle. | | | | | ptolemy xii, d. without issue, succeeded by his uncle. | | | | ---ptolemy xiii. | | cleopatra vii. shows an amount of continued inbreeding that has never been surpassed in recorded history, and yet did not produce any striking evil results. the ruler's consort is named, only when the two were related. the consanguineous marriages shown in this line of descent are by no means the only ones of the kind that took place in the family, many like them being found in collateral lines. it is certain that consanguineous marriage, being the mating of like with like, intensifies the inheritance of the offspring, which gets a "double dose" of any trait which both parents have in common. if the traits are good, it will be an advantage to the offspring to have a double dose of them; if the traits are bad, it will be a disadvantage. the marriage of superior kin should produce children better than the parents; the marriage of inferior kin should produce children even worse than their parents. in passing judgment on a proposed marriage, therefore, the vital question is not, "are they related by blood?" but "are they carriers of desirable traits?" the nature of the traits can be told only by a study of the ancestry. of course, characters may be latent or recessive, but this is also the case in the population at large, and the chance of unpleasant results is so small, when no instance can be found in the ancestry, that it can be disregarded. if the same congenital defect or undesirable trait does not appear in the three previous generations of two cousins, including collaterals, the individuals need not be discouraged from marrying if they want to. laws which forbid cousins to marry are, then, on an unsound biological basis. as dr. davenport remarks, "the marriage of charles darwin and emma wedgewood would have been illegal and void, and their children pronounced illegitimate in illinois, indiana, iowa, kansas, missouri, nebraska, new hampshire, oklahoma, oregon, pennsylvania, south dakota, utah, washington, wyoming, and other states." the vitality and great capacity of their seven children are well known. a law which would have prevented such a marriage is certainly not eugenic. we conclude, then, that laws forbidding cousin marriages are not desirable. since it would be well to make an effort to increase the opportunities for further play of sexual selection, the lack of which is sometimes responsible for cousin marriages, consanguineous marriage is by no means to be indiscriminately indorsed. still, if there are cases where it is eugenically injurious, there are also cases where its results are eugenically highly beneficial, as in families with no serious defects and with outstanding ability. the laws prohibiting marriage between persons having no blood relationship but connected by marriage should all be repealed. the best-known english instance, which was eugenically very objectionable,--the prohibition of marriage between a man and his deceased wife's sister,--has fortunately been extirpated, but laws still exist, in some communities, prohibiting marriage between a man and his stepchild or stepparent, between a woman and her deceased husband's brother, and between the second husband or wife of a deceased aunt or uncle and the wife or husband of a deceased nephew or niece, etc. the only other problem of restrictive eugenics which it seems necessary to consider is that offered by miscegenation. this will be considered in chapters xiv and xv. to sum up: we believe that there are urgent reasons for and no objections to preventing the reproduction of a number of persons in the united states, many of whom have already been recognized by society as being so anti-social or inferior as to need institutional care. such restriction can best be enforced by effective segregation of the sexes, although there are cases where individuals might well be released and allowed full freedom, either "on parole," so to speak, or after having undergone a surgical operation which would prevent their reproduction. laws providing for sterilization, such as a dozen states now possess, are not framed with a knowledge of the needs of the case; but a properly drafted sterilization law to provide for cases not better treated by segregation is desirable. segregation should be considered the main method. it is practicable to place only minor restrictions on marriage, with a eugenic goal in view. a good banns law, however, could meet no objections and would yield valuable results. limited age restrictions are proper. marriages of individuals whose families are marked by minor taints can not justify social interference; but an enlightened conscience and a eugenic point of view should lead every individual to make as good a choice as possible. if a eugenically bad mating has been made, society should minimize as far as possible the injurious results, by means of provision for properly restricted divorce. consanguineous marriages in a degree no closer than that of first cousins, are neither to be condemned nor praised indiscriminately. their desirability depends on the ancestry of the two persons involved; each case should therefore be treated on its own merits. chapter xi the improvement of sexual selection "love is blind" and "marriage is a lottery," in the opinion of proverbial lore. but as usual the proverbs do not tell the whole truth. mating is not wholly a matter of chance; there is and always has been a considerable amount of selection involved. this selection must of course be with respect to individual traits, a man or woman being for this purpose merely the sum of his or her traits. reflection will show that with respect to any given trait there are three ways of mating: random, assortative and preferential. . random mating is described by j. arthur harris[ ] as follows: "suppose a most highly refined socialistic community should set about to equalize as nearly as possible not only men's labor and their recompense, but the quality of their wives. it would never do to allow individuals to select their own partners--superior cunning might result in some having mates above the average desirability, which would be socially unfair! "the method adopted would be to write the names of an equal number of men and women officially condemned to matrimony on cards, and to place those for men in one lottery wheel and those for women in another. the drawing of a pair of cards, one from each wheel, would then replace the 'present wasteful system' of 'competitive' courtship. if the cards were thoroughly shuffled and the drawings perfectly at random, we should expect only chance resemblances between husband and wife for age, stature, eye and hair color, temper and so on; in the long run, a wife would resemble her husband no more than the husband of some other woman. in this case, the mathematician can give us a coefficient of resemblance, or of assortative mating, which we write as zero. the other extreme would be the state of affairs in which men of a certain type (that is to say men differing from the general average by a definite amount) always chose wives of the same type; the resemblance would then be perfect and the correlation, as we call it, would be expressed by a coefficient of ." if all mating were at random, evolution would be a very slow process. but actual measurement of various traits in conjugal pairs shows that mating is very rarely random. there is a conscious or unconscious selection for certain traits, and this selection involves other traits because of the general correlation of traits in an individual. random mating, therefore, need not be taken into account by eugenists, who must rather give their attention to one of the two forms of non-random mating, namely, assortative and preferential. . if men who were above the average height always selected as brides women who were equally above the average height and short men selected similarly, the coefficient of correlation between height in husbands and wives would be , and there would thus be perfect assortative mating. if only one half of the men who differed from the average height always married women who similarly differed and the other half married at random, there would be assortative mating for height, but it would not be perfect: the coefficient would only be half as great as in the first case, or . . if on the other hand (as is indeed the popular idea) a tall man tended to marry a woman who was shorter than the average, the coefficient of correlation would be less than ; it would have some negative value. actual measurement shows that a man who exceeds the average height by a given amount will most frequently marry a woman who exceeds the average by a little more than one-fourth as much as her husband does. there is thus assortative mating for height, but it is far from perfect. the actual coefficient given by karl pearson is . . in this case, then, the idea that "unlikes attract" is found to be the reverse of the truth. if other traits are measured, assortative mating will again be found. whether it be eye color, hair color, general health, intelligence, longevity, insanity, or congenital deafness, exact measurements show that a man and his wife, though not related by blood, actually resemble each other as much as do uncle and niece, or first cousins. in some cases assortative mating is conscious, as when two congenitally deaf persons are drawn together by their common affliction and mutual possession of the sign language. but in the greater number of cases it is wholly unconscious. certainly no one would suppose that a man selects his wife deliberately because her eye color matches his own; much less would he select her on the basis of resemblance in longevity, which can not be known until after both are dead. sigmund freud and ernest jones explain such selection by the supposition that a man's ideal of everything that is lovely in womankind is based on his mother. during his childhood, her attributes stamp themselves on his mind as being the perfect attributes of the female sex; and when he later falls in love it is natural that the woman who most attracts him should be one who resembles his mother. but as he, because of heredity, resembles his mother, there is thus a resemblance between husband and wife. cases where there is no resemblance would, on this hypothesis, either be not love matches, or else be cases where the choice was made by the woman, not the man. proof of this hypothesis has not yet been furnished, but it may very well account for some part of the assortative mating which is so nearly universal. the eugenic significance of assortative mating is obvious. marriage of representatives of two long-lived strains ensures that the offspring will inherit more longevity than does the ordinary man. marriage of two persons from gifted families will endow the children with more than the ordinary intellect. on the other hand, marriage of two members of feeble-minded strains (a very common form of assortative mating) results in the production of a new lot of feeble-minded children, while marriage contracted between families marked by criminality or alcoholism means the perpetuation of such traits in an intensified form. for alcoholism, charles goring found the resemblance between husband and wife in the following classes to be as follows: very poor and destitute . prosperous poor . well-to-do . the resemblance of husband and wife, in respect of possession of a police record, he found to be . . of course alcoholism and criminality are not wholly due to heredity; the resemblance between man and wife is partly a matter of social influences. but in any case the existence of assortative mating for such traits is significant. . preferential mating occurs when certain classes of women are discriminated against by the average man, or by men as a class; or _vice versa_. it is the form of sexual selection made prominent by charles darwin, who brought it forward because natural selection, operating solely through a differential death-rate, seemed inadequate to account for many phases of evolution. by sexual selection he meant that an individual of one sex, in choosing a mate, is led to select out of several competitors the one who has some particular attribute in a high degree. the selection may be conscious, and due to the exercise of æsthetic taste, or it may be unconscious, due to the greater degree of excitation produced by the higher degree of some attribute. however the selection takes place, the individual so selected will have an opportunity to transmit his character, in the higher degree in which he possesses it, to his descendants. in this way it was supposed by darwin that a large proportion of the ornamental characters of living creatures were produced: the tail of the peacock, the mane of the lion, and even the gorgeous coloring of many insects and butterflies. in the early years of darwinism, the theory of sexual selection was pushed to what now seems an unjustifiable extent. experiment has often failed to demonstrate any sexual selection, in species where speculation supposed it to exist. and even if sexual selection, conscious or unconscious, could be demonstrated in the lower animals, yet the small percentage of unmated individuals indicates that its importance in evolution could not be very great.[ ] [illustration: how beauty aids a girl's chance of marriage fig. .--graph showing the marriage rate of graduates of a normal school, correlated with their facial attractiveness as graded by estimates. the column of figures at the left-hand side shows the percentage of girls who married. of the prettiest girls (those graded or over), % married. as the less attractive girls are added to the chart, the marriage rate declines. of the girls who graded around on looks, only about one-half married. in general, the prettier the girl, the greater the probability that she will not remain single.] in man, however, there is--nowadays at least--a considerable percentage of unmated individuals. the census of shows that in the united states one-fourth of all the men between and years of age, and one-sixth of all the women, were unmarried. many of the men, and a smaller number of the women, will still marry; yet at the end there will remain a large number, particularly in the more highly educated classes, who die celibate. if these unmated individuals differ in any important respect from the married part of the population, preferential mating will be evident. [illustration: intelligent girls are most likely to marry fig. .--graph showing the marriage-rate (on the same scale as in fig. ) of the graduates of a normal school, as correlated with their class standing. the girls who received the highest marks in their studies married in the largest numbers. it is evident that, on the whole, girls who make a poor showing in their studies in such schools as this are more likely to be life-long celibates than are the bright students.] at the extremes, there is no difficulty in seeing such mating. certain men and women are so defective, physically, mentally, or morally, as to be unable to find mates. they may be idiots, or diseased, or lacking normal sexuality, or wrongly educated. but to get any adequate statistical proof of preferential mating on a broad scale, has been found difficult. two small but suggestive studies made by miss carrie f. gilmore of the university of pittsburgh are interesting, though far from conclusive. she examined the records of the class of , southwestern state normal school of pennsylvania, to find which of the girls had married. by means of photographs, and the opinions of disinterested judges, the facial appearance of all the girls in the class was graded on a scale of , and the curve in fig. plotted, which shows at a glance just what matrimonial advantage a woman's beauty gives her. in general, it may be said that the prettier the girl, the better her chance of marriage. [illustration: years between graduation and marriage fig. .--curve showing period that elapsed between the graduation of women at washington seminary (at the average age of years) and their marriage. it includes all the graduates of the classes of to , status of .] miss gilmore further worked out the marriage rate of these normal school girls, on the basis of the marks they obtained in their class work, and found the results plotted in fig. . it is evident that the most intelligent girls, measured by their class standing, were preferred as wives. [illustration: the effect of late marriages fig. .--given a population divided in two equal parts, one of which produces a new generation every years and the other every - / years, the diagram shows that the former group will outnumber the latter two to one, at the end of a century. the result illustrated is actually taking place, in various groups of the population of the united states. largely for economic reasons, many superior people are postponing the time of marriage. the diagram shows graphically how they are losing ground, in comparison with other sections of the population which marry only a few years earlier, on the average. it is assumed in the diagram that the two groups contain equal numbers of the two sexes; that all persons in each group marry; and that each couple produces four children.] it will be noted that these studies merely show that the brighter and prettier girls were preferred by men as a class. if the individual men whom the girls married had been studied, it would probably have been found that the mating was also partly assortative. if the choice of a life partner is to be eugenic, random mating must be as nearly as possible eliminated, and assortative and preferential mating for desirable traits must take place. the concern of the eugenist is, then, ( ) to see that young people have the best ideals, and ( ) to see that their matings are actually guided by these ideals, instead of by caprice and passion alone. . in discussing ideals, we shall ask (a) what are the present ideals governing sexual selection in the united states; (b) is it psychologically possible to change them; (c) is it desirable that they be changed, and if so, in what ways? (a) there are several studies which throw light on the current ideals. _physical culture_ magazine lately invited its women readers to send in the specifications of an ideal husband, and the results are worth considering because the readers of that publication are probably less swayed by purely conventional ideas than are most accessible groups of women whom one might question. the ideal husband was held by these women to be made up of the following qualities in the proportions given: per cent. health financial success paternity appearance disposition education character housekeeping dress --- without laying weight on the exact figures, and recognizing that each woman may have defined the qualities differently, yet one must admit aside from a low concern for mental ability that this is a fairly good eugenic specification. appearance, it is stated, meant not so much facial beauty as intelligent expression and manly form. financial success is correlated with intelligence and efficiency, and probably is not rated too high. the importance attached to paternity--which, it is explained, means a clean sex life as well as interest in children--is worth noticing. for comparison there is another census of the preferences of young women at brigham young college, logan, utah. this is a "mormon" institution and the students, mostly farmers' daughters, are probably expressing ideals which have been very little affected by the demoralizing influences of modern city life. the editor of the college paper relates that: eighty-six per cent of the girls specifically stated that the young man must be morally pure; % did not specifically state. ninety-nine per cent specifically stated that he must be mentally and physically strong. ninety-three per cent stated that he must absolutely not smoke, chew, or drink; % did not state. twenty per cent named an occupation they would like the young man to follow, and these fell into three different classes, that of farmer, doctor and business. four and seven-tenths per cent of the % named farmer; . % named doctor, and . % named business man; % did not state any profession. thirty-three and one-third per cent specifically stated that he must be ambitious; - / % did not state. eight per cent stated specifically that he must have high ideals. fifty-two per cent demanded that he be of the same religious conviction; % said nothing about religion. seventy-two per cent said nothing regarding money matters; % stated what his financial condition must be, but none named a specific amount. one-half of the % stated that he must be rich, and three-fourths of these were under twenty years of age; the other half of the % said that he must have a moderate income and two-thirds of these were under twenty years of age. forty-five per cent stated that the young man must be taller than they; % did not state. twenty per cent stated that the young man must be older, and from two to eight years older; % did not state. fifty per cent stated that he must have a good education; one-fourth of the % stated that he must have a college education; % of these were under twenty-one years of age; % did not state his intellectual attainments. ninety-one per cent of all the ideals handed in were written by persons under twenty years of age; the other - / % were over twenty years of age. _physical culture_, on another occasion, invited its male readers to express their requirements of an ideal wife. the proportions of the various elements desired are given as follows: per cent health "looks" housekeeping disposition maternity education management dress character --- one might feel some surprise at the low valuation placed on "character," but it is really covered by other points. on the whole, one can not be dissatisfied with these specifications aside from its slight concern about mental ability. such wholesome ideals are probably rather widespread in the less sophisticated part of the population. in other strata, social and financial criteria of selection hold much importance. as a family ascends in economic position, its standards of sexual selection are likely to change. and in large sections of the population, there is a fluctuation in the standards from generation to generation. there is reason to suspect that the standards of sexual selection among educated young women in the united states to-day are higher than they were a quarter of a century, or even a decade, ago. they are demanding a higher degree of physical fitness and morality in their suitors. men, in turn, are beginning to demand that the girls they marry shall be fitted for the duties of home-maker, wife and mother,--qualifications which were essential in the colonial period but little insisted on in the immediate past. (b) it is evident, then, that the standards of sexual selection do change; there is therefore reason to suppose that they can change still further. this is an important point, for it is often alleged as an objection to eugenics that human affections are capricious and can not be influenced by rational considerations. such an objection will be seen, on reflection, to be ill-founded. as to the extent of change possible, the psychologist must have the final word. the ingenious mr. diffloth,[ ] who reduced love to a series of algebraical formulæ and geometrical curves, and proposed that every young man should find a girl whose curve was congruent to his own, and at once lead her to the altar, is not likely to gain many adherents. but the psychologist declares without hesitation that it is possible to influence the course of love in its earlier, though rarely in its later, stages. francis galton pointed this out with his usual clearness, showing that in the past the "incidence" of love, to borrow a technical term, had been frequently and sometimes narrowly limited by custom--by those unwritten laws which are sometimes as effective as the written ones. monogamy, endogamy, exogamy, australian marriages, tabu, prohibited degrees and sacerdotal celibacy all furnished him with historical arguments to show that society could bring about almost any restriction it chose; and a glance around at the present day will show that the barriers set up by religion, race and social position are frequently of almost prohibitive effect. there is, therefore, from a psychological point of view, no reason why the ideals of eugenics should not become a part of the mores or unwritten laws of the race, and why the selection of life partners should not be unconsciously influenced to a very large extent by them. as a necessary preliminary to such a condition, intelligent people must cultivate the attitude of conscious selection, and get away from the crude, fatalistic viewpoint which is to-day so widespread, and which is exploited _ad nauseam_ on the stage and in fiction. it must be remembered that there are two well-marked stages preceding a betrothal: the first is that of mere attraction, when reason is still operative, and the second is that of actual love, when reason is relegated to the background. during the later stage, it is notorious that good counsel is of little avail, but during the preliminary period direction of the affections is still possible, not only by active interference of friends or relatives, but much more easily and usefully by the tremendous influence of the mores. eugenic mores will exist only when many intelligent people become so convinced of the ethical value of eugenics that that conviction sinks into their subconscious minds. the general eugenics campaign can be expected to bring that result about in due time. care must be taken to prevent highly conscientious people from being too critical, and letting a trivial defect outweigh a large number of good qualities. moreover, changes in the standards of sexual selection should not be too rapid, as that results in the permanent celibacy of some excellent but hyper-critical individuals. the ideal is an advance of standards as rapidly as will yet keep all the superior persons married. this is accomplished if all superior individuals marry as well as possible, yet with advancing years gradually reduce the standard so that celibacy may not result. having decided that there is room for improvement in the standards of sexual selection, and that such improvement is psychologically feasible, we come to point (c): in what particular ways is this improvement needed? any discussion of this large subject must necessarily be only suggestive, not exhaustive. if sexual selection is to be taken seriously, it is imperative that there be some improvement in the general attitude of public sentiment toward love itself. it is difficult for the student to acquire sound knowledge[ ] of the normal manifestations of love: the psychology of sex has been studied too largely from the abnormal and pathological side; while the popular idea is based too much on fiction and drama which emphasize the high lights and make love solely an affair of emotion. we are not arguing for a rationalization of love, for the terms are almost contradictory; but we believe that more common sense could profitably be used in considering the subject. if a typical "love affair" be examined, it is found that propinquity and a common basis for sympathy in some probably trivial matter lead to the development of the sex instinct; the parental instinct begins to make itself felt, particularly among women; the instincts of curiosity, acquisitiveness, and various others play their part, and there then appears a well-developed case of "love." such love may satisfy a purely biological definition, but it is incomplete. love that is worthy of the name must be a function of the will as well as of the emotions. there must be a feeling on the part of each which finds strong satisfaction in service rendered to the other. if the existence of this constituent of love could be more widely recognized and watched for, it would probably prevent many a sensible young man or woman from being stampeded into a marriage of passion, where the real community of interest is slight;[ ] and sexual selection would be improved in a way that would count immensely for the future of the race. moreover, there would be much more real love in the world. eugenics, as havelock ellis has well pointed out,[ ] is not plotting against love but against those influences that do violence to love, particularly: ( ) reckless yielding to mere momentary desire; and ( ) still more fatal influences of wealth and position and worldly convenience which give a factitious value to persons who would never appear attractive partners in life were love and eugenic ideals left to go hand in hand. "the eugenic ideal," dr. ellis foresees, "will have to struggle with the criminal and still more resolutely with the rich; it will have few serious quarrels with normal and well-constituted lovers." the point is an important one. to "rationalize" marriage, is out of the question. marriage must be mainly a matter of the emotions; but it is important that the emotions be exerted in the right direction. the eugenist seeks to remove the obstacles that are now driving the emotions into wrong channels. if the emotions can only be headed in the right direction, then the more emotions the better, for they are the source of energy which are responsible for almost everything that is done in the world. there is in the world plenty of that love which is a matter of mutual service and of emotions unswayed by any petty or sordid influences; but it ought not only to be common, it ought to be universal. it is not likely to be in the present century; but at least, thinking people can consciously adopt an attitude of respect toward love, and consciously abandon as far as possible the attitude of jocular cynicism with which they too often treat it,--an attitude which is reflected so disgustingly in current vaudeville and musical comedy. it is the custom to smile at the extravagantly romantic idea of love which the boarding-school girl holds; but unrealizable as it may be, hers is a nobler conception than that which the majority of adults voice. very properly, one does not care to make one's deepest feelings public; but if such subjects as love and motherhood can not be discussed naturally and without affectation, they ought to be left alone. if intelligent men and women will set the example, this attitude of mind will spread, and cultured families at least will rid themselves of such deplorable habits as that of plaguing children, not yet out of the nursery, about their "sweethearts." no sane man would deny the desirability of beauty in a wife, particularly when it is remembered that beauty, especially as determined by good complexion, good teeth and medium weight, is correlated with good health in some degree, and likewise with intelligence. nevertheless, we are strongly of the opinion that beauty of face is now too highly valued, as a standard of sexual selection.[ ] good health in a mate is a qualification which any sensible man or woman will require, and for which a "marriage certificate" is in most cases quite unnecessary.[ ] what other physical standard is there that should be given weight? alexander graham bell has lately been emphasizing the importance of longevity in this connection, and in our judgment he has thereby opened up a very fruitful field for education. it goes without saying that anyone would prefer to marry a partner with a good constitution. "how can we find a test of a good, sound constitution?" dr. bell asked in a recent lecture. "i think we could find it in the duration of life in a family. take a family in which a large proportion live to old age with unimpaired faculties. there you know is a good constitution in an inheritable form. on the other hand, you will find a family in which a large proportion die at birth and in which there are relatively few people who live to extreme old age. there has developed an hereditary weakness of constitution. longevity is a guide to constitution." not only does it show that one's vital organs are in good running order, but it is probably the only means now available of indicating strains which are resistant to zymotic disease. early death is not necessarily an evidence of physical weakness; but long life is a pretty good proof of constitutional strength. dr. bell has elsewhere called attention to the fact that, longevity being a characteristic which is universally considered creditable in a family, there is no tendency on the part of families to conceal its existence, as there is in the case of unfavorable characters--cancer, tuberculosis, insanity, and the like. this gives it a great advantage as a criterion for sexual selection, since there will be little difficulty in finding whether or not the ancestors of a young man or woman were long-lived.[ ] karl pearson and his associates have shown that there is a tendency to assortative mating for longevity: that people from long-lived stocks actually do marry people from similar stocks, more frequently than would be the case if the matings were at random. an increase of this tendency would be eugenically desirable.[ ] so much for the physique. though eugenics is popularly supposed to be concerned almost wholly with the physical, properly it gives most attention to mental traits, recognizing that these are the ones which most frequently make races stand or fall, and that attention to the physique is worth while mainly to furnish a sound body in which the sound mind may function. now men and women may excel mentally in very many different ways, and eugenics, which seeks not to produce a uniform good type, but excellence in all desirable types, is not concerned to pick out any particular sort of mental superiority and exalt it as a standard for sexual selection. but the tendency, shown in miss gilmore's study, for men to prefer the more intelligent girls in secondary schools, is gratifying to the eugenist, since high mental endowment is principally a matter of heredity. from a eugenic point of view it would be well could such intellectual accomplishments weigh even more heavily with the average young man, and less weight be put on such superficial characteristics as "flashiness," ability to use the latest slang freely, and other "smart" traits which are usually considered attractive in a girl, but which have no real value and soon become tiresome. they are not wholly bad in themselves, but certainly should not influence a young man very seriously in his choice of a wife, nor a young woman in her choice of a husband. it is to be feared that such standards are largely promoted by the stage, the popular song, and popular fiction. in a sense, the education which a young woman has received is no concern of the eugenist, since it can not be transmitted to her children. yet when, as often happens, children die because their mother was not properly trained to bring them up, this feature of education does become a concern of eugenics. young men are more and more coming to demand that their wives know something about woman's work, and this demand must not only increase, but must be adequately met. woman's education is treated in more detail in another chapter. it is proper to point out here, however, that in many cases woman's education gives no great opportunity to judge of her real intellectual ability. her natural endowment in this respect should be judged also by that of her sisters, brothers, parents, uncles, aunts and grandparents. if a girl comes of an intellectual ancestry, it is likely that she herself will carry such traits germinally, even if she has never had an opportunity to develop them. she can, then, pass them on to her own children. francis galton long ago pointed out the good results of a custom obtaining in germany, whereby college professors tended to marry the daughters or sisters of college professors. a tendency for men of science to marry women of scientific attainments or training is marked among biologists, at least, in the united states; and the number of cases in which musicians intermarry is striking. such assortative mating means that the offspring will usually be well endowed with a talent. finally, young people should be taught a greater appreciation of the lasting qualities of comradeship, for which the purely emotional factors that make up mere sexual attraction are far from offering a satisfactory substitute. it will not be out of place here to point out that a change in the social valuation of reputability and honor is greatly needed for the better working of sexual selection. the conspicuous waste and leisure that thorstein veblen points out as the chief criterion of reputability at present have a dubious relation to high mental or moral endowment, far less than has wealth. there is much left to be done to achieve a meritorious distribution of wealth. the fact that the insignia of success are too often awarded to trickery, callousness and luck does not argue for the abolition altogether of the financial success element in reputability, in favor of a "dead level" of equality such as would result from the application of certain communistic ideals. distinctions, rightly awarded, are an aid, not a hindrance to sexual selection, and effort should be directed, from the eugenic point of view, no less to the proper recognition of true superiority than to the elimination of unjustified differentiations of reputability. this leads to the consideration of moral standards, and here again details are complex but the broad outlines clear. it seems probable that morality is to a considerable extent a matter of heredity, and the care of the eugenist should be to work with every force that makes for a clear understanding of the moral factors of the world, and to work against every force that tends to confuse the issues. when the issue is clear cut, most people will by instinct tend to marry into moral rather than immoral stocks. true quality, then, should be emphasized at the expense of false standards. money, social status, family alignment, though indicators to some degree, must not be taken too much at their face value. emphasis is to be placed on real merit as shown by achievement, or on descent from the meritoriously eminent, whether or not such eminence has led to the accumulation of a family fortune and inclusion in an exclusive social set. in this respect, it is important that the value of a high average of ancestry should be realized. a single case of eminence in a pedigree should not weigh too heavily. when it is remembered that statistically one grandparent counts for less than one-sixteenth in the heredity of an individual, it will be obvious that the individual whose sole claim to consideration is a distinguished grandfather, is not necessarily a matrimonial prize. a general high level of morality and mentality in a family is much more advantageous, from the eugenic point of view, than one "lion" several generations back. while we desire very strongly to emphasize the importance of breeding and the great value of a good ancestry, it is only fair to utter a word of warning in this connection. good ancestry does not _necessarily_ make a man or woman a desirable partner. what stockmen know as the "pure-bred scrub" is a recognized evil in animal breeding, and not altogether absent from human society. due to any one or more of a number of causes, it is possible for a germinal degenerate to appear in a good family; discrimination should certainly be made against such an individual. furthermore, it is possible that there occasionally arises what may be called a mutant of very desirable character from a eugenic point of view. furthermore a stock in general below mediocrity will occasionally, due to some fortuitous but fortunate combination of traits, give rise to an individual of marked ability or even eminence, who will be able to transmit in some degree that valuable new combination of traits to his or her own progeny. persons of this character are to be regarded by eugenists as distinctly desirable husbands or wives. the desirability of selecting a wife (or husband) from a family of more than one or two children was emphasized by benjamin franklin, and is also one of the time-honored traditions of the arabs, who have always looked at eugenics in a very practical, if somewhat cold-blooded way. it has two advantages: in the first place, one can get a better idea of what the individual really is, by examining sisters and brothers; and in the second place, there will be less danger of a childless marriage, since it is already proved that the individual comes of a fertile stock. francis galton showed clearly the havoc wrought in the english peerage, by marriages with heiresses (an heiress there being nearly always an only child). such women were childless in a much larger proportion than ordinary women. "marrying a man to reform him" is a speculation in which many women have indulged and usually--it may be said without fear of contradiction--with unfortunate results. it is always likely that she will fail to reform him; it is certain that she can not reform his germ-plasm. psychologists agree that the character of a man or woman undergoes little radical change after the age of ; and the eugenist knows that it is largely determined, _potentially_, when the individual is born. it is, therefore, in most cases the height of folly to select a partner with any marked undesirable trait, with the idea that it will change after a few years. all these suggestions have in general been directed at the young man or woman, but it is admitted that if they reach their target at all, it is likely to be by an indirect route. no rules or devices can take the place, in influencing sexual selection, of that lofty and rational ideal of marriage which must be brought about by the uplifting of public opinion. it is difficult to bring under the control of reason a subject that has so long been left to caprice and impulse; yet much can unquestionably be done, in an age of growing social responsibility, to put marriage in a truer perspective. much is already being done, but not in every case of change is the future biological welfare of the race sufficiently borne in mind. the interests of the individual are too often regarded to the exclusion of posterity. the eugenist would not sacrifice the individual, but he would add the welfare of posterity to that of the individual, when the standards of sexual selection are being fixed. it is only necessary to make the young person remember that he will marry, not merely an individual, but a family; and that not only his own happiness but to some extent the quality of future generations is being determined by his choice. we must have ( ) the proper ideals of mating but ( ) these ideals must be realized. it is known that many young people have the highest kind of ideals of sexual selection, and find themselves quite unable to act on them. the college woman may have a definite idea of the kind of husband she wants; but if he never seeks her, she often dies celibate. the young man of science may have an ideal bride in his mind, but if he never finds her, he may finally marry his landlady's daughter. opportunity for sexual selection must be given, as well as suitable standards; and while education is perhaps improving the standards each year, it is to be feared that modern social conditions, especially in the large cities, tend steadily to decrease the opportunity. statistical evidence, as well as common observation, indicates that the upper classes have a much wider range of choice in marriage than the lower classes. the figures given by karl pearson for the degree of resemblance between husband and wife with regard to phthisis are so remarkable as to be worth quoting in this connection: all poor +. prosperous poor +. middle classes +. professional classes +. it can hardly be argued that infection between husband and wife would vary like this, even if infection, in general, could be proved. moreover, the least resemblance is among the poor, where infection should be greatest. professor pearson thinks, as seems reasonable, that this series of figures indicates principally assortative mating, and shows that among the poor there is less choice, the selection of a husband or wife being more largely due to propinquity or some other more or less random factor. with a rise in the social scale, opportunity for choice of one from a number of possible mates becomes greater and greater; the tendency for an unconscious selection of likeness then has a chance to appear, as the coefficients graphically show. if such a class as the peerage of great britain be considered, it is evident that the range of choice in marriage is almost unlimited. there are few girls who can resist the glamor of a title. the hereditary peer can therefore marry almost anyone he likes and if he does not marry one of his own class he can select and (until recently) usually has selected the daughter of some man who by distinguished ability has risen from a lower social or financial position. thus the hereditary nobilities of europe have been able to maintain themselves; and a similar process is undoubtedly taking place among the idle rich who occupy an analogous position in the united states. but it is the desire of eugenics to raise the average ability of the whole population, as well as to encourage the production of leaders. to fulfill this desire, it is obvious that one of the necessary means is to extend to all desirable classes that range of choice which is now possessed only by those near the top of the social ladder. it is hardly necessary to urge young people to widen the range of their acquaintance, for they will do it without urging if the opportunity is presented to them. it is highly necessary for parents, and for organizations and municipalities, deliberately to seek to further every means which will bring unmarried young people together under proper supervision. social workers have already perceived the need of institutional as well as municipal action on these lines, although they have not in every case recognized the eugenic aspect, and from their efforts it is probable that suitable institutions, such as social centers and recreation piers, and municipal dance halls, will be greatly multiplied. it is an encouraging sign to see such items as this from a washington newspaper: "the modern dancing club of the margaret wilson social center gave a masquerade ball at the grover cleveland school last night, which was attended by about couples." still more promising are such institutions as the self-supporting inkowa camp for young women, at greenwood lake, n. j., conducted by a committee of which miss anne morgan is president, and directed by miss grace parker. near it is a similar camp, kechuka, for young men, and during the summer both are full of young people from new york city. a newspaper account says: there is no charity, no philanthropy, no subsidy connected with camp inkowa. its members are successful business women, who earn from $ to $ a week. board in the camp is $ a week. so every girl who goes there for a vacation has the comfortable feeling that she pays her way fully. this rate includes all the activities of camp life. architects, doctors, lawyers, bookkeepers, bank clerks, young business men of many kinds are the guests of kechuka. next week young men from the national city bank will begin their vacations there. inkowa includes young women teachers, stenographers, librarians, private secretaries and girls doing clerical work for insurance companies and other similar business institutions. saturday and sunday are "at home" days at camp inkowa and the young men from kechuka may come to call on the inkowa girls, participate with them in the day's "hike" or go on the moonlight cruise around the lake if there happens to be one. "young men and women need clean, healthy association with each other," miss parker told me yesterday, when i spent the day at camp inkowa. "social workers in new york city ask me sometimes, 'how dare you put young men and women in camps so near to each other?' "how dare you not do it? no plan of recreation or out-of-door life which does not include the healthy association of men and woman can be a success. young men and women need each other's society. and if you get the right kind they won't abuse their freedom." the churches have been important instruments in this connection, and the worth of their services can hardly be over-estimated, as they tend to bring together young people of similar tastes and, in general, of a superior character. such organizations as the young people's society of christian endeavor serve the eugenic end in a satisfactory way; it is almost the unanimous opinion of competent observers that matches "made in the church" turn out well. some idea of the importance of the churches may be gathered from a census which f. o. george of the university of pittsburgh made of married couples of his acquaintance, asking them where they first met each other. the answers were: church school (only at college) private home dance -- these results need not be thought typical of more than a small part of the country's population, yet they show how far-reaching the influence of the church may be on sexual selection. quite apart from altruistic motives, the churches might well encourage social affairs where the young people could meet, because to do so is one of the surest way of perpetuating the church. an increase in the number of non-sectarian bisexual societies, clubs and similar organizations, and a diminution of the number of those limited to men or to women alone is greatly to be desired. it is doubtful whether the y. m. c. a. and y. w. c. a. are, while separated, as useful to society as they might be. each of them tends to create a celibate community, where the chance for meeting possible mates is practically nil. the men's organization has made, so far as we are aware, little organized attempt to meet this problem. the women's organization in some cities has made the attempt, but apparently with indifferent success. the idea of a merger of the two organizations with reasonable differentiation as well would probably meet with little approval from their directors just now, but is worth considering as an answer to the urgent problem of providing social contacts for young people in large cities. it is encouraging that thoughtful people in all walks of life are beginning to realize the seriousness of this problem of contacts for the young, and the necessity of finding some solution. the novelist miss maria thompson davies of sweetbriar farm, madison, tenn., is quoted in a recent newspaper interview as saying: "i'm a wellesley woman, but one reason why i'm dead against women's colleges is because they shut girls up with women, at the most impressionable period of the girls' lives, when they should be meeting members of the opposite sex continually, learning to tolerate their little weaknesses and getting ready to marry them." "the city should make arrangements to chaperon the meetings of its young citizens. there ought to be municipal gathering places where, under the supervision of tactful, warm-hearted women--themselves successfully married--girls and young men might get introduced to each other and might get acquainted." if it is thought that the time has not yet come for such municipal action, there is certainly plenty of opportunity for action by the parents, relatives and friends of young persons. the match-making proclivities of some mothers are matters of current jest: where subtly and wisely done they might better be taken seriously and held up as examples worthy of imitation. formal "full dress" social functions for young people, where acquaintance is likely to be too perfunctory, should be discouraged, and should give place to informal dances, beach parties, house parties and the like, where boys and girls will have a chance to come to know each other, and, at the proper age, to fall in love. let social stratification be not too rigid, yet maintained on the basis of intrinsic worth rather than solely on financial or social position. if parents will make it a matter of concern to give their boys and girls as many desirable acquaintances of the opposite sex as possible, and to give them opportunity for ripening these acquaintances, the problem of the improvement of sexual selection will be greatly helped. young people from homes where such social advantages can not be given, or in large cities where home life is for most of them non-existent, must become the concern of the municipality, the churches, and every institution and organization that has the welfare of the community and the race at heart. to sum up this chapter, we have pointed out the importance of sexual selection, and shown that its eugenic action depends on young people having the proper ideals, and being able to live up to these ideals. eugenists have in the past devoted themselves perhaps too exclusively to the inculcation of sound ideals, without giving adequate attention to the possibility of these high standards being acted upon. one of the greatest problems confronting eugenics is that of giving young people of marriageable age a greater range of choice. much could be done by organized action; but it is one of the hopeful features of the problem that it can be handled in large part by intelligent individual action. if older people would make a conscious effort to help young people widen their circles of suitable acquaintances, they would make a valuable contribution to race betterment. chapter xii increasing the marriage rate of the superior no race can long survive unless it conforms to the principles of eugenics, and indisputably the chief requirement for race survival is that the superior part of the race should equal or surpass the inferior part in fecundity. it follows that the superior members of the community must marry, and at a reasonably early age. if in the best elements of the community celibacy increases, or if marriage is postponed far into the reproductive period, the racial contribution of the superior will necessarily fall, and after a few generations the race will consist mainly of the descendants of inferior people, its eugenic average being thereby much lowered. in a survey of vital statistics, to ascertain whether marriages are as frequent and as early as national welfare requires, the eugenist finds at first no particularly alarming figures. in france, to whose vital statistics one naturally turns whenever race suicide is suggested (and usually with a holier-than-thou attitude which the frenchman might much more correctly assume toward america), it appears that there has been a very slight decrease in the proportion of persons under who are married, but that between the ages of and the proportion of those married has risen during recent years. the same condition exists all over europe, according to f. h. hankins,[ ] except in england and scotland. "moreover on the whole marriages take place earlier in france than in england, germany or america. nor is this all, for a larger proportion of the french population is married than in any of these countries. thus the birth-rate in france has continued to fall in spite of those very conditions which should have sustained it or even caused it to increase." in america, conditions are not dissimilar. although it is generally believed that young persons are marrying at a later age than they did formerly, the census figures show that for the population as a whole the reverse is the case. marriages are not only more numerous, but are contracted at earlier ages than they were a quarter of a century ago. comparison of census returns for , and , reveals that for both sexes the percentage of married has steadily increased and the percentage listed as single has as steadily decreased. the census classifies young men, for this purpose, in three age-groups: - , - , and - ; and in every one of these groups, a larger proportion was married in than in or . conditions are the same for women. so far as the united states as a whole is concerned, therefore, marriage is neither being avoided altogether, nor postponed unduly,--in fact, conditions in both respects seem to be improving every year. so far the findings should gratify every eugenist. but the census returns permit further analysis of the figures. they classify the population under four headings: native white of native parentage, native white of foreign parentage or of mixed parentage, foreign-born white, and negro. except among foreign-born whites, who are standing still, the returns for show that in every one of these groups the marriage rate has steadily increased during the past three decades; and that the age of marriage is steadily declining in all groups during the same period, with a slight irregularity of no real importance in the statistics for foreign-born males. on the whole, then, the marriage statistics of the united states are reassuring. even if examination is limited to the native whites of native parentage, who are probably of greater eugenic worth, as a group, than any of the other three, the marriage rate is found to be moving in the right direction. but going a step farther, one finds that within this group there are great irregularities, which do not appear when the group is considered as a whole. and these irregularities are of a nature to give the eugenist grave concern. if one sought, for example, to find a group of women distinctly superior to the average, he might safely take the college graduates. their superior quality as a class lies in the facts that: (a) they have survived the weeding-out process of grammar and high school, and the repeated elimination by examinations in college. (b) they have persevered, after those with less mental ability have grown tired of the strain and have voluntarily dropped out. (c) some have even forced their way to college against great obstacles, because attracted by the opportunities it offers them for mental activity. (d) some have gone to college because their excellence has been discovered by teachers or others who have strongly urged it. all these attributes can not be merely acquired, but must be in some degree inherent. furthermore, these girls are not only superior in themselves, but are ordinarily from superior parents, because (a) their parents have in most cases coöperated by desiring this higher education for their daughters. (b) the parents have in most cases had sufficient economic efficiency to be able to afford a college course for their daughters. therefore, although the number of college women in the united states is not great, their value eugenically is wholly disproportionate to their numbers. if marriage within such a selected class as this is being avoided, or greatly postponed, the eugenist can not help feeling concerned. and the first glance at the statistics gives adequate ground for uneasiness. take the figures for wellesley college, for instance: _status in fall of _ _graduates_ _all students_ per cent married (graduated - ) % % per cent married in: years from graduation % % years from graduation % % from a racial standpoint, the significant marriage rate of any group of women is the percentage that have married before the end of the child-bearing period. classes graduating later than are therefore not included, and the record shows the marital status in the fall of . in compiling these data deceased members and the few lost from record are of course omitted. in the foregoing study care was taken to distinguish as to when the marriage took place. obviously marriages with the women at or over being sterile must not be counted where it is the fecundity of the marriage that is being studied. the reader is warned therefore to make any necessary correction for this factor in the studies to follow in some of which unfortunately care has not been taken to make the necessary distinction. turn to mount holyoke college, the oldest of the great institutions for the higher education of women in this country. professor amy hewes has collected the following data: _decade of graduation per cent remaining single per cent marrying_ - . . - . . - . . - . . - . . - . . bryn mawr college, between and , graduated girls, of whom , or . %, had married up to january , . studying the vassar college graduates between and , robert j. sprague found that of the total of had married, leaving % celibate. adding the classes up to , it was found that less than half of the total number of graduates of the institution had married. remembering what a selected group of young women go to college, the eugenist can hardly help suspecting that the women's colleges of the united states, as at present conducted, are from his point of view doing great harm to the race. this suspicion becomes a certainty, as one investigation after another shows the same results. statistics compiled on marriages among college women ( ) showed that: % of college women marry before the age of . % of all united states women marry before the age of . % of arkansas women marry before the age of . % of massachusetts women marry before the age of . in massachusetts, it is further to be noted, % of all women have married at the age when college women are just graduating. it has, moreover, been demonstrated that the women who belong to phi beta kappa and other honor societies, and therefore represent a second selection from an already selected class, have a lower marriage rate than college women in general. in reply to such facts, the eugenist is often told that the college graduates marry as often and as early as the other members of their families. we are comparing conditions that can not properly be compared, we are informed, when we match the college woman's marriage rate with that of a non-college woman who comes from a lower level of society. but the facts will not bear out this apology. miss m. r. smith's statistics[ ] from the data of the collegiate alumnæ show the true situation. the average age at marriage was found to be for _years_ college women . their sisters . their cousins . their friends . and the age distribution of those married was as follows: _equivalent_ _percentage of married_ _college_ _non-college_ under years . . - years . . and over . . [illustration: wellesley graduates and non-graduates fig. .--graph showing at a glance the record of the student body in regard to marriage and birth rates, during the years indicated. statistics for the latest years have not been compiled, because it is obvious that girls who graduated during the last fifteen years still have a chance to marry and become mothers.] if these differences did not bring about any change in the birth-rate, they could be neglected. a slight sacrifice might even be made, for the sake of having mothers better prepared. but taken in connection with the birth-rate figures which we shall present in the next chapter, they form a serious indictment against the women's colleges of the united states. such conditions are not wholly confined to women's colleges, or to any one geographical area. miss helen d. murphey has compiled the statistics for washington seminary, in washington, pennsylvania, a secondary school for women, founded in . the marriage rate among the graduates of this institution has steadily declined, as is shown in the following table where the records are considered by decades: ' ' ' ' ' ' ' per cent. married per cent. who have gone into other occupations than home-making a graph, plotted to show how soon after graduation these girls have married, demonstrates that the greatest number of them wed five or six years after receiving their diplomas, but that the number of those marrying years afterward is not very much less than that of the girls who become brides in the first or second year after graduation (see fig. ). c. s. castle's investigation[ ] of the ages at which eminent women of various periods have married, is interesting in this connection, in spite of the small number of individuals with which it deals: _century_ _average age_ _range_ _number of cases_ . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - women in coeducational colleges, particularly the great universities of the west, can not be compared without corrections with the women of the eastern separate colleges, because they represent different family and environmental selection. their record none the less deserves careful study. miss shinn[ ] calculated the marriage rate of college women as follows, assuming graduation at the age of : _women over_ _coeducated_ _separate_ . . . . . . . . she has shown that only a part of this discrepancy is attributable to the geographic difference, some of it is the effect of lack of co-education. some of it is also attributable to the type of education. the marriage rate of women graduates of iowa state college[ ] is as follows: - . - . - . - . study of the alumni register of oberlin,[ ] one of the oldest coeducational institutions, shows that the marriage rate of women graduates, - , was . %, only . % of them remaining unmarried. if the later period, - , alone is taken, only . % of the girls have married. the figures for the last few classes in this period are probably not complete. at kansas state agricultural college, - , . % of the women graduates have married. at ohio state university in the same period, the percentage is only . . wisconsin university, - , shows a percentage of . , the figures for the last five years of that period being: . . . . . from alumni records of the university of illinois, % of the women, - , are found to be married. it is difficult to discuss these figures without extensive study of each case. but that only % of the women graduates of three great universities like illinois, ohio and wisconsin, should be married, years after graduation, indicates that something is wrong. in most cases it is not possible to tell, from the alumni records of the above colleges, whether the male graduates are or are not married. but the class lists of harvard and yale have recently been carefully studied by john c. phillips,[ ] who finds that in the period - % of the harvard graduates and % of the yale graduates married. in that period, he found, the age of marriage has advanced only about year, from a little over to just about . this is a much higher rate than that of college women. statistics from stanford university[ ] offer an interesting comparison because they are available for both men and women. of male graduates, classes to , inclusive, or . % were reported as married in . of women, or . % were married. these figures are not complete, as some of the graduates in the later classes must have married since . the conditions existing at stanford are likewise found at syracuse, on the opposite side of the continent. here, as h. j. banker has shown,[ ] the men graduates marry most frequently . years after taking their degrees, and the women . years. of the women % marry, of the men %. the women marry at the average age of . years and the men at . . less than one-fourth of the marrying men married women within the college. the last five decades he studied show a steady decrease in the number of women graduates who marry, while the men are much more constant. his figures are: _per cent of men_ _per cent of women_ _decade_ _graduates_ _graduates_ _married_ _married_ - - - - - c. b. davenport, looking at the record of his own classmates at harvard, found[ ] in that among the original members there were surviving, of whom nearly a third ( %) had never married. "of these ( )," he continues, " were in 'who's who in america?' we should expect, were success in professional life promoted by bachelorship, to find something over a third of those in who's who to be unmarried. actually all but two, or less than %, were married, and one of these has since married. the only still unmarried man was a temporary member of the class and is an artist who has resided for a large part of the time in europe. there is, therefore, no reason to believe that bachelorship favors professional success." particularly pernicious in tending to prevent marriage is the influence of certain professional schools, some of which have come to require a college degree for entrance. in such a case the aspiring physician, for example, can hardly hope to obtain a license to practice until he has reached the age of since years are required in medical college and year in a hospital. his marriage must in almost every case be postponed until a number of years after that of the young men of his own class who have followed business careers. this brief survey is enough to prove that the best educated young women (and to a less extent young men) of the united states, who for many reasons may be considered superior, are in many cases avoiding marriage altogether, and in other cases postponing it longer than is desirable. the women in the separate colleges of the east have the worst record in this respect, but that of the women graduates of some of the coeducational schools leaves much to be desired. it is difficult to separate the causes which result in a postponement of marriage, from those that result in a total avoidance of marriage. to a large extent the causes are the same, and the result differs only in degree. the effect of absolute celibacy of superior people, from a eugenic point of view, is of course obvious to all, but the racial effect of postponement of marriage, even for a few years, is not always so clearly realized. the diagram in fig. may give a clearer appreciation of this situation. francis galton clearly perceived the importance of this point, and attempted in several ways to arrive at a just idea of it. one of the most striking of his investigations is based on dr. duncan's statistics from a maternity hospital. dividing the mothers into five-year groups, according to their age, and stating the median age of the group for the sake of simplicity, instead of giving the limits, he arrived at the following table: _age of mother at_ _approximate average_ _her marriage_ _fertility_ . -- × . . -- × . . -- × . . -- × . which shows that the relative fertility of mothers married at the ages of , , and , respectively, is as , , , and approximately. "the increase in population by a habit of early marriages," he adds, "is further augmented by the greater rapidity with which the generations follow each other. by the joint effect of these two causes, a large effect is in time produced." certainly the object of eugenics is not to merely increase human numbers. quality is more important than quantity in a birth-rate. but it must be evident that other things being equal, a group which marries early will, after a number of generations, supplant a group which marries even a few years later. and there is abundant evidence to show that some of the best elements of the old, white, american race are being rapidly eliminated from the population of america, because of postponement or avoidance of marriage. taking the men alone, we find that failure to marry may often be ascribed to one of the following reasons: . the cultivation of a taste for sexual variety and a consequent unwillingness to submit to the restraints of marriage. . pessimism in regard to women from premature or unfortunate sex experiences. . infection by venereal disease. . deficiency in normal sexual feeling, or perversion. . deficiency of one kind or another, physical or mental, causing difficulty in getting an acceptable mate. the persons in groups and certainly and in groups , , and probably to a less extent, are inferior, and their celibacy is an advantage to the race, rather than a disadvantage, from a eugenic point of view. their inferiority is in part the result of bad environment. but since innate inferiority is so frequently a large factor, the bad environment often being experienced only because the nature was inferior to start with, the average of the group as a whole must be considered innately inferior. then there are among celibate men two other classes, largely superior by nature: . those who seek some other end so ardently that they will not make the necessary sacrifice in money and freedom, in order to marry. . those whose likelihood of early marriage is reduced by a prolonged education and apprenticeship. prolongation of the celibate period often results in life-long celibacy. some of the most important means of remedying the above conditions, in so far as they are dysgenic, can be grouped under three general heads: . try to lead all young men to avoid a loose sexual life and venereal disease. a general effort will be heeded more by the superior than by the inferior. . hold up the rôle of husband and father as particularly honorable, and proclaim its shirking, without adequate cause, as dishonorable. depict it as a happier and healthier state than celibacy or pseudo-celibacy. for a man to say he has never met a girl he can love simply means he has not diligently sought one, or else he has a deficient emotional equipment; for there are many, surprisingly many, estimable, attractive, unmarried women. . cease prolonging the educational period past the early twenties. it is time to call a halt on the schools and universities, whose constant lengthening of the educational period will result in a serious loss to the race. external circumstances of an educational nature should not be allowed to force a young man to postpone his marriage past the age of . this means that students must be allowed to specialize earlier. if there is need of limiting the number of candidates, competitive entrance examinations may be arranged on some rational basis. superior young men should marry, even at some cost to their early efficiency. the high efficiency of any profession can be more safely kept up by demanding a minimum amount of continuation work in afternoon, evening, or seasonal classes, laboratories, or clinics. no more graduate fellowships should be established until those now existing carry a stipend adequate for marriage. those which already carry larger stipends should not be limited to bachelors, as are the most valuable awards at princeton, the ten yearly proctor fellowships of $ , each. the causes of the remarkable failure of college women to marry can not be exhaustively investigated here, but for the purposes of eugenics they may be roughly classified as unavoidable and avoidable. under the first heading must be placed those girls who are inherently unmarriageable, either because of physical defect or, more frequently, mental defect,--most often an over-development of intellect at the expense of the emotions, which makes a girl either unattractive to men, or inclines her toward a celibate career and away from marriage and motherhood. opinions differ as to the proportion of college girls who are inherently unmarriageable. anyone who has been much among them will testify that a large proportion of them are not inherently unmarriageable, however, and their celibacy for the most part must be classified as avoidable. their failure to marry may be because ( ) they desire not to marry, due to a preference for a career, or development of a cynical attitude toward men and matrimony, due to a faulty education, or ( ) they desire to marry, but do not, for a variety of reasons such as: (a) they are educated for careers, such as school-teaching, where they have little opportunity to meet men. (b) their education makes them less desirable mates than girls who have had some training along the lines of home-making and mothercraft. (c) they have remained in partial segregation until past the age when they are physically most attractive, and when the other girls of their age are marrying. (d) due to their own education, they demand on the part of suitors a higher degree of education than the young men of their acquaintance possess. a girl of this type wants to marry but desires a man who is educationally her equal or superior. as men of such type are relatively rare, her chances of marriage are reduced. (e) their experience in college makes them desire a standard of living higher than that of their own families or of the men among whom they were brought up. they become resistant to the suit of men who are of ordinary economic status. while waiting for the appearance of a suitor who is above the average in both intelligence and wealth, they pass the marriageable age. (f) they are better educated than the young men of their acquaintance, and the latter are afraid of them. some young men dislike to marry girls who know more than they do, except in the distinctively feminine fields. these and various similar causes help to lower the marriage-rate of college women and to account for the large number of alumnæ who desire to marry but are unable to do so. in the interest of eugenics, the various difficulties must be met in appropriate ways. marriage is not desirable for those who are eugenically inferior, from weak constitutions, defective sexuality, or inherent mental deficiency. but beyond these groups of women are the much larger groups of celibates who are distinctly superior, and whose chances of marriage have been reduced for one of the reasons mentioned above or through living in cities with an undue proportion of female residents. then there are, besides these, superior women who, because they are brought up in families without brothers or brothers' friends, are so unnaturally shy that they are unable to become friendly with men, however much they may care to. it is evident that life in a separate college for women often intensifies this defect. there are still other women who repel men by a manner of extreme self-repression and coldness, sometimes the result of parents' or teachers' over-zealous efforts to inculcate modesty and reserve, traits valuable in due degree but harmful in excess. when will educators learn that the education of the emotions is as important as that of the intellect? when will the schools awake to the fact that a large part of life consists in relations with other human beings, and that much of their educational effort is absolutely valueless, or detrimental, to success in the fundamentally necessary practice of dealing with other individuals which is imposed on every one? many a college girl of the finest innate qualities, who sincerely desires to enter matrimony, is unable to find a husband of her own class, simply because she has been rendered so cold and unattractive, so over-stuffed intellectually and starved emotionally, that a typical man does not desire to spend the rest of his life in her company. the same indictment applies in a less degree to men. it is generally believed that an only child is frequently to be found in this class. on the other hand, it is equally true--perhaps more important--that many innately superior young men are rejected, because of their manner of life. superior young men should be induced to keep their physical records clean, in order that they may not suffer the severe depreciation which they would otherwise sustain in the eyes of superior women. but in efforts to teach chastity, sex itself must not be made to appear an evil thing. this is a grave mistake and all too common since the rise of the sex-hygiene movement. undoubtedly a considerable amount of the celibacy in sensitive women may be traced to ill-balanced mothers and teachers who, in word and attitude, build up an impression that sex is indecent and bestial, and engender in general a damaging suspicion of men.[ ] level heads are necessary in the sex ethics campaign. whereas the venereal diseases will probably, with a continuation of present progress in treatment and prophylaxis, be brought under control in the course of a century, the problem of differential mating will exist as long as the race does, which can hardly be less than tens of millions of years. lurid presentation, by drama, novel, or magazine-story, of dramatic and highly-colored individual sex histories, is to be avoided. these often impress an abnormal situation on sensitive girls so strongly that aversion to marriage, or sex antagonism, is aroused. every effort should be made to permeate art--dramatic, plastic, or literary--with the highest ideals of sex and parenthood. a glorification of motherhood and fatherhood in these ways would have a portentous influence on public opinion. "the true, intimate chronicle of an everyday married life has not been written. here is a theme for genius; for only genius can divine and reveal the beauty, the pathos, and the wonder of the normal or the commonplace. a felicitous marriage has its comedy, its complexities, its element, too, of tragedy and grief, as well as its serenity and fealty. matrimony, whether the pair fare well or ill, is always a great adventure, a play of deep instincts and powerful emotions, a drama of two psyches. every marriage provides a theme for the literary artist. no lives are free from enigmas."[ ] more "temperance" in work would probably promote marriage of able and ambitious young people. walter gallichan complains that "we do not even recognize love as a finer passion than money greed. it is a kind of luxury, or pleasant pastime, for the sentimentally minded. love is so undervalued as a source of happiness, a means of grace, and a completion of being, that many men would sooner work to keep a motor car than to marry." men should be taught greater respect for the individuality of women, so that no high-minded girl will shrink from marriage with the idea that it means a surrender of her personality and a state of domestic servitude. a more discriminating idea of sex-equality is desirable, and a recognition by men that women are not necessarily creatures of inferior mentality. it would be an advantage if men's education included some instruction along these lines. it would be a great gain, also if intelligent women had more knowledge of domestic economy and mothercraft, because one of the reasons why the well-educated girl is handicapped in seeking a mate is the belief all too frequently well founded of many young men that she is a luxury which he can not afford. higher education in general needs to be reoriented. it has too much glorified individualism, and put a premium on "white collar" work. the trend toward industrial education will help to correct this situation. professor sprague[ ] points out another very important fault, when he says: "more strong men are needed on the staffs of public schools and women's colleges, and in all of these institutions more married instructors of both sexes are desirable. the catalogue of one of the [women's] colleges referred to above shows professors and instructors, of whom are women, of whom only two have ever married. is it to be expected that the curriculum created by such a staff would idealize and prepare for family and home life as the greatest work of the world and the highest goal of woman, and teach race survival as a patriotic duty? or, would it be expected that these bachelor staffs would glorify the independent vocation and life for women and create employment bureaus to enable their graduates to get into the offices, schools and other lucrative jobs? the latter seems to be what occurs." increase of opportunity for superior young people to meet each other, as discussed in our chapter on sexual selection, will play a very large part in raising the marriage rate. and finally, the delayed or avoided marriage of the intellectual classes is in large part a reflection of public opinion, which has wrongly represented other things as being more worth while than marriage. "the promotion of marriage in early adult life, as a part of social hygiene, must begin with a new canonization of marriage," mr. gallichan declares. "this is equally the task of the fervent poet and the scientific thinker, whose respective labors for humanity are never at variance in essentials.... the sentiment for marriage can be deepened by a rational understanding of the passion that attracts and unites the sexes. we need an apotheosis of conjugal love as a basis for a new appreciation of marriage. reverence for love should be fostered from the outset of the adolescent period by parents and pedagogues." if, in addition to this "diffusion of healthier views of the conjugal relation," some of the economic changes suggested in later chapters are put in effect, it seems probable that the present racially disastrous tendency of the most superior young men and women to postpone or avoid marriage would be checked. chapter xiii increase of the birth-rate of the superior imagine babies born to parents of native stock in the united states. on the average, of them will be boys and girls. by the time the girls reach a marriageable age (say years), at least will have died, leaving possible wives, on whom the duty of perpetuating that section of the race depends. we said "possible" wives, not probable; for not all will marry. it is difficult to say just how many will become wives, but robert j. sprague has reported on several investigations that illuminate the point. in a selected new england village in , he says, "there were forty marriageable girls between the ages of and . to-day thirty-two of these are married, per cent. are spinsters. "an investigation of families of the massachusetts agricultural college students shows that out of women over years of age or per cent. have married, leaving only per cent. spinsters. this and other observations indicate that the daughters of farmers marry more generally than those of some other classes. "in sixty-nine (reporting) families represented by the freshman class of amherst college ( ) there are mothers and aunts over years of age, of whom or per cent. have already married. "it would seem safe to conclude that about per cent. of native women in general american society do not marry during the child-bearing period." deducting per cent. from the possible wives leaves sixty-six probable wives. now among the native wives of massachusetts per cent. do not produce children, and deducting these thirteen childless ones from the sixty-six probable wives leaves fifty-three probable, married, child-bearing women, who must be depended on to reproduce the original individuals with whom we began this chapter. that means that each woman who demonstrates ability to bear offspring must bear . children. this it must be noted, is a minimum number, for no account has been taken of those who, through some defect or disease developed late in life, become unmarriageable. in general, unless every married woman brings three children to maturity, the race will not even hold its own in numbers. and this means that each woman must bear four children, since not all the children born will live. if the married women of the country bear fewer than nearly four children each, the race is in danger of losing ground. such a statement ought to strike the reader as one of grave importance; but we labor under no delusion that it will do so. for we are painfully aware that the bugaboo of the declining birth-rate of superior people has been raised so often in late years, that it has become stale by repetition. it no longer causes any alarm. the country is filled with sincere but mentally short-sighted individuals, who are constantly ready to vociferate that numbers are no very desirable thing in a birth-rate; that quality is wanted, not quantity; that a few children given ideal care are of much more value to the state and the race than are many children, who can not receive this attention. and this attitude toward the subject, we venture to assert, is a graver peril to the race than is the declining birth-rate itself. for there is enough truth in it to make it plausible, and to separate the truth from the dangerous untruth it contains, and to make the bulk of the population see the distinction, is a task which will tax every energy of the eugenist. unfortunately, this is not a case of mere difference of opinion between men; it is a case of antagonism between men and nature. if a race hypnotize itself into thinking that its views about race suicide are superior to nature's views, it may make its own end a little less painful; but it will not postpone that end for a single minute. the contest is to the strong, and although numbers are not the most important element in strength, it is very certain that a race made up of families containing one child each will not be the survivor in the struggle for existence. the idea, therefore, that race suicide and general limitation of births to the irreducible minimum, can be effectively justified by any conceivable appeal to economic or sociological factors, is a mistake which will eventually bring about the extinction of the people making it. this statement must not be interpreted wrongly. certainly we would not argue that a high birth-rate in itself is necessarily a desirable thing. it is not the object of eugenics to achieve as big a population as possible, regardless of quality. but in the last analysis, the only wealth of a nation is its people; moreover some people, are as national assets, worth more than others. the goal, then, might be said to be: a population adjusted in respect to its numbers to the resources of the country, and that number of the very best quality possible. great diversity of people is required in modern society, but of each desirable kind the best obtainable representatives are to be desired. it is at once evident that a decline, rather than an increase, in the birth-rate of some sections of the population, is wanted. there are some strata at the bottom that are a source of weakness rather than of strength to the race, and a source of unhappiness rather than of happiness to themselves and those around them. these should be reduced in number, as we have shown at some length earlier in this book. the other parts of the population should be perpetuated by the best, rather than the worst. in no other way can the necessary leaders be secured, without whom, in commerce, industry, politics, science, the nation is at a great disadvantage. the task of eugenics is by no means what it is sometimes supposed to be: to breed a superior caste. but a very important part of its task is certainly to increase the number of leaders in the race. and it is this part of its task, in particular, which is menaced by the declining birth-rate in the united states. as every one knows, race suicide is proceeding more rapidly among the native whites than among any other large section of the population; and it is exactly this part of the population which has in the past furnished most of the eminent men of the country. it has been shown in previous chapters that eminent men do not appear wholly by chance in the population. the production of eminence is largely a family affair; and in america, "the land of opportunity" as well as in older countries, people of eminence are much more interrelated than chance would allow. it has been shown, indeed, that in america it is at least a to bet that an eminent person will be rather closely related to some other eminent person, and will not be a sporadic appearance in the population.[ ] taken with other considerations advanced in earlier chapters, this means that a falling off in the reproduction of the old american best strains means a falling off in the number of eminent men which the united states will produce. no improvement in education can prevent a serious loss, for the strong minds get more from education. the old american stock has produced a vastly greater proportion of eminence, has accomplished a great deal more proportionately, in modern times, than has other any stock whose representatives have been coming in large numbers as immigrants to these shores during the last generation. it is, therefore, likely to continue to surpass them, unless it declines too greatly in numbers. for this reason, we feel justified in concluding that the decline of the birth-rate in the old american stock represents a decline in the birth-rate of a superior element. there is another way of looking at this point. the stock under discussion has been, on the whole, economically ahead of such stocks as are now immigrating. in competition with them under equal conditions, it appears to remain pretty consistently ahead, economically. now, although we would not insist on this point too strongly, it can hardly be questioned that eugenic value is to some extent correlated with economic success in life, as all desirable qualities tend to be correlated together. within reasonable limits, it is justifiable to treat the economically superior sections of the nation as the eugenically superior. and it is among these economically superior sections of the nation that the birth-rate has most rapidly and dangerously fallen. the constant influx of highly fecund immigrant women tends to obscure the fact that the birth-rate of the older residents is falling below par, and analysis of the birth-rate in various sections of the community is necessary to give an understanding of what is actually taking place. in rhode island, f. l. hoffmann found the average number of children for each foreign-born woman to be . , and for each native-born woman to be . . there were wide racial differences among the foreign born; the various elements were represented by the following average number of children per wife: french-canadians . russians . italians . irish . scotch and welsh . english . germans . swedes . english-canadians . poles . in short, the native-born whites in this investigation fell below every one of the foreign nationalities. the massachusetts censuses for and showed similar results: the foreign-born women had . children each, and the native-born women . each. frederick s. crum's careful investigation[ ] of new england genealogies, including , wives, has thrown a great deal of light on the steady decline in their birth-rate. he found the average number of children to be: - . - . - . - . there, in four lines, is the story of the decline of the old american stock. at present, it is barely reproducing itself, probably not even that, for there is reason to believe that does not mark the lowest point reached. before , less than % of the wives in this investigation had only one child, now % of them have only one. with the emigration of old new england families to the west, and the constant immigration of foreign-born people to take their places, it is no cause for surprise that new england no longer exercises the intellectual leadership that she once held. for massachusetts as a whole, the birth-rate among the native-born population was . per , in , . in , while in the foreign-born population it was . in and . in . after excluding all old women and young women, the birth-rate of the foreign-born women in massachusetts is still found to be / greater than that of the native-born.[ ] in short, the birth-rate of the old american stock is now so low that that stock is dying out and being supplanted by immigrants. in order that the stock might even hold its own, we have shown that each married woman should bear three to four children. at present the married women of the old white american race in new england appear to be bringing two or less to maturity. it will be profitable to digress for a moment to consider farther what this disappearance of the ancient population of massachusetts means to the country. when all the distinguished men of the united states are graded, in accordance with their distinction, it is regularly found, as frederick adams woods says, that "some states in the union, some sections of the country, have produced more eminence than others, far beyond the expectation from their respective white populations. in this regard massachusetts always leads, and connecticut is always second, and certain southern states are always behind and fail to render their expected quota." the accurate methods used by dr. woods in this investigation leave no room for doubt that in almost every way massachusetts has regularly produced twice as many eminent men as its population would lead one to expect, and has for some ranks and types of achievement produced about four times the expectation. scott nearing's studies[ ] confirm those of dr. woods. taking the most distinguished men and women america has produced, he found that the number produced in new england, per , population, was much larger than that produced by any other part of the country. rhode island, the poorest new england state in this respect, was yet % above new york, the best state outside new england. the advantage of new england, however, he found to be rapidly decreasing. of the eminent persons born before , % were new englanders although the population of new england in was only . % of that of the whole country. but of the eminent younger men,--those born between and , new england, with . % of the country's population, could claim only % of the genius. cambridge, mass., has produced more eminent younger men of the present time than any other city, he discovered, but the cities which come next in order are nashville, tenn., columbus, ohio, lynn, mass., washington, d. c., portland, ore., hartford, conn., boston, mass., new haven, conn., kansas city, mo., and chicago, ill. there is reason to believe that some of the old new england stock, which emigrated to the west, retains a higher fecundity than does that part of the stock which remains on the atlantic seaboard. this fact, while a gratifying one, of course does not compensate for the low fertility of the families which still live in new england. within this section of the population, the decline is undoubtedly taking place faster in some parts than in others. statistical evidence is not available, to tell a great deal about this, but the birth-rate for the graduates of some of the leading women's colleges is known, and their student bodies are made up largely of girls of superior stork. at wellesley, the graph in fig. shows at a glance just what is happening. briefly, the graduates of that college contribute less than one child apiece to the race. the classes do not even reproduce their own numbers. instead of the . children which, according to sprague's calculation, they ought to bear, they are bearing . of a child. the foregoing study is one of the few to carefully distinguish between families which were complete at the time of study and those families where additional children may yet be born. in the studies to follow this distinction may in some cases be made by the reader in interpreting the data while in other cases families having some years of possible productiveness ahead are included with others and the relative proportion of the types is not indicated. the error in these cases is therefore important and the reader is warned to accept them only with a mental allowance for this factor. the best students make an even worse showing in this respect. the wellesley alumnæ who are members of phi beta kappa,--that is, the superior scholars--have not . of a child each, but only . of a child; while the holders of the durant and wellesley scholarships, awarded for intellectual superiority,[ ] make the following pathetic showing in comparison with the whole class. wellesley college graduates of ' , ' , ' , ' , status of fall of _all_ _durant or wellesley_ _scholars_ per cent married number of children: per graduate . . per wife . . it must not be thought that wellesley's record is an exception, for most of the large women's colleges furnish deplorable figures. mount holyoke's record is: _children per_ _children per_ _decade of graduation_ _married_ _graduate_ _graduate_ - . . - . . - . . - . . - . . - . . nor can graduation from bryn mawr college be said to favor motherhood. by the alumnæ graduated there between and , only children had been produced up to jan. , . this makes . of a child per married alumna, or . of a child per graduate, since less than half of the graduates marry. these are the figures published by the college administration. professor sprague's tabulation of the careers of vassar college graduates, made from official records of the college, is worth quoting in full, for the light it throws on the histories of college girls, after they leave college: classes from to number of graduates number that taught ( %) number that married ( %) number that did not marry ( %) number that taught and afterward married ( % of all who taught) number that taught, married and had children ( % of all who taught and married) number that taught, married and were childless ( %) number of children of those who taught and had children ( . children per family) number of children of those who married but did not teach ( per married graduate that did not teach) total number of children of all graduates ( child per graduate) average number of children per married graduate . average number of children per graduate . classes from to number of graduates number that taught ( %) number that married ( %) number that did not marry ( %) number that taught and afterward married ( %) number that taught, married and had children ( % of all who taught and married) number that taught, married and were childless ( %) number of children of those who taught and had children ( . children per family) number of children of those who married but did not teach ( each) total number of children of all graduates (. child per graduate) average number of children per married graduate . (per married graduate) average number of children per graduate . if the women's colleges were fulfilling what the writers consider to be their duty toward their students, their graduates would have a higher marriage and birth-rate than that of their sisters, cousins and friends who do not go to college. but the reverse is the case. m. r. smith's investigation showed the comparison between college girls and girls of equivalent social position and of the same or similar families, as follows: _number of_ _per cent childless_ _children_ _at time_ college . . equivalent non-college . . now if education is tending toward race suicide, then the writers believe there is something wrong with modern educational methods. and certainly all statistics available point to the fact that girls who have been in such an atmosphere as that of some colleges for four years, are, from a eugenic point of view, of diminished value to the race. this is not an argument against higher education for women, but it is a potent argument for a different kind of higher education than many of the colleges of america are now giving them. this is one of the causes for the decline of the birth-rate in the old american stock. but of course it is only one. a very large number of causes are unquestionably at work to the same end, and the result can be adequately changed only if it is analyzed into as many of its component parts as possible, and each one of these dealt with separately. the writers have emphasized the shortcoming of women's colleges, because it is easily demonstrated and, they believe, relatively easily mitigated. but the record of men's colleges is not beyond criticism. miss smith found that among the college graduates of the th century in new england, only % remained unmarried, while in the yale classes of - , % never married, and of the harvard graduates from - % remained single. the average number of children per harvard graduate of the earlier period was found to be . , for the latest period studied . . among the yale graduates it was found that the number of children per father had declined from . to . . [illustration: birth rate of harvard and yale graduates fig. .--during the period under consideration it declined steadily, although marriage was about as frequent and as early at the end as at the beginning of the period. it is necessary to suppose that the decline in the birth rate is due principally to voluntary limitation of families. j. c. phillips, who made the above graph, thinks that since the birth rate among these college graduates may be tending slightly to rise again.] figures were obtained from some other colleges, which are incomplete and should be taken with reservation. their incompleteness probably led the number of children to be considerably underestimated. at amherst, - , it was found that of the graduates of the period remained unmarried. the average number of children per married man was . . at wesleyan it was found that of the graduates, from to , remained single; the average number of children per married man was . . the only satisfactory study of the birth-rate of graduates of men's colleges is that recently made by john c. phillips from the class lists of harvard and yale, - , summarized in the accompanying graph (fig. ). in discussing his findings, dr. phillips writes: "roughly, the number of children born per capita per married graduate has fallen from about . in the first decade to . in the last decade. the per cent of graduates marrying has remained about the same for forty years, and is a trifle higher for yale; but the low figure, % for the first decade of harvard, is probably due to faulty records, and must not be taken as significant. "the next most interesting figure is the 'children surviving per capita per graduate.' this has fallen from over . to about . . the per cent of childless marriages increased very markedly during the first two decades and held nearly level for the last two decades. for the last decade at yale it has even dropped slightly, an encouraging sign. it is worthy of note that the number of children born to yale graduates is almost constantly a trifle higher than that for harvard, while the number of childless marriages is slightly less." this is probably owing to the larger proportion of harvard students living in a large city. if the birth-rate of graduates both of separate men's colleges and of separate women's colleges is alarmingly low, that of graduates of coeducational institutions is not always satisfactory, either. to some extent the low birth-rate is a characteristic of educated people, without regard to the precise nature of their education. in a study of the graduates of syracuse university, one of the oldest coeducational colleges of the eastern united states, h. j. banker found[ ] that the number of children declined with each decade. thus married women graduates prior to the civil war had surviving children each; in the last decade of the nineteenth century they had only one. for married men graduates, the number of surviving children had fallen in the same length of time from . to . . when all graduates, married or not, are counted in the decade - , it is found that the men of syracuse have contributed to the next generation one surviving child each, the women only half a child apiece. dr. cattell's investigation of the families of , contemporary american men of science all of which were probably not complete however, shows that they leave, on the average, less than two surviving children. only one family in is larger than six, and % of them are childless. obviously, as far as those families are concerned, there will be fewer men of inherent scientific eminence in the next generation than in this. the decline in the birth-rate is sometimes attributed to the fact that people as a whole are marrying later than they used to; we have already shown that this idea is, on the whole, false. the idea that people as a whole are marrying less than they used to is also, as we have shown, mistaken. the decline in the general birth-rate can be attributed to only one fact, and that is that married people are having fewer children. the percentage of childless wives in the american stock is steadily increasing. dr. crum's figures show the following percentage of childless wives, in the new england genealogies with which he worked: - . - . - . - . j. a. hill[ ] found, from the census figures, that one in eight of the native-born wives is childless, as compared with one in five among the negroes, one in nineteen among the foreign born. childlessness of american wives is therefore a considerable, although not a preponderant factor, in this decline of the birth rate. dr. hill further found that from marriages, in various stocks, the following numbers of children could be expected: native-born women negro-born women english-born women russian-born women french canada-born women polish-born women the women of the old american stock are on the whole more sterile or, if not sterile, less fecund, than other women in the united states. why? in answer, various physiological causes are often alleged. it is said that the dissemination of venereal diseases has caused an increase of sterility; that luxurious living lowers fecundity, and so on. it is impossible to take the time to analyze the many explanations of this sort which have been offered, and which are familiar to the reader; we must content ourselves with saying that evidence of a great many kinds, largely statistical and, in our opinion, reliable, indicates that physiological causes play a minor part in the decrease of the birth-rate.[ ] or, plainly, women no longer bear as many children, because they don't want to. this accords with dr. cattel's inquiry of american men of science; in cases it was stated that the family was voluntarily limited, the cause being given as health in cases, expense in cases, and various in cases. sidney webb's investigation among "intellectuals" in london showed an even greater proportion of voluntary limitation. the exhaustive investigation of the galton laboratory of national eugenics leaves little room for doubt that in england the decline in the birth-rate began about - , when the trial of charles bradlaugh and the theosophist leader, mrs. annie besant, on the charge of circulating "neo-malthusian" literature, focused public attention on the possibility of birth control, and gradually brought a knowledge of the means of contraception within reach of many. in the united states statistics are lacking, but medical men and others in a position to form opinions generally agree that the limitation of births has been steadily increasing for the last few decades; and with the propaganda at present going on, it is pretty sure to increase much more rapidly during the next decade or two. some instructive results can be drawn, in this connection, from a study of the families of methodist clergymen in the united states.[ ] although out of every hundred of them marry, and they marry early, the birth-rate is not high. its distribution is presented in the accompanying graph (fig. ). it is evident that they have tended to standardize the two-child family which is so much in evidence among college professors and educated classes generally, all over the world. the presence of a considerable number of large families raises the average number of surviving children of prominent methodists to . . and in so explaining the cause of the declining birth-rate among native-born americans, we have also found the principal reason for the _differential_ nature of the decline in the nation at large, which is the feature that alarms the eugenist. the more intelligent and well-to-do part of the population has been able to get and use the needed information, and limit its birth-rate; the poor and ignorant has been less able to do so, and their rate of increase has therefore been more natural in a large percentage of cases. it is not surprising, therefore, that many eugenists should have advocated wider dissemination of the knowledge of means of limiting births, with the idea that if this practice were extended to the lower classes, their birth-rate would decrease just the same as has that of the upper classes, and the alarming differential rate would therefore be abolished. [illustration: families of prominent methodists fig. .--the heavy line shows the distribution of families of prominent methodists (mostly clergymen) who married only once. eleven percent had no surviving children and nearly half of the families consisted of two children or less. the dotted line shows the families of those who were twice married. it would naturally be expected that two women would bear considerably more children than one woman, but as an average fact it appears that a second wife means the addition of only half a child to the minister's family. it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that the birth-rate in these families is determined more by the desire of the parents (based on economic grounds) than on the natural fecundity of the women. in other words, the number of children is limited to the number whom the minister can afford to bring up on his inadequate salary.] against this it might be argued that the desired result will never be wholly attained, because the most effective means of birth control involve some expense, and because their effective use presupposes a certain amount of foresight and self-control which is not always found among the lower strata of society. despite certain dangers accompanying a widespread dissemination of the knowledge of how to limit births, it seems to be the opinion of most eugenists that if free access to such information be not permitted that at least such knowledge ought to be given in many families, where it would be to the advantage of society that fewer children be produced. such a step, of course, must be taken on the individual responsibility of a doctor, nurse or other social worker. a propaganda has arisen during recent years, in the united states, for the repeal of all laws which prohibit giving knowledge about and selling contraceptives. whether or not it succeeds in changing the law it will, like the bradlaugh-besant episode, spread contraception widely. this propaganda is based largely on social and economic grounds, and is sometimes unscientific in its methods and avowed aims. but whatever its nature may be, there seems little reason (judging from analogy in european countries) to believe that it can be stopped. the "infant mortality movement" also has an effect here which is rarely recognized. it is a stock argument of birth control propagandists that a high birth-rate means a high rate of infant mortality; but a. o. powys has demonstrated that cause and effect are to some extent reversed in this statement, and that it is equally true that a high rate of infant mortality means a high birth-rate, in a section of the population where birth control is not practiced. the explanation is the familiar fact that conception takes place less often in nursing mothers. but if a child dies early or is bottle-fed, a new conception is likely to occur much sooner than would otherwise be the case. by reducing infant mortality and teaching mothers to feed their babies naturally, the infant mortality movement is thereby reducing the birth-rate in the poorer part of the population, a eugenic service which to some extent offsets the dysgenic results that, as we shall show in the last chapter, follow the "save the babies" propaganda. with the spread of the birth control and infant mortality movements one may therefore look forward to some diminution of the differential element in the birth-rate, together with a further decline in that birth-rate as a whole. such a situation, which seems to us almost a certainty within the next decade or two, will not change the duty of eugenics, on which we have been insisting in this chapter and, to a large extent, throughout the present book. it will be just as necessary as ever that the families which are, and have been in the past, of the greatest benefit and value to the country, have a higher birth-rate. the greatest task of eugenics, as we see it, will still be to find means by which the birth-rate among such families can be increased. this increase in the birth-rate among superior people must depend largely on a change in public sentiment. such a change may be brought about in many ways. the authority of religion may be invoked, as it is by the roman catholic and mormon churches[ ] whose communicants are constantly taught that fecundity is a virtue and voluntary sterility a sin. unfortunately their appeal fails to make proper discriminations. whatever may be the theological reasons for such an attitude on the part of the churches, its practical eugenic significance is clear enough. nothing can be more certain than that, if present conditions continue, roman catholics will soon be in an overwhelming preponderance in the eastern united states, because of the differential birth-rate, if for no other reason; and that the mormon population will steadily gain ground in the west. similarly, it is alleged that the population of france is gradually assuming the characteristics of the breton race, because that race is the notably fecund section of the population, while nearly all the other components of the nation are committing race suicide (although not so rapidly as is the old white stock in new england). again, the rôle of religion in eugenics is shown in china, where ancestor worship leads to a desire for children, and makes it a disgrace to be childless. a process analogous to natural selection applies to religions much as it does to races; and if the chinese religion, with its requirement of a high birth-rate, and the present-day american protestant form of the christian religion, with its lack of eugenic teaching, should come into direct competition, under equal conditions of environment, it is obvious that the chinese form would be the eventual survivor, just because its adherents would steadily increase and those of its rival would as steadily decrease. such a situation may seem fanciful; yet the leaders of every church may well consider whether the religion which they preach is calculated to fill all the needs of its adherents, if it is silent on the subject of eugenics. the influence of economic factors on the birth-rate is marked. the child, under modern urban conditions, is not an economic asset, as he was on the farm in earlier days. he is an economic liability instead. and with the constant rise of the standard of living, with the increase of taxation, the child steadily becomes more of a liability. many married people desire children, or more children, but feel that they can not have them without sacrificing something that they are unwilling to sacrifice. analysis of this increase in the cost of children, reveals not less than five main elements which deserve attention from eugenists. . it costs more to clothe children than it used to. not only does clothing of a given quality cost more now than it did a decade or two ago, but there are more fabrics and designs available, and many of these, while attractive, are costly and not durable. compliance to fashion has increasingly made itself felt in the clothing of the child. . it costs more to feed them than it used to. not only has food for everyone increased in price, but the standards for feeding children have been raised. once children were expected to be content with plain fare; now it is more frequently the custom to give them just what the rest of the family eats. . the cost of medical attention has increased. all demand more of the doctors now than they did in the last generation. the doctors are able to do more than they formerly could, and particularly for his children, every man wants the best that he can possibly afford. hence medical attendance for a child is constantly becoming more costly, because more frequent; and further, the amount of money which parents spend on medical attendance for their children usually increases with any increase in their income. . the cost of domestic labor is greater. most kinds of domestic service have more than doubled in price within the memory of relatively young people. moreover, it is gradually being realized that a high standard is desirable in selecting a nurse for children. as a fact, a children's nurse ought to have much greater qualifications than the nurse whose duty is to care for sick adults. if a mother is obliged to delegate part of the work of bringing up her children to some other woman, she is beginning to recognize that this substitute mother should have superior ability; and the teachers of subconscious psychology have emphasized the importance of giving a child only the best possible intellectual surroundings. ignorant nursemaids are unwillingly tolerated, and as the number of competent assistants for mothers is very small, the cost is correspondingly high. an increase in the number of persons trained for such work is to be anticipated, but it is likely that the demand for them will grow even more rapidly; hence there is no reason to expect that competent domestic help will become any less costly than it is now. . the standards of education have risen steadily. there is perhaps no other feature which has tended more to limit families. conscientious parents have often determined to have no more children than they could afford to educate in the best possible way. this meant at least a college education, and frequently has led to one and two-child families. it is a motive of birth control which calls for condemnation. the old idea of valuable mental discipline for all kinds of mental work to be gained from protracted difficult formal education is now rejected by educational psychologists, but its prevalence in the popular mind serves to make "higher education" still something of a fetish, from which marvelous results, not capable of precise comprehension, are anticipated. we do not disparage the value of a college education, in saying that parents should not attach such importance to it as to lead them to limit their family to the number to whom they can give years of education without pecuniary compensation. the effect of these various factors in the increasing cost of children is to decrease fecundity not so much on the basis of income of parents, as on the basis of their standards. the prudent, conscientious parent is therefore the one most affected, and the reduction in births is greatest in that class, where eugenics is most loth to see it. the remedy appears to be a change in public opinion which will result in a truer idea of values. some readjustments in family budgets are called for, which will discriminate more clearly between expenditure that is worth while, and that which is not. without depriving his children of the best medical attention and education, one may eliminate those invidious sources of expense which benefit neither the children nor anyone else,--overdressing, for instance. a simplification of life would not only enable superior people to have larger families, but would often be an advantage to the children already born. on the other hand, the fact that higher standards in a population lead to fewer children suggests a valuable means of reducing the birth-rate of the inferior. raise their low standards of living and they will reduce their own fertility voluntarily (the birth control movement furnishing them with the possibility). all educational work in the slums therefore is likely to have a valuable though indirect eugenic outcome. the poor foreign-speaking areas in large cities, where immigrants live huddled together in squalor, should be broken up. as these people are given new ideas of comfort, and as their children are educated in american ways of living, there is every reason to expect a decline in their birth-rate, similar to that which has taken place among the native-born during the past generation. this elevation of standards in the lower classes will be accomplished without any particular exertion from eugenists; there are many agencies at work in this field, although they rarely realize the result of their work which we have just pointed out. but to effect a discriminating change in the standards of the more intelligent and better educated classes calls for a real effort on the part of all those who have the welfare of society at heart. the difficulties are great enough and the obstacles are evident enough; it is more encouraging to look at the other side, and to see evidences that the public is awakening. the events of every month show that the ideals of eugenics are filtering through the public mind more rapidly than some of us, a decade ago, felt justified in expecting. there is a growing recognition of the danger of bad breeding; a growing recognition in some quarters at least of the need for more children from the superior part of the population; a growing outcry against the excessive standards of luxury that are making children themselves luxuries. the number of those who call themselves eugenists, or who are in sympathy with the aims of eugenics, is increasing every year, as is evidenced by the growth of such an organization as the american genetic association. legislators show an eager desire to pass measures that as they (too often wrongly) believe will have a eugenic result. most colleges and universities are teaching the principles of heredity, and a great many of them add definite instruction in the principles of eugenics. although the ultimate aim of eugenics--to raise the level of the whole human race--is perhaps as great an undertaking as the human mind can conceive, the american nation shows distinct signs of a willingness to grapple with it. and this book will have failed in its purpose, if it has not convinced the reader that means are available for attacking the problem at many points, and that immediate progress is not a mere dream. one of the first necessary steps is a change in educational methods to give greater emphasis to parenthood. and this change, it is a great pleasure to be able to say, is being made in many places. the public schools are gradually beginning to teach mothercraft, under various guises, in many cities and the school of practical arts, columbia univ., gives a course in the "physical care of the infant." public and private institutions are beginning to recognize, what has long been ignored, that parenthood is one of the functions of men and women, toward which their education should be directed. every such step will tend, we believe, to increase the birth-rate among the superior classes of the community; every such step is therefore, indirectly if not directly, a gain for eugenics; for, as we have emphasized time and again, a change in public opinion, to recognize parenthood as a beautiful and desirable thing, is one of the first desiderata of the eugenics program. the introduction of domestic science and its rapid spread are very gratifying, yet there are serious shortcomings, as rather too vigorously set forth by a. e. hamilton: "there are rows of little gas stoves over which prospective wives conduct culinary chemical experiments. there are courses in biology, something of physiology and hygiene, the art of interior decoration and the science of washing clothes. there is text-book sociology and sometimes lectures on heredity or eugenics. but the smile of incredulity as to my seriousness when i asked a professor in the margaret morrison carnegie school [a college of practical arts for women], 'where are the babies?' is typical. babies were impossible. they would interfere with the curriculum, there was no time for practice with babies, and besides, where could they be got, and how could they be taken care of? the students were altogether too busy with calories, balanced rations, and the history of medieval art." perhaps the time is not so far distant when babies will be considered an integral part of a girl's curriculum. if educators begin systematically to educate the emotions as well as the intellect, they will have taken a long step toward increasing the birth-rate of the superior. the next step will be to correlate income more truly with ability in such a way as to make it possible for superior young parents to afford children earlier. the child ought, if eugenically desirable, to be made an asset rather than a liability; if this can not be done, the parents should at least not be penalized for having children. in this chapter, emphasis has been laid on the need for a change in public opinion; in future chapters some economic and social reforms will be suggested, which it is believed would tend to make superior parents feel willing to have more children. the education of public opinion which, acting through the many agencies named, will gradually bring about an increase in the birth-rate of superior people, will not be speedy; but it has begun. the writers, therefore, feel justified in thinking, not solely as a matter of optimistic affirmation, but because of the evidence available, that the race suicide now taking place in the old american stock will soon reach its lowest limit, and that thereafter the birth-rate in that particular stock will slowly rise. if it does, and if, as seems probable, the birth-rate in some inferior sections of the american population at the same time falls from its present level, a change in the racial composition of the nation will take place, which, judged by past history, is bound to be of great eugenic value. chapter xiv the color line "a young white woman, a graduate of a great university of the far north, where negroes are seldom seen, resented it most indignantly when she was threatened with social ostracism in a city farther south with a large negro population because she insisted upon receiving upon terms of social equality a negro man who had been her classmate.[ ]" the incident seems trivial. but the phenomenon back of it, the "color line," is so far-reaching that it deserves careful examination. as the incident suggests, the color line is not a universal phenomenon. the germans appear to have little aversion to receiving negroes--_in germany_--on terms of equality. these same germans, when brought face to face with the question in their colonies, or in the southern united states, quickly change their attitude. similarly a negro in great britain labors under much less disadvantage than he does among the british inhabitants of australia or south africa. the color line therefore exists only as the result of race experience. this fact alone is sufficient to suggest that one should not dismiss it lightly as the outgrowth of bigotry. is is not perhaps a social adaptation with survival value? the purpose of this chapter is to analyze society's "unconscious reasoning" which has led to the establishment of a color line--to the denial of social equality--wherever the white[ ] and black races have long been in contact during recent history; and to see whether this discrimination appears to be justified by eugenics. j. m. mecklin[ ] summarizes society's logic as follows: "when society permits the free social intercourse of two young persons of similar training and interests, it tacitly gives its consent to the possible legitimate results of such relations, namely, marriage. but marriage is not a matter that concerns the contracting parties alone; it is social in its origin and from society come its sanctions. it is society's legitimatised method for the perpetuation of the race in the larger and inclusive sense of a continuous racial type which shall be the bearer of a continuous and progressive civilization. there are, however, within the community, two racial groups of such widely divergent physical and psychic characteristics that the blending of the two destroys the purity of the type of both and introduces confusion--the result of the blend is a mongrel. the preservation of the unbroken, self-conscious existence of the white or dominant ethnic group is synonymous with the preservation of all that has meaning and inspiration in its past and hope for its future. it forbids by law, therefore, or by the equally effective social taboo, anything that would tend to contaminate the purity of its stock or jeopardize the integrity of its social heritage." it is needless to say that the "social mind" does not consciously go through any such process of reasoning, before it draws a color line. the social mind rarely even attempts to justify its conclusions. it merely holds a general attitude of superiority, which in many cases appears to be nothing more than a feeling that another race is _different_. in what way different? the difference between the white race and the black (or any other race) might consist of two elements: ( ) differences in heredity--biological differences; ( ) differences in traditions, environment, customs--social differences, in short. a critical inquirer would want to know which kind of difference was greater, for he would at once see that the second kind might be removed by education and other social forces, while the first kind would be substantially permanent. it is not difficult to find persons of prominence who will assert that all the differences between white and negro are differences of a social nature, that the differences of a physical nature are negligible, and that if the negro is "given a chance" the significant differences will disappear. this attitude permeates the public school system of northern states. a recent report on the condition of negro pupils in the new york city public schools professes to give "few, perhaps no, recommendations that would not apply to the children of other races. where the application is more true in regard to colored children, it seems largely to be because of this lack of equal justice in the cases of their parents. race weakness appears but this could easily be balanced by the same or similar weakness in other races. given an education carefully adapted to his needs and a fair chance for employment, the normal child of any race will succeed, unless the burden of wrong home conditions lies too heavily upon him."[ ] as the writer does not define what she means by "succeed," one is obliged to guess at what she means: her anthropology is apparently similar to that of franz boas of columbia university, who has said that, "no proof can be given of any material inferiority of the negro race;--without doubt the bulk of the individuals composing the race are equal in mental aptitude to the bulk of our own people." if such a statement is wholly true, the color line can hardly be justified, but must be regarded, as it is now the case sometimes, as merely the expression of prejudice and ignorance. if the only differences between white and black, which can not be removed by education, are of no real significance,--a chocolate hue of skin, a certain kinkiness of hair, and so on,--then logically the white race should remove the handicaps which lack of education and bad environment have placed on the negro, and receive him on terms of perfect equality, in business, in politics, and in marriage. the proposition needs only to be stated in this frank form, to arouse an instinctive protest on the part of most americans. yet it has been urged in an almost equally frank form by many writers, from the days of the abolitionists to the present, and it seems to be the logical consequence of the position adopted by such anthropologists as professor boas, and by the educators and others who proclaim that there are no significant differences between the negro and the white, except such as are due to social conditions and which, therefore, can be removed. but what are these social differences, which it is the custom to dismiss in such a light-hearted way? are they not based on fundamental incompatibilities of racial temperament, which in turn are based on differences in heredity? modern sociologists for the main part have no illusions as to the ease with which these differences in racial tradition and custom can be removed. the social heritage of the negro has been described at great length and often with little regard for fact, by hundreds of writers. only a glance can be given the subject here, but it may profitably be asked what the negro did when he was left to himself in africa. "the most striking feature of the african negro is the low forms of social organization, the lack of industrial and political cooperation, and consequently the almost entire absence of social and national self-consciousness. this rather than intellectual inferiority explains the lack of social sympathy, the presence of such barbarous institutions as cannibalism and slavery, the low position of woman, inefficiency in the industrial and mechanical arts, the low type of group morals, rudimentary art-sense, lack of race-pride and self-assertiveness, and in intellectual and religious life largely synonymous with fetishism and sorcery."[ ] an elementary knowledge of the history of africa, or the more recent and much-quoted example of haiti, is sufficient to prove that the negro's own social heritage is at a level far below that of the whites among whom he is living in the united states. no matter how much one may admire some of the negro's individual traits, one must admit that his development of group traits is primitive, and suggests a mental development which is also primitive. if the number of original contributions which it has made to the world's civilization is any fair criterion of the relative value of a race, then the negro race must be placed very near zero on the scale.[ ] the following historical considerations suggest that in comparison with some other races the negro race is germinally lacking in the higher developments of intelligence: . that the negro race in africa has never, by its own initiative, risen much above barbarism, although it has been exposed to a considerable range of environments and has had abundant time in which to bring to expression any inherited traits it may possess. . that when transplanted to a new environment--say, haiti--and left to its own resources, the negro race has shown the same inability to rise; it has there, indeed, lost most of what it had acquired from the superior civilization of the french. . that when placed side by side with the white race, the negro race again fails to come up to their standard, or indeed to come anywhere near it. it is often alleged that this third test is an unfair one; that the social heritage of slavery must be eliminated before the negro can be expected to show his true worth. but contrast his career in and after slavery with that of the mamelukes of egypt, who were slaves, but slaves of good stock. they quickly rose to be the real rulers of the country. again, compare the record of the greek slaves in the roman republic and empire or that of the jews under islam. without pushing these analogies too far, is not one forced to conclude that the negro lacks in his germ-plasm excellence of some qualities which the white races possess, and which are essential for success in competition with the civilizations of the white races at the present day? if so, it must be admitted not only that the negro is _different_ from the white, but that he is in the large eugenically _inferior_ to the white. this conclusion is based on the relative achievements of the race; it must be tested by the more precise methods of the anthropological laboratory. satisfactory studies of the negro should be much more numerous, but there are a few informative ones. physical characters are first to be considered. as a result of the careful measurement of many skulls, karl pearson[ ] has come to the following conclusions: "there is for the best ascertainable characters a continuous relationship from the european skull, through prehistoric european, prehistoric egyptian, congo-gaboon negroes to zulus and kafirs. "the indication is that of a long differentiated evolution, in which the negro lies nearer to the common stem than the european; he is nearer to the childhood of man." this does not prove any mental inferiority: there is little or no relation between conformation of skull and mental qualities, and it is a great mistake to make hasty inferences from physical to mental traits. bean and mall have made studies directly on the brain, but it is not possible to draw any sure conclusions from their work. a. hrdlicka found physical differences between the two races, but did not study traits of any particular eugenic significance. on the whole, the studies of physical anthropologists offer little of interest for the present purpose. studies of mental traits are more to the point, but are unfortunately vitiated in many cases by the fact that no distinction was made between full-blood negroes and mulattoes, although the presence of white blood must necessarily have a marked influence on the traits under consideration. if the investigations are discounted when necessary for this reason, it appears that in the more elementary mental processes the two races are approximately equal. white and "colored" children in the washington, d. c., schools ranked equally well in memory; the colored children were found to be somewhat the more sensitive to heat.[ ] summing up the available evidence, g. o. ferguson concludes that "in the so-called lower traits there is no great difference between the negro and the white. in motor capacity there is probably no appreciable racial difference. in sense capacity, in perceptive and discriminative ability, there is likewise a practical equality." this is what one would, _a priori_, probably expect. but it is on the "higher" mental functions that race progress largely depends, and the negro must be judged eugenically mainly by his showing in these higher functions. one of the first studies in this line is that of m. j. mayo,[ ] who summarizes it as follows: "the median age of white pupils at the time of entering high school in the city of new york is years months: of colored pupils years month--a difference of months. the average deviation for whites is months; for colored months. twenty-seven per cent of the whites are as old as the median age of the colored or older. "colored pupils remain in school a greater length of time than do the whites. for the case studied [ white and colored], the average time spent in high school for white pupils was . terms; for colored . terms. about % of the whites attain the average time of attendance for colored. "considering the entire scholastic record, the median mark of the white pupils is ; of the colored pupils ; a difference of %. the average deviation of white pupils is ; of colored . . twenty-nine per cent. of the colored pupils reach or surpass the median mark of the whites. "the white pupils have a higher average standing in all subjects ... the colored pupils are about / as efficient as the whites in the pursuit of high school studies." this whole investigation is probably much too favorable to the negro race, first because negro high school pupils represent a more careful selection than do the white pupils; but most of all because no distinction was made between negroes and mulattoes. b. a. phillips, studying the public elementary schools of philadelphia, found[ ] that the percentage of retardation in the colored schools ranged from . to . , while the percentage of retardation in the districts which contained the schools ranged from . to . . the average percentage of retardation for the city as a whole was . . each of the colored schools had a greater percentage of retardation than any of the white schools, even those composed almost entirely of foreigners, and in those schools attended by both white and colored pupils the percentage of retardation on the whole varied directly with the percentage of colored pupils in attendance. these facts might be interpreted in several ways. it might be that the curriculum was not well adapted to the colored children, or that they came from bad home environments, or that they differed in age, etc. dr. phillips accordingly undertook to get further light on the cause of retardation of the colored pupils by applying binet tests to white and colored children of the same chronological age and home conditions, and found "a difference in the acceleration between the two races of % in favor of the white boys, % in favor of the white girls, % in favor of the white pupils with boys and girls combined." a. c. strong, using the binet-simon tests, found[ ] colored school children of columbia, s. c., considerably less intelligent than white children. w. h. pyle made an extensive test[ ] of colored pupils in missouri public schools and compared them with white pupils. he concludes: "in general the marks indicating mental ability of the negro are about two-thirds those of the whites.... in the substitution, controlled association, and ebbinghaus tests, the negroes are less than half as good as the whites. in free association and the ink-blot tests they are nearly as good. in quickness of perception and discrimination and in reaction, the negroes equal or excel the whites." "perhaps the most important question that arises in connection with the results of these mental tests is: how far is ability to pass them dependent on environmental conditions? our tests show certain specific differences between negroes and whites. what these differences would have been had the negroes been subject to the same environmental influences as the whites, it is difficult to say. the results obtained by separating the negroes into two social groups would lead one to think that the conditions of life under which the negroes live might account for the lower mentality of the negroes. on the other hand, it may be that the negroes living under better social conditions are of better stock. they may have more white blood in them." the most careful study yet made of the relative intelligence of negroes and whites is that of g. o. ferguson, jr.,[ ] on white and colored pupils in the schools of richmond, fredericksburg, and newport news, va. tests were employed which required the use of the "higher" functions, and as far as possible (mainly on the basis of skin-color) the amount of white blood in the colored pupils was determined. four classes were made: full-blood negro, / negro, / negro (mulatto) and / negro (quadroon). it was found that "the pure negroes scored . % as high as the whites; that the / pure negroes scored . % as high as the whites; that the mulattoes scored . % as high as the whites; and that the quadroons obtained . % of the white score." this confirms the belief of many observers that the ability of a colored man is proportionate to the amount of white blood he has. summarizing a large body of evidence, dr. ferguson concludes that "the intellectual performance of the general colored population is approximately % as efficient as that of the whites," but that pure negroes have only % of white intellectual efficiency, and that even this figure is probably too high. "it seems as though the white type has attained a higher level of development, based upon the common elementary capacities, which the negro has not reached to the same degree." "all of the experimental work which has been done has pointed to the same general conclusion." this is a conclusion of much definiteness and value, but it does not go as far as one might wish, for the deeper racial differences of impulse and inhibition, which are at present incapable of precise measurement, are likewise of great importance. and it is the common opinion that the negro differs in such traits even more than in intellect proper. he is said to be lacking in that aggressive competitiveness which has been responsible for so much of the achievement of the nordic race; it is alleged that his sexual impulses are strongly developed and inhibitions lacking; that he has "an instability of character, involving a lack of foresight, an improvidence, a lack of persistence, small power of serious initiative, a tendency to be content with immediate satisfactions." he appears to be more gregarious but less apt at organization than most races. the significance of these differences depends largely on whether they are germinal, or merely the results of social tradition. in favor of the view that they are in large part racial and hereditary, is the fact that they persist in all environments. they are found, as professor mecklin says, "only at the lower level of instinct, impulse and temperament, and do not, therefore, admit of clear definition because they are overlaid in the case of every individual with a mental superstructure gotten from the social heritage which may vary widely in the case of members of the same race. that they do persist, however, is evidenced in the case of the negroes subjected to the very different types of civilization in haiti, santo domingo, the united states, and jamaica. in each of these cases a complete break has been made with the social traditions of africa and different civilizations have been substituted, and yet in temperament and character the negro in all these countries is essentially the same. the so-called 'reversion to type' often pointed out in the negro is in reality but the recrudescence of fundamental, unchanged race traits upon the partial breakdown of the social heritage or the negro's failure successfully to appropriate it." again, as professor ferguson points out, the experimental tests above cited may be thought to give some support to the idea that the emotional characteristics of the negro are really inherent. "strong and changing emotions, an improvident character and a tendency to immoral conduct are not unallied," he explains; "they are all rooted in uncontrolled impulse. and a factor which may tend to produce all three is a deficient development of the more purely intellectual capacities. where the implications of the ideas are not apprehended, where thought is not lively and fertile, where meanings and consequences are not grasped, the need for the control of impulse will not be felt. and the demonstrable deficiency of the negro in intellectual traits may involve the dynamic deficiencies which common opinion claims to exist." there are other racial and heritable differences of much importance, which are given too little recognition--namely, the differences of disease resistance. here one can speak unhesitatingly of a real inferiority in respect to the environment of north america. as was pointed out in the chapter on natural selection, the negro has been subjected to lethal selection for centuries by the negro diseases, the diseases of tropical africa, of which malaria and yellow fever are the most conspicuous examples. the negro is strongly resistant to these and can live where the white man dies. the white man, on the other hand, has his own diseases, of which tuberculosis is an excellent example. compared with the negro, he is relatively resistant to phthisis and will survive where the negro dies. when the two races are living side by side, it is obvious that each is proving a menace to the other, by acting as a disseminator of infection. the white man kills the negro with tuberculosis and typhoid fever. in north america the negro can not kill the white man with malaria or yellow fever, to any great extent, because these diseases do not flourish here. but the negro has brought some other diseases here and given them to the white race; elephantiasis is one example, but the most conspicuous is hookworm, the extent and seriousness of which have only recently been realized. in the new england states the average expectation of life, at birth, is . years for native white males, . years for negro males. for native white females it is . years and for negro females . years, according to the bureau of the census ( ). these very considerable differences can not be wholly explained away by the fact that the negro is crowded into parts of the cities where the sanitation is worst. they indicate that the negro is out of his environment. in tropical africa, to which the negro is adapted by many centuries of natural selection, his expectation of life might be much longer than that of the white man. in the united states he is much less "fit," in the darwinian sense. in rural districts of the south, according to c. w. stiles, the annual typhoid death rate per , population is: _whites_ _negroes_ males . . females . . these figures again show, not alone the greater intelligence of the white in matters of hygiene, but probably also the greater inherent resistance of the white to a disease which has been attacking him for many centuries. biologically, north america is a white man's country, not a negro's country, and those who are considering the negro problem must remember that natural selection has not ceased acting on man. from the foregoing different kinds of evidence, we feel justified in concluding that the negro race differs greatly from the white race, mentally as well as physically, and that in many respects it may be said to be inferior, when tested by the requirements of modern civilization and progress, with particular reference to north america. we return now to the question of intermarriage. what is to be expected from the union of these diverse streams of descent? the best answer would be to study and measure the mulattoes and their posterity, in as many ways as possible. no one has ever done this. it is the custom to make no distinction whatever between mulatto and negro, in the united states, and thus the whole problem is beclouded. there is some evidence from life insurance and medical sources, that the mulatto stands above the negro but below the white in respect to his health. there is considerable evidence that he occupies the same relation in the intellectual world; it is a matter of general observation that nearly all the leaders of the negro race in the united states are not negroes but mulattoes. without going into detail, we feel perfectly safe in drawing this conclusion: that in general the white race loses and the negro gains from miscegenation. this applies, of course, only to the germinal nature. taking into consideration the present social conditions in america, it is doubtful whether either race gains. but if social conditions be eliminated for the moment, biologists may believe that intermarriage between the white and negro races represents, on the whole, an advance for the negro; and that it represents for the white race a distinct loss. if eugenics is to be thought of solely in terms of the white race, there can be no hesitation about rendering a verdict. we must unhesitatingly condemn miscegenation. but there are those who declare that it is small and mean to take such a narrow view of the evolution of the race. they would have america open its doors indiscriminately to immigration, holding it a virtue to sacrifice one's self permanently for someone else's temporary happiness; they would equally have the white race sacrifice itself for the negro, by allowing a mingling of the two blood-streams. that, it is alleged, is the true way to elevate the negro. the question may well be considered from that point of view, even though the validity of such a point of view is not admitted. to ensure racial and social progress, nothing will take the place of leadership, of genius. a race of nothing but mediocrities will stand still, or very nearly so; but a race of mediocrities with a good supply of men of exceptional ability and energy at the top, will make progress in discovery, invention and organization, which is generally recognized as progressive evolution. if the level of the white race be lowered, it will hurt that race and be of little help to the negro. if the white race be kept at such a level that its productivity of men of talent will be at a maximum, everyone will progress; for the negro benefits just as the white does from every forward step in science and art, in industry and politics. remembering that the white race in america is nine times as numerous as the black race, we conclude that it would be desirable to encourage amalgamation of the two races only in case the average of mulattoes is superior to the average of the whites. no one can seriously maintain that this supposition is true. biologically, therefore, there is no reason to think that an increase in the number of mulattoes is desirable. there is a curious argument in circulation, which points out that mulattoes are almost always the offspring of negro mothers and white fathers, not of negro fathers and white mothers. therefore, it is said, production of mulattoes does not mean at all a decrease in the number of white births, but merely substitutes a number of mulatto births for an equivalent number of pure negro births. it is therefore alleged that the production of mulattoes is in the long run a benefit, elevating the negro race without impairing the white race. but this argument assumes that most mulatto births are illegitimate,--a condition which eugenists do not sanction, because it tends to disintegrate the family. rather than such a condition, the legitimate production of pure-blood negroes is preferable, even though they be inferior in individual ability to the illegitimate mulattoes offered as a substitute. there are not at the present time enough desirable white fathers in the country. if desirable ones are set aside to produce mulattoes, it would be a great loss to the nation; while if the mulattoes are the offspring of eugenically undesirable white fathers, then the product is not likely to be anything america wants. from whatever standpoint we take, we see nothing good to be said for miscegenation.[ ] we have discussed the problem as a particular one between the blacks and whites but the argument will hold good when applied to any two races between which the differences are so marked that one may be considered decidedly inferior to the other. society,--white society,--long ago reached the instinctive conclusion, which seems to us a correct one, that it must put a ban on intermarriage between two such races. it has given expression to this feeling by passing laws to prohibit miscegenation in states, while six other states prohibit it in their constitutions. there are thus states which have attempted legally to prevent intermarriage of the white and black race. while in states there is no law on the subject, it is needless to say that popular feeling about it is almost uniform, and that the legislators of new england for instance would refuse to give their daughters in marriage to negroes, even though they might the day before have voted down a proposed law to prohibit intermarriage on the ground that it was an expression of race prejudice. in a majority of the states which have no legislation of this kind, bills have been introduced during the last two or three years, and have been defeated through the energetic interference of the national association for the advancement of colored people, an organization of which oswald garrison villard is chairman of the board of directors and w. e. b. dubois, a brilliant mulatto, is director of publicity and research. as this association represents a very large part of the more intelligent negro public opinion, its attitude deserves careful consideration. it is set forth summarily in a letter[ ] which was addressed to legislators in various states, as follows: "the national association for the advancement of colored people earnestly protests against the bill forbidding intermarriage between the races, not because the association advocates intermarriage, which it does not, but primarily because whenever such laws have been enacted they have become a menace to the whole institution of matrimony, leading directly to concubinage, bastardy, and the degradation of the negro woman. no man-made law can stop the union of the races. if intermarriage be wrong, its prevention is best left to public opinion and to nature, which wreaks its own fearful punishments on those who transgress its laws and sin against it. we oppose the proposed statute in the language of william lloyd garrison in , in his successful campaign for the repeal of a similar law in massachusetts: 'because it is not the province, and does not belong to the power of any legislative assembly, in a republican government, to decide on the complexional affinity of those who choose to be united together in wedlock; and it may as rationally decree that corpulent and lean, tall and short, strong and weak persons shall not be married to each other as that there must be an agreement in the complexion of the parties.' "we oppose it for the physical reason that to prohibit such intermarriage would be publicly to acknowledge that black blood is a physical taint, something no self-respecting colored man and woman can be asked to admit. we oppose it for the moral reason that all such laws leave the colored girl absolutely helpless before the lust of the white man, without the power to compel the seducer to marry. the statistics of intermarriage in those states where it is permitted show this happens so infrequently as to make the whole matter of legislation unnecessary. both races are practically in complete agreement on this question, for colored people marry colored people, and white marry whites, the exceptions being few. we earnestly urge upon you an unfavorable report on this bill." legislation on the subject of marriage is clearly inside the province of government. that such an argument as is quoted from william lloyd garrison can still be circulated in the united states and apparently carry weight, is sufficient cause for one to feel pessimistic over the spread of the scientific spirit in this nation. suffice it to say that on this point the national association is a century behind the times. the following policy seems to us to be in accordance with modern science, and yet meet all the legitimate arguments of the national association. we will state our attitude as definitely as possible: . we hold that it is to the interests of the united states, for the reasons given in this chapter, to prevent further negro-white amalgamation. . the taboo of public opinion is not sufficient in all cases to prevent intermarriage, and should be supplemented by law, particularly as the united states have of late years received many white immigrants from other countries (e. g., italy) where the taboo is weak because the problem has never been pressing. . but to prevent intermarriage is only a small part of the solution, since most mulattoes come from extramarital miscegenation. the only solution of this, which is compatible with the requirements of eugenics, is not that of _laissez faire_, suggested by the national association, but an extension of the taboo, and an extension of the laws, to prohibit all sexual intercourse between the two races. four states (louisiana, nevada, south dakota and alabama) have already attempted to gain this end by law. we believe it to be highly desirable that such laws should be enacted and enforced by all states. a necessary preliminary would be to standardize the laws all over the union, particularly with a view to agreement on what a "negro" legally is; for in some states the legislation applies to one who is one-sixteenth, or even less, negro in descent, while in other states it appears to refer only to full-blood or, at the most, half-blood individuals. such legislation, and what is more important, such public opinion, leading to a cessation of negro-white amalgamation, we believe to be in the interests of national eugenics, and to further the welfare of both of the races involved. miscegenation can only lead to unhappiness under present social conditions and must, we believe, under _any_ social conditions be biologically wrong. we favor, therefore, the support of the taboo which society has placed on these mixed marriages, as well as any legal action which can practicably be taken to make miscegenation between white and black impossible. justice requires that the negro race be treated as kindly and considerately as possible, with every economic and political concession that is consistent with the continued welfare of the nation. such social equality and intercourse as might lead to marriage are not compatible with this welfare. chapter xv immigration there are now in the united states some , , foreign-born persons, together with other millions of the sons and daughters of foreigners who although born on american soil have as yet been little assimilated to americanism. this great body of aliens, representing perhaps a fifth of the population, is not a pool to be absorbed, but a continuous, inflowing stream, which until the outbreak of the great war was steadily increasing in volume, and of which the fountain-head is so inexhaustible as to appal the imagination. from the beginning of the century, the inflow averaged little less than a million a year, and while about one-fifth of this represented a temporary migration, four-fifths of it meant a permanent addition to the population of the new world. the character of this stream will inevitably determine to a large extent the future of the american nation. the direct biological results, in race mixture, are important enough, although not easy to define. the indirect results, which are probably of no less importance to eugenics, are so hard to follow that some students of the problem do not even realize their existence. the ancestors of all white americans, of course, were immigrants not so very many generations ago. but the earlier immigration was relatively homogeneous and stringently selected by the dangers of the voyage, the hardships of life in a new country, and the equality of opportunity where free competition drove the unfit to the wall. there were few people of eminence in the families that came to colonize north america, but there was a high average of sturdy virtues, and a good deal of ability, particularly in the puritan and huguenot invasions and in a part of that of virginia. in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century, the number of these "patriots and founders" was greatly increased by the arrival of immigrants of similar racial stocks from ireland, germany, scandinavia, and to a less extent from the other countries of northern and western europe. these arrivals added strength to the united states, particularly as a large part of them settled on farms. this stream of immigration gradually dried up, but was succeeded by a flood from a new source,--southern and eastern europe. italians, slavs, poles, magyars, east european hebrews, finns, portuguese, greeks, roumanians and representatives of many other small nationalities began to seek fortunes in america. the earlier immigration had been made up largely of those who sought escape from religious or political tyranny and came to settle permanent homes. the newer immigration was made up, on the whole, of those who frankly sought wealth. the difference in the reason for coming could not fail to mean a difference in selection of the immigrants, quite apart from the change in the races. last of all began an immigration of levantines, of syrians, armenians, and other inhabitants of asiatic turkey. beyond this region lie the great nations of asia, "oversaturated" with population. so far there has been little more than the threat of their overflow, but the threat is certain to become a reality within a few years unless prevented by legal restriction. the eugenic results of immigration are partly indirect and partly direct. direct results follow if the newcomers are assimilated,--a word which we shall use rather narrowly to mean that free intermarriage takes place between them and all parts of the older population. we shall discuss the direct results first, the nature of which depends largely on whether the newcomers are racially homogeneous with the population already in the country. if they are like, the old and new will blend without difficulty. the effects of the immigration then depend on whether the immigrants are better or worse in average quality than the older residents. if as good or better, they are valuable additions; if inferior they are biologically a detriment. but if the new arrivals are different, if they represent a different subspecies of _homo sapiens_, the question is more serious, for it involves the problem of crossing races which are biologically more or less distinct. genetics can throw some light on this problem. waiving for the moment all question as to the relative quality of two distinct races, what results are to be expected from crossing? it ( ) gives an increase of vigor which diminishes in later generations and ( ) produces recombination of characters. the first result may be disregarded, for the various races of man are probably already much mixed, and too closely related, to give rise to much hybrid vigor in crosses. the second result will be favorable or unfavorable, depending on the characters which go into the cross; and it is not possible to predict the result in human matings, because the various racial characters are so ill known. it is, therefore, not worth while here to discuss at length genetic theory. in general it may be said that some valuable characters are likely to disappear, as the result of such crosses, and less desirable ones to take their place. the great bulk of the population resulting from such racial crosses is likely to be more or less mongrel in nature. finally, some individuals will appear who combine the good characters of the two races, without the bad ones. the net result will therefore probably be some distinct gain, but a greater loss. there is danger that complex and valuable traits of a race will be broken down in the process of hybridization, and that it will take a long time to bring them together again. the old view that racial crosses lead fatally to race degeneration is no longer tenable, but the view recently advanced, that crosses are advantageous, seems equally hasty. w. e. castle has cited the pitcairn islanders and the boer-hottentot mulattoes of south africa as evidence that wide crosses are productive of no evil results. these cases may be admitted to show that such a hybrid race may be physically healthy, but in respect of mental traits they hardly do more than suggest the conclusion we advanced in our chapter on the color line,--that such miscegenation is an advantage to the inferior race and a disadvantage to the superior one. on the whole, we believe wide racial crosses should be looked upon with suspicion by eugenists. the colonizers of north america mostly belonged to the nordic race.[ ] the earlier immigrants to the united states,--roughly, those who came here before the civil war,--belonged mostly to the same stock, and therefore mixed with the early settlers without difficulty. the advantages of this immigration were offset by no impairment of racial homogeneity. but the more recent immigration belongs mostly to other races, principally the mediterranean and alpine. even if these immigrants were superior on the average to the older population, it is clear that their assimilation would not be an unmixed blessing, for the evil of crossbreeding would partly offset the advantage of the addition of valuable new traits. if, on the other hand, the average of the new immigration is inferior in quality, or in so far as it is inferior in quality, it is evident that it must represent biologically an almost unmixed evil; it not only brings in new undesirable traits, but injures the desirable ones already here. e. a. ross has attempted to predict some of the changes that will take place in the population of the united states, as a result of the immigration of the last half-century.[ ] "it is reasonable," he thinks, "to expect an early falling off in the frequency of good looks in the american people." a diminution of stature, a depreciation of morality, an increase in gross fecundity, and a considerable lowering of the level of average natural ability are among other results that he considers probable. not only are the races represented in the later immigration in many cases inferior in average ability to the earlier immigrant races, but america does not get the best, or even a representative selection,[ ] from the races which are now contributing to her population. "europe retains most of her brains, but sends multitudes of the common and sub-common. there is little sign of an intellectual element among the magyars, russians, south slavs, italians, greeks or portuguese" who are now arriving. "this does not hold, however, for currents created by race discrimination or oppression. the armenian, syrian, finnish and russo-hebrew streams seem _representative_, and the first wave of hebrews out of russia in the eighties was superior." while the earlier immigration brought a liberal amount of intelligence and ability, the later immigration (roughly, that of the last half century) seems to have brought distinctly less. it is at present principally an immigration of unskilled labor, of vigorous, ignorant peasants. some of this is "promoted" by agents of transportation companies and others who stand to gain by stirring up the population of a country village in russia or hungary, excite the illiterate peasants by stories of great wealth and freedom to be gained in the new world, provide the immigrant with a ticket to new york and start him for ellis island. naturally, such immigration is predominantly male. on the whole, females make up one-third of the recent inflow, but among some races--greeks, italians and roumanians, for example--only one-fifth. in amount of inherent ability these immigrants are not only less highly endowed than is desirable, but they furnish, despite weeding out, altogether too large a proportion of the "three d's"--defectives, delinquents and dependents. in the single year more than , would-be immigrants were turned back, about half of them because likely to become public charges. the immigration law of , amended in , and , excludes the following classes of aliens from admission into the united states: idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons, epileptics, insane persons, persons who have been insane within years previously; persons who have had two or more attacks of insanity at any time previously or who are affected by constitutional psychopathic inferiority or chronic alcoholism; paupers, vagrants, persons likely to become public charges; professional beggars, persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or contagious disease; persons who have been convicted of a crime involving moral turpitude; polygamists, anarchists, contract laborers, prostitutes, persons not comprehended within any one of the foregoing excluded classes who are found to be and are certified by the examining surgeon as being mentally or physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of such a nature as to affect the ability of the alien to earn a living. [illustration: examining immigrants at ellis island, new york fig. .--surgeons of the united states public health service test every immigrant, physically and mentally, in order to send back any who give promise of being undesirable additions to the population. the above photograph shows how the examination of those whose condition has aroused suspicion, is conducted. the boy under the measuring bar, in the foreground, and the three immediately to the left of the desk, are examples of congenital asthenia and poor physique; two of the four were found to be dull mentally. photograph from u. s. public health service.] despite the efficiency of the u. s. public health service, it is quite impossible for its small staff to examine thoroughly every immigrant, when three or four thousand arrive in a single day, as has frequently happened at ellis island. under such circumstances, the medical officer must pass the immigrants with far too cursory an inspection. it is not surprising that many whose mental defects are not of an obvious nature manage to slip through; particularly if, as is charged,[ ] many of the undesirables are informed that the immigrant rush is greatest in march and april, and therefore make it a point to arrive at that time, knowing the medical inspection will be so overtaxed that they will have a better chance to get by. the state hospitals of the atlantic states are rapidly filling up with foreign-born insane.[ ] probably few of these were patently insane when they passed through the port of entry. insanity, it must be remembered, is predominantly a disease of old age, whereas the average alien on arrival is not old. the mental weakness appears only after he has been here some years, perhaps inevitably or perhaps because he finds his environment in, say, lower manhattan island is much more taxing to the brain than the simple surroundings of his farm overlooking the bay of naples. the amount of crime attributable to certain sections of the more recent immigration is relatively large. "it was frequently stated to the members of the immigration commission in southern italy that crime had greatly diminished in many communities because most of the criminals had gone to america." the amount of crime among immigrants in the united states is partly due to their age and sex distribution, partly due to their concentration in cities, partly to the bad environment from which they have sometimes come; partly to inherent racial characteristics, such as make crimes of violence frequent among the southern italians, crimes of gain proportionately more frequent among the jews, and violence when drunk more a characteristic of the slavs. no restriction of immigration can wholly eliminate the criminal tendencies, but, says dr. warne,[ ] after balancing the two sides, "it still remains true that because of immigration we have a greater amount of pauperism and crime than would be the case if there were no immigration. it is also an indisputable fact that with a better regulation of immigration the united states would have less of these social horrors." to dwell too much on the undesirable character of part of the present immigration would be to lose perspective. most of it consists of vigorous, industrious, ignorant peasants, induced to come here in search of a better living than they can get at home. but it is important to remember that if they come here and stay, they are pretty certain to be assimilated sooner or later. in cases superior to the average of the older population, their arrival should be welcomed if not too racially diverse; but if, as we believe the record of their achievements shows, a large part of the immigration is on the average inferior to the older population of the united states, such are eugenically a detriment to the future progress of the race. the direct biological result to be expected from the assimilation of such newcomers is the swamping of the best characteristics of the old american stock, and a diminution of the average of intelligence of the whole country. the interbreeding is too slow at present to be conspicuous, and hence its effects are little noticed. the foreigners tend to keep by themselves, to form "little italies," "little russias," transplanted ghettoes and "foreign quarters," where they retain their native languages and customs and marry compatriots. this condition of segregation can not last forever; the process of amalgamation will be more rapid with each generation, particularly because of the preponderance of males in the newer immigration who must marry outside their own race, if they are to marry at all. the direct results of immigration that lead to intermarriage with the older population are fairly easy to outline. the indirect results, which we shall now consider, are more complex. we have dealt so far only with the effects of an immigration that is assimilated; but some immigration (that from the orient, for example) is not assimilated; other immigration remains unassimilated for a long time. what are the eugenic consequences of an unassimilated immigration? the presence of large numbers of immigrants who do not intermarry with the older stock will, says t. n. carver,[ ] inevitably mean one of three things: . geographical separation of races. . social separation of races (as the "color line" in the south and to a large extent in the north, between negroes and whites who yet live side by side). . continuous racial antagonism, frequently breaking out into race war. this third possibility has been at least threatened, by the conflict between the white and yellow races in california, and the conflict between whites and hindus in british columbia. none of these alternatives is attractive. the third is undesirable in every way and the first two are difficult to maintain. the first is perhaps impossible; the second is partly practicable, as is shown by the case of the negro. one of its drawbacks is not sufficiently recognized. in a soundly-organized society, it is necessary that the road should be open from top to bottom and bottom to top, in order that genuine merit may get its deserts. a valuable strain which appears at the bottom of the social scale must be able to make its way to the top, receiving financial and other rewards commensurate with its value to the state, and being able to produce a number of children proportionate to its reward and its value. this is an ideal which is seldom approximated in government, but it is the advantage of a democratic form of government that it presents the open road to success, more than does an oligarchic government. that this freedom of access to all rewards that the state can give should be open to every one (and conversely that no one should be kept at the top and over-rewarded if he is unworthy) is essential to eugenics; but it is quite incompatible with the existence within the state of a number of isolated groups, some of which must inevitably and properly be considered inferior. it is certain that, at the present time in this country, no negro can take a place in the upper ranks of society, which are and will long remain white. the fact that this situation is inevitable makes it no less unfortunate for both negro and white races; consolation can only be found in the thought that it is less of a danger than the opposite condition would be. but this condition of class discrimination is likely to exist, to a much less extent it is true, in every city where there are foreign-born and native-born populations living side by side, and where the epithets of "sheeny," "dago," "wop," "kike," "greaser," "guinea," etc., testify to the feeling of the older population that it is superior. while eugenic strength in a state is promoted by variety, too great a heterogeneity offers serious social difficulties. it is essential if america is to be strong eugenically that it slow down the flood of immigrants who are not easily assimilable. at present a state of affairs is being created where class distinctions are likely to be barriers to the promotion of individual worth--and equally, of course, to the demotion of individual worthlessness. even if an immigration is not assimilated, then, it yet has an indirect effect on eugenics. but there are other indirect effects of immigration, which are quite independent of assimilation: they inhere in the mere bulk and economic character of the immigration. the arrivals of the past few decades have been nearly all unskilled laborers. professor carver believes that continuous immigration which enters the ranks of labor in larger proportion and the business and professional classes in a smaller proportion than the native-born will produce the following results: . distribution. it will keep competition more intense among laborers and less intense among business and professional men: it will therefore raise the income of the employing classes and lower the wages of unskilled labor. . production. it will give a relatively low marginal productivity to a typical immigrant and make him a relatively unimportant factor in the production of wealth. . organization of industry. immigrants can only be employed economically at low wages and in large gangs, because of ( ). . agriculture. if large numbers of immigrants should go into agriculture, it will mean one of two things, probably the second: (a) continuous subdivision of farms resulting in inefficient and wasteful application of labor and smaller crops per man, although probably larger crops per acre. (b) development of a class of landed proprietors on the one hand and a landless agricultural proletariat on the other. it is true that the great mass of unskilled labor which has come to the united states in the last few decades has made possible the development of many industries that have furnished an increased number of good jobs to men of intelligence, but many who have made a close study of the immigration problem think that despite this, unskilled labor has been coming in altogether too large quantities. professor ross publishes the following illustration: "what a college man saw in a copper-mine in the southwest gives in a nutshell the logic of low wages. "the american miners, getting $ . a day, are abruptly displaced without a strike by a train-load of raw italians brought in by the company and put to work at from $ . to $ a day. for the americans there is nothing to do but to 'go down the road.' at first the italians live on bread and beer, never wash, wear the same filthy clothes night and day, and are despised. after two or three years they want to live better, wear decent clothes, and be respected. they ask for more wages, the bosses bring in another train-load from the steerage, and the partly americanized italians follow the american miners 'down the road.' no wonder the estimate of government experts as to the number of our floating casual laborers ranges up to five millions!" "it is claimed that the natives are not displaced" by the constant inflow of alien unskilled labor, says h. p. fairchild,[ ] but that they "are simply forced into higher occupations. those who were formerly common laborers are now in positions of authority. while this argument holds true of individuals, its fallacy when applied to groups is obvious. there are not nearly enough places of authority to receive those who are forced out from below. the introduction of slav laborers into a community may make a demand for a dozen or a score of americans in higher positions, but hardly for ." "the number of unskilled workers coming in at the present time is sufficient to check decidedly the normal tendency toward an improved standard of living in many lines of industry," in the opinion of j. w. jenks, who was a member of the immigration commission appointed by president roosevelt in . he alludes to the belief that instead of crowding the older workers _out_, the aliens merely crowd them up, and says that he himself formerly held that view; "but the figures collected by the immigration commission, from a sufficient number of industries in different sections of the country to give general conclusions, prove beyond a doubt that in a good many cases these incoming immigrants actually drive out into other localities and into other unskilled trades large numbers of american workingmen and workingmen of the earlier immigration who do not get better positions but, rather, worse ones.... professor lauck, our chief superintendent of investigators in the field, and, so far as i am aware, every single investigator in the field, before the work ended, reached the conclusion from personal observation that the tendency of the large percentage of immigration of unskilled workers is clearly to lower the standard of living in a number of industries, and the statistics of the commission support this impression. i therefore changed my earlier views." if the immigration of large quantities of unskilled labor with low standards of living tends in most cases to depress wages and lower the standard of living of the corresponding class of the old american population, the consequences would appear to be: . the employers of labor would profit, since they would get abundant labor at low wages. if this increase in the wealth of employers led to an increase in their birth-rate, it would be an advantage. but it apparently does not. the birth-rate of the employing class is probably little restricted by financial difficulties; therefore on them immigration probably has no immediate eugenic effect. . the american skilled laborers would profit, since there is more demand for skilled labor in industries created by unskilled immigrant labor. would the increasing prosperity and a higher standard of living here, tend to lower the relative birth-rate of the class or not? the answer probably depends on the extent of the knowledge of birth control which has been discussed elsewhere. . the wages and standard of living of american unskilled laborers will fall, since they are obliged directly to compete with the newcomers. it seems most likely that a fall in wages and standards is correlated with a fall in birth-rate. this case must be distinguished from cases where the wages and standards _never were high_, and where poverty is correlated with a high birth-rate. if this distinction is correct, the present immigration will tend to lower the birth-rate of american unskilled laborers. the arguments here used may appear paradoxical, and have little statistical support, but they seem to us sound and not in contradiction with any known facts. if they are valid, the effect of such immigration as the united states has been receiving is to reduce the birth-rate of the unskilled labor with little or no effect on the employers and managers of labor. since both the character and the volume of immigration are at fault, remedial measures may be applied to either one or both of these features. it is very desirable that we have a much more stringent selection of immigrants than is made at the present time. but most of the measures which have been actually proposed and urged in recent years have been directed at a diminution of the volume, and at a change in character only by somewhat indirect and indiscriminate means. the immigration commission made a report to congress on dec. , , in which it suggested the following possible methods of restricting the volume of immigration: . the exclusion of those unable to read and write in some language. . the reduction of the number of each race arriving each year to a certain percentage of the average of that race arriving during a given period of years. . the exclusion of unskilled laborers unaccompanied by wives or families. . material increase in the amount of money required to be in the possession of the immigrant at the port of arrival. . material increase in the head tax. . limitation of the number of immigrants arriving annually at any port. . the levying of the head tax so as to make a marked discrimination in favor of men with families. eugenically, it is probable that ( ) and ( ), which would tend to admit only families, would be a detriment to american welfare; ( ) and ( ) have been the suggestions which have met with the most favor. all but one member of the commission favored ( ), the literacy test, as the most feasible single method of restricting undesirable immigration, and it was enacted into law by congress, which passed it over president wilson's veto, in february, . records for show that "illiteracy among the total number of arrivals of each race ranged all the way from % for the turkish to less than % for the english, the scotch, the welsh, the scandinavian, and the finnish. the bohemian and moravian, the german, and the irish each had less than % illiterate. races other than the turkish, whose immigration in was more than one-third illiterate, include the dalmatians, bosnians, herzegovinians, russians, ruthenians, italians, lithuanians, and roumanians." it is frankly admitted by the proponents of this method of restriction that it will keep out some who ought to come in, and let in some who ought to be kept out. it is in some cases a test of opportunity rather than of character, but "in the belief of its advocates, it will meet the situation as disclosed by the investigation of the immigration commission better than any other means that human ingenuity can devise. it is believed that it would exclude more of the undesirable and fewer of the desirable immigrants than any other method of restriction." on the other hand, it is argued that the literacy test will fail of success because those who want to come will learn to read and write, which will only delay their arrival a few months without changing their real character. but the effect of such attempts will separate those who succeed from those who are too inferior to succeed, which would be an advantage of the plan rather than a defect. the second method of selection enumerated ( ) above, was proposed by rev. sidney l. gulick, particularly with a view to meeting the need of restriction of asiatic immigration.[ ] this immigration will be discussed shortly, but in the meantime the details of his plan may be presented. "only so many immigrants of any people should be admitted as we can americanize. let the maximum permissible annual immigration from any people be a definite per cent. (say five) of the sum of the american-born children of that people plus those who have become naturalized of the same people. let this restriction be imposed only upon adult males. "taking the census as our basis, the % restriction proposal would have fixed the maximum permissible immigration of males from north and west europe at , annually, while the actual annual immigration for the last years averages but , . the permissible immigration from south and east europe would have been , annually, while the average for the last five years has been , . when applied to china, the policy would have admitted , males per year, while the number admitted on the average for the last years has been , . the proposal would provide for the admission of , japanese annually, here again resulting in the exclusion on the average of , males yearly during the years - . no estimate is made here of the effect of the exclusion of males on the arrival of women and children." the percentage restriction is unsatisfactory to a eugenist, as not sufficiently discriminating. the literary restriction has been a great step forward but should be backed by the addition of such mental tests as will make it fairly certain to keep out the dull-minded as well as feeble-minded. long division would suffice as such a test until better tests relatively unaffected by schooling can be put into operation, since it is at this point in the grades that so many dull-minded drop out of the schools. oriental immigration is becoming an urgent problem, and it is essential that its biological, as well as its economic and sociological features be understood, if it is to be solved in a satisfactory and reasonably permanent way. in the foregoing discussion, oriental immigration has hardly been taken into account; it must now receive particular consideration. what are the grounds, then, for forbidding the yellow races, or the races of british india, to enter the united states? the considerations urged in the past have been ( ) political: it is said that they are unable to acquire the spirit of american institutions. this is an objection which concerns eugenics only indirectly. ( ) medical: it is said that they introduce diseases, such as the oriental liver, lung and intestinal flukes, which are serious, against which americans have never been selected, and for which no cure is known. ( ) economic: it is argued that the oriental's lower standard of living makes it impossible for the white man to compete with him. the objection is well founded, and is indirectly of concern to eugenics, as was pointed out in a preceding section of this chapter. as eugenists we feel justified in objecting to the immigration of large bodies of unskilled oriental labor, on the ground that they rear larger families than our stock on the same small incomes. a biological objection has also been alleged, in the possibility of interbreeding between the yellow and white races. in the past such cases have been very rare; it is authoritatively stated[ ] that "there are on our whole pacific coast not more than instances of intermarriage between americans and japanese, and ... one might count on the fingers of both hands the number of american-chinese marriages between san diego and seattle." the presence of a body of non-interbreeding immigrants is likely to produce the adverse results already discussed in the earlier part of this chapter. eugenically, then, the immigration of any considerable number of unskilled laborers from the orient may have undesirable direct results and is certain to have unfavorable indirect results. it should therefore be prevented, either by a continuation of the "gentlemen's agreement" now in force between the united states and japan, and by similar agreements with other nations, or by some such non-invidious measure as that proposed by dr. gulick. this exclusion should not of course be applied to the intellectual classes, whose presence here would offer advantages which would outweigh the disadvantages. we have a different situation in the philippine islands, there the yellow races have been denied admission since the united states took possession. previously, the chinese had been trading there for centuries, and had settled in considerable numbers almost from the time the spaniards colonized the archipelago. at present it is estimated that there are , chinese in the islands, and their situation was not put too strongly by a. e. jenks, when he wrote:[ ] "as to the chinese, it does not matter much what they themselves desire; but what their descendants desire will go far toward answering the whole question of the filipinos' volition toward assimilation, because they are _the_ filipinos. to be specific: during the latter days of my residence in the islands in governor-general wright one day told me that he had recently personally received from one of the most distinguished filipinos of the time, and a member of the insular civil commission, the statement that 'there was not a single prominent and dominant family among the christianized filipinos which did not possess chinese blood.' the voice and will of the filipinos of to-day is the voice and the will of these brainy, industrious, rapidly developing men whose judgment in time the world is bound to respect." this statement will be confirmed by almost any american resident in the islands. most of the men who have risen to prominence in the islands are mestizos, and while in political life some of the leaders are merely spanish metis, the financial leaders almost without exception, the captains of industry, have chinese blood in their veins, while this class has also taken an active part in the government of the archipelago. emilio aguinaldo is one of the most conspicuous of the chinese mestizos. individual examples might be multiplied without limit; it will be sufficient to mention bautista lim, president of the largest tobacco firm in the islands and also a physician; his brother, formerly an insurgent general and later governor of sampango province under the american administration; the banker lim hap; faustino lechoco, cattle king of the philippines; fernandez brothers, proprietors of a steamship line; locsin and lacson, wealthy sugar planters; mariano velasco, dry-goods importer; datto piang, the moro warrior and chieftain; paua, insurgent general in southern luzon; ricardo gochuico, tobacco magnate. in most of these men the proportion of chinese blood is large. generalizing, we are justified in saying that the cross between chinese and filipinos produces progeny superior to the filipinos. it must be remembered that it is not a very wide cross, the malayans, who include most of the filipinos, being closely related to the chinese. it appears that even a small infusion of chinese blood may produce long-continued favorable results, if the case of the ilocanos is correctly described. this tribe, in northern luzon, furnishes perhaps the most industrious workers of any tribe in the islands; foremen and overseers of filipinos are quite commonly found to be ilocanos, while the members of the tribe are credited with accomplishing more steady work than any other element of the population. the current explanation of this is that they are chinese mestizos: their coast was constantly exposed the raids of chinese pirates, a certain number of whom settled there and took ilocano women as wives. from these unions, the whole tribe in the course of time is thought to have benefited.[ ] the history of the chinese in the philippines fails to corroborate the idea that he never loses his racial identity. it must be borne in mind that nearly all the chinese in the united states are of the lowest working class, and from the vicinity of canton; while those in the philippines are of a higher class, and largely from the neighborhood of amoy. they have usually married filipino women of good families, so their offspring had exceptional advantages, and stand high in the estimation of the community. the requirement of the spanish government was that a chinese must embrace christianity and become a citizen, before he could marry a filipino. usually he assumed his wife's name, so the children were brought up wholly as filipinos, and considered themselves such, without cherishing any particular sentiment for the flowery kingdom. the biologist who studies impartially the filipino peoples may easily conclude that the american government is making a mistake in excluding the chinese; that the infiltration of intelligent chinese and their intermixture with the native population would do more to raise the level of ability of the latter than a dozen generations of that compulsory education on which the government has built such high hopes. and this conclusion leads to the question whether much of the surplus population of the orient could not profitably be diverted to regions occupied by savage and barbarian people. chinese immigrants, mostly traders, have long been going in small numbers to many such regions and have freely intermarried with native women. it is a matter of common observation to travelers that much of the small mercantile business has passed into the hands of chinese mestizos. as far as the first few generations, at least, the cross here seems to be productive of good results. whether oriental immigration should be encouraged must depend on the decision of the respective governments, and considerations other than biologic will have weight. as far as eugenics is concerned it is likely that such regions would profit by a reasonable amount of chinese or japanese immigration which resulted in interbreeding and not in the formation of isolated race-groups, because the superior orientals tend to raise the level of the native population into which they marry. the question of the regulation of immigration is, as we have insisted throughout this chapter, a question of weighing the consequences. a decision must be reached in each case by asking what course will do most for the future good both of the nation and of the whole species. to talk of the sacred duty of offering an asylum to any who choose to come, is to indulge in immoral sentimentality. even if the problem be put on the most unselfish plane possible, to ask not what will be for this country's own immediate or future benefit, but what will most benefit the world at large, it can only be concluded that the duty of the united states is to make itself strong, efficient, productive and progressive. by so doing they will be much better able to help the rest of the world than by progressively weakening themselves through failure to regulate immigration. further, in reaching a decision on the regulation of immigration, there are numerous kinds of results to be considered: political, social, economic and biologic, among others. all these interact, and it is hard to say that one is more important than another; naturally we have limited ourselves to the biologic aspect, but not without recognizing that the other aspects exist and must be taken into account by those who are experts in those fields. looking only at the eugenic consequences, we can not doubt that a considerable and discriminatory selection of immigrants to this country is necessary. both directly and indirectly, the immigration of recent years appears to be diminishing the eugenic strength of the nation more than it increases it. the state would be in a stronger position eugenically (and in many other ways) if it would decrease the immigration of unskilled labor, and increase the immigration of creative and directing talent. a selective diminution of the volume of immigration would tend to have that result, because it would necessarily shut out more of the unskilled than the skilled. chapter xvi war war always changes the composition of a nation; but this change may be either a loss or a gain. the modification of selection by war is far more manifold than the literature on the biological effects of war would lead the reader to suppose. all wars are partly eugenic and partly dysgenic; some are mainly the one, some are mainly the other. the racial effects of war occur in at least three periods: . the period of preparation. . the period of actual fighting. . the period of readjustment after the war. the first division involves the effect of a standing army, which withdraws men during a part of the reproductive period and keeps most of them in a celibate career. the officers marry late if at all and show a very low birth-rate. the prolonged celibacy has in many armies led to a higher incidence of venereal diseases which prolongs the celibacy and lowers the birthrate.[ ] without extended discussion, the following considerations may be named as among those which should govern a policy of military preparedness that will safeguard, as far as possible, the eugenic interests: . if the army is a standing one, composed of men serving long terms of enlistment, they should be of as advanced an age as is compatible with military efficiency. if a man of has not married, it is probable that he will never marry, and therefore there is less loss to the race in enrolling him for military service, than is the case with a man of - . . the army (except in so far as composed of inferior men) should not foster celibacy. short enlistments are probably the most valuable means of avoiding this evil. . universal conscription is much better than voluntary service, since the latter is highly selective, the former much less so. those in regular attendance in college should receive their military training in their course as is now done. . officers' families should be given an additional allowance for each child. this would aid in increasing the birth-rate, which appears to be very low among army and navy officers in the united states service, and probably in that of all civilized countries. . every citizen owes service to his nation, in time of need, but fighting service should not be exacted if some one else could perform it better than he where he is expert in some other needed field. the recent action of england in sending to the front as subaltern officers, who were speedily killed, many highly trained technicians and young scientists and medical men who would have been much more valuable at home in connection with war measures, is an example of this mistake. carrying the idea farther, one sees that in many nations there are certain races which are more valuable on the firing line than in industries at the rear; and it appears that they should play the part for which they are best fitted. from this point of view, the entente allies were wholly justified in employing their asiatic and african subjects in war. in the united states are millions of negroes who are of less value than white men in organized industry but almost as valuable as the whites, when properly led, at the front. it would appear to be sound statesmanship to enlist as many negroes as possible in the active forces, in case of war, thus releasing a corresponding number of more skilled white workers for the industrial machine on whose efficiency success in modern warfare largely rests. the creation of the national army in the united states, in , while in most ways admirably conducted, was open to criticism in several respects, from the eugenic point of view: (a) too many college men and men in intellectual pursuits were taken as officers, particularly in the aviation corps. there should have been more men employed as officers who had demonstrated the necessary qualifications, as foremen and others accustomed to boss gangs of men. (b) the burden was thrown too heavily on the old white americans, by the exemption of aliens, who make up a large part of the population in some states. there were communities in new england which actually could not fill their quotas, even by taking every acceptable native-born resident, so large is their alien population. the quota should have been adjusted if aliens were to be exempt. (c) the district boards were not as liberal as was desirable, in exempting from the first quota men needed in skilled work at home. the spirit of the _selective_ draft was widely violated, and necessitated a complete change of method before the second quota was called by the much improved questionnaire method. it is difficult to get such mistakes as these corrected; nevertheless a nation should never lose sight of the fact that war is inevitably damaging, and that the most successful nation is the one which wins its wars with the least possible eugenic loss. leaving the period of preparedness, we consider the period of open warfare. the reader will remember that, in an earlier chapter, we divided natural selection into ( ) lethal, that which operates through differential mortality; ( ) sexual, that which operates through differential mating; and ( ) fecundal, that which operates through differential fecundity. again, selection operates both in an inter-group competition and an intra-group competition. the influence of any agency on natural selection must be examined under each of these six heads. in the case of war, however, fecundal selection may be eliminated, as it is little influenced. still another division arises from the fact that the action of selection is different during war upon the armed forces themselves and upon the population at home; and after the war, upon the nations with the various modifications that the war has left. we will consider lethal selection first. to measure the effect of the inter-group selection of the armed forces, one must compare the relative quality of the two races involved. the evidence for believing in substantial differences between races is based (a) upon their relative achievement when each is isolated, (b) upon the relative rank when the two are competing in one society, and (c) upon the relative number of original contributions to civilization each has made. such comparisons are fatal to the sentimental equalitarianism that denies race differences. while there is, of course, a great deal of overlapping, there are, nevertheless, real average differences. to think otherwise is to discard evolution and revert to the older standpoint of "special creation." comparison of the quality of the two sides is sometimes, of course, very difficult. one may feel little hesitation in giving a decision in the classical war of the greeks and persians, or the more modern case of the english and afghans, but when considering the franco-prussian war, or the russo-japanese war, or the boer war, or the american civil war, it is largely a matter of mere opinion, and perhaps an advantage can hardly be conceded to either side. those who, misunderstanding the doctrine of evolution, adhere to the so-called "philosophy of force," would answer without hesitation that the side which won was, _ipso facto_, the better side. but such a judgment is based on numerous fallacies, and can not be indorsed in the sweeping way it is uttered. take a concrete example: "in , prussia was defeated at the battle of jena. according to the philosophy of force, this was because prussia was 'inferior' and france was 'superior.' suppose we admit for the moment that this was the case. the selection now represents the survival of the fittest, the selection which perfects the human species. but what shall we say of the battle of leipsic? at leipsic, in , all the values were reversed; it is now france which is the 'inferior' nation.... furthermore, a large number of the same generals and soldiers who took part in the battle of jena also took part in the battle of leipsic. napoleon belonged, therefore, to a race which was superior to that of blücher in , but to an inferior race in , in spite of the fact that they were the same persons and had not changed their nationality. as soon as we bring these assertions to the touchstone of concrete reality we see at once how untenable and even ridiculous are direct biological comparisons."[ ] without going into further detail, it is readily seen that, on the world at large, the eugenic effect of a war would be very different according as the sides differ much or little. yet this difference in quality, however great, will have no significance, unless the superior or inferior side is in general more likely to lose fewer men. where the difference has been considerable, as between a civilized and savage nation, it has been seldom that the superior has not triumphed with fewer losses. victory, however, is influenced much less in these later days by the relative military efficiency of two single nations than by their success in making powerful alliances. but such alignments are by no means always associated with better quality, because (a) there is a natural tendency for the weak to unite against a strong nation, (b) to side with a group which is apparently succeeding, and (c) the alliances may be the work of one or a few individuals who happen to be in positions of power at the critical time. modern european wars, especially the latest one, have been marked by the high quality of the combatants on both sides relative to the rest of the world. as these same races fight with pertinacity, there is a high mortality rate, so that the dysgenic result of these wars is particularly deplorable. as for the selection taking place _within_ each of the struggling nations, the combatants and the non-combatants of the same age and sex must first be compared. the difference here depends largely on how the army in question was raised. where the army is a permanent, paid force, it probably does not represent a quality above the average of the nation, except physically. when it is conscripted, it is superior physically and probably slightly in other respects. if it is a volunteer army, its quality depends largely on whether the cause being fought for is one that appeals merely to the spirit of adventure or one that appeals to some moral principle. in the latter case, the quality may be such that the loss of a large part of the army will be peculiarly damaging to the progress of the race. this situation is more common than might be supposed, for by skillful diplomacy and journalism a cause which may be really questionable is presented to the public in a most idealistic light. but here, again, one can not always apply sweeping generalizations to individual cases. it might be supposed, for instance, that in the confederate army the best eugenic quality was represented by the volunteers, the second best by those who stayed out until they were conscripted, and the poorest by the deserters. yet david starr jordan and harvey ernest jordan, who investigated the case with care, found that this was hardly true and that, due to the peculiar circumstances, the deserters were probably not as a class eugenically inferior to the volunteers.[ ] again some wars, such as that between the united states and spain, probably develop a volunteer army made up largely of the adventurous, the nomadic, and those who have fewer ties; it would be difficult to demonstrate that they are superior to those who, having settled positions at home, or family obligations, fail to volunteer. the greatest damage appears to be done in such wars as those waged by great european nations, where the whole able-bodied male population is called out, and only those left at home who are physically or mentally unfit for fighting--but not, it appears to be thought, unfit to perpetuate the race. even within the army of one side, lethal selection is operative. those who are killed are by no means a haphazard sample of the whole army. among the victims there is a disproportionate representation of those with ( ) dauntless bravery, ( ) recklessness, ( ) stupidity. these qualities merge into each other, yet in their extremes they are widely different. however, as the nature of warfare changes with the increase of artillery, mines, bombs, and gases, and decrease of personal combat, those who fall are more and more chance victims. in addition to the killed and mortally wounded, there are many deaths from disease or from wounds which were not necessarily fatal. probably the most selective of any of these three agencies is the variable resistance to disease and infection and the widely varying knowledge and appreciation of the need for hygienic living shown by the individual, as, for instance, by less reckless drinking of unsterilized water. but here, too, in modern warfare, this item is becoming less selective, with the advance in discipline and in organized sanitation. the efficiency of selection will be affected by the percentage that each side has sent to the front, if the combatants are either above or below the average of the population. a nation that sends all its able-bodied males forward will be affected differently from its enemy that has needed to call upon only one-half of its able-bodied men in order to win its cause. away from the fighting lines of the contending sides, conditions that prevail are rendered more severe in many ways than in times of peace. poverty becomes rife, and sanitation and medical treatment are commonly sacrificed under the strain. during a war, that mitigation of the action of natural selection which is so common now among civilized nations, is somewhat less effective than in times of peace. the scourge of typhus in serbia is a recent and graphic illustration. after a war has been concluded, certain new agencies of inter-group selection arise. the result depends largely on whether the vanquished have had a superior culture brought to them, as in the case of the philippines, or whether, on the contrary, certain diseases have been introduced, as to the natives of the new world by the spanish conquerors and explorers, or crushing tribute has been levied, or grievous oppression such as has befallen belgium. sometimes the conquerors themselves have suffered severely as the result of excessive spoliation, which has produced vicious idleness and luxurious indulgence, with the ultimate effect of diminishing the birth-rate. within the nation there may be various results. sometimes, by the reduction of overcrowding, natural selection will be less severe. on the other hand, the loss of that part of the population which is more economically productive is a very serious loss, leading to excessive poverty with increased severity in the action of natural selection, of which some of the southern states, during the reconstruction period, offer a good illustration. selection is also rendered more intense by the heavy burden of taxation, and in the very common depreciation of currency as is now felt in russia. sexual selection as well as lethal is affected by war in manifold ways. considering the armed force, there is an inter-group selection, when the enemy's women are assaulted by the soldiers. while this has been an important factor in the past, it is somewhat less common now, with better army discipline and higher social ideals. within the group, mating at the outset of a war is greatly increased by many hurried marriages. there is also alleged to be sometimes an increase of illegitimacy in the neighborhood of training camps. in each of these instances, these matings do not represent as much maturity of judgment as there would have been in times of peace, and hence give a less desirable sexual selection. in the belligerent nation at home, the number of marriageable males is of course far less than at ordinary times. it becomes important, then, to compare the quality of the non-combatants and those combatants who survive and return home, since their absence during the war period of course decreases their reproduction as compared with the non-combatants. the marked excess of women over men, both during the war and after, necessarily intensifies the selection of women and proportionately reduces that of men, since relatively fewer men will remain unmated. this excess of women is found in all classes. among superiors there are, in addition, some women who never marry because the war has so reduced the number of suitors thought eligible. the five years' war of paraguay with brazil, uruguay and argentina ( - ) is perhaps the most glaring case on record[ ] in recent years of the destruction of the male population of a country. whole regiments were made up of boys of or less. at the beginning of the war the population of paraguay had been given as , , . it fell to , ( , men, , women, , children); it is even now probably not more than half of the estimate made at the beginning of the war. "here in a small area has occurred a drastic case of racial ravage without parallel since the time of the thirty years' war." macedonia, however, furnishes a fairly close parallel--d. s. jordan found whole villages there in in which not a single man remained: only women and children. conditions were not so very much better in parts of the south at the close of the civil war, particularly in virginia and north carolina, where probably % of the young men of reproductive age died without issue. and in a few of the northern states, such as vermont, connecticut and massachusetts, the loss was proportionately almost as great. these were probably as good men as any country has produced, and their loss, with that of their potential offspring, undoubtedly is causing more far-reaching effects in the subsequent history of the united states than has ever been realized. in the past and still among many savage peoples, inter-group selection has been affected by the stealing of women from the vanquished. the effect of this has been very different, depending on whether these women would otherwise have been killed or spared, and also depending on the relative quality of their nation to that of their conquerors. to sum up, there are so many features of natural selection, each of which must be separately weighed and the whole then balanced, that it is a matter of extensive inquiry to determine whether a certain war has a preponderance of eugenic or dysgenic results. when the quality of the combatants is so high, compared with the rest of the world, as during the great war, no conceivable eugenic gains from the war can offset the losses. it is probably well within the facts to assume that the period of this war represents a decline in inherent human quality, greater than in any similar length of time in the previous history of the world. unfortunately, it does not appear that war is becoming much less common if we consider number of combatants rather than number of wars as times goes on,[ ] and it steadily tends to be more destructive. war, then, offers one of the greatest problems which the eugenist must face, for a few months of war may undo all that eugenic reforms can gain in a generation. the total abolition of war would, of course, be the ideal, but there is no possibility of this in the near future. the fighting instinct, it must be remembered, is one of the most primitive and powerful that the human mechanism contains. it was evolved in great intensity, to give man supremacy over his environment--for the great "struggle for existence" is with the environment, not with members of one's own species. man long ago conquered the environment so successfully that he has never since had to exert himself in physical combat in this direction; but the fighting instinct remained and could not be baulked without causing uneasiness. spurred on by a complex set of psychological and economic stimuli, man took to fighting his own kind, to a degree that no other species shows. now contrary to what the militarist philosophers affirm, this particular sort of "struggle for existence" is not a necessity to the further progressive evolution of the race. on the contrary it more frequently reverses evolution and makes the race go backward, rather than forward. the struggle for existence which makes the race progress is principally that of the species with its environment, not that of some members of the species with others. if the latter struggle could be supplanted by the former then racial evolution would go ahead steadily without the continuous reversals that warfare now gives. william james saw, we believe, the true solution of the problem of militarism, when he wrote his famous essay on _the moral equivalent of war_. here is man, full of fighting instinct which will not be baulked. what is he to do? professor james suggested that the youth of the nation be conscripted to fight the environment, thus getting the fight "out of its system" and rendering a real service to the race by constructive reclamation work, instead of slaying each other and thus turning the hands of the evolutionary clock backward. when education has given everyone the evolutionary and eugenic view of man as a species adapted to his environment, it may be possible to work out some such solution as this of james. the only immediate course of action open seems to be to seek, if possible, to diminish the frequency of war by subduing nations which start wars and, by the organization of a league to enforce peace; to avoid war-provoking conquests; to diminish as much as possible the disastrous effects of war when it does come, and to work for the progress of science and the diffusion of knowledge which will eventually make possible the greater step, effective international organization. chapter xvii genealogy and eugenics scientific plant breeders to-day have learned that their success often depends on the care with which they study the genealogy of their plants. live-stock breeders admit that their profession is on a sure scientific basis only to the extent that the genealogy of the animals used is known. human genealogy is one of the oldest manifestations of man's intellectual activity, but until recently it has been subservient to sentimental purposes, or pursued from historical or legal motives. biology has had no place in it. genealogy, however, has not altogether escaped the re-examination which all sciences received after the darwinian movement revolutionized modern thought. numerous ways have been pointed out in which it could be brought into line with the new way of looking at man and his world. the field of genealogy has already been invaded at many points by biologists, seeking the furtherance of their own aims. it will be worth while to discuss briefly the relations between the conventional genealogy and eugenics. it may be that genealogy could become an even more valuable branch of human knowledge than it now is, if it were more closely aligned with biology. in order to test this possibility, one must inquire: ( ) what is genealogy? ( ) what does it now attempt to do? ( ) what faults, from the eugenist's standpoint, seem to exist in present genealogical methods? ( ) what additions should be made to the present methods? ( ) what can be expected of it, after it is revised in accordance with the ideas of the eugenist? the answer to the first question, "what is genealogy?" may be brief. genealogy may be envisaged from several points. it serves history. it has a legal function, which is of more consequence abroad than in america. it has social significance, in bolstering family pride and creating a feeling of family solidarity--this is perhaps its chief office in the united states. it has, or can have, biological significance, and this in two ways: either in relation to pure science or applied science. in connection with pure science, its function is to furnish means for getting knowledge of the laws of heredity. in application, its function is to furnish a knowledge of the inherited characters of any given individual, in order to make it possible for the individual to find his place in the world and, in particular, to marry wisely. it is obvious that the use of genealogy in the applied science of eugenics is dependent on previous research by geneticists; for marriage matings which take account of heredity can not be made unless the mode of inheritance of human traits has previously been discovered. the historical, social, legal and other aspects of genealogy do not concern the present discussion. we shall discuss only the biological aspect; not only because it alone is germane to the present book, but because we consider it to have by far the greatest true value, accepting the criterion of value as that which increases the welfare of mankind. by this criterion, the historical, legal and social aspects of genealogy will be seen, with a little reflection, to be of secondary importance to its biological aspect. ( ) genealogy now is too often looked upon as an end in itself. it would be recognized as a science of much greater value to the world if it were considered not an end but a means to a far greater end than it alone can supply. it has, indeed, been contended, even by such an authority as ottokar lorenz, who is often called the father of modern scientific genealogy, that a knowledge of his own ancestry will tell each individual exactly what he himself is. this appears to be the basis of lorenz's valuation of genealogy. it is a step in the right direction: but ( ) the present methods of genealogy are inadequate to support such a claim. its methods are still based mainly on the historical, legal and social functions. a few of the faults of method in genealogy, which the eugenist most deplores, are: (a) the information which is of most value is exactly that which genealogy ordinarily does not furnish. dates of birth, death and marriage of an ancestor are of interest, but of limited biological importance. the facts about that ancestor which vitally concern his living descendant are the facts of his character, physical and mental; and these facts are given in very few genealogies. [illustration: line of ascent that carries the family name fig. .--in some pedigrees, particularly those dealing with antiquity, the only part known is the line of ascent which carries the family name,--what animal breeders call the tail-male. in such cases it is evident that from the point of view of a geneticist practically nothing is known. how insignificant any single line of ascent is, by comparison with the whole ancestry, even for a few generations, is graphically shown by the above chart. it is assumed in this chart that no cousin marriages took place.] (b) genealogies are commonly too incomplete to be of real value. sometimes they deal only with the direct male line of ascent--the line that bears the family name, or what animal breeders call the tail-male. in this case, it is not too much to say that they are nearly devoid of genuine value. it is customary to imagine that there is some special virtue inherent in that line of descent which carries the family name. some one remarks, for instance, to mr. jones that he seems to be fond of the sea. "yes," he replies, "you know the joneses have been sailors for many generations." but the small contribution of heredity made to an individual by the line of descent carrying his family name, in comparison with the rest of his ancestry, may be seen from fig. . such incomplete pedigrees are rarely published nowadays, but in studying historic characters, one frequently finds nothing more than the single line of ascent in the family name. fortunately, american genealogies rarely go to this extreme, unless it be in the earliest generations; but it is common enough for them to deal only with the direct ancestors of the individual, omitting all brothers and sisters of those ancestors. although this simplifies the work of the genealogist immensely, it deprives it of value to a corresponding degree. (c) as the purpose of genealogy in this country has been largely social, it is to be feared that in too many cases discreditable data have been tacitly omitted from the records. the anti-social individual, the feeble-minded, the insane, the alcoholic, the "generally no-count," has been glossed over. such a lack of candor is not in accord with the scientific spirit, and makes one uncertain, in the use of genealogies, to what extent one is really getting all the facts. there are few families of any size which have not one such member or more, not many generations removed. to attempt to conceal the fact is not only unethical but from the eugenist's point of view, at any rate, it is a falsification of records that must be regarded with great disapproval. at present it is hard to say to what extent undesirable traits occur in the most distinguished families; and it is of great importance that this should be learned. maurice fishberg contends[ ] that many jewish families are characterized by extremes,--that in each generation they have produced more ability and also more disability than would ordinarily be expected. this seems to be true of some of the more prominent old american families as well. on the other hand, large families can be found, such as the remarkable family of new england office-holders described by merton t. goodrich,[ ] in which there is a steady production of civic worth in every generation with almost no mental defectives or gross physical defectives. in such a family there is a high sustained level. it is such strains which eugenists wish especially to increase. in this connection it is again worth noting that a really great man is rarely found in an ancestry devoid of ability. this was pointed out in the first chapter, but is certain to strike the genealogist's attention forcibly. abraham lincoln is often quoted as an exception; but more recent studies of his ancestry have shown that he is not really an exception; that, as ida m. tarbell[ ] says, "so far from his later career being unaccounted for in his origin and early history, it is as fully accounted for as is the case of any man." the lincoln family was one of the best in america, and while abraham's own father was an eccentric person, he was yet a man of considerable force of character, by no means the "poor white trash" which he is often represented to have been. the hanks family, to which the emancipator's mother belonged, had also maintained a high level of ability in every generation; furthermore, thomas lincoln and nancy hanks, the parents of abraham lincoln, were first cousins. the more difficult cases, for the eugenist, are rather to be found in such ancestries as those of louis pasteur and michael faraday. pasteur[ ] might perhaps be justly considered the greatest man france has ever produced; his father was a non-commissioned soldier who came of a long line of tanners, while his mother's family had been gardeners for generations. faraday, who is worthy to be placed close to charles darwin among eminent englishmen, was the son of a blacksmith and a farmer's daughter. such pedigrees are striking; and yet, as frederick adams woods has remarked, they ought to strengthen rather than to weaken one's belief in the force of heredity. when it is considered how rarely such an ancestry produces a great man, it must be fairly evident that his greatness is due to an accidental conjunction of favorable traits, as the modern theory of genetics holds; and that greatness is not due to the inheritance of acquired characters, on which hypothesis pasteur and faraday would indeed be difficult to explain. cases of this sort, even though involving much less famous people, will be found in almost every genealogy, and add greatly to the interest of its study, as well as offering valuable data to the professional geneticist. (d) even if the information it furnishes were more complete, human genealogy would not justify the claims sometimes made for it as a science, because, to use a biological phrase, "the matings are not controlled." the results of a certain experiment are exhibited, but can not be interpreted unless one knows what the results would have been, had the preceding conditions been varied in this way or in that way. these controlled experiments can be made in plant and animal breeding; they have been made by the thousand, by the hundred thousand, for many years. they can not be made in human society. it is, of course, not desirable that they should be made; but the consequence is that the biological meaning of human history, the real import of genealogy, can not be known unless it is interpreted in the light of modern plant and animal breeding. it is absolutely necessary that genealogy go into partnership with genetics, the general science of heredity. if a spirit of false pride leads genealogists to hold aloof from these experiments, they will make slow progress. the interpretation of genealogy in the light of modern research in heredity through the experimental breeding of plants and animals is full of hope; without such light, it will be discouragingly slow work. genealogists are usually proud of their pedigrees; they usually have a right to be. but their pride should not lead them to scorn the pedigrees of some of the peas, and corn, snapdragons and sugar beets, bulldogs and shorthorn cattle, with which geneticists have been working during the last generation; for these humble pedigrees may throw more light on their own than a century of research in purely human material. the science of genealogy will not have full meaning and full value to those who pursue it, unless they bring themselves to look on men and women as organisms subject to the same laws of heredity and variation as other living things. biologists were not long ago told that it was essential for them to learn to think like genealogists. for the purpose of eugenics, neither science is complete without the other; and we believe that it is not invidious to say that biologists have been quicker to realize this than have genealogists. the golden age of genealogy is yet to come. ( ) in addition to the correction of these faulty methods, there are certain extensions of genealogical method which could advantageously be made without great difficulty. (a) more written records should be kept, and less dependence placed on oral communication. the obsolescent family bible, with its chronicle of births, deaths and marriages, is an institution of too great value in more ways than one, to be given up. the united states have not the advantage of much of the machinery of state registration which aids european genealogy, and while working for better registration of vital statistics, it should be a matter of pride with every family to keep its own archives. (b) family trees should be kept in more detail, including all brothers and sisters in every family, no matter at what age they died, and including as many collaterals as possible. this means more work for the genealogist, but the results will be of much value to science. (c) more family traits should be marked. those at present recorded are mostly of a social or economic nature, and are of little real significance after the death of their possessor. but the traits of his mind and body are likely to go on to his descendants indefinitely. these are therefore the facts of his life on which attention should be focused. (d) more pictorial data should be added. photographs of the members of the family, at all ages, should be carefully preserved. measurements equally deserve attention. the door jamb is not a satisfactory place for recording the heights of children, particularly in this day when removals are so frequent. complete anthropometric measurements, such as every member of the young men's christian association, most college students, and many other people are obliged to undergo once or periodically, should be placed on file. (e) pedigrees should be traced upward from a living individual, rather than downward from some hero long since dead. of course, the ideal method would be to combine these two, or to keep duplicate pedigrees, one a table of ascendants and the other of descendants, in the same stock. genealogical data of the needed kind, however, can not be reduced to a mere table or a family tree. the ideal genealogy starts with a whole fraternity--the individual who is making it and all his brothers and sisters. it describes fully the fraternity to which the father belongs, giving an account of each member, of the husband or wife of that member (if married) and their children, who are of course the first cousins of the maker of the genealogical study. it does the same for the mother's fraternity. next it considers the fraternity to which the father's father belongs, considers their consorts and their children and grandchildren, and then takes up the study of the fraternity of the father's mother in the same way. the mother's parents next receive attention; and then the earlier generations are similarly treated, as far as the available records will allow. a pedigree study constructed on this plan really shows what traits are running through the families involved, and is vastly more significant than a mere chain of links, even though this might run through a dozen generations. ( ) with these changes, genealogy would become the study of heredity, rather than the study of lineage. it is not meant to say that the study of heredity is nothing more than applied genealogy. as understood nowadays, it includes mathematical and biological territory which must always be foreign to genealogy. it might be said that in so far as man is concerned, heredity is the interpretation of genealogy, and eugenics the application of heredity. genealogy should give its students a vision of the species as a great group of ever-changing, interrelated organisms, a great network originating in the obscurity of the past, stretching forward into the obscurity of the future, every individual in it organically related to every other, and all of them the heritors of the past in a very real sense. genealogists do well in giving a realization of the importance of the family, but they err if they base this teaching altogether on the family's pride in some remote ancestor who, even though he bore the family name and was a prodigy of virtues, probably counts for very little in the individual's make-up to-day. to take a concrete though wholly imaginary illustration: what man would not feel a certain satisfaction in being a lineal descendant of george washington? and yet, if the father of his country be placed at only four removes from the living individual, nothing is more certain than that this hypothetical living individual had fifteen other ancestors in george washington's generation, any one of whom may play as great or a greater part in his ancestry; and so remote are they all that, as a statistical average, it is calculated that the contribution of george washington to the ancestry of the hypothetical living individual would be perhaps not more than one-third of % of the total. the small influence of one of these remote ancestors may be seen at a glance, if a chart of all the ancestors up to the generation of the great hero is made. following out the illustration, a pedigree based on george washington would look like the diagram in fig. . in more remote generations, the probable biological influence of the ancestor becomes practically nil. thus americans who trace their descent to some royal personage of england or the continent, a dozen generations ago, may get a certain amount of spiritual satisfaction out of the relationship, but they certainly can derive little real help, of a hereditary kind, from this ancestor. and when one goes farther back,--as to william the conqueror, who seems to rank with the mayflower immigrants as a progenitor of many descendants--the claim of descent becomes really a joke. if generations have elapsed between the present and the time of william the conqueror, every individual living to-day must have had living in the epoch of the norman conquest not less than sixteen million ancestors. of course, there was no such number of people in all england and normandy, at that time, hence it is obvious that the theoretical number has been greatly reduced in every generation by consanguineous marriages, even though they were between persons so remotely related that they did not know they were related. c. b. davenport, indeed, has calculated that most persons of the old american stock in the united states are related to each other not more remotely than thirtieth cousins, and a very large proportion as closely as fifteenth cousins. [illustration: the small value of a famous, but remote, ancestor fig. .--a living individual who was a lineal descendant of george washington might well take pride in the fact, but genetically that fact might be of very little significance. the above chart shows graphically how small a part any single ancestor plays, a few generations back. a general high average of ability in an ancestry is much more important, eugenically, than the appearance of one or two distinguished individuals.] at any rate, it must be obvious that the ancestors of any person of old american stock living to-day must have included practically all the inhabitants of england and normandy, in the eleventh century. looking at the pedigree from the other end, william the conqueror must have living to-day at least , , descendants. most of them can not trace back their pedigrees, but that does not alter the fact. such considerations give one a vivid realization of the brotherhood of man; but they can hardly be said to justify any great pride in descent from a family of crusaders for instance, except on purely sentimental grounds. descent from a famous man or woman should not be disparaged. it is a matter of legitimate pride and congratulation. but claims for respect made on that ground alone are, from a biological point of view, negligible, if the hero is several generations removed. what sir francis galton wrote of the peers of england may, with slight alterations, be given general application to the descendants of famous people: "an old peerage is a valueless title to natural gifts, except so far as it may have been furbished up by a succession of wise intermarriages.... i cannot think of any claim to respect, put forward in modern days, that is so entirely an imposture as that made by a peer on the ground of descent, who has neither been nobly educated, nor has any eminent kinsman within three degrees." but, some one may protest, are we not shattering the very edifice of which we are professed defenders, in thus denying the force of heredity? not at all. we wish merely to emphasize that a man has sixteen great-great-grandparents, instead of one, and that those in the maternal lines are too often overlooked, although from a biological point of view they are every bit as important as those in the paternal lines. and we wish further to emphasize the point that it is the near relatives who, on the whole, represent what one is. the great family which for a generation or two makes unwise marriages, must live on its past reputation and see the work of the world done and the prizes carried away by the children of wiser matings. no family can maintain its eugenic rank merely by the power of inertia. every marriage that a member of the family makes is a matter of vital concern to the future of the family: and this is one of the lessons which a broad science of genealogy should inculcate in every youth. is it practicable to direct genealogy on this slightly different line? as to that, the genealogist must decide. these are the qualifications which old professor william chauncey fowler laid down as essential for a successful genealogist: love of kindred. love of investigation. active imagination. sound and disciplined judgment. conscientious regard to truth. a pleasing style as a writer. with such qualifications, one can go far, and it would seem that one who possesses them has only to fix his attention upon the biological aspect of genealogy, to become convinced that his science is only part of a science, as long as it ignores eugenics. after all, nothing more is necessary than a slight change in the point of view; and if genealogists can adopt this new point of view, can add to their equipment some familiarity with the fundamental principles of biology as they apply to man and are laid down in the science of eugenics, the value of the science of genealogy to the world ought to increase at least five-fold within a generation. what can be expected from a genealogy with eugenic foundation? first and foremost, it will give genetics a chance to advance with more rapidity, in its study of man. genetics, the study of heredity, can not successfully proceed by direct observation in the human species as it does with plants and rapidly-breeding animals, because the generations are too long. less than three generations are of little value for genetic researches, and even three can rarely be observed to advantage by any one person. therefore, second-hand information must be used. so far, most of this has been gained by sending field-workers--a new kind of genealogist--out among the members of a family, and having them collect the desired information, either by study of extant records, or by word of mouth. but the written records of value have been usually negligible in quantity, and oral communication has therefore been the mainstay. it has not been wholly satisfactory. few people--aside from genealogists--can give even the names of all their great-grandparents, far less can they tell anything of importance about them. it is thus to genealogy that genetics is driven. unless family records are available, it can accomplish little. and it can not get these family records unless genealogists realize the importance of furnishing them; for as has already been pointed out, most genealogies at present available are of little value to genetics, because of the inadequacy of the data they furnish. it is only in the case of exceptional families, such as the royal houses of europe, that enough information is given about each individual to furnish an opportunity for analysis. what could be done if there were more such data available is brilliantly illustrated in the investigation by frederick adams woods of boston of the reigning houses of europe. his writings should be read by every genealogist, as a source of inspiration as well as information. more such data must be obtained in the future. genealogists must begin at once to keep family records in such a way that they will be of the greatest value possible--that they will serve not only family pride, but bigger purposes. it will not take long to get together a large number of family histories, in which the idea will be to tell as much as possible, instead of as little as possible, about every individual mentioned. the value of pedigrees of this kind is greater than most people realize. in the first place, it must be remembered that these traits, on whose importance in the pedigree we have been insisting, are responsible not only for whatever the individual is, but for whatever society is,--whatever the race is. they are not personal matters, as c. b. davenport and h. h. laughlin well point out; "they come to us from out of the population of the past, and, in so far as we have children, they become disseminated throughout the population of the future. upon such traits society is built; good or bad they determine the fate of our society. apart from migration, there is only one way to get socially desirable traits into our social life, and that is reproduction; there is only one way to get them out, by preventing the reproduction. all social welfare work is merely education of the germs of traits; it does not provide such germs. in the absence of the germs the traits can not develop. on the other hand, it is possible with difficulty, if possible at all, by means of the strongest repressive measures merely, to prevent the development of undesirable hereditary traits. society can treat the delinquent individual more reasonably, more effectively, and more humanely, if it knows the 'past performance' of his germ-plasm." in addition to their importance to society, a knowledge of the traits of a pedigree has a great direct importance to the individual; one of the most valuable things to be learned from that knowledge is the answer to the question, "what shall a boy or girl do? what career shall one lay out for one's children?" a knowledge of the child's inborn nature, such as can be had only through study of his ancestry, will guide those who have his education in hand, and will further guide those who decide, or help the child decide, what work to take up in life. this helps to put the problem of vocational guidance on a sound basis,--the basis of the individual's inherent aptitudes. not too much must be expected from vocational guidance at the present time, but in the case of traits that are inherited, it is a fair inference that a child is more likely to be highly endowed with a trait which both parents possess, than with one that only one parent possesses. "among the traits which have been said to occur in some such direct hereditary way," h. l. hollingworth[ ] observes, "or as the result of unexplained mutation or deviation from type, are: mathematical aptitude, ability in drawing,[ ] musical composition,[ ] singing, poetic reaction, military strategy, chess playing. pitch discrimination seems to depend on structural factors which are not susceptible of improvement by practice.[ ] the same may be said of various forms of professional athletic achievement. color blindness seems to be an instance of the conspicuous absence of such a unit characteristic." again, the knowledge of ancestry is an essential factor in the wise selection of a husband or wife. insistence has been laid on this point in an earlier chapter of this book, and it is not necessary here to repeat what was there said. but it seems certain that ancestry will steadily play a larger part in marriage selection in the future; it is at least necessary to know that one is not marrying into a family that carries the taint of serious hereditary defect, even if one knows nothing more. an intelligent study of genealogy will do much, we believe, to bring about the intelligent selection of the man or woman with whom one is to fall in love. in addition to these general considerations, it is evident that genealogy, properly carried out, would throw light on most of the specific problems with which eugenics is concerned, or which fall in the field of genetics. a few examples of these problems may be mentioned, in addition to those which are discussed in various other chapters of this book. [illustration: history of babies fig. .--the top of the diagram shows the children "starting from scratch." by following down the vertical lines, one can see that their longevity depends largely on the size of family from which they come. those who had or a dozen brothers and sisters are most likely to live to extreme age. alexander graham bell's data, members of the hyde family in america.] [illustration: adult mortality fig. --if child mortality is eliminated, and only those individuals studied who live to the age of or longer, the small families are still found to be handicapped. in general it may be said that the larger the family, the longer a member of it will live. large families (in a normal, healthy section of the population) indicate vitality on the part of the parents. this does not, of course, hold good in the slums, where mental and financial inefficiency are abundant. within certain classes, however, it may be said with confidence that the weaklings in the population are most likely to be from small families. alexander graham bell's data.] . the supposed inferiority of first-born children has been debated at some length during the last decade, but is not yet wholly settled. it appears possible that the first-born may be, on the average, inferior both physically and mentally to the children who come directly after him; on the other hand, the number of first-born who attain eminence is greater than would be expected on the basis of pure chance. more data are needed to clear up this problem.[ ] . the advantage to a child of being a member of a large or small family is a question of importance. in these days of birth control, the argument is frequently heard that large families are an evil of themselves, the children in them being handicapped by the excessive child-bearing of the mother. the statistics cited in support of this claim are drawn from the slums, where the families are marked by poverty and by physical and mental inferiority. it can easily be shown, by a study of more favored families, that the best children come from the large fraternities. in fact alexander graham bell found evidence,[ ] in his investigation of the hyde family in america, that the families of or more children were those which showed the greatest longevity (see figs. and ). in this connection, longevity is of course a mark of vitality and physical fitness. . the question of the effect of child-bearing on the mother is equally important, since exponents of birth control are urging that mothers should not bear more children than they desire. a. o. powys' careful study[ ] of the admirable vital statistics of new south wales showed that the mothers who lived longest were those who bore from five to seven children. . the age at which men and women should marry has not yet been sufficiently determined, on biological grounds. statistics so far compiled do not indicate that the age of the father has any direct influence on the character of the children, but the age of the mother undoubtedly exercises a strong influence on them. thus it is now well established[ ] that infant mortality is lowest among the children of young mothers,--say from to years of age,--and that delay in child-bearing after that age penalizes the children (see fig. ). there is also some evidence that, altogether apart from the infant mortality, the children of young mothers attain a greater longevity than do those of older women. more facts are needed, to show how much of this effect is due to the age of the mother, how much to her experience, and how much to the influence of the number of children she has previously borne. . assortative mating, consanguineous marriage, the inheritance of a tendency to disease, longevity, sex-linked heredity, sex-determination, the production of twins, and many other problems of interest to the general public as well as to the biologist, are awaiting the collection of fuller data. all such problems will be illuminated, when more genealogies are kept on a biological basis. [illustration: influence of mother's age fig. .--as measured by the percentage of infant deaths, those children show the greatest vitality who were born to mothers between the ages of and . infant mortality increases steadily as the mother grows older. in this case the youngest mothers (those under years of age) do not make quite as good a showing as those who are a little older, but in other studies the youngest mothers have made excellent records. in general, such studies all show that the babies are penalized if marriage is delayed beyond the age of , or if child-bearing is unduly delayed after marriage. alexander graham bell's data.] here, however, an emphatic warning against superficial investigation must be uttered. the medical profession has been particularly hasty, many times, in reporting cases which were assumed to demonstrate heredity. the child was so and so; it was found on inquiry that the father was also so and so: _post hoc, ergo propter hoc_--it was heredity. such a method of investigation is calculated to bring genetics into disrepute, and would hazard the credit of genealogy. as a fact, one case counts for practically nothing as proof of hereditary influence; even half a dozen or a dozen may be of no significance. there are two ways in which genealogical data can be analyzed to deduce biological laws: one is based on the application of statistical and graphic methods to the data, and needs some hundreds of cases to be of value; the other is by pedigree-study, and needs at least three generations of pedigree, usually covering numerous collaterals, to offer important results. it is not to be supposed that anyone with a sufficiently complete record of his own ancestry would necessarily be able by inspection to deduce from it any important contribution to science. but if enough complete family records are made available, the professional geneticist can be called into cooperation, can supplement the human record with his knowledge of the results achieved by carefully controlled animal and plant breeding, and between them, the genealogist and the geneticist can in most cases arrive at the truth. that such truth is of the highest importance to any family, and equally to society as a whole, must be evident. let the genealogist, then, bring together data on every trait he can think of. as a guide and stimulus, he should read the opening chapters of herbert's spencer's _autobiography_, or of karl pearson's, _life, letters and labors of sir francis galton_, or c. b. davenport's study[ ] of c. o. whitman, one of the foremost american biologists. he will also find help in bulletin no. of the eugenics record office, cold spring harbor, long island, new york. it is entitled, _how to make a eugenical family study_, and gives a list of questions which should be answered, and points which should be noted. with some such list as this, or even with his own common-sense, the genealogist may seek to ascertain as much as possible about the significant facts in the life of his ancestors, bearing in mind that the geneticist will ask two questions about every trait mentioned: . is this characteristic inherited? . if so, how? nor must it be forgotten that the geneticist is often as much interested in knowing that a given character is not inherited under certain conditions, as that it is. it is highly desirable that genealogists should acquire the habit of stating the traits of their subjects in quantitative terms. they too often state that a certain amount is "much"; what should be told is "how much." instead of saying that an individual had fairly good health, tell exactly what diseases he had during his lifetime; instead of remarking that he was a good mathematician, tell some anecdote or fact that will allow judgment of the extent of his ability in this line. did he keep record of his bank balance in his head instead of on paper? was he fond of mathematical puzzles? did he revel in statistics? was the study of calculus a recreation to him? such things probably will appear trivial to the genealogist, but to the eugenist they are sometimes important. aside from biology, or as much of it as is comprised in eugenics, genealogy may also serve medicine, jurisprudence, sociology, statistics, and various other sciences as well as the ones which it now serves. but in most cases, such service will have a eugenic aspect. the alliance between eugenics and genealogy is so logical that it can not be put off much longer. genealogists may well ask what facilities there are for receiving and using pedigrees such as we have been outlining, if they were made up. all are, of course, familiar with the repositories which the different patriotic societies, the national genealogical society, and similar organizations maintain, as well as the collections of the library of congress and other great public institutions. anything deposited in such a place can be found by investigators who are actively engaged in eugenic research. in addition to this, there are certain establishments founded for the sole purpose of analyzing genealogies from a biological or statistical point of view. the first of these was the galton laboratory of the university of london, directed by karl pearson. there are two such at work in the united states. the larger is the eugenics record office at cold spring harbor, long island, new york, directed by charles b. davenport. blank schedules are sent to all applicants, in which the pedigree of an individual may be easily set down, with reference particularly to the traits of eugenic importance. when desired, the office will send duplicate schedules, one of which may be retained by the applicant for his own files. the schedules filed at the eugenics record office are treated as confidential, access to them being given only to accredited investigators. the second institution of this kind is the genealogical record office, founded and directed by alexander graham bell at thirty-fifth street n. w., washington d. c. this devotes itself solely to the collection of data regarding longevity, and sends out schedules to all those in whose families there have been individuals attaining the age of or over. it welcomes correspondence on the subject from all who know of cases of long life, and endeavors to put the particulars on record, especially with reference to the ancestry and habits of the long-lived individual. the eugenics registry at battle creek, mich., likewise receives pedigrees, which it refers to cold spring harbor for analysis. persons intelligently interested in their ancestry might well consider it a duty to society, and to their own posterity, to send for one of the eugenics record office schedules, fill it out and place it on file there, and to do the same with the genealogical record office, if they are so fortunate as to come of a stock characterized by longevity. the filling out of these schedules would be likely to lead to a new view of genealogy; and when this point of view is once gained, the student will find it adds immensely to his interest in his pursuit. genealogists are all familiar with the charge of long standing that genealogy is a subject of no use, a fad of a privileged class. they do not need to be told that such a charge is untrue. but genealogy can be made a much more useful science than it now is, and it will be at the same time more interesting to its followers, if it is no longer looked upon as an end in itself, nor solely as a minister to family pride. we hope to see it regarded as a handmaid of evolution, just as are the other sciences; we hope to see it linked with the great biological movement of the present day, for the betterment of mankind. so much for the science as a whole. what can the individual do? nothing better than to broaden his outlook so that he may view his family not as an exclusive entity, centered in a name, dependent on some illustrious man or men of the past; but rather as an integral part of the great fabric of human life, its warp and woof continuous from the dawn of creation and criss-crossed at each generation. when he gets this vision, he will desire to make his family tree as full as possible, to include his collaterals, to note every trait which he can find on record, to preserve the photographs and measurements of his own contemporaries, and to take pleasure in feeling that the history of his family is a contribution to human knowledge, as well as to the pride of the family. if the individual genealogist does this, the science of genealogy will become a useful servant of the whole race, and its influence, not confined to a few, will be felt by all, as a positive, dynamic force helping them to lead more worthy lives in the short span allotted to them, and helping them to leave more worthy posterity to carry on the names they bore and the sacred thread of immortality, of which they were for a time the custodians. chapter xviii the eugenic aspect of some specific reforms nearly every law and custom of a country has an influence direct or remote on eugenics. the eugenic progress to be expected if laws and customs are gradually but steadily modified in appropriate ways, is vastly greater and more practicable than is any possible gain which could be made at present through schemes for the direct control of "eugenic marriages." in this present chapter, we try to point out some of the eugenic aspects of certain features of american society. it must not be supposed that we have any legislative panaceas to offer, or that the suggestions we make are necessarily the correct ones. we are primarily concerned with stimulating people to think about the eugenic aspects of their laws and customs. once the public thinks, numerous changes will be tried and the results will show whether the changes shall be followed up or discontinued. the eugenic point of view that we have here taken is becoming rather widespread, although it is often not recognized as eugenic. thinkers in all subjects that concern social progress are beginning to realize that the test of whether or not a measure is good is its effect. the pragmatic school of philosophy, which has been in vogue in recent years, has reduced this attitude to a system. it is an attitude to be welcomed wherever it is found, for it only needs the addition of a knowledge of biology, to become eugenic. taxation to be just, any form of taxation should repress productive industry as little as possible, and should be of a kind that can not easily be shifted. in addition to these qualifications, it should, if possible, contribute directly to the eugenic strength of the nation by favoring, or at least by not penalizing, useful families. a heavy tax on land values (in extreme, the single-tax) and a heavy tax on bachelors have sometimes been proposed as likely to be eugenic in effect. but they are open to criticism. the tax on land values appears too likely to be indiscriminate in working: it would appear to favor inferior families as much as superior ones. the tax on bachelors is proposed as a means of getting bachelors to marry; but is this always desirable? it depends on the quality of the bachelors. even at present it is our belief that, on the whole, the married men of the population are superior to the unmarried men. if the action of sexual selection is improved still further by the eugenics campaign, this difference in quality will be increased. it will then be rather an advantage that the bachelors should remain single, and a tax which would force them into marriage for reasons of economy, is not likely to result in any eugenic gain. but a moderate indirect tax by an exemption for a wife and each child after a general exemption of $ , would be desirable. the inheritance tax seems less open to criticism. very large inheritances should be taxed to a much greater degree than is at present attempted in the united states, and the tax should be placed, not on the total amount of the inheritance, but on the amount received by each individual beneficiary. this tends to prevent the unfair guarantee of riches to individuals regardless of their own worth and efforts. but to suggest, on the other hand, as has often been done, that inheritances should be confiscated by the government altogether, shows a lack of appreciation of the value of a reasonable right to bequeath in encouraging larger families among those having a high standard of living. it is not desirable to penalize the kind of strains which possess directing talent and constructive efficiency; and they certainly would be penalized if a man felt that no matter how much he might increase his fortune, he could not leave any of it to those who continued his stock. the sum exempted should not be large enough to tempt the beneficiary to give up work and settle down into a life of complacent idleness, but enough to be of decided assistance to him in bringing up a family: $ , might be a good maximum. above this, the rate should advance rapidly, and should be progressive, not proportional. a % tax on inheritances above $ , seems to us desirable, since large inheritances tend to interfere with the correlation of wealth and social worth, which is so necessary from a eugenic point of view as well as from that of social justice. the federal estate law, passed in september, , is a step in the right direction. it places the exemption at $ , net. the rate, however, is not rapid enough in its rise: e.g., estates exceeding $ , but less than $ , are taxed only %, while the maximum, for estates above $ , , , is only %. this, moreover, is on the total estate, while we favor the plan that taxes not the total amount bequeathed but the amount inherited by each individual. with the ever increasing need of revenue, it is certain that congress will make a radical increase in progressive inheritance tax on large fortunes, which should be retained after the war. wisconsin and california have introduced an interesting innovation by providing a further graded tax on inheritances in accordance with the degree of consanguinity between the testator and the beneficiary. thus a small bequest to a son or daughter might be taxed only %; a large bequest to a trained nurse or a spiritualistic medium might be taxed %. this is frank recognition of the fact that inheritance is to be particularly justified as it tends to endow a superior family. eugenically it may be permissible to make moderate bequests to brothers, nephews and nieces, as well as one's own children; and to endow philanthropies; but the state might well take a large part of any inheritance which would otherwise go to remote heirs, or to persons not related to the testator. at present there is, on the whole, a negative correlation between size of family and income. the big families are, in general in the part of the population which has the smallest income, and it is well established that the number of children tends to decrease as the income increases and as a family rises in the social scale--a fact to which we have devoted some attention in earlier chapters. if this condition were to be permanent, it would be somewhat difficult to suggest a eugenic form of income tax. we believe, however, that it is not likely to be permanent in its present extent. the spread of birth control seems likely to reduce the negative correlation and the spread of eugenic ideas may possibly convert it into a slight positive correlation, so that the number of children may be more nearly proportional to the means of the family. perhaps it is utopian to expect a positive correlation in the near future, yet a decrease in the number of children born to the class of casual laborers and unskilled workers is pretty certain to take place as rapidly as the knowledge of methods of birth control is extended; and at present it does not seem that this extension can be stopped by any of the agencies that are opposing it. if the size of a family becomes more nearly proportional to the income, instead of being inversely proportional to it as at present, and if income is even roughly a measure of the value of a family to the community--an assumption that can hardly be denied altogether, however much one may qualify it in individual cases,--then the problem of taxing family incomes will be easier. the effect of income differences will be, on the whole, eugenic. it would then seem desirable to exempt from taxation all incomes of married people below a certain critical sum, this amount being the point at which change in income may be supposed to not affect size of family. this means exemption of all incomes under $ , , an additional $ , for a wife and an additional $ , for each child, and a steeply-graded advance above that amount, as very large incomes act to reduce the size of family by introducing a multiplicity of competing cares and interests. there is also a eugenic advantage in heavy taxes on harmful commodities and unapprovable luxuries. the "back to the farm" movement one of the striking accompaniments of the development of american civilization, as of all other civilizations, is the growth of the cities. if (following the practice of the u. s. census) all places with , or more population be classed as urban, it appears that . % of the population of the united states was urban in , that the percentage had risen to . in , and that by not less than . % of the total population was urban. there are four components of this growth of urban population: ( ) excess of births over deaths, ( ) immigration from rural districts, ( ) immigration from other countries, and ( ) the extension of area by incorporation of suburbs. it is not to be supposed that the growth of the cities is wholly at the expense of the country; j. m. gillette calculates[ ] that . % of the actual urban gain of , , between and was due to migration from the country, the remaining . % being accounted for by the other three causes enumerated. thus it appears that the movement from country to city is of considerable proportions, even though it be much less than has sometimes been alleged. this movement has eugenic importance because it is generally believed, although more statistical evidence is needed, that families tend to "run out" in a few generations under city conditions; and it is generally agreed that among those who leave the rural districts to go to the cities, there are found many of the best representatives of the country families. if superior people are going to the large cities, and if this removal leads to a smaller reproductive contribution than they would otherwise have made, then the growth of great cities is an important dysgenic factor. this is the view taken by o. f. cook,[ ] when he writes: "statistically speaking cities are centers of population, but biologically or eugenically speaking they are centers of depopulation. they are like sink-holes or _siguanas_, as the indians of guatemala call the places where the streams of their country drop into subterranean channels and disappear. it never happens that cities develop large populations that go out and occupy the surrounding country. the movement of population is always toward the city. the currents of humanity pass into the urban _siguanas_ and are gone." "if the time has really come for the consideration of practical eugenic measures, here is a place to begin, a subject worthy of the most careful study--how to rearrange our social and economic system so that more of the superior members of our race will stay on the land and raise families, instead of moving to the city and remaining unmarried or childless, or allowing their children to grow up in unfavorable urban environments that mean deterioration and extinction." "the cities represent an eliminating agency of enormous efficiency, a present condition that sterilizes and exterminates individuals and lines of descent rapidly enough for all but the most sanguinary reformer. all that is needed for a practical solution of the eugenic problem is to reverse the present tendency for the better families to be drawn into the city and facilitate the drafting of others for urban duty.... the most practical eugenists of our age are the men who are solving the problems of living in the country and thus keeping more and better people under rural conditions where their families will survive." "to recognize the relation of eugenics to agriculture," mr. cook concludes, "does not solve the problems of our race, but it indicates the basis on which the problems need to be solved, and the danger of wasting too much time and effort in attempting to salvage the derelict populations of the cities. however important the problems of urban society may be, they do not have fundamental significance from the standpoint of eugenics, because urban populations are essentially transient. the city performs the function of elimination, while agriculture represents the constructive eugenic condition which must be maintained and improved if the development of the race is to continue." on the other hand, city life does select those who are adapted to it. it is said to favor the mediterranean race in competition with the nordic, so that mixed city populations tend to become more brunette, the nordic strains dying out. how well this claim has been established statistically is open to question; but there can be no doubt that the jewish race is an example of urban selection. it has withstood centuries of city life, usually under the most severe conditions, in ghettoes, and has survived and maintained a high average of mentality. until recently it has been impossible, because of the defective registration of vital statistics in the united states, to get figures which show the extent of the problem of urban sterilization. but dr. gillette has obtained evidence along several indirect lines, and is convinced that his figures are not far from the truth.[ ] they show the difference to be very large and its eugenic significance of corresponding importance. "when it is noted," dr. gillette says, "that the rural rate is almost twice the urban rate for the nation as a whole, that in only one division does the latter exceed the former, and that in some divisions the rural rate is three times the urban rate, it can scarcely be doubted that the factor of urbanization is the most important cause of lowered increase rates. urban birth-rates are lower than rural birth-rates, and its death-rates are higher than those of the latter." considering the united states in nine geographical divisions, dr. gillette secured the following results: rate of net annual increase _division_ _rural_ _urban_ _average_ new england . . . middle atlantic . . . east north central . . . west north central . . . south atlantic . . . east south central . . . west south central . . . mountain . . . pacific . . . ---- ---- ----- average . . . even though fuller returns might show these calculations to be inaccurate, dr. gillette points out, they are all compiled on the same basis, and therefore can be fairly compared, since any unforeseen cause of increase or decrease would affect all alike. it is difficult to compare the various divisions directly, because the racial composition of the population of each one is different. but the difference in rates is marked. the west south central states would almost double their population in four decades, by natural increase alone, while new england would require years to do so. dr. gillette tried, by elaborate computations, to eliminate the effect of immigration and emigration in each division, in order to find out the standing of the old american stock. his conclusions confirm the beliefs of the most pessimistic. "only three divisions, all western, add to their population by means of an actual excess of income over outgo of native-born americans," he reports. even should this view turn out to be exaggerated, it is certain that the population of the united states is at present increasing largely because of immigration and the high fecundity of immigrant women, and that as far as its own older stock is concerned, it has ceased to increase. to state that this is due largely to the fact that country people are moving to the city is by no means to solve the problem, in terms of eugenics. it merely shows the exact nature of the problem to be solved. this could be attacked at two points. . attempts might be made to keep the rural population on the farms, and to encourage a movement from the cities back to the country. measures to make rural life more attractive and remunerative and thus to keep the more energetic and capable young people on the farm, have great eugenic importance, from this point of view. . the growth of cities might be accepted as a necessary evil, an unavoidable feature of industrial civilization, and direct attempts might be made, through eugenic propaganda, to secure a higher birth-rate among the superior parts of the city population. the second method seems in many ways the more practicable. on the other hand, the first method is in many ways more ideal, particularly because it would not only cause more children to be born, but furnish these children with a suitable environment after they were born, which the city can not do. on the other hand, the city offers the better environment for the especially gifted who require a specialized training and later the field for its use in most cases. in practice, the problem will undoubtedly have to be attacked by eugenists on both sides. dr. gillette's statistics, showing the appalling need, should prove a stimulus to eugenic effort. democracy by democracy we understand a government which is responsive to the will of a majority of the entire population, as opposed to an oligarchy where the sole power is in the hands of a small minority of the entire population, who are able to impose their will on the rest of the nation. in discussing immigration, we have pointed out that it is of great importance that the road for promotion of merit should always be open, and that the road for demotion of incompetence should likewise be open. these conditions are probably favored more by a democracy than by any other form of government, and to that extent democracy is distinctly advantageous to eugenics. yet this eugenic effect is not without a dysgenic after-effect. the very fact that recognition is attainable by all, means that democracy leads to social ambition; and social ambition leads to smaller families. this influence is manifested mainly in the women, whose desire to climb the social ladder is increased by the ease of ascent which is due to lack of rigid social barriers. but while ascent is possible for almost anyone, it is naturally favored by freedom from handicaps, such as a large family of children. in the "successful" business and professional classes, therefore, there is an inducement to the wife to limit the number of her offspring, in order that she may have more time to devote to social "duties." in a country like germany, with more or less stratified social classes, this factor in the differential birth-rate is probably less operative. the solution in america is not to create an impermeable social stratification, but to create a public sentiment which will honor women more for motherhood than for eminence in the largely futile activities of polite society. in quite another way, too great democratization of a country is dangerous. the tendency is to ask, in regard to any measure, "what do the people want?" while the question should be "what ought the people to want?" the _vox populi_ may and often does want something that is in the long run quite detrimental to the welfare of the state. the ultimate test of a state is whether it is strong enough to survive, and a measure that all the people, or a voting majority of them (which is the significant thing in a democracy), want, may be such as to handicap the state severely. in general, experts are better able to decide what measures will be desirable in the long run, than are voters of the general population, most of whom know little about the real merits of many of the most important projects. yet democracies have a tendency to scorn the advice of experts, most of the voters feeling that they are as good as any one else, and that their opinion is entitled to as much weight as that of the expert. this attitude naturally makes it difficult to secure the passage of measures which are eugenic or otherwise beneficial in character, since they often run counter to popular prejudices. the initiative by small petitions, and the referendum as a frequent resort, are dangerous. they are of great value if so qualified as to be used only in real emergencies, as where a clique has got control of the government and is running it for its self-interest, but as a regularly and frequently functioning institution they are unlikely to result in wise statesmanship. the wise democracy is that which recognizes that officials may be effectively chosen by vote, only for legislative offices; and which recognizes that for executive offices the choice must be definitely selective, that is, a choice of those who by merit are best fitted to fill the positions. appointment in executive officers is not offensive when, as the name indicates, it is truly the best who govern. all methods of choice by properly judged competition or examination with a free chance to all, are, in principle, selective yet democratic in the best sense, that of "equality of opportunity." when the governing few are not the best fitted for the work, a so-called aristocracy is of course not an aristocracy (government by the best) at all, but merely an oligarchy. when officers chosen by vote are not well fitted then such a government is not "for the people." good government is then an aristo-democracy. in it the final control rests in a democratically chosen legislature working with a legislative commission of experts, but all executive and judicial functions are performed by those best qualified on the basis of executive or judicial ability, not vote-getting or speech-making ability. all, however, are eligible for such positions provided they can show genuine qualifications. socialism it is difficult to define socialism in terms that will make a discussion practicable. the socialist movement is one thing, the socialist political program is another. but though the idea of socialism has as many different forms as an amoeba, there is always a nucleus that remains constant,--the desire for what is conceived to be a more equitable distribution of wealth. the laborer should get the value which his labor produces, it is held, subject only to subtraction of such a part as is necessary to meet the costs of maintenance; and in order that as little as possible need be subtracted for that purpose, the socialists agree in demanding a considerable extension of the functions of government: collective ownership of railways, mines, the tools of production. the ideal socialistic state would be so organized, along these lines, that the producer would get as much as possible of what he produces, the non-producer nothing. this principle of socialism is invariably accompanied by numerous associated principles, and it is on these associated principles, not on the fundamental principle, that eugenists and socialists come into conflict. equalitarianism, in particular, is so great a part of current socialist thought that it is doubtful whether the socialist movement as such can exist without it. and this equalitarianism is usually interpreted not only to demand equality of opportunity, but is based on a belief in substantial equality of native ability, where opportunity is equal. any one who has read the preceding chapters will have no doubt that such a belief is incompatible with an understanding of the principles of biology. how, then, has it come to be such an integral part of socialism? apparently it is because the socialist movement is, on the whole, made up of those who are economically unsatisfied and discontented. some of the intellectual leaders of the movement are far from inferior, but they too often find it necessary to share the views of their following, in order to retain this following. a group which feels itself inferior will naturally fall into an attitude of equalitarianism, whereas a group which felt itself superior to the rest of society would not be likely to. before criticising the socialistic attitude in detail, we will consider some of the criticisms which some socialists make of eugenics. . it is charged that eugenics infringes on the freedom of the individual. this charge (really that of the individualists more than of socialists strictly speaking) is based mainly on a misconception of what eugenics attempts to do. coercive measures have little place in modern eugenics, despite the gibes of the comic press. we propose little or no interference with the freedom of the normal individual to follow his own inclinations in regard to marriage or parenthood; we regard indirect measures and the education of public opinion as the main practicable methods of procedure. such coercive measures as we indorse are limited to grossly defective individuals, to whom the doctrine of personal liberty can not be applied without stultifying it. it is indeed unfortunate that there are a few sincere advocates of eugenics who adhered to the idea of a wholesale surgical campaign. a few reformers have told the public for several years of the desirability of sterilizing the supposed , , defectives at the bottom of the american population. lately one campaigner has raised this figure to , , . such fantastic proposals are properly resented by socialists and nearly every one else, but they are invariably associated in the public mind with the conception of eugenics, in spite of the fact that out of eugenists would repudiate them. the authors can speak only for themselves, in declaring that eugenics will not be promoted by coercive means except in a limited class of pathological cases; but they are confident that other geneticists, with a very few exceptions, hold the same attitude. there is no danger that this surgical campaign will ever attain formidable proportions, and the socialist, we believe, may rest assured that the progress of eugenics is not likely to infringe unwarrantably on the principle of individual freedom, either by sterilization or by coercive mating. . eugenists are further charged with ignoring or paying too little attention to the influence of the environment in social reform. this charge is sometimes well founded, but it is not an inherent defect in the eugenics program. the eugenist only asks that both factors be taken into account, whereas in the past the factor of heredity has been too often ignored. in the last chapter of this book we make an effort to balance the two sides. . again, it is alleged that eugenics proposes to substitute an aristocracy for a democracy. we do think that those who have superior ability should be given the greatest responsibilities in government. if aristocracy means a government by the people who are best qualified to govern, then eugenics has most to hope from an aristo-democratic system. but admission to office should always be open to anyone who shows the best ability; and the search for such ability must be much more thorough in the future than it has been in the past. . eugenists are charged with hindering social progress by endeavoring to keep woman in the subordinate position of a domestic animal, by opposing the movement for her emancipation, by limiting her activity to child-bearing and refusing to recognize that she is in every way fitted to take an equal part with man in the world's work. this objection we have answered elsewhere, particularly in our discussion of feminism. we recognize the general equality of the two sexes, but demand a differentiation of function which will correspond to biological sex-specialization. we can not yield in our belief that woman's greatest function is motherhood, but recognition of this should increase, not diminish, the strength of her position in the state. . eugenists are charged with ignoring the fact of economic determinism, the fact that a man's acts are governed by economic conditions. to debate this question would be tedious and unprofitable. while we concede the important rôle of economic determinism, we can not help feeling that its importance in the eyes of socialists is somewhat factitious. in the first place, it is obvious that there are differences in the achievements of fellow men. these socialists, having refused to accept the great weight of germinal differences in accounting for the main differences in achievement, have no alternative but to fall back on the theory of economic determinism. further, socialism is essentially a reform movement; and if one expects to get aid for such a movement, it is essential that one represent the consequences as highly important. the doctrine of economic determinism of course furnishes ground for glowing accounts of the changes that could be made by economic reform, and therefore fits in well with the needs of the socialist propagandists. when the failure of many nations to make any use of their great resources in coal and water power is remembered; when the fact is recalled that many of the ablest socialist leaders have been the sons of well-to-do intellectuals who were never pinched by poverty; it must be believed that the importance of economic determinism in the socialist mind is caused more by its value for his propaganda purposes than a weighing of the evidence. such are, we believe, the chief grounds on which socialists criticise the eugenics movement. all of these criticisms should be stimulating, should lead eugenists to avoid mistakes in program or procedure. but none of them, we believe, is a serious objection to anything which the great body of eugenists proposes to do. what is to be said on the other side? what faults does the eugenist find with the socialist movement? for the central principle, the more equitable distribution of wealth, no discussion is necessary. most students of eugenics would probably assent to its general desirability, although there is much room for discussion as to what constitutes a really equitable division of wealth. in sound socialist theory, it is to be distributed according to a man's value to society; but the determination of this value is usually made impossible, in socialist practice, by the intrusion of the metaphysical and untenable dogma of equalitarianism. if one man is by nature as capable as another, and equality of opportunity[ ] can be secured for all, it must follow that one man will be worth just as much as another; hence the equitable distribution of wealth would be an equal distribution of wealth, a proposal which some socialists have made. most of the living leaders of the socialist movement certainly recognize its fallacy, but it seems so far to have been found necessary to lean very far in this direction for the maintenance of socialism as a movement of class protest. now this idea of the equality of human beings is, in every respect that can be tested, absolutely false, and any movement which depends on it will either be wrecked or, if successful, will wreck the state which it tries to operate. it will mean the penalization of real worth and the endowment of inferiority and incompetence. eugenists can feel no sympathy for a doctrine which is so completely at variance with the facts of human nature. but if it is admitted that men differ widely, and always must differ, in ability and worth, then eugenics can be in accord with the socialistic desire for distribution of wealth according to merit, for this will make it possible to favor and help perpetuate the valuable strains in the community and to discourage the inferior strains. t. n. carver sums up the argument[ ] concisely: "distribution according to worth, usefulness or service is the system which would most facilitate the progress of human adaptation. it would, in the first place, stimulate each individual by an appeal to his own self-interest, to make himself as useful as possible to the community. in the second place, it would leave him perfectly free to labor in the service of the community for altruistic reasons, if there was any altruism in his nature. in the third place it would exercise a beneficial selective influence upon the stock or race, because the useful members would survive and perpetuate their kind and the useless and criminal members would be exterminated." in so far as socialists rid themselves of their sentimental and utopian equalitarianism, the eugenist will join them willingly in a demand that the distribution of wealth be made to depend as far as feasible on the value of the individual to society.[ ] as to the means by which this distribution can be made, there will of course be differences of opinion, to discuss which would be outside the province of this volume. fundamentally, eugenics is anti-individualistic and in so far a socialistic movement, since it seeks a social end involving some degree of individual subordination, and this fact would be more frequently recognized if the movement which claims the name of socialist did not so often allow the wish to believe that a man's environmental change could eliminate natural inequalities to warp its attitude. child labor it is often alleged that the abolition of child labor would be a great eugenic accomplishment; but as is the case with nearly all such proposals, the actual results are both complex and far-reaching. the selective effects of child labor obviously operate directly on two generations: ( ) the parental generation and ( ) the filial generation, the children who are at work. the results of these two forms of selection must be considered separately. . on the parental generation. the children who labor mostly come from poor families, where every child up to the age of economic productivity is an economic burden. if the children go to work at an early age, the parents can afford to have more children and probably will, since the children soon become to some extent an asset rather than a liability. child labor thus leads to a higher birth-rate of this class, abolition of child labor would lead to a lower birth-rate, since the parents could no longer afford to have so many children. karl pearson has found reason to believe that this result can be statistically traced in the birth-rate of english working people,--that a considerable decline in their fecundity, due to voluntary restriction, began after the passage of each of the laws which restricted child labor and made children an expense from which no return could be expected. if the abolition of child labor leads to the production of fewer children in a certain section of the population the value of the result to society, in this phase, will depend on whether or not society wants that strain proportionately increased. if it is an inferior stock, this one effect of the abolition of child labor would be eugenic. comparing the families whose children work with those whose children do not, one is likely to conclude that the former are on the average inferior to the latter. if so, child labor is in this one particular aspect dysgenic, and its abolition, leading to a lower birth-rate in this class of the population, will be an advantage. . on the filial generation. the obvious result of the abolition of child labor will be, as is often and graphically told, to give children a better chance of development. if they are of superior stock, and will be better parents for not having worked as children (a proviso which requires substantiation) the abolition of their labor will be of direct eugenic benefit. otherwise, its results will be at most indirect; or, possibly, dysgenic, if they are of undesirable stock, and are enabled to survive in greater numbers and reproduce. in necessarily passing over the social and economic aspects of the question, we do not wish it thought that we advocate child labor for the purpose of killing off an undesirable stock prematurely. we are only concerned in pointing out that the effects of child labor are many and various. the effect of its abolition within a single family further depends on whether the children who go to work are superior to those who stay at home. if the strongest and most intelligent children are sent to work and crippled or killed prematurely, while the weaklings and feeble-minded are kept at home, brought up on the earnings of the strong, and enabled to reach maturity and reproduce, then this aspect of child labor is distinctly dysgenic. the desirability of prohibiting child labor is generally conceded on euthenic grounds, and we conclude that its results will on the whole be eugenic as well, but that they are more complex than is usually recognized. compulsory education whether one favors or rejects compulsory education will probably be determined by other arguments than those derived from eugenics; nevertheless there are eugenic aspects of the problem which deserve to be recognized. one of the effects of compulsory education is similar to that which follows the abolition of child labor--namely, that the child is made a source of expense, not of revenue, to the parent. not only is the child unable to work, while at school, but to send him to school involves in practice dressing him better than would be necessary if he stayed at home. while it might fit the child to work more gainfully in later years, yet the years of gain are so long postponed that the parent can expect to share in but little of it. these arguments would not affect the well-to-do parent, or the high-minded parent who was willing or able to make some sacrifice in order that his children might get as good a start as possible. but they may well affect the opposite type of parent, with low efficiency and low ideals.[ ] this type of parent, finding that the system of compulsory education made children a liability, not an immediate asset, would thereby be led to reduce the size of his family, just as he seems to have done when child labor was prohibited in england and children ceased to be a source of revenue. compulsory education has here, then, a eugenic effect, in discouraging the reproduction of parents with the least efficiency and altruism. if this belief be well founded, it is likely that any measure tending to decrease the cost of schooling for children will tend to diminish this effect of compulsory education. such measures as the free distribution of text-books, the provision of free lunches at noon, or the extension to school children of a reduced car-fare, make it easier for the selfish or inefficient parent to raise children; they cost him less and therefore he may tend to have more of them. if such were the case, the measures referred to, despite the euthenic considerations, must be classified as dysgenic. in another and quite different way, compulsory education is of service to eugenics. the educational system should be a sieve, through which all the children of the country are passed,--or more accurately, a series of sieves, which will enable the teacher to determine just how far it is profitable to educate each child so that he may lead a life of the greatest possible usefulness to the state and happiness to himself. obviously such a function would be inadequately discharged, if the sieve failed to get all the available material; and compulsory education makes it certain that none will be omitted. it is very desirable that no child escape inspection, because of the importance of discovering every individual of exceptional ability or inability. since the public educational system has not yet risen to the need of this systematic mental diagnosis, private philanthropy should for the present be alert to get appropriate treatment for the unusually promising individual. in pittsburgh, a committee of the civic club is seeking youths of this type, who might be obliged to leave school prematurely for economic reasons, and is aiding them to appropriate opportunities. such discriminating selection will probably become much more widespread and we may hope a recognized function of the schools, owing to the great public demonstration of psychometry now being conducted at the cantonments for the mental classification of recruits. compulsory education is necessary for this selection. we conclude that compulsory education, as such, is not only of service to eugenics through the selection it makes possible, but may serve in a more unsuspected way by cutting down the birth-rate of inferior families. vocational guidance and training in arguments for vocational guidance and education of youth, one does not often hear eugenics mentioned; yet these measures, if effectively carried out, seem likely to be of real eugenic value. the need for as perfect a correlation as possible between income and eugenic worth, has been already emphasized. it is evident that if a man gets into the wrong job, a job for which he is not well fitted, he may make a very poor showing in life, while if properly trained in something suited to him, his income would have been considerably greater. it will be a distinct advantage to have superior young people get established earlier, and this can be done if they are directly taught efficiency in what they can do best, the boys being fitted for gainful occupations, and the girls for wifehood and motherhood in addition. as to the details of vocational guidance, the eugenist is perhaps not entitled to give much advice; yet it seems likely that a more thorough study of the inheritance of ability would be of value to the educator. it was pointed out in chapter iv that inheritance often seems to be highly specialized,--a fact which leads to the inference that the son might often do best in his father's calling or vocation, especially if his mother comes from a family marked by similar capacities. it is difficult to say how far the occupation of the son is, in modern conditions, determined by heredity and how far it is the result of chance, or the need of taking the first job open, the lack of any special qualifications for any particular work, or some similar environmental influence. miss perrin investigated , pairs of fathers and sons in the english _dictionary of national biography_ and an equal number in the english _who's who_. "it seems clear," she concluded, "that whether we take the present or the long period of the past embraced by the dictionary, the environmental influences which induce a man in this country to follow his father's occupation must have remained very steady." she found the coefficient of contingency[ ] between occupation of father and occupation of son in _who's who_ to be . and in the _dictionary of national biography_ . . for the inheritance of physical and mental characters, in general, the coefficient would be about . . she thinks, "therefore, we may say that in the choice of a profession inherited taste counts for about / and environmental conditions for about / ." an examination of seventh and eighth grade boys in the public schools of st. paul[ ] showed that only % of them desired to enter the occupation of their fathers; there was a pronounced tendency to choose occupations of a more remunerative or intellectual and less manual sort than that followed by the father. that this preference would always determine the ultimate occupation is not to be expected, as a considerable per cent may fail to show the necessary ability. while inherited tastes and aptitude for some calling probably should carry a good deal of weight in vocational guidance, we can not share the exaggerated view which some sociologists hold about the great waste of ability through the existence of round pegs in square holes. this attitude is often expressed in such words as those of e. b. woods: "ability receives its reward only when it is presented with the opportunities of a fairly favorable environment, _its_ peculiarly indispensable sort of environment. naval commanders are not likely to be developed in the transvaal, nor literary men and artists in the soft coal fields of western pennsylvania. for ten men who succeed as investigators, inventors, or diplomatists, there may be and probably are in some communities fifty more who would succeed better under the same circumstances." while there is some truth in this view, it exaggerates the evil by ignoring the fact that good qualities frequently go together in an individual. the man of transvaal who is by force of circumstances kept from a naval career is likely to distinguish himself as a successful colonist, and perhaps enrich the world even more than if he had been brought up in a maritime state and become a naval commander. it may be that his inherited talent fitted him to be a better naval commander than anything else; if so, it probably also fitted him to be better at many other things, than are the majority of men. "intrinsically good traits have also good correlatives," physical, mental and moral. f. a. woods has brought together the best evidence of this, in his studies of the royal families of europe. if the dozen best generals were selected from the men he has studied, they would of course surpass the average man enormously in military skill; but, as he points out, they would also surpass the average man to a very high degree as poets,--or doubtless as cooks or lawyers, had they given any time to those occupations.[ ] the above considerations lead to two suggestions for vocational guidance: (i) it is desirable to ascertain and make use of the child's inherited capacities as far as possible; but ( ) it must not be supposed that every child inherits the ability to do one thing only, and will waste his life if he does not happen to get a chance to do that thing. it is easy to suppose that the man who makes a failure as a paperhanger might, if he had had the opportunity, have been a great electrical engineer; it is easy to cite a few cases, such as that of general u. s. grant, which seem to lend some color to the theory, but statistical evidence would indicate it is not the rule. if a man makes a failure as a paperhanger, it is at least possible that he would have made a failure of very many things that he might try; and if a man makes a brilliant success as a paperhanger, or railway engineer, or school teacher, or chemist, he is a useful citizen who would probably have gained a fair measure of success in any one of several occupations that he might have taken up but not in all. to sum up: vocational guidance and training are likely to be of much service to eugenics. they may derive direct help from heredity; and their exponents may also learn that a man who is really good in one thing is likely to be good in many things, and that a man who fails in one thing would not necessarily achieve success if he were put in some other career. one of their greatest services will probably be to put a lot of boys into skilled trades, for which they are adapted and where they will succeed, and thus prevent them from yielding to the desire for a more genteel clerical occupation, in which they will not do more than earn a bare living. this will assist in bringing about the high correlation between merit and income which is so much to be desired. the minimum wage legal enactment of a minimum wage is often urged as a measure that would promote social welfare and race betterment. by minimum wage is to be understood, according to its advocates, not the wage that will support a single man, but one that will support a man, wife, and three or four children. in the united states, the sum necessary for this purpose can hardly be estimated at less than $ . a day. a living wage is certainly desirable for every man, but the idea of giving every man a wage sufficient to support a family can not be considered eugenic. in the first place, it interferes with the adjustment of wages to ability, on the necessity of which we have often insisted. in the second place, it is not desirable that society should make it possible for every man to support a wife and three children; in many cases it is desirable that it be made impossible for him to do so. eugenically, teaching methods of birth control to the married unskilled laborer is a sounder way of solving his problems, than subsidizing him so he can support a large family. it must be frankly recognized that poverty is in many ways eugenic in its effect, and that with the spread of birth control among people below the poverty line, it is certain to be still more eugenic than at present. it represents an effective, even though a cruel, method of keeping down the net birth-rate of people who for one reason or another are not economically efficient; and the element of cruelty, involved in high infant mortality, will be largely mitigated by birth control. free competition may be tempered to the extent of furnishing every man enough charity to feed him, if he requires charity for that purpose; and to feed his family, if he already has one; but charity which will allow him to increase his family, if he is too inefficient to support it by his own exertions, is rarely a benefit eugenically. the minimum wage is admittedly not an attempt to pay a man what he is worth. it is an attempt to make it possible for every man, no matter what his economic or social value, to support a family. therefore, in so far as it would encourage men of inferior quality to have or increase families, it is unquestionably dysgenic. mothers' pensions half of the states of the union have already adopted some form of pension for widowed mothers, and similar measures are being urged in nearly all remaining states. the earliest of these laws goes back only to . in general,[ ] these laws apply to mothers who are widows, or in some cases to those who have lost their means of support through imprisonment or incapacity of the husband. the maximum age of the child on whose account allowance is made varies from to , in a few cases to or . the amount allowed for each child varies in each state, approximately between the limits of $ and $ a year. in most states the law demands that the mother be a fit person, physically, mentally and morally to bring up her children, and that it be to their interest that they remain with her at home instead of being placed at work or sent to some institution. in all cases considerable latitude is allowed the administrator of the law,--a juvenile court, or board of county commissioners, or some body with equivalent powers. laws of this character have often been described as being eugenic in effect, but examination shows little reason for such a characterization. since the law applies for the most part to women who have lost their husbands, it is evident that it is not likely to affect the differential birth-rate which is of such concern to eugenics. on the whole, mothers' pensions must be put in the class of work which may be undertaken on humanitarian grounds, but they are probably slightly dysgenic rather than eugenic, since they favor the preservation of families which are, on the whole, of inferior quality, as shown by the lack of relatives with ability or willingness to help them. on the other hand, they are not likely to result in the production from these families of more children than those already in existence. housing at present it is sometimes difficult, in the more fashionable quarters of large cities, to find apartments where families with children are admitted. in other parts of the city, this difficulty appears to be much less. such a situation tends to discourage parenthood, on the part of young couples who come of good families and desire to live in the part of the city where their friends are to be found. it is at least likely to cause postponement of parenthood until they feel financially able to take a separate house. here is an influence tending to lower the birth-rate of young couples who have social aspirations, at least to the extent of desiring to live in the pleasanter and more reputable part of their city. such a hindrance exists to a much less extent, if at all, for those who have no reason for wanting to live in the fashionable part of the city. this discrimination of some apartment owners against families with children would therefore appear to be dysgenic in its effect. married people who wish to live in the more attractive part of a city should not be penalized. the remedy is to make it illegal to discriminate against children. it is gratifying to note that recently a number of apartment houses have been built in new york, especially with a view to the requirements of children. the movement deserves wide encouragement. any apartment house is an unsatisfactory place in which to bring up children, but since under modern urban conditions it is inevitable that many children must be brought up in apartments, if they are brought up at all, the municipality should in its own interests take steps to ensure that conditions will be as good as possible for them. in a few cases of model tenements, the favored poor tenants are better off than the moderately well-to-do. it is essential that the latter be given a chance to have children and bring them up in comfortable surroundings, and the provision of suitable apartment houses would be a gain in every large city. the growing use of the automobile, which permits a family to live under pleasant surroundings in the suburbs and yet reach the city daily, alleviates the housing problem slightly. increased facilities for rapid transit are of the utmost importance in placing the city population (a selected class, it will be remembered) under more favorable conditions for bringing up their children. zone rates should be designed to effect this dispersal of population. feminism the word "feminism" might be supposed to characterize a movement which sought to emphasize the distinction between woman's nature and that of man to provide for women's special needs. it was so used in early days on the continent. but at present in england and america it denotes a movement which is practically the reverse of this; which seeks to minimize the difference between the two sexes. it may be broadly described as a movement which seeks to remove all discrimination based on sex. it is a movement to secure recognition of an equality of the two sexes. the feminists variously demand that woman be recognized as the equal of man ( ) biologically, ( ) politically, ( ) economically. . whether or not woman is to be regarded as biologically equal to man depends on how one uses the word "equal." if it is meant that woman is as well adapted to her own particular kind of work as is man to his, the statement will readily be accepted. unfortunately, feminists show a tendency to go beyond this and to minimize differentiation in their claims of equality. an attempt is made to show that women do not differ materially from men in the nature of their capacity of mental or physical achievement. mrs. charlotte perkins gilman makes the logical application by demanding that little girls' hair be cut short and that they be prevented from playing with dolls in order that differences fostered in this way be reduced. in forming a judgment on this proposition, it must be remembered that civilization covers not more than , years out of man's history of half a million or more. during , out of the , years, man was the hunter and warrior; while woman stayed at home of necessity to bear and rear the young, to skin the prey, to prepare the food and clothing. he must have a small knowledge of biology who could suppose that this long history would not lead to any differentiation of the two sexes; and the biologist knows that man and woman in some respects differ in every cell of their bodies: that, as jacques loeb says, "man and woman are, physiologically, different species." but the biologist also knows that sex is a quantitative character. it is impossible to draw a sharp line and say that those on one side are in every respect men, and those on the other side in every respect women, as one might draw a line between goats and sheep. many women have a considerable amount of "maleness"; numerous men have distinct feminine characteristics, physical and mental. there is thus an ill-defined "intermediate sex," as edward carpenter called it, whose size has been kept down by sexual selection; or better stated there is so much overlapping that it is a question of different averages with many individuals of each sex beyond the average of the other sex. a perusal of havelock ellis' book, _man and woman_, will leave little doubt about the fact of sex differentiation, just as it will leave little doubt that one sex is, in its way, quite as good as the other, and that to talk of one sex as being inferior is absurd. it is worth noting that the spread of feminism will reinforce the action of sexual selection in keeping down the numbers of this "intermediate sex." in the past, women who lacked femininity or maternal instinct have often married because the pressure of public opinion and economic conditions made it uncomfortable for any woman to remain unmarried. and they have had children because they could not help it, transmitting to their daughters their own lack of maternal instinct. under the new régime a large proportion of such women do not marry, and accordingly have few if any children to inherit their defects. hence the average level of maternal instinct of the women of america is likely steadily to rise. we conclude that any claim of biological equality of the two sexes must use the word in a figurative sense, not ignoring the differentiation of the two sexes, as extreme feminists are inclined to do. to this differentiation we shall return later. . political equality includes the demand for the vote and for the removal of various legal restrictions, such as have sometimes prevented a wife from disposing of her own property without the consent of her husband or such as have made her citizenship follow that of her husband. in the united states, these legal restrictions are rapidly being removed, at such a rate that in some states it is now the husband who has a right to complain of certain legal discriminations. equal suffrage is also gaining steadily, but its eugenic aspect is not wholly clear. theoretically much is to be said for it, as making use of woman's large social sympathies and responsibilities and interest in the family; but in the states where it has been tried, its effects have not been all that was hoped. beneficial results are to be expected unless an objectionably extreme feminism finds support. in general, the demand for political equality, in a broad sense, seems to the eugenist to be the most praiseworthy part of the feminist program. the abolition of those laws, which now discharge women from positions if they marry or have children, promises to be in principle a particularly valuable gain. . economic equality is often summed up in the catch phrase "equal pay for equal work." if the phrase refers to jobs where women are competing on piecework with men, no one will object to it. in practice it applies particularly to two distinct but interlocking demands: (a) that women should receive the same pay as men for any given occupation--as, stenography, for example; and (b) that child-bearing should be recognized as just as much worthy of remuneration as any occupation which men enter, and should be paid for (by the state) on the same basis. at present, there is almost universally a discrimination against women in commerce and industry. they sometimes get no more than half as much pay as men for similar grades of employment. but there is for this one good reason. an employer needs experienced help, and he expects a man to remain with him and become more valuable. he is, therefore, willing to pay more because of this anticipation. in hiring a woman, he knows that she will probably soon leave to marry. but whatever may be the origin of this discrimination, it is justified in the last analysis by the fact that a man is paid as the head of a family, a woman only as an individual who ordinarily has fewer or no dependents to support. indeed, it is largely this feature which, under the law of supply and demand, has caused women to work for low wages. it is evident that real economic equality between men and women must be impossible, if the women are to leave their work for long periods of time, in order to bear and rear children. it is normally impossible for a woman to earn her living by competitive labor, at the same time that she is bearing and rearing children. either the doctrine of economic equality is largely illusory, therefore, or else it must be extended to making motherhood a salaried occupation just as much as mill work or stenography. the feminists have almost universally adopted the latter alternative. they say that the woman who is capable of earning money, and who abandons wage-earning for motherhood, ought to receive from the state as nearly as possible what she would have received if she had not had children; or else they declare that the expense of children should be borne wholly by the community. this proposal must be tested by asking whether it would tend to strengthen and perpetuate the race or not. it is, in effect, a proposal to have the state pay so much a head for babies. the fundamental question is whether or not the quality of the babies would be taken into account. doubtless the babies of obviously feeble-minded women would be excluded, but would it be possible for the state to pay liberally for babies who would grow up to be productive citizens, and to refuse to pay for babies that would doubtless grow up to be incompetents, dolts, dullards, laggards or wasters? the scheme would work, eugenically, in proportion as it is discriminatory and graded. but the example of legislation in france and england, and the main trend of popular thought in america, make it quite certain that at present, and for many years to come, it will be impossible to have babies valued on the basis of quality rather than mere numbers. it is sometimes possible to get indirect measures of a eugenic nature passed, and it has been found possible to secure the passage of direct measures which prevent reproduction of those who are actually defective. but even the most optimistic eugenist must feel that, short of the remote future, any attempt to have the state grade and pay for babies on the basis of their quality is certain to fail to pass. the recent action of the municipality of schönberg, berlin, is typical. it is now paying baby bounties at the rate of $ . a head for the first born, $ . a head for all later born, and no questions asked. it is to be feared that any success which the feminists may gain in securing state aid for mothers in america will secure, as in schönberg, in england, in france, and in australia, merely a small uniform sum. this acts dysgenically because it is a stimulus to married people to have large families in inverse proportion to their income, and is felt most by those whose purpose in having children is least approvable. the married woman of good stock ought to bear four children. for many reasons these ought to be spaced well apart, preferably not much less than three years. she must have oversight of these children until they all reach adolescence. this means a period of about + = years during which her primary, though by no means her only, concern will be mothercraft. it is hardly possible and certainly not desirable that she should support herself outside of the home during this period. as state support would pretty certainly be indiscriminate and dangerously dysgenic, it therefore appears that the present custom of having the father responsible for the support of the family is not only unavoidable but desirable. if so, it is desirable to avoid reducing the wages of married men too much by the competition of single women. to attain this end, without working any injustice to women, it seems wise to modify their education in general in such a way as to prepare women for the kinds of work best adapted to her capacities and needs. women were long excluded from a higher education, and when they secured it, they not unnaturally wanted the kind of education men were receiving,--partly in order to demonstrate that they were not intellectually inferior to men. since this demonstration is now complete, the continuation of duplicate curricula is uncalled for. the coeducational colleges of the west are already turning away from the old single curriculum and are providing for the election of more differentiated courses for women. the separate women's colleges of the east will doubtless do so eventually, since their own graduates and students are increasingly discontented with the present narrow and obsolete ideals. if the higher education of women, and much of the elementary education, is directed toward differentiating them from men and giving them distinct occupations (including primarily marriage and motherhood) instead of training them so the only thing they are capable of doing is to compete with men for men's jobs, the demand of "equal pay for equal work" will be less difficult to reconcile with the interests of the race. in this direction the feminists might find a large and profitable field for the employment of their energies. there is good ground for the feminist contention that women should be liberally educated, that they should not be regarded by men as inferior creatures, that they should have the opportunity of self-expression in a richer, freer life than they have had in the past. all these gains can be made without sacrificing any racial interests; and they must be so made. the unrest of intelligent women is not to be lessened or removed by educating them in the belief that they are not different from men and setting them to work as men in the work of the world. except where the work is peculiarly adapted to women or there is a special individual aptitude, such work will, for the reasons we have set forth, operate dysgenically and therefore bring about the decadence of the race which practices it. the true solution is rather to be sought in recognizing the natural differentiation of the two sexes and in emphasizing this differentiation by education. boys will be taught the nobility of being productive and of establishing families; girls will have similar ideals held up to them but will be taught to reach them in a different way, through cultivation of the intellectual and emotional characters most useful to that division of labor for which they are supremely adapted, as well as those that are common to both sexes. the home must not be made a subordinate interest, as some feminists desire, but it must be made a much richer, deeper, more satisfying interest than it is too frequently at present. old age pensions pensions for aged people form an important part of the modern program of social legislation. what their merits may be in relieving poverty will not be discussed here. but beyond the direct effect, it is important to inquire what indirect eugenic effect they would have, as compared with the present system where the aged are most frequently supported by their own children when they have failed through lack of thrift or for other reasons to make provision for their old age. the ordinary man, dependent on his daily work for a livelihood, can not easily support his parents and his offspring at the same time. aid given to the one must be in some degree at the expense of the other. the eugenic consequences will depend on what class of man is required to contribute thus to parental support. it is at once obvious that superior families will rarely encounter this problem. the parents will, by their superior earning capacity and the exercise of thrift and foresight, have provided for the wants of their old age. a superior man will therefore seldom be under economic pressure to limit the number of his own children because of the necessity of supporting his parents. in inferior families, on the other hand, the parents will have made no adequate provision for their old age. a son will have to assume their support, and thus reduce the number of his own children,--a eugenic result. with old age pensions from the state, the economic pressure would be taken off these inferior families and the children would thus be encouraged to marry earlier and have more children,--a dysgenic result. from this point of view, the most eugenic course would perhaps be to make the support of parents by children compulsory, in cases where any support was needed. such a step would not handicap superior families, but would hold back the inferior. a contributory system of old age pensions, for which the money was provided out of the individual's earnings, and laid aside for his old age, would also be satisfactory. a system which led to the payment of old age pensions by the state would be harmful. the latter system would be evil in still another way because, as is the case with most social legislation of this type, the funds for carrying out such a scheme must naturally be furnished by the efficient members of the community. this adds to their financial burdens and encourages the young men to postpone marriage longer and to have fewer children when they do marry,--a dysgenic result. it appears, therefore, that old age pensions paid by the state would be dysgenic in a number of ways, encouraging the increase of the inferior part of the population at the expense of the superior. if old age pensions are necessary, they should be contributory. the sex hygiene movement sexual morality is thought by some to be substantially synonymous with eugenics or to be included by it. one of the authors has protested previously[ ] against this confusion of the meaning of the word "eugenics." the fallacy of believing that a campaign against sexual immorality is a campaign for eugenics will be apparent if the proposition is analyzed. first, does sexual immorality increase or decrease the marriage rate of the offenders? we conclude that it reduces the marriage rate. although it is true that some individuals might by sexual experience become so awakened as to be less satisfied with a continent life, and might thus in some cases be led to marriage, yet this is more than counterbalanced by the following considerations: . the mere consciousness of loss of virginity has led in some sensitive persons, especially women, to an unwillingness to marry from a sense of unworthiness. this is not common, yet such cases are known. . the loss of reputation has prevented the marriage of the desired mates. this is not at all uncommon. . venereal infection has led to the abandonment of marriage. this is especially common. . illicit experiences may have been so disillusioning, owing to the disaffecting nature of the consorts, that an attitude of pessimism and misanthropy or misogyny is built up. such an attitude prevents marriage not only directly, but also indirectly, since persons with such an outlook are thereby less attractive to the opposite sex. . a taste for sexual variety is built up so that the individual is unwilling to commit himself to a monogamous union. . occasionally, threat of blackmail by a jilted paramour prevents marriage by the inability to escape these importunities. we consider next the relative birth-rate of the married and the incontinent unmarried. there can not be the slightest doubt that this is vastly greater in the case of the married. the unmarried have not only all the incentives of the married to keep down their birth-rate but also the obvious and powerful incentive of concealment as well. passing to the relative death-rate of the illegitimate and legitimate progeny, the actual data invariably indicate a decided advantage of the legitimately born. the reasons are too obvious to be retailed. now, then, knowing that the racial contribution of the sexually moral is greater than that of the sexually immoral, we may compare the quality of the sexually moral and immoral, to get the evolutionary effect. for this purpose a distinction must be made between the individual who has been chaste till the normal time of marriage and whose sexual life is truly monogamous, and that abnormal group who remain chaste and celibate to an advanced age. these last are not moral in the last analysis, if they have valuable and needed traits and are fertile, because in the long run their failure to reproduce affects adversely the welfare of their group. while the race suffers through the failure of many of these individuals to contribute progeny, probably this does not happen, so far as males are concerned, as much as might be supposed, for such individuals are often innately defective in their instincts or, in the case of disappointed lovers, have a badly proportioned emotional equipment, since it leads them into a position so obviously opposed to race interests. but, to pass to the essential comparison, that between the sexually immoral and the sexually moral as limited above, it is necessary first of all to decide whether monogamy is a desirable and presumably permanent feature of human society. we conclude that it is: . because it is spreading at the expense of polygamy even where not favored by legal interference. the change is most evident in china. . in monogamy, sexual selection puts a premium on valuable traits of character, rather than on mere personal beauty or ability to acquire wealth; and . the greatest amount of happiness is produced by a monogamous system, since in a polygamous society so many men must remain unmarried and so many women are dissatisfied with having to share their mates with others. assuming this, then adaptation to the condition of monogamous society represents race progress. such a race profits if those who do not comply with its conditions make a deficient racial contribution. it follows then that sexual immorality is eugenic in its result for the species and that if all sexual immorality should cease, an important means of race progress might be lost. an illustration is the case of the negro in america, whose failure to increase more rapidly in number is largely attributable to the widespread sterility resulting from venereal infection.[ ] should venereal diseases be eliminated, that race might be expected to increase in numbers very much faster than the whites. it may be felt by some that this position would have an immoral effect upon youth if widely accepted. this need not be feared. on the contrary, we believe that one of the most powerful factors in ethical culture is pride due to the consciousness of being one who is fit and worthy. the traditional view of sexual morality has been to ignore the selectional aspect here discussed and to stress the alleged deterioration of the germ-plasm by the direct action of the toxins of syphilis. the evidence relied upon to demonstrate this action seems to be vitiated by the possibility that there was, instead, a transmitted infection of the progeny. this "racial poison" action, since it is so highly improbable from analogy, can not be credited until it has been demonstrated in cases where the parents have been indubitably cured. is it necessary, then, to retain sexual immorality in order to achieve race progress? no, because it is only one of many factors contributing to race progress. society can mitigate this as well as alcoholism, disease, infant mortality--all powerful selective factors--without harm, provided increased efficiency of other selective factors is ensured, such as the segregation of defectives, more effective sexual selection, a better correlation of income and ability, and a more eugenic distribution of family limitation. trades unionism a dysgenic feature often found in trades unionism will easily be understood after our discussion of the minimum wage. the union tends to standardize wages; it tends to fix a wage in a given industry, and demand that nearly all workers in that classification be paid that wage. it cannot be denied that some of these workers are much more capable than others. artificial interference with a more exact adjustment of wages to ability therefore penalizes the better workmen and subsidizes the worse ones. economic pressure is thereby put on the better men to have fewer children, and with the worse men encourages more children, than would be the case if their incomes more nearly represented their real worth. payment according to the product, with prizes and bonuses so much opposed by the unions, is more in accord with the principles of eugenics. prohibition it was shown in chapter ii that the attempt to ban alcoholic beverages on the ground of direct dysgenic effect is based on dubious evidence. but the prohibition of the use of liquors, at least those containing more than % alcohol, can be defended on indirect eugenic grounds, as well as on the familiar grounds of pathology and economics which are commonly cited. . unless it is present to such a degree as to constitute a neurotic taint, the desire to be stimulated is not of itself necessarily a bad thing. this will be particularly clear if the distribution of the responsiveness to alcoholic stimulus is recalled. some really valuable strains, marked by this susceptibility, may be eliminated through the death of some individuals from debauchery and the penalization of others in preferential mating; this would be avoided if narcotics were not available. . in selection for eugenic improvement, it is desirable not to have to select for too many traits at once. if alcoholism could, through prohibition, be eliminated from consideration, it would just so far simplify the problem of eugenics. . drunkenness interferes with the effectiveness of means for family limitation, so that if his alcoholism is not extreme, the drunkard's family is sometimes larger than it would otherwise be. on the other hand, prohibition is dysgenic and intemperance is eugenic in their effect on the species in so far as alcoholism is correlated with other undesirable characters and brings about the elimination of undesirable strains. but its action is not sufficiently discriminating nor decisive; and if the strains have many serious defects, they can probably be dealt with better in some other, more direct way. we conclude, then, that, on the whole, prohibition is desirable for eugenic as well as for other reasons. pedagogical celibacy whether women are more efficient teachers than men, and whether single women are more efficient teachers than married women, are disputed questions which it is not proposed here to consider. accepting the present fact, that most of the school teachers in the united states are unmarried women, it is proper to examine the eugenic consequences of this condition. the withdrawal of this large body of women from the career of motherhood into a celibate career may be desirable if these women are below the average of the rest of the women of the population in eugenic quality. but it would hardly be possible to find enough eugenic inferiors to fill the ranks of teachers, without getting those who are inferior in actual ability, in patent as well as latent traits. and the idea of placing education in the hands of such inferior persons is not to be considered. it is, therefore, inevitable that the teachers are, on the whole, superior persons eugenically. their celibacy must be considered highly detrimental to racial welfare. but, it may be said, there is a considerable number of women so deficient in sex feeling or emotional equipment that they are certain never to marry; they are, nevertheless, persons of intellectual ability. let them be the school teachers. this solution is, however, not acceptable. many women of the character described undoubtedly exist, but they are better placed in some other occupation. it is wholly undesirable that children should be reared under a neuter influence, which is probably too common already in education. if women are to teach, then, it must be concluded that on eugenic grounds preference should be given to married rather than single teachers, and that the single ones should be encouraged to marry. this requires ( ) that considerable change be made in the education of young women, so that they shall be fitted for motherhood rather than exclusively for school teaching as is often the case, and ( ) that social devices be brought into play to aid them in mating--since undoubtedly a proportion of school teachers are single from the segregating character of their profession, not from choice, and ( ) provision for employing some women on half-time and ( ) increase of the number of male teachers in high schools. it is, perhaps, unnecessary to mention a fifth change necessary: that school boards must be brought to see the undesirability of employing only unmarried women, and of discharging them, no matter how efficient, if they marry or have children. the courts must be enabled to uphold woman's right of marriage and motherhood, instead of, as in some cases at present, upholding school boards in their denial of this right. contracts which prevent women teachers from marrying or discontinuing their work for marriage should be illegal, and talk about the "moral obligation" of normal school graduates to teach should be discountenanced. against the proposal to employ married school teachers, two objections are urged. it is said ( ) that for most women school teaching is merely a temporary occupation, which they take up to pass the few years until they shall have married. to this it may be replied that the hope of marriage too often proves illusory to the young woman who enters on the pedagogical career, because of the lack of opportunities to meet men, and because the nature of her work is not such as to increase her attractiveness to men, nor her fitness for home-making. pedagogy is too often a sterilizing institution, which takes young women who desire to marry and impairs their chance of marriage. again it will be said ( ) that married teachers would lose too much time from their work; that their primary interests would be in their own homes instead of in the school; that they could not teach school without neglecting their own children. these objections fall in the realm of education, not eugenics, and it can only be said here that the reasons must be extraordinarily cogent, which will justify the enforcement of celibacy on so large a body of superior young women as is now engaged in school teaching. the magnitude of the problem is not always realized. in the commissioner of education reported that there were, in the united states, , men and , women engaged in teaching. not less than half a million women, therefore, are potentially affected by the institution of pedagogical celibacy. chapter xix religion and eugenics man is the only animal with a religion. the conduct of the lower animals is guided by instinct,[ ] and instinct normally works for the benefit of the species. any action which is dictated by instinct is likely to result in the preservation of the species, even at the expense of the individual which acts, provided there has not been a recent change in the environment. but in the human species reason appears, and conduct is no longer governed by instinct alone. a young man is impelled by instinct, for instance, to marry. it is to the interests of the species that he marry, and instinct therefore causes him to desire to marry and to act as he desires. a lower animal would obey the impulse of instinct without a moment's hesitation. not so the man. reason intervenes and asks, "is this really the best thing for you to do now? would you not better wait awhile and get a start in your business? of course marriage would be agreeable, but you must not be short-sighted. you don't want to assume a handicap just now." there is a corresponding reaction among the married in respect to bearing additional children. the interests of self are immediate and easily seen, the interests of the species are not so pressing. in any such conflict between instinct and reason, one must win; and if reason wins it is in some cases for the immediate benefit of the individual but at the expense of the species' interests. now with reason dominant over instinct in man, there is a grave danger that with each man consulting his own interests instead of those of the species, some groups and even races will become exterminated. along with reason, therefore, it is necessary that some other forces shall appear to control reason and give the interests of the species a chance to be heard along with the interests of the individual. one such force is religion. without insisting that this is the only view which may be taken of the origin of religion, or that this is the only function of religion, we may yet assert that one of the useful purposes served by religion is to cause men to adopt lines of conduct that will be for the good of the race, although it may sacrifice the immediate good of the individual.[ ] thus if a young mohammedan be put in the situation just described, he may decide that it is to his material interest to postpone marriage. his religion then obtrudes itself, with quotations from the prophet to the effect that hell is peopled with bachelors. the young man is thereupon moved to marry, even if it does cause some inconvenience to his business plans. religion, reinforcing instinct, has triumphed over reason and gained a victory for the larger interests of the species, when they conflict with the immediate interests of the individual. from this point of view we may, paraphrasing matthew arnold, define religion as _motivated ethics_. ethics is a knowledge of right conduct, religion is an agency to produce right conduct. and its working is more like that of instinct than it is like that of reason. the irreligious man, testing a proposition by reason alone, may decide that it is to the interests of all concerned that he should not utter blasphemy. the orthodox christian never considers the pros and cons of the question; he has the ten commandments and the teachings of his youth in his mind, and he refrains from blasphemy in almost the instinctive way that he refrains from putting his hand on a hot stove. this chapter proposes primarily to consider how eugenics can be linked with religion, and specifically the christian religion; but the problem is not a simple one, because christianity is made of diverse elements. not only has it undergone some change during the last years, but it was founded upon judaism, which itself involved diverse elements. we shall undertake to show that eugenics fits in well with christianity; but it must fit in with different elements in different ways. we can distinguish four phases of religion: . charm and taboo, or reward and punishment in the present life. the believer in these processes thinks that certain acts possess particular efficacies beyond those evident to his observation and reason; and that peculiar malignities are to be expected as the consequence of certain other acts. perhaps no one in the memory of the tribe has ever tested one of these acts to find whether the expected result would appear; it is held as a matter of religious belief that the result would appear, and the act is therefore avoided. . reward and punishment in a future life after death. whereas the first system was supposed to bring immediate reward and punishment as the result of certain acts, this second system postpones the result to an after-life. there is in nature a system of reward and punishment which everyone must have observed because it is part of the universal sequence of cause and effect; but these two phases of religion carry the idea still farther; they postulate rewards and punishments of a supernatural character, over and above those which naturally occur. it is important to note that in neither of these systems is god essentially involved. they are in reality independent of the idea of god, since that is called "luck" in some cases which in others is called the favor or wrath of god. and again in some cases, one may be damned by a human curse, although in others this curse of damnation is reserved for divine power. . theistic religion. in essence this consists of the satisfaction derived from doing that which pleases god, or "getting into harmony with the underlying plan of the universe," as some put it. it is idealistic and somewhat mystic. it should be distinguished from the idea of doing or believing certain things to insure salvation, which is not essentially theistic but belongs under ( ). the true theist desires to conform to the will of god, wholly apart from whether he will be rewarded or punished for so doing. . humanistic religion. this is a willingness to make the end of ethics the totality of happiness of all men, or some large group of men, rather than to judge conduct solely by its effects on some one individual. at its highest, it is a sort of loyalty to the species. it must be noted that most cults include more than one of these elements--usually all of them at various stages. as a race rises in intelligence, it tends to progress from the first two toward the last two, but usually keeping parts of the earlier attitude, more or less clearly expressed. and individual adherents of a religion usually have different ideas of its scope; thus the religious ideas of many christians embrace all four of the above elements; others who equally consider themselves christians may be influenced by little more than ( ) alone, or ( ) alone, or even ( ) alone. there is no reason to believe that any one of these types of religion is the only one adapted to promoting sound ethics in all individuals, nor that a similar culture can bring about uniformity in the near future, since the religion of a race corresponds to some extent to the inherent nature of the mind of its individuals. up to a certain point, each type of religion has a distinct appeal to a certain temperament or type of mind. with increasing intelligence, it is probable that a religion tends to emphasize the interests of all rather than the benefits to be derived by one; such has been clearly the case in the history of the christian religion. the diverse elements of retribution, damnation, "communion with god" and social service still exist, but in america the last-named one is yearly being more emphasized. emphasis upon it is the marked characteristic of jesus' teaching. with this rough sketch of religious ideas in mind, the part religion can play at the present day in advancing the eugenic interests of the race or species may be considered. each religion can serve eugenics just as well as it can serve any other field of ethics, and by the very same devices. we shall run over our four types again and note what appeals eugenics can make to each one. . reward and punishment in this life. here the value of children, emotionally and economically, to their parents in their later life can be shown, and the dissatisfaction that is felt by the childless. the emotions may be reached (as they have been reached in past centuries) by the painting of madonnas, the singing of lullabies, by the care of the baby sister, by the laurel wreath of the victorious son, by the great choruses of white-robed girls, by the happiness of the bride, and by the sentiment of the home. here are some of the noblest subjects for the arts, which in the past have unconsciously served eugenics well. in a less emotional way, a deep desire for that "terrestrial immortality" involved in posterity should be fostered. the doctrine of the continuity of germ-plasm might play a large part in religion. it should at least be brought home to everyone at some point in his education. man should have a much stronger feeling of identity with his forebears and his progeny. is it not a loss to christians that they have so much less of this feeling than the chinese? it may be urged in opposition that such conceptions are dangerously static and have thereby harmed china. but that can be avoided by shifting the balance a little from progenitors to posterity. if people should live more in their children than they now do, they would be not only anxious to give them a sound heredity, but all the more eager to improve the conditions of their children's environment by modifying their own. it may be objected that this sort of propaganda is indiscriminate,--that it may further the reproduction of the inferior just as much as the superior. we think not. such steps appeal more to the superior type of mind and will be little heeded by the inferior. they will be ultimately, if not directly, discriminative. in so far as the foregoing appeals to reason alone it is not religion. the appeal to reason must either be emotionalized or colored with the supernatural to be religion. . reward and punishment in a future life. here the belief in the absolute, verbal inspiration of sacred writings and the doctrine of salvation by faith alone are rapidly passing, and it is therefore the easier to bring eugenics into this type of religion. even where salvation by faith is still held as an article of creed, it is accompanied by the concession that he who truly believes will manifest his belief by works. altruism can be found in the sacred writings of probably all religions, and the modern tendency is to make much of such passages, in which it is easy for the eugenist to find a warrant. what is needed here, then, is to impress upon the leaders in this field that eugenic conduct is a "good work" and as such they may properly include it along with other modern virtues, such as honest voting and abstinence from graft as a key to heaven. dysgenic conduct should equally be taught to be an obstacle to salvation. . theism. the man who is most influenced by the desire to be at one with god naturally wants to act in accordance with god's plan. but god being omnibeneficent, he necessarily believes that god's plan is that which is for the best interests of his children--unless he is one of those happily rare individuals who still believe that the end of man is to glorify god by voice, not by means of human betterment. this type of religion (and the other types in different degrees) is a great motive power. it both creates energy in its adherents, and directs that energy into definite outlets. it need only be made convincingly evident that eugenics is truly a work of human betterment,--really the greatest work of human betterment, and a partnership with god--to have it taken up by this type of religion with all the enthusiasm which it brings to its work. . the task of enlisting the humanist appears to be even simpler. it is merely necessary to show him that eugenics increases the totality of happiness of the human species. since the keynote of his devotion is loyalty, we might make this plea: "can we not make every superior man or woman ashamed to accept existence as a gift from his or her ancestors, only to extinguish this torch instead of handing it on?" eugenics is in some ways akin to the movement for the conservation of natural resources. in pioneer days a race uses up its resources without hesitation. they seem inexhaustible. some day it is recognized that they are not inexhaustible, and then such members of the race as are guided by good ethics begin to consider the interests of the future. no system of ethics is worth the name which does not make provision for the future. it is right here that the ethics of present-day america is too often found wanting. as this fault is corrected, eugenics will be more clearly seen as an integral part of ethics. provision for the future of the individual leads, in a very low state of civilization, to the accumulation of wealth. even the ants and squirrels have so much ethics! higher in the evolutionary scale comes provision for the future of children; their interests lead to the foundation of the family and, at a much later date, a man looks not only to his immediate children but to future generations of heirs, when he entails his estates and tries to establish a notable family line. provision for the future is the essence of his actions. but so far only the individual or those related closely to him have been taken into consideration. with a growth of altruism, man begins to recognize that he must make provision for the future of the race; that he should apply to all superior families the same anxiety which he feels that his children shall not tarnish the family name by foolish marriages; that they shall grow up strong and intelligent. this feeling interpreted by science is eugenics, an important element of which is religion: for religion more than any other influence leads one to look ahead, and to realize that immediate benefits are not the greatest values that man can secure in life,--that there is something beyond and superior to eating, drinking and being merry. if the criterion of ethical action is the provision it makes for the future, then the ethics of the eugenist must rank high, for he not only looks far to the future, but takes direct and effective steps to safeguard the future. theoretically, then, there is a place for eugenics in every type of religion. in practice, it will probably make an impression only on the dynamic religions,--those that are actually accomplishing something. buddhism, for example, is perhaps too contemplative to do anything. but christianity, above any other, would seem to be the natural ally of the eugenist. christianity itself is undergoing a rapid change in ideals at present, and it seems impossible that this evolution should leave its adherents as ignorant of and indifferent to eugenics as they have been in the past--even during the last generation. followers of other religions, as this chapter has attempted to show, can also make eugenics a part of their respective religions. if they do not, then it bodes ill for the future of their religion and of their race. it is not difficult to get people to see the value of eugenics,--to give an intellectual adhesion to it. but as eugenics sometimes calls for seeming sacrifices, it is much more difficult to get people to _act_ eugenically. we have at numerous points in this book emphasized the necessity of making the eugenic appeal emotional, though it is based fundamentally on sound reasoning from facts of biology. the great value of religion in this connection is that it provides a driving power,[ ] a source of action, which the intellect alone can rarely furnish. reason itself is usually an inhibitor of action. it is the emotions that impel one to do things. the utilization of the emotions in affecting conduct is by no means always a part of religion, yet it is the essence of religion. without abandoning the appeal to reason, eugenists must make every effort to enlist potent emotional forces on their side. there is none so strong and available as religion, and the eugenist may turn to it with confidence of finding an effective ally, if he can once gain its sanction. the task, as this chapter was intended to show, is a complex one, yet we see no insuperable obstacles to it. eugenics may not become a part of the christian religion, as a whole, until scientific education is much more widespread than at present, but it is not too soon to make a start, by identifying the interests of the two wherever such identification is justified and profitable. we have endeavored to point out that as a race rises, and instinct becomes less important in guiding the conduct of its members, religion has often put a restraint on reason, guiding the individual in racially profitable paths. what is to happen when religion gives way? unbridled selfishness too often takes the reins, and the interests of the species are disregarded. religion, therefore, appears to be a necessity for the perpetuation of any race. it is essential to racial welfare that the national religion should be of such a character as to appeal to the emotions effectively and yet conciliate the reason. we believe that the religion of the future is likely to acquire this character, in proportion as it adheres to eugenics. there is no room in the civilized world now for a dysgenic religion. science will progress. the idea of evolution will be more firmly grasped. religion itself evolves, and any religion which does not embrace eugenics will embrace death. chapter xx eugenics and euthenics emphasis has been given, in several of the foregoing chapters, to the desirability of inheriting a good constitution and a high degree of vigor and disease-resistance. it has been asserted that no measures of hygiene and sanitation can take the place of such inheritance. it is now desirable to ascertain the limits within which good inheritance is effective, and this may be conveniently done by a study of the lives of a group of people who inherited exceptionally strong physical constitutions. the people referred to are taken from a collection of histories of long life made by the genealogical record office of washington.[ ] one hundred individuals were picked out at random, each of whom had died at the age of or more, and with the record of each individual were placed those of all his brothers and sisters. any family was rejected in which there was a record of wholly accidental death (e.g., families of which a member had been killed in the civil war). the families, or more correctly fraternities or sibships, were classified by the number of children per fraternity, as follows: number of total number number of children per of children fraternities fraternity in group --- --- the average at death of these persons was . years. the child mortality (first years of life) was . % of the total mortality, families showing no deaths of that kind. the group is as a whole, therefore, long-lived. the problem was to measure the resemblance between brothers and sisters in respect of longevity,--to find whether knowledge of the age at which one died would justify a prediction as to the age at death of the others,--or technically, it was to measure the fraternal correlation of longevity. a zero coefficient here would show that there is no association; that from the age at which one dies, nothing whatever can be predicted as to the age at which the others will die. since it is known that heredity is a large factor in longevity, such a finding would mean that all deaths were due to some accident which made the inheritance of no account. in an ordinary population it has been found that the age at death of brothers and sisters furnishes a coefficient of correlation of the order of . , which shows that heredity does determine the age at which one shall die to considerable extent, but not absolutely.[ ] the index of correlation[ ] between the lengths of life within the fraternity in these selected families, furnished a coefficient of-. ±. , practically zero. in other words, if the age is known at which a member of one of these families died, whether it be one month or years, nothing whatever can be predicted about the age at which his brothers and sisters died. remembering that longevity is in general inherited, and that it is found in the families of all the people of this study (since one in each fraternity lived to be or over) how is one to interpret this zero coefficient? evidently it means that although these people had inherited a high degree of longevity, their deaths were brought about by causes which prevented the heredity from getting full expression. as far as hereditary potentialities are concerned, it can be said that all their deaths were due to accident, using that word in a broad sense to include all non-selective deaths by disease. if they had all been able to get the full benefit of their heredity, it would appear that each of these persons might have lived to or more, as did the one in each family who was recorded by the genealogical record office. genetically, these other deaths may be spoken of as premature. in an ordinary population, the age of death is determined to the extent of probably % by heredity. in this selected long-lived population, heredity appears not to be responsible in any measurable degree whatsoever for the differences in age at death. the result may be expressed in another, and perhaps more striking, way. of the individuals studied, a hundred--namely, one child in each family--lived beyond ; and there were a few others who did. but some of the group, though they had inherited the potentiality of reaching the average age of , actually died somewhere around ; they failed by at least one-third to live up to the promise of their inheritance. if we were to generalize from this single case, we would have to say that five-sixths of the population does not make the most of its physical inheritance. this is certainly a fact that discourages fatalistic optimism. the man who tells himself that, because of his magnificent inherited constitution, he can safely take any risk, is pretty sure to take too many risks and meet with a non-selective--i.e., genetically, a premature--death, when he might in the nature of things have lived almost a generation longer. it should be remarked that most of the members of this group seem to have lived in a hard environment. they appear to belong predominantly to the lower strata of society; many of them are immigrants and only a very few of them, to judge by a cursory inspection of the records, possessed more than moderate means. this necessitated a frugal and industrious life which in many ways was doubtless favorable to longevity but which may often have led to overexposure, overwork, lack of proper medical treatment, or other causes of a non-selective death. we would not push the conclusion too far, but we can not doubt that this investigation shows the folly of ignoring the environment,--shows that the best inherited constitution must have a fair chance. and what has here been found for a physical character, would probably hold good in even greater degree for a mental character. all that man inherits is the capacity to develop along a certain line under the influence of proper stimuli,--food and exercise. the object of eugenics is to see that the inherent capacity is there. given that, the educational system is next needed to furnish the stimuli. the consistent eugenist is therefore an ardent euthenist. he not only works for a better human stock but, because he does not want to see his efforts wasted, he always works to provide the best possible environment for this better stock. in so far, then, as euthenics is actually providing man with more favorable surroundings,--not with ostensibly more favorable surroundings which, in reality, are unfavorable--there can be no antagonism between it and eugenics. eugenics is, in fact, a prerequisite of euthenics, for it is only the capable and altruistic man who can contribute to social progress; and such a man can only be produced through eugenics. eugenic fatalism, a blind faith in the omnipotence of heredity regardless of the surroundings in which it is placed, has been shown by the study of long-lived families to be unjustified. it was found that even those who inherited exceptional longevity usually did not live as long as their inheritance gave them the right to expect. if they had had more euthenics, they should have lived longer. but this illustration certainly gives no ground for a belief that euthenics is sufficient to prolong one's life _beyond_ the inherited limit. a study of these long-lived families from another point of view will reveal that heredity is the primary factor and that good environment, euthenics, is the secondary one. for this purpose we augment the families of the preceding section by the addition of more families like them, and we examine each family history to find how many of the children died before completing the fourth year of life. the data are summarized in the following table: child mortality in families of long-lived stock, genealogical record office data size of no. of families no. of families total no. family investigated showing deaths of deaths under years child children " " " " " " " " " " " " " --- --- --- the addition of the new families (which were not subjected to any different selection than the first ) has brought down the child mortality rate. for the first , it was found to be . %. if in the above table the number of child deaths, , be divided by the total number of children represented, , , the child mortality rate for this population is found to be . %, or per thousand. the smallness of this figure may be seen by comparison with the statistics of the registration area, u. s. census of , when the child mortality ( - years) was per thousand, as calculated by alexander graham bell. a mortality of for the first four years of life is smaller than any district known in the united states, even to-day, can show for the _first_ year of life _alone_. if any city could bring the deaths of babies during their first twelve months down to per , , it would think it had achieved the impossible; but here is a population in which per , covers the deaths, not only of the fatal first months, but of the following three years in addition. now this population with an unprecedentedly low rate of child mortality is not one which had had the benefit of any baby saving campaign, nor even the knowledge of modern science. its mothers were mostly poor, many of them ignorant; they lived frequently under conditions of hardship; they were peasants and pioneers. their babies grew up without doctors, without pasteurized milk, without ice, without many sanitary precautions, usually on rough food. but they had one advantage which no amount of applied science can give after birth--namely, good heredity. they had inherited exceptionally good constitutions. it is not by accident that inherited longevity in a family is associated with low mortality of its children. the connection between the two facts was first discovered by mary beeton and karl pearson in their pioneer work on the inheritance of duration of life. they found that high infant mortality was associated with early death of parents, while the offspring of long-lived parents showed few deaths in childhood. the correlation of the two facts was quite regular, as will be evident from a glance at the following tables prepared by a. ploetz: length of life of mothers and child-mortality of their daughters. english quaker families, data of beeton and pearson, arranged by ploetz year of life in which mothers died at all - - - - up ages no. of daughters no. of them who died in first years per cent. of daughters who died . . . . . . length of life of fathers and child-mortality of their daughters year of life in which fathers died at - - - - up all ages no. of daughters no. of them who died in first years per cent. of daughters who died . . . . . . to save space, we do not show the relation between parent and son; it is similar to that of parent and daughter which is shown in the preceding tables. in making comparison with the families from the genealogical record office, above studied, it must be noted that dr. ploetz' tables include one year longer in the period of child mortality, being computed for the first five years of life instead of the first four. his percentages would therefore be somewhat lower if computed on the basis used in the american work. these various data demonstrate the existence of a considerable correlation between short life (_brachybioty_, karl pearson calls it) in parent and short life in offspring. not only is the tendency to live long inherited, but the tendency _not_ to live long is likewise inherited. but perhaps the reader may think they show nothing of the sort. he may fancy that the early death of a parent left the child without sufficient care, and that neglect, poverty, or some other factor of euthenics brought about the child's death. perhaps it lacked a mother's loving attention, or perhaps the father's death removed the wage-earner of the family and the child thenceforth lacked the necessities of life. dr. ploetz has pointed out[ ] that this objection is not valid, because the influence of the parent's death is seen to hold good even to the point where the child was too old to require any assistance. if the facts applied only to cases of early death, the supposed objection might be weighty, but the correlation exists from one end of the age-scale to the other. it is not credible that a child is going to be deprived of any necessary maternal care when its mother dies at the age of ; the child herself was probably married long before the death of the mother. nor is it credible that the death of the father takes bread from the child's mouth, leaving it to starve to death in the absence of a pension for widowed mothers, if the father died at , when the "child" herself was getting to be an old woman. the early death of a parent may occasionally bring about the child's death for a reason wholly unconnected with heredity, but the facts just pointed out show that such cases are exceptional. the steady association of the child death-rate and parent death-rate _at all ages_ demonstrates that heredity is a common cause. but the reader may suspect another fallacy. the cause of this association is really environmental, he may think, and the same poverty or squalor which causes the child to die early may cause the parent to die early. they may both be of healthy, long-lived stock, but forced to live in a pestiferous slum which cuts both of them off prematurely and thereby creates a spurious correlation in the statistics. we can dispose of this objection most effectively by bringing in new evidence. it will probably be admitted that in the royal families of europe, the environment is as good as knowledge and wealth can make it. no child dies for lack of plenty of food and the best medical care, even if his father or mother died young. and the members of this caste are not exposed to any such unsanitary conditions, or such economic pressure as could possibly cause both parent and child to die prematurely. if the association between longevity of parent and child mortality holds for the royal families of europe and their princely relatives, it can hardly be regarded as anything but the effect of heredity,--of the inheritance of a certain type of constitution. dr. ploetz studied the deaths of , children in european royalty, from this viewpoint. the following table shows the relation between father and child: length of life of fathers and child-mortality of their children in royal and princely families, ploetz' data at year of life in which fathers died years all ages - - - - - - - up no. of children. no. who died in first years per cent. who died . . . . . . . . . allowing for the smallness of some of the groups, it is evident that the amount of correlation is about the same here as among the english quakers of the beeton-pearson investigation, whose mortality was shown in the two preceding tables. in the healthiest group from the royal families--the cases in which the father lived to old age--the amount of child mortality is about the same as that of the hyde family in america, which alexander graham bell has studied--namely, somewhere around per , . one may infer that the royal families are rather below par in soundness of constitution.[ ] all these studies agree perfectly in showing that the amount of child mortality is determined primarily by the physical constitution of the parents, as measured by their longevity. in the light of these facts, the nature of the extraordinarily low child mortality shown in the families from the genealogical record office, with which we began the study of this point, can hardly be misunderstood. these families have the best inherited constitution possible and the other studies cited would make us certain of finding a low child mortality among them, even if we had not directly investigated the facts. if the interpretation which we have given is correct, the conclusion is inevitable that child mortality is primarily a problem of eugenics, and that all other factors are secondary. there is found to be no warrant for the statement so often repeated in one form or another, that "the fundamental cause of the excessive rate of infant mortality in industrial communities is poverty, inadequate incomes, and low standards of living."[ ] royalty and its princely relatives are not characterized by a low standard of living, and yet the child mortality among them is very high--somewhere around per , , in cases where a parent died young. if poverty is responsible in the one case, it must be in the other--which is absurd. or else the logical absurdity is involved of inventing one cause to explain an effect to-day and a wholly different cause to explain the same effect to-morrow. this is unjustifiable in any case, and it is particularly so when the single cause that explains both cases is so evident. if weak heredity causes high mortality in the royal families, why, similarly, can not weak heredity cause high infant mortality in the industrial communities? we believe it does account for much of it, and that the inadequate income and low standard of living are largely the consequences of inferior heredity, mental as well as physical. the parents in the genealogical record office files had, many of them, inadequate incomes and low standards of living under frontier conditions, but their children grew up while those of the royal families were dying in spite of every attention that wealth could command and science could furnish. if the infant mortality problem is to be solved on the basis of knowledge and reason, it must be recognized that sanitation and hygiene can not take the place of eugenics any more than eugenics can dispense with sanitation and hygiene. it must be recognized that the death-rate in childhood is largely selective, and that the most effective way to cut it down is to endow the children with better constitutions. this can not be done solely by any euthenic campaign; it can not be done by swatting the fly, abolishing the midwife, sterilizing the milk, nor by any of the other panaceas sometimes proposed. but, it may be objected, this discussion ignores the actual facts. statistics show that infant mortality campaigns _have_ consistently produced reductions in the death-rate. the figures for new york, which could be matched in dozens of other cities, show that the number of deaths per , births, in the first year of life, has steadily declined since a determined campaign to "save the babies" was started: to one who can not see beyond the immediate consequences of an action, such figures as the above indeed give quite a different idea of the effects of an infant mortality campaign, than that which we have just tried to create. and it is a great misfortune that euthenics so often fails to look beyond the immediate effect, fails to see what may happen next year, or years from now, or in the next generation. we admit that it is possible to keep a lot of children alive who would otherwise have died in the first few months of life. it is being done, as the new york figures, and pages of others that could be cited, prove. the ultimate result is twofold: . some of those who are doomed by heredity to a selective death, but are kept alive through the first year, die in the second or third or fourth year. they must die sooner or later; they have not inherited sufficient resistance to survive more than a limited time. if they are by a great effort carried through the first year, it is only to die in the next. this is a statement which we have nowhere observed in the propaganda of the infant mortality movement; and it is perhaps a disconcerting one. it can only be proved by refined statistical methods, but several independent determinations by the english biometricians leave no doubt as to the fact. this work of karl pearson, e. c. snow, and ethel m. elderton, was cited in our chapter on natural selection; the reader will recall how they showed that nature is weeding out the weaklings, and in proportion to the stringency with which she weeds them out at the start, there are fewer weaklings left to die in succeeding years. to put the facts in the form of a truism, part of the children born in any district in a given year are doomed by heredity to an early death; and if they die in one year they will not be alive to die in the succeeding year, and vice versa. of course there are in addition infant deaths which are not selective and which if prevented would leave the infant with as good a chance as any to live. in the light of these researches, we are forced to conclude that baby-saving campaigns accomplish less than is thought; that the supposed gain is to some extent temporary and illusory. . there is still another consequence. if the gain is by great exertions made more than temporary; if the baby who would otherwise have died in the first months is brought to adult life and reproduction, it means in many cases the dissemination of another strain of weak heredity, which natural selection would have cut off ruthlessly in the interests of race betterment. in so far, then, as the infant mortality movement is not futile it is, from a strict biological viewpoint, often detrimental to the future of the race. do we then discourage all attempts to save the babies? do we leave them all to natural selection? do we adopt the "better dead" gospel? unqualifiedly, no! the sacrifice of the finer human feelings, which would accompany any such course, would be a greater loss to the race than is the eugenic loss from the perpetuation of weak strains of heredity. the abolition of altruistic and humanitarian sentiment for the purpose of race betterment would ultimately defeat its own end by making race betterment impossible. but race betterment will also be impossible unless a clear distinction is made between measures that really mean race betterment of a fundamental and permanent nature, and measures which do not. we have chosen the infant mortality movement for analysis in this chapter because it is an excellent example of the kind of social betterment which is taken for granted, by most of its proponents, to be a fundamental piece of race betterment; but which, as a fact, often means race impairment. no matter how abundant and urgent are the reasons for continuing to reduce infant mortality wherever possible, it is dangerous to close the eyes to the fact that the gain from it is of a kind that must be paid for in other ways; that to carry on the movement without adding eugenics to it will be a short-sighted policy, which increases the present happiness of the world at the cost of diminishing the happiness of posterity through the perpetuation of inferior strains. while some euthenic measures are eugenically evils, even if necessary ones, it must not be inferred that all euthenic measures are dysgenic. many of them, such as the economic and social changes we have suggested in earlier chapters, are an important part of eugenics. every euthenic measure should be scrutinized from the evolutionary standpoint; if it is eugenic as well as euthenic, it should be whole-heartedly favored; if it is dysgenic but euthenic it should be condemned or adopted, according to whether or not the gain in all ways from its operation will exceed the damage. in general, euthenics, when not accompanied by some form of selection (i. e., eugenics) ultimately defeats its own end. if it is accompanied by rational selection, it can usually be indorsed. eugenics, on the other hand, is likewise inadequate unless accompanied by constant improvement in the surroundings; and its advocates must demand euthenics as an accompaniment of selection, in order that the opportunity for getting a fair selection may be as free as possible. if the euthenist likewise takes pains not to ignore the existence of the racial factor, then the two schools are standing on the same ground, and it is merely a matter of taste or opportunity, whether one emphasizes one side or the other. each of the two factions, sometimes thought to be opposing, will be seen to be getting the same end result, namely, human progress. not only are the two schools working for the same end, but each must depend in still another way upon the other, in order to make headway. the eugenist can not see his measures put into effect except through changes in law and custom--i. e., euthenic changes. he must and does appeal to euthenics to secure action. the social reformer, on the other hand, can not see any improvements made in civilization except through the discoveries and inventions of some citizens who are inherently superior in ability. he in turn must depend on eugenics for every advance that is made. it may make the situation clearer to state it in the customary terms of biological philosophy. selection does not necessarily result in progressive evolution. it merely brings about the adaptation of a species or a group to a given environment. the tapeworm is the stock example. in human evolution, the nature of this environment will determine whether adaptation to it means progress or retrogression, whether it leaves a race happier and more productive, or the reverse. all racial progress, or eugenics, therefore, depends on the creation of a good environment, and the fitting of the race to that environment. every improvement in the environment should bring about a corresponding biological adaptation. the two factors in evolution must go side by side, if the race is to progress in what the human mind considers the direction of advancement. in this sense, euthenics and eugenics bear the same relation to human progress as a man's two legs do to his locomotion. social workers in purely euthenic fields have frequently failed to remember this process of adaptation, in their efforts to change the environment. eugenists, in centering their attention on adaptation, have sometimes paid too little attention to the kind of environment to which the race was being adapted. the present book holds that the second factor is just as important as the first, for racial progress; that one leg is just as important as the other, to a pedestrian. its only conflict with euthenics appertains to such euthenic measures as impair the adaptability of the race to the better environment they are trying to make. some supposedly euthenic measures opposed by eugenics are not truly euthenic, as for instance the limitation of a superior family in order that all may get a college education. for these spurious euthenic measures, something truly euthenic should be substituted. measures which show a real conflict may be typified by the infant mortality movement. there can be no doubt but that sanitation and hygiene, prenatal care and intelligent treatment of mothers and babies, are truly euthenic and desirable. at the same time, as has been shown, these euthenic measures result in the survival of inferior children, who directly or through their posterity will be a drag on the race. euthenic measures of this type should be accompanied by counterbalancing measures of a more eugenic character. barring these two types, euthenics forms a necessary concomitant of the eugenic program; and, as we have tried to emphasize, eugenics is likewise necessary to the complete success of every euthenic program. how foolish, then, is antagonism between the two forces! both are working toward the same end of human betterment, and neither can succeed without the other. when either attempts to eliminate the other from its work, it ceases to advance toward its goal. in which camp one works is largely a matter of taste. if on a road there is a gradient to be leveled, it will be brought down most quickly by two parties of workmen, one cutting away at the top, the other filling in the bottom. for the two parties to indulge in mutual scorn and recrimination would be no more absurd than for eugenics and euthenics to be put in opposition to each other. the only reason they have been in opposition is because some of the workers did not clearly understand the nature of their work. with the dissemination of a knowledge of biology, this ground of antagonism will disappear. appendix a ovarian transplantation in , w. heape published an account of some experiments with rabbits. taking the fertilized egg of an angora rabbit (i. e., a long-haired, white one) from the oviduct of its mother previous to its attachment to the wall of the uterus, he transferred it to the uterus of a belgian hare, a rabbit which is short-haired and gray. the egg developed normally in the new body and produced an animal with all the characteristics, as far as could be seen, of the real mother, rather than the foster-mother. its coat was long and white, and there was not the slightest trace of influence of the short, gray-haired doe in whose body it had grown. here was a case in which environment certainly failed to show any modifying influence. but it was objected that the transplanted egg was already full-grown and fertilized when the transfer was made, and that therefore no modification need be expected. if the egg were transferred at an earlier stage, it was thought, the result might be different. w. e. castle and j. c. phillips therefore undertook an experiment to which this objection should not be possible.[ ] "a female albino guinea-pig just attaining sexual maturity was by an operation deprived of its ovaries, and instead of the removed ovaries there were introduced into her body the ovaries of a young black female guinea-pig, not yet sexually mature, aged about three weeks. the grafted animal was now mated with a male albino guinea-pig. from numerous experiments with albino guinea-pigs it may be stated emphatically that normal albinos mated together, without exception, produce only albino young, and the presumption is strong, therefore, that had this female not been operated on she would have done the same. she produced, however, by the albino male three litters of young, which together consisted of six individuals, all black. the first litter of young was produced about six months after the operation, the last about one year. the transplanted ovarian tissue must have remained in its new environment therefore from four to ten months before the eggs attained full growth and were discharged; ample time, it would seem, for the influence of a foreign body upon the inheritance to show itself were such influence possible." while such experiments must not be stretched too far, in application to the human species, they certainly offer striking evidence of the fact that the characters of any individual are mainly due to something in the germ-plasm, and that this germ-plasm is to a surprising degree independent of any outside influence, even such an intimate influence as that of the body of the mother in which it reaches maturity. appendix b "dynamic evolution" as c. l. redfield has secured considerable publicity for his attempt to bolster up the lamarckian theory, it deserves a few words of comment. his contention is that "the energy in animals, known as intelligence and physical strength, is identical with the energy known in mechanics, and is governed by the same laws." he therefore concludes that ( ) an animal stores up energy in its body, in some undescribed and mystical way, and ( ) that in some equally undescribed and mystical way it transmits this stored-up energy to its offspring. it follows that he thinks superior offspring are produced by parents of advanced age, because the latter have had more time to do work and store up energy for transmission. in his own words: "educating the grandfather helps to make the grandson a superior person.... we are, in our inheritance, exactly what our ancestors made us by the work they performed before reproducing. whether our descendants are to be better or worse than we are will depend upon the amount and kind of work we do before we produce them." the question of the influence of parental age on the characters of the offspring is one of great importance, for the solution of which the necessary facts have not yet been gathered together. the data compiled by mr. redfield are of value, but his interpretation of them can not be accepted for the following reasons. . in the light of modern psychology, it is absurd to lump all sorts of mental ability under one head, and to suppose that the father's exercise of reasoning power, for example, will store up "energy" to be manifested in the offspring in the shape of executive or artistic ability. mental abilities are much subdivided and are inherited separately. mr. redfield's idea of the process is much too crude. moreover, mr. redfield's whole conception of the increase of intelligence with increase of age in a parent shows a disregard of the facts of psychology. as e. a. doll has pointed out,[ ] in criticising mr. redfield's recent and extreme claim that feeble-mindedness is the product of early marriage, it is incorrect to speak of -, -, or -year standards of intelligence; for recent researches in measurement of mental development indicate that the heritable standard of intelligence of adults increases very little beyond the age of approximately years. a person years old has an additional _experience_ of a quarter of a century, and so has a larger mental content, but his intelligence is still nearly at the -year level. mental activity is the effect, not the cause, of mental growth or development. education merely turns inherent mental powers to good account; it makes very little change in those powers themselves. to suppose that a father can, by study, raise his innate level of intelligence and transmit it at the new level to his son, is a naïve idea which finds no warrant in the known facts of mental development. . in his entire conception of the storing-up and transmission of energy, mr. redfield has fallen victim to a confusion of ideas due to the use of the same word to mean two different things. he thinks of energy as an engineer; he declares the body-cell is a storage battery; he believes that the athlete by performing work stores up energy in his body (in some mysterious and unascertainable way) just as the clock stores up energy when it is wound. the incorrectness of supposing that the so-called energy of a man is of that nature, is remarkable. if, hearing bismarck called a man of iron, one should analyze his remains to find out how much more iron he contained than ordinary men, it would be a performance exactly comparable to mr. redfield's, when he thinks of a man's "energy" as something stored up by work. as a fact, a man contains less energy, after the performance of work, than he did at the start. all of his "energy" comes from the metabolism of food that he has previously eaten. his potential energy is the food stored up in his body, particularly the glycogen in the liver and muscles.[ ] why, then, can one man run faster than another? mr. redfield thinks it is because the sprinter has, by previous work, stored up energy in his body, which carries him over the course more rapidly than the sluggard who has not been subjected to systematic training. but the differences in men's ability are not due to the amount of energy they have stored up. it is due rather to differences in their structure (using this word in a very broad sense), which produce differences in the efficiency with which they can use the stored-up energy (i.e., food) in their bodies. a fat shorthorn bull contains much more stored-up energy than does a race horse, but the latter has the better structure--coördination of muscles with nervous system, in particular--and there is never any doubt about how a race between the two will end. the difference between the results achieved by a highly educated thinker and a low-grade moron are similarly differences in structural efficiency: the moron may eat much more, and thereby have more potential energy, than the scholar; but the machine, the brain, can not utilize it. the effects of training are not to store up energy in the body, for it has been proved that work decreases rather than increases the amount of energy in the body. how is it, then, that training increases a man's efficiency? it is obviously by improving his "structure," and probably the most important part of this improvement is in bringing about better relations between the muscles and the nerves. to pursue the analogy which mr. redfield so often misuses, the effect of training on the human machine is merely to oil the bearings and straighten out bent parts, to make it a more efficient transformer of the energy that is supplied to it. the foundation stone of mr. redfield's hypothesis is his idea that the animal by working stores up energy. this idea is the exact reverse of the truth. while the facts which mr. redfield has gathered deserve much study, his idea of "dynamic evolution" need not be taken seriously.[ ] appendix c the "melting pot" america as the "melting pot" of peoples is a picture often drawn by writers who do not trouble themselves as to the precision of their figures of speech. it has been supposed by many that all the racial stocks in the united states were tending toward a uniform type. there has never been any real evidence on which to base such a view, and the study completed in by dr. ales hrdlicka, curator of the division of physical anthropology of the u. s. national museum, furnishes evidence against it. he examined individuals of the old white american stock, that is, persons all of whose ancestors had been in the united states as far as the fourth ascending generation. he found little or no evidence that hereditary traits had been altered. even the descendants of the pilgrim fathers, the virginia cavaliers, the pennsylvania dutch and the huguenots, while possibly not as much unlike as their ancestors were, are in no sense a blend. the "melting pot," it must be concluded, is a figure of speech; and as far as physical anthropology is concerned, it will not be anything more in this country, at least for many centuries. announcing the results of study of the first males and females of his series,[ ] dr. hrdlicka said, "the most striking result of the examinations is the great range of variation among old americans in nearly all the important measurements. the range of variation is such that in some of the most significant determinations it equals not only the variation of any one group, but the combined variations of all the groups that enter into the composition of the americans." this fact would be interpreted by the geneticist as an evidence of hybridity. it is clear that, at the very beginning, a number of diverse, although not widely differing, stocks must have made up the colonial population; and intermarriage and the influence of the environment have not welded these stocks into one blend, but have merely produced a mosaic-like mixture. this is good evidence of the permanence of inherited traits, although it must be qualified by the statement that it does not apply equally to all features of the body, the face, hands and feet having been found less variable, for instance, than stature and form of head. [illustration: the "mean man" of the old white american stock fig. .--anthropologists have an ideal "mean man," whose every feature measures the arithmetic mean or average of that feature in all the individuals of his race. the above diagram drawn to scale from dr. hrdli[vc]ka's measurements represents the mean man of colonial ancestry. the outline of the face is almost oblong; the head is high and well-developed, particularly in the regions which are popularly supposed to denote superior intelligence. in general, it is a highly specialized type, denoting an advanced evolution.] the stature of both american men and women is high, higher than the average of any european nation except the scotch. the individual variation is, however, enormous, amounting to . % of the average in males and nearly % in females. for males, cm. is the average height, for females . the arm spread in males is greater than their stature, in females it is less. the average weight of the males is lbs.[typo: missing comma?] of the females . taking into consideration the tall stature, these weights are about equal to those among europeans. the general proportions of the body must be classed as medium, but great fluctuations are shown. the face is, in general, high and oval; in females it occasionally gives the impression of narrowness. the forehead is well developed in both sexes. the nose is prevalently long and of medium breadth, its proportions being practically identical with those of the modern english. the ears are longer than those of any modern immigrants except the english. the mouth shows medium breadth in both sexes, and its averages exactly equal those obtained for modern french. one of the most interesting results is that there were obtained among these first individuals studied no pronounced blonds, although the ancestry is north european, where blondness is more or less prevalent.[ ] the exact distribution is: male female light-brown % % medium-brown to dark very dark golden-red and red dr. hrdlicka's classification of the eye is as follows: male female gray % % greenish blues browns the head among old americans is in many cases notable for its good development, particularly in males. among groups of male immigrants[ ] measured at ellis island under dr. hrdlicka's direction in recent years, not one group quite equals in this respect the americans, the nearest approach being noted in the irish, bohemians, english, poles, and north italians. the type of head, however, differs among the americans very widely, as is the case with most civilized races at the present day. head form is most conveniently expressed by means of the cephalic index, that is, the ratio of breadth to length. anthropologists generally speak of any one with an index of (or where the breadth is % of the length) and below this as dolichocephalic, or long-headed; from to is the class of the mesocephalic, intermediates; while above is that of the subbrachycephalic and brachycephalic, or round-headed. for the most part, the old americans fall into the intermediate class, the average index of males being . and that of females . . barring a few french huguenots, the old americans considered here are mostly of british ancestry, and their head form corresponds rather closely to that of the english of the present day. in england, as is well known, the round-headed type of central and eastern europe, the alpine or celto-slav type, has few representatives. the population is composed principally of long-headed peoples, deriving from the two great european stocks, the nordic and the mediterranean. to the latter the frequency of dark hair and brown eyes is probably due, both in england and america. while the average of the old americans corresponds closely to the average of the english, there is a great deal of variation in both countries. unfortunately, it is impossible to compare the present americans with their ancestors, because measurements of the latter are lacking. but to assume that the early colonists did not differ greatly from the modern english is probably justifiable. a comparison of modern americans (of the old white stock) with modern english should give basis for an opinion as to whether the english stock underwent any marked modifications, on coming to a new environment. it has already been noted that the average cephalic index is practically the same; the only possibility of a change then lies in the amount of variability. is the american stock more or less variable? can a "melting pot" influence be seen, tending to produce homogeneity, or has change of environment rather produced greater variability, as is sometimes said to be the case? the amount of variability is most conveniently measured by a coefficient known as the standard deviation ([greek: s]), which is small when the range of variation is small, but large when diversity of material is great. the following comparisons of the point at issue may be made.[ ] avg. [greek: s] american men . . cambridge graduates (english males) . . for the men, little difference is discernible. the old americans are slightly more long-headed than the english, but the amount of variation in this trait is nearly the same on the two sides of the ocean. the average of the american women is . with [greek: s] = . . no suitable series of english women has been found for comparison.( ) it will be noted that the american women are slightly more round-headed than the men; this is found regularly to be the case, when comparisons of the head form of the two sexes are made in any race. in addition to establishing norms or standards for anthropological comparison, the main object of dr. hrdlicka's study was to determine whether the descendants of the early american settlers, living in a new environment and more or less constantly intermarrying, were being amalgamated into a distinct sub-type of the white race. it has been found that such amalgamation has not taken place to any important degree. the persistence in heredity of certain features, which run down even through six or eight generations, is one of the remarkable results brought out by the study. if the process could continue for a few hundred years more, dr. hrdlicka thinks, it might reach a point where one could speak of the members of old american families as of a distinct stock. but so far this point has not been reached; the americans are almost as diverse and variable, it appears, as were their first ancestors in this country. appendix d the essence of mendelism it is half a century since the austrian monk, gregor mendel, published in a provincial journal the results of his now famous breeding experiments with garden peas. they lay unnoticed until , when three other breeders whose work had led them to similar conclusions, almost simultaneously discovered the work of mendel and gave it to the world. breeding along the lines marked out by mendel at once became the most popular method of attack, among those who were studying heredity. it became an extremely complicated subject, which can not be grasped without extended study, but its fundamentals can be briefly summarized. inherited differences in individuals, it will be admitted, are due to differences in their germ-plasms. it is convenient to think of these differences in germ-plasms (that is, differences in heredity) as being due to the presence in the germ-plasm of certain hypothetical units, which are usually referred to as factors. the factor, nowadays, is the ultimate unit of mendelian research. each of these factors is considered to be nearly or quite constant,--that is, it undergoes little, or no change from generation to generation. it is ordinarily resistant to "contamination" by other factors with which it may come in contact in the cell. the first fundamental principle of mendelism, then, is the existence of relatively constant units, the mendelian factors, as the basis for transmission of all the traits that go to make up an animal or plant. experimental breeding gives reason to believe that each factor has one or more alternatives, which may take its place in the mechanism of heredity, thereby changing the visible character of the individual plant or animal in which it occurs. to put the matter a little differently, one germ-cell differs from another in having alternatives present in place of some of the factors of the latter. a given germ-cell can never have more than one of the possible alternatives of each factor. these alternatives of a factor are called its allelomorphs. now a mature germ-cell has a single system of these factors: but when two germ-cells unite, there result from that union two kinds of cells--namely, immature germ-cells and body-cells; and both these kinds of cells contain a double system of factors, because of course they have received a single entire system from each parent. this is the second of the fundamental principles of mendelism: that the factors are single in the mature germ-cell, but in duplicate in the body-cell (and also in the immature germ-cell). in every cell with a double system of factors, there are necessarily present two representatives from each set of allelomorphs, but these may or may not be alike--or in technical language the individual may be homozygous, or heterozygous, as regards the given set of alternative factors. looking at it from another angle, there is a single visible character in the plant or animal, but it is produced by a double factor, in the germ-plasm. when the immature germ-cell, with its double system of factors, matures, it throws out half the factors, retaining only a single system: and the allelomorphic factors which then segregate into different cells are, as has been said above, ordinarily uninfluenced by their stay together. but the allelomorphic factors are not the only ones which are segregated into different germ-cells, at the maturation of the cell; for the factors which are not alternative are likewise distributed, more or less independently of each other, so that it is largely a matter of chance whether factors which enter a cross in the same germ-cell, segregate into the same germ-cell or different ones, in the next generation. this is the next fundamental principle of mendelism, usually comprehended under the term "segregation," although, as has been pointed out, it is really a double process, the segregation of alternative factors being a different thing from the segregation of non-alternative factors. from this fact of segregation, it follows that as many kinds of germ-cells can be formed by an individual, as there are possible combinations of factors, on taking one alternative from each pair of allelomorphs present. in practice, this means that the possible number of different germ-cells is almost infinitely great, as would perhaps be suspected by anyone who has tried to find two living things that are just alike. [illustration: the carriers of heredity fig. .--many different lines of study have made it seem probable that much, although not all, of the heredity of an animal or plant is carried in the nucleus of the germ-cell and that in this nucleus it is further located in little rods or threads which can be easily stained so as to become visible, and which have the name of chromosomes. in the above illustration four different views of the nucleus of the germ-cell of an earthworm are shown, with the chromosomes in different stages; in section each chromosome is doubled up like a hairpin. study of the fruit-fly drosophila has made it seem probable not only that the hypothetical factors of heredity are located in the chromosomes, but that each factor has a perfectly definite location in its chromosome; and t. h. morgan and his associates have worked out an ingenious method of measuring the distance from either end, at which the factor lies. photomicrograph after foot and strobell.] such is the essence of mendelism; and the reader is probably ready to admit that it is not a simple matter, even when reduced to the simplest terms. to sum up, the principal features at the base of the hypothetical structure are these: . there exist relatively constant units in the germ-plasm. . there are two very distinct relationships which these units may show to each other. two (or more) unit factors may be alternatives in the mechanism of inheritance, indicating that one is a variation (or loss) of the other; or they may be independent of each other in the mechanism of inheritance. . the mature germ-cell contains a single system of independent factors (one representative from each set of alternates). the immature germ-cells, and body-cells, have double systems of independent factors (two from each set of alternatives). . the double system arises simply from the union of two single systems (i. e., two germ-cells), without union or even contamination of the factors involved. in the formation of a single system (mature germ-cells) from a double (immature germ-cells), pairs of alternates separate, passing into different germ-cells. factors not alternates may or may not separate--the distribution is largely a matter of chance. such are the fundamental principles of mendelism; but on them was early grafted a theoretical structure due mainly to the german zoölogist, august weismann. to understand his part in the story, we must advert to that much mooted and too often misunderstood problem furnished by the chromosomes. (see fig. .) these little rods of easily stained material, which are found in every cell of the body, were picked out by professor weismann as the probable carriers of heredity. with remarkable acuteness, he predicted their behavior at cell-division, the intricate nature of which is usually the despair of every beginner in biology. when mendelian breeding, in the early years of this century, showed temporary pairing and subsequent separation of units in the germ-cell, it was soon realized that the observed facts of breeding fitted to a nicety the observed facts (predicted by weismann) of chromosome-behavior; for at each cell-division the chromosomes, too, pair and separate again. the observed behavior of transmitted characters in animals and plants followed, in so many cases, the observed behavior of the chromosomes, that many students found it almost impossible to believe that there was no connection between the two, and dr. weismann's prediction, that the chromosomes are the carriers of heredity, came to be looked on as a fact, by many biologists. but when so much of professor weismann's system was accepted, other parts of it went along, including a hypothetical system of "determiners" in the chromosome, which were believed to determine the development of characters in the organism. every trait of an animal or plant, it was supposed, must be represented in the germ-plasm by its own determiner; one trait, one determiner. did a notch in the ear run through a pedigree? then it must be due to a determiner for a notch in the ear in the germ-plasm. was mathematical ability hereditary? then there must be a determiner, the expression of which was mathematical ability. for a while, this hypothesis was of service in the development of genetics; some students even began to forget that it was a hypothesis, and to talk as if it were a fact. but the exhaustive tests of experimental breeding of plants and animals have long caused most of the advanced students of genetics to drop this simple hypothesis. in its place stands the factorial hypothesis, evolved by workers in america, england, and france at about the same time. as explained in chapter v, this hypothesis carries the assumption that every visible character is due to the effects of not one but many factors in the germ-cell. in addition to these fundamentals, there are numerous extensions and corollaries, some of them of a highly speculative nature. the reader who is interested in pursuing the subject farther must turn to one of the text-books on mendelism. in plant-breeding a good deal of progress has been made in the exact study of mendelian heredity; in animal breeding, somewhat less; in human heredity, very little. the reason is obvious: that experiments can not be made in man, and students must depend on the results of such matings as they can find; that only a very few offspring result from each mating; and that generations are so long that no one observer can have more than a few under his eyes. these difficulties make mendelian research in man a very slow and uncertain matter. altogether, it is probable that something like a hundred characters in man have been pointed out as inherited in mendelian fashion. a large part of these are pathological conditions or rare abnormalities. but the present writers can not accept most of these cases. it has been pointed out in chapter v that there are good reasons for doubting that feeble-mindedness is inherited in a simple mendelian fashion, although it is widely accepted as such. we can not help feeling that in most cases heredity in man is being made to appear much simpler than it really is; and that particularly in mental characters, analysis of traits has by no means reached the bottom. if we were asked to make out a list of characters, as to the mendelian inheritance of which there could be little doubt, we would hardly be able to go farther than the following: the sex-linked characters (one kind of color-blindness, hemophilia, one kind of night-blindness, atrophy of the optic nerve, and a few other rare abnormalities). albinism. this appears to be a recessive, but probably involves multiple allelomorphs in man, as in other animals. brachydactyly, apparently a dominant. this is so much cited in text-books on mendelism that the student might think it is a common character. as a fact, it is extremely rare, being found in only a few families. the similar trait of orthodactyly or symphalangism, which likewise appears to be a good mendelian dominant, seems to exist in only one family. traits like these, which are easily defined and occur very rarely, make up a large part of the cases of probably mendelian heredity. they are little more than curiosities, their rarity and abnormal nature depriving them of evolutionary significance other than to demonstrate that mendelian heredity does operate in man. white blaze in the hair or, as it might better be called to show its resemblance to the trait found in other mammals, piebaldism. a rather rare dominant.[ ] huntington's chorea, which usually appears to be a good dominant, although the last investigators (muncey and davenport) found some unconformable cases. a few abnormalities, such as a premature graying of the hair (one family cited by k. pearson) are well enough attested to be admitted. many others, such as baldness, are probably mendelian but not yet sufficiently supported by evidence. none of these characters, it will be observed, is of much significance eugenically. if the exact manner of inheritance of some of the more important mental and physical traits were known, it would be of value. but it is not a prerequisite for eugenic action. enough is known for a working program. to sum up: the features in the modern view of heredity, which the reader must keep in mind, are the following: . that the various characters which make up the physical constitution of any individual plant or animal are due to the action (concurrently with the environment, of course) of what are called, for convenience, factors, separable hypothetical units in the germ-plasm, capable of independent transmission. . that each visible character is due to the coöperative action of an indefinitely large number of factors; conversely, that each of these factors affects an indefinitely large number of characters. appendix e useful works of reference the most complete bibliography is that published by the state board of charities of the state of new york (_eugenics and social welfare bulletin_ no. iii, pp. , albany, ). an interesting historical review of eugenics, with critical comments on the literature and a bibliography of titles, was published by a. e. hamilton in the _pedagogical seminary_, vol. xxi, pp. - , march, . much of the important literature of eugenics has been mentioned in footnotes. for convenience, a few of the books which are likely to be most useful to the student are here listed: genetics and eugenics, by w. e. castle. harvard university press, cambridge, . heredity and environment in the development of men, by edwin g. conklin. princeton university press, . heredity in relation to eugenics, by c. b. davenport, henry holt and co., new york, . essays in eugenics, by francis galton. eugenics education society, london, . being well-born, by michael f. guyer. indianapolis, bobbs-merrill co., . the social direction of human evolution, by w. e. kellicott. new york, . the physical basis of society, by carl kelsey. new york, d. appleton & co., . eugenics, by edward schuster. collins' clear type press, london and glasgow, . heredity, by j. arthur thompson. edinburgh, . genetics, by herbert e. walter. the macmillan co., new york, . an introduction to eugenics, by w. c. d. whetham and c. d. whetham. macmillan and co., london, . heredity and society, by w. c. d. whetham and c. d. whetham. longmans, green & co., london, . the family and the nation, by w. c. d. whetham and c. d. whetham. longmans, green & co., london, . the publications of the galton laboratory of national eugenics, university of london, directed by karl pearson, and of the eugenics record office, cold spring harbor, long island, n. y., directed by c. b. davenport, furnish a constantly increasing amount of original material on heredity. the principal periodicals are the _journal of heredity_ (organ of the american genetic association), eleventh st., n. w., washington, d. c. (monthly); and the _eugenics review_ (organ of the eugenics education society), kingsway house, kingsway, w. c., london (quarterly). these periodicals are sent free to members of the respective societies. membership in the american organization is $ a year, in the english guinea a year, associate membership shillings a year. appendix f glossary acquired character, a modification of a germinal trait after cell fusion. it is difficult to draw a line between characters that are acquired and those that are inborn. the idea involved is as follows: in a standard environment, a given factor in the germ-plasm will develop into a trait which varies not very widely about a certain mean. the mean of this trait is taken as representing the germinal trait in its typical condition. but if the environment be not standard, if it be considerably changed, the trait will develop a variation far from the mean of that trait in the species. thus an american, whose skin in the standard environment of the united states would be blonde, may under the environment of cuba develop into a brunette. such a wide variation from the mean thus caused is called an acquired character; it is usually impressed on the organism after the germinal trait has reached a full, typical development. allelomorph (one another form), one of a pair of factors which are alternative to each other in mendelian inheritance. instead of a single pair, there may be a group of "multiple allelomorphs," each member being alternative to every other member of the group. allelomorphism, a relation between two or more factors, such that two which are present in one zygote do not both enter into the same gamete, but are separated into sister gametes. biometry (life measure), the study of biology by statistical methods. brachydactyly (short-finger), a condition in which the bones, particularly of the fingers and toes, fail to grow to their normal length. in well-marked cases one of these is a reduction from three phalanges or joints to two. character (a contraction of "characteristic"), a term which is used, often rather vaguely, to designate any function, feature, or organ of the body or mind. chromosome (color body, so called from its affinity for certain stains), a body of peculiar protoplasm, in the nucleus of the cell. each species has its own characteristic number; the cells of the human body contain chromosomes each. congenital (with birth), present at birth. the term fails to distinguish between traits which are actually inherited, and modifications acquired during prenatal life. in the interest of clear thinking its use should be avoided so far as possible. correlation (together relation), a relation between two variables in a certain population, such that for every variation of one, there is a corresponding variation of the other. mathematically, two correlated variables are thus mutually dependent. but a correlation is merely a statistical description of a particular case, and in some other population the same two variables might be correlated in a different way, other influences being at work on them. cytology (cell word), the study of the cell, the constituent unit of organisms. determiner (completely end), an element or condition in a germ-cell, supposed to be essential to the development of a particular quality, feature, or manner of reaction of the organism which arises from that germ-cell. the word is gradually falling into disuse, and "factor" taking its place. dominance (mastery), in mendelian hybrids the capacity of a character which is derived from only one of two generating gametes to develop to an extent nearly or quite equal to that exhibited by an individual which has derived the same character from both of the generating gametes. in the absence of dominance the given character of the hybrid usually presents a "blend" or intermediate condition between the two parents. dysgenic (bad origin), tending to impair the racial qualities of future generations; the opposite of eugenic. endogamy (within mating), a custom of some primitive peoples, in compliance with which a man must choose his wife from his own group (clan, gens, tribe, etc.). eugenic (good origin), tending to improve the racial qualities of future generations, either physical or mental. euthenic (good thriving), tending to produce beneficial acquired characters or better conditions for people to live in, but not tending (except incidentally and indirectly) to produce people who can hand on the improvement by heredity. evolution (unroll), organic, the progressive change of living forms, usually associated with the development of complex from simple forms. exogamy (out mating), a custom of primitive peoples which requires a man to choose a wife from some other group (clan, gens, tribe, etc.) than his own. factor (maker), a name given to the hypothetical _something_, the independently inheritable element in the germ-cell, whose presence is necessary to the development of a certain inherited character or characters or contributes with other factors to the development of a character. "gene" and "determiner" are sometimes used as synonyms of factor. feeble-mindedness, a condition in which mental development is retarded or incomplete. it is a relative term, since an individual who would be feeble-minded in one society might be normal or even bright in another. the customary criterion is the inability of the individual, because of mental defect existing from an early age, to compete on equal terms with his normal fellows, or to manage himself or his affairs with ordinary prudence. american students usually distinguish three grades of mental defect: idiots are those who are unable to take care of themselves, even to the extent of guarding against common physical dangers or satisfying physical needs. their mentality does not progress beyond that of a normal two-year-old child. imbeciles can care for themselves after a fashion, but are unable to earn their living. their mental ages range from three to seven years, inclusive. morons, who correspond to the common acceptation of the term feeble-minded, "can under proper direction become more or less self-supporting but they are as a rule incapable of undertaking affairs which demand judgment or involve unrestricted competition with normal individuals. their intelligence ranges with that of normal children from seven to twelve years of age." there is necessarily a considerable borderline, but any adult whose intelligence is beyond that of the normal twelve-year-old child is usually considered to be not feeble-minded. gamete (mate), a mature germ-cell; in animals an ovum or spermatozoön. genetics (origins), for a long time meant the study of evolution by experimental breeding and was often synonomous with mendelism. it is gradually returning to its broader, original meaning of the study of variation and heredity, that is, the origin of the individual's traits. this broader meaning is preferable. germinal (sprig), due to something present in the germ-cell. a trait is germinal when its basis is inherited,--as eye color,--and when it develops with nothing more than the standard environment; remaining relatively constant from one generation to another, except as influenced by reproduction. germ-plasm (sprig form), mature germ-cells and the living material from which they are produced. hÆmophilia (blood love), an inability of the blood to clot. it thus becomes impossible to stop the flow of blood from a cut, and one who has inherited hæmophilia usually dies sooner or later from hæmorrhage. heredity (heirship), is usually considered from the outside, when it may properly be defined as organic resemblance based on descent, or the correlation between relatives. but a better definition, based on the results of genetics, looks at it as a mechanism, not as an external appearance. from this point of view, heredity may be said to be "the persistence of certain cell-constituents (in the germ-cells) through an unending number of cell-divisions." heterozygote (different yolk), a zygotic individual which contains both members of an allelomorphic pair. homozygote (same yolk), an individual which contains only one member of an allelomorphic pair, but contains that in duplicate, having received it from both parents. a homozygous individual, having been formed by the union of like gametes, in turn regularly produces gametes of only one kind with respect to any given factor, thus giving rise to offspring which are, in this regard, like the parents; in other words, homozygotes regularly "breed true." an individual may be a homozygote with respect to one factor and a heterozygote with respect to another. hormones (chain), the secretions of various internal glands, which are carried in the blood and have an important specific influence on the growth and functioning of various parts of the body. their exact nature is not yet understood. inborn usually means germinal, as applied to a trait, and it is so used in this book. strictly speaking, however, any trait which appears in a child at birth might be called inborn, and some writers, particularly medical men, thus refer to traits acquired in prenatal life. because of this ambiguity the word should be carefully defined when used, or avoided. inherent (in stick), as used in this book, is synonymous with germinal. induction (in lead), a change brought about in the germ-plasm with the effect of temporarily modifying the characters of an individual produced from that germ-plasm; but not of changing in a definite and permanent way any such germ-plasm and therefore any individual inherited traits. innate (inborn), synonymous with inborn. latent (lie hidden), a term applied to traits or characters whose factors exist in the germ-plasm of an individual, but which are not visible in his body. law, in natural science means a concise and comprehensive description of an observed uniform sequence of events. it is thus quite different from the law of jurists, who mean a rule laid down for the guidance of an intelligent being, by an intelligent being having power over him. mendelism, a collection of laws of heredity (see appendix d) so-called after the discoverer of the first of them to become known; also the analytical study of heredity with a view to learning the constitution of the germ-cells of animals and plants. mendelize, to follow mendel's laws of inheritance. mores (customs), the approved customs or unwritten laws of a people; the conventions of society; popular usage or folk-ways which are reputable. mutation (change), has now two accepted meanings: ( ) a profound change in the germ-plasm of an organism such as will produce numerous changes in its progeny; and ( ) a discontinuous heritable change in a mendelian factor. it is used in the first sense by de vries and other "mutationists" and in the second sense by morgan and other mendelists; confusion has arisen from failure to note the difference in usage. normal curve, the curve of distribution of variations of something whose variations are due to a multiplicity of causes acting nearly equally in both directions. it is characterized by having more individuals of a mediocre degree and progressively fewer above and below this mode. nucleus (little nut), a central, highly-organized part of every living cell, which seems to play a directive rôle in cell-development and contains, among other things, the chromosomes. patent (lie open), a term applied to traits which are manifestly represented in the body as well as the germ-plasm of an individual. the converse of "latent." probability curve, the same as normal curve. also called a gaussian curve. protoplasm (first form), "the physical basis of life"; a chemical compound or probably an emulsion of numerous compounds. it contains proteins which differ slightly in many species of organism. it contains carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, sulphur, and various salts, but is so complex as to defy exhaustive analysis. psychiatry (soul healing), the study of diseases of the mind. recessive (draw back), the converse of dominant; applied to one of a pair of contrasted mendelian characters which can not appear in the presence of the other. regression (back go), the average variation of one variable for a unit variation of a correlated variable. segregation (aside flock), ( ) as used in eugenics means the policy of isolating feeble-minded and other anti-social individuals from the normal population into institutions, colonies, etc., where the two sexes are kept apart. ( ) the term is also used technically in genetics, to refer to the discontinuity of the variation of characteristics resulting from the independent distribution of factors before or at the time of formation of the gametes. selection (apart pick), the choice (for perpetuation by reproduction) from a mixed population, of the individuals possessing in common a certain character or a certain degree of some character. two kinds of selection may be distinguished: ( ) natural selection, in which choice is made automatically by the failure to reproduce (through death or some other cause) of the individuals who are not "fit" to pass the tests of the environment (vitality, disease resistance, speed, success in mating, or what not); and ( ) artificial selection, in which the choice is made consciously by man, as a livestock breeder. sex-limited, a term applied to traits which differ in the two sexes, because influenced by the hormones of the reproductive glands. example, the beard. sex-linked, a term applied to traits which are connected with sex _accidentally_ and not physiologically in development. the current explanation is that such traits happen to be in the same chromosome as the determiner of maleness or femaleness, as the case may be. color-blindness is the classical example in man. sexual selection, the conscious or unconscious preference by individuals of one sex, or by that sex as a whole, for individuals of the other sex who possess some particular attribute or attributes in a degree above or below the average of their sex. if the deviation of the chosen character is in the same direction (plus or minus) as in the chooser, the mating is called assortative; if in one direction independent of the characteristic of the chooser, it is called preferential. soma (body), the body as distinguished from the germ-plasm. from this point of view every individual consists of only two parts,--germ-plasm and soma or somatoplasm. trait, a term used by geneticists as a synonym of "character." unit-character, in mendelian heredity a character or alternative difference of any kind, which is apparently not capable of subdivision in heredity, but is inherited as a whole, and which is capable of becoming associated in new combinations with other characters. the term is now going out of use, as it makes for clearer thinking about heredity to fix the attention on the factors of the germ-cells instead of on the characters of the adult. variation, a deviation in the size, shape, or other feature of a character or trait, from the mean or average of that character in the species. vestigial (footstep), a term applied to a character which at some time in the evolutionary history of the species possessed importance, or functioned fully, but which has now lost its importance or its original use, so that it remains a mere souvenir of the past, in a degenerated condition. example, the muscles which move a man's ears. zygote (yolk), the fertilized egg-cell; the united cell formed by the union of the ovum and spermatozoön after fertilization. zymotic, caused by a microörganism,--a term applied to diseases. example, tuberculosis. index a abderholden, e., acquired character, administrative aspects, adult mortality, afghans, africa, , agriculture, aguinaldo, e., aims of eugenics, alabama, , , alaska, albinism, alcohol, , , , alcoholism, , aleurone, allelomorphism, allelomorphs, , , alpine type, america, american breeders assn., , american breeders magazine, american prison assn., american genetic assn., , american stock, , americans, , american-chinese marriages, amherst college, , amoy, ancestral inheritance law, anglian, anglo-saxon, anthropological soc. of denmark, apartment houses, appearance, , appropriate opportunity, arabs, , argentina, aristocracy, aristodemocracy, aristotle, arizona, arkansas, armenians, , , army, american, arnold, m., arsenic, art, asiatic immigration, asiatic turkey, assortative mating, , athenians, atrophy of optic nerve, atwater, w. o., austria, , australian, australian marriages, automobile, effect of b baby saving campaign, bachelors, tax on, back to the farm movement, backward children, bahama islands, baker, o. e., baltzly, a., banker, h. j., , banns, barrington, a., batz, baur, e., bean and mall, beans, fig. . beeton, m., , , , beggars, belgium, , , bell, a. g., , , , , , , , , bentham, j., berlin, bermuda, bertholet, e., bertillon, j., besant, a., better babies movement, bezzola, d., billings, w. c., binet tests, biometric method, biometry, birth control, bisexual societies, bismarck, von, o. e. l., blakeslee, a. f., figs. , , , blascoe, f., bleeders, blind, blindness, blücher, von g. l., blumer, j. c., boas, f., , , boer war, boer-hottentot mulattoes, body-plasm, bohemians, , boston, mass., , boveri, t., brachybioty, brachycephalic heads, brachydactyly, , , fig. bradlaugh, c., brazil, breton race, bridges, c. b., brigham young college, british, british columbia, british indian immigration, bruce, h. a., bryn mawr college, , burris, w. p., c cæsar, j., , caffeine, california, , california university, cambridge graduates, cambridge, mass., cape cod, carnegie institution of washington, carnegie, margaret morrison, school, carpenter, e., carver, t. n., , castle, c. s., castle, w. e., , , , , , , , fig. catlin, g., cattell, j. mck., , , , cavour, c. b., celibacy, celtic, celto-slav type, central europe, ceylon, character, , , charm and taboo, chastity, , chicago, ill., , chicks, child bearing, effect of, child labor, childless wives, child mortality, , children surviving per capita, china, , , chinese, , , fig. chinese immigration, chorea, huntingdon's, , christianity, , chromosomes, , , church acquaintances, civic club (pittsburgh, penn.), civil war, , , , , cleopatra, climate, cobb, m. v., co-education, , coefficient of correlation, coercive means, cold spring harbor, coldness, cole, l. j., , , , fig. collateral inheritance, college women, collins, g. n., colonial ancestry, colony plan, color line, color-blindness, , columbus, c., columbia, district of, columbus, ohio, columbia university, , , , combemale, compulsory education, confederate army, congenital, conklin, e. g., connecticut, , , , , connecticut agricultural college, , fig. consanguinity, conscription, continuity of germ-plasm, controlled association tests, cook, o. f., corn, fig. cornell medical college, correlation, , , cost of clothing, cost of domestic labor, cost of food, cost of medical attention, courtis, s. a., cousins, criminals, , , croatians, crum, frederick s., cushing, h., cynical attitude, cytology, d danes, dalmatians, dance acquaintances, dark family, darwin, c., , , , , , , , , , , , , darwinism, davenport, c. b., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , davies, maria thompson, deaf, deafness, , declaration of independence, declining birth rate, , , , defective germ-plasm, defectives, definition of eugenics, , degenerate persons, delaware, delayed marriage, delinquents, demme, r., democracy, denmark, dependents, desirability of restrictive eugenics, destitute classes, determiners, , differences among men, diffloth, p., diseases, disease resistance, disposition, , distribution, district of columbia, divorce, dolichocephalic heads, doll, e. a., dominance, dominant, dress, , drinkwater, drosophila, drug fiends, drunkenness, dublin, l. i., dubois, p., , dubois, w. e. b., duncan, j. m., duncan, f. n., , fig. dugdale, r. l., durant scholarship, dyer family, dynamic evolution, dynamic of manhood, dysgenic, definition of, dysgenic types, e earle, e. l., early marriages, eastern europe, east, e. m., east north central states, east south central states, ebbinghaus tests, economic determinism, economic equality of sexes, economic status, economic standing of parents, edinburgh, education, , education, compulsory, education and race suicide, edwards, j., egypt, egyptian, , fig. elderton, e. m., , , , , , , elderton, w. p., elevation of standards, ellis, h., , , ellis island, , , emancipation of women, emerson, r. a., endogamy, , england, , , , , , , , , english, , , , , , epilepsy, , epileptics, , eskimo, , estabrook, a. h., , , equalitarianism, equality, equality of opportunity, equal pay for equal work, essence of mendelism, eugenic aspect of specific reforms, eugenic laws, eugenic marriages, eugenics and euthenics, eugenics education society, eugenics movement, eugenics registry, eugenics record office, , , , , , eugenics review, eugenics and social welfare, bulletin, euthenics, , , , , euthenics, eugenics and, eye, evolution, exogamy, , f facial attractiveness, fairchild, h. p., family alignment, faraday, m., farrabee, w. c., fecundal selection, feebly inhibited, feeble minded, , , feeble-mindedness, , féré, c. s., fernandez brothers, ferguson, g. o., jr., , fertility, relative, filipinos, financial aspect, financial success, finger prints, fig. finger tip, figs. , finns, , , fishberg, m., florida, foot, egyptian, fig. foreign-born, formal social functions, foster, m., france, , , , franco-prussian war, franklin, b., frederick the great, fredericksburg, va., freiburg, university, of, french-canadians, french revolution, freud, s., g gallichan, w., galton, eugenics laboratory, , galton, f., v, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , galton laboratory of national eugenics, , galton-pearson law, , gamete, garibaldi, g., garrison, w. l., , genealogical record office, , , , , , genealogy and eugenics, , genesis, genetics, , genius, hereditary, george, f. o., georgia, geographical distribution, german, , , , german society for race hygiene, germany, , , , , germinal, germ-plasm, , , ghetto, gifted families, gillette, j. m., , , gilman, c. p., gilmore, c. f., , , gini, c., , giotto, gochuico, ricardo, goddard, h. h., , , , , , gonorrhea, goodrich, m. t., goring, c., , grant, madison, , grant, u. s., great britain, , great race, great war, ix, , greek idea of eugenics, greek slaves, greeks, , , , greenwood lake, growth of eugenics, gruber von, and rubin, guatemala indians, guinea pigs, , gulick, j. t., gulick, l. h., gulick, s. l., , gustavus adolphus, guyer, m. f., , h habitual criminal, hair, white blaze in, haiti, , hall, g. s., hall of fame, , hamilton, a. e., , , hankins, f. h., hanks family, hap, l., hapaa, harrison, mrs. e. h., harris, j. a., , , hart, h. h., hartford, conn., harvard university, , , , health, , heape, w., hebrews, , hebrews, east european, hebrews, russian, heller, l. l. helsingfors, hemophilia, , , hereditary genius, , hereditary, heredity, laws of, heredity, talent and genius, heron, d., , , , herzegovinians, heterozygote, heterozygous, , hewes, a., hibbs, h. h., jr., hickory family, higher education, hill folk, hill, j. a., hindus, hitchcock, c. h., hodge, hoffman, f. l., , holland, , , hollingworth, h. l., home acquaintances, homo sapiens, homozygote, homozygous, hooker, j., hopetown, hormones, horsley, v., housekeeping, , housing, howard, a., howard, g., howard university, hrdlicka, a., , , , , huguenots, , humanistic religion, humanitarian aspect, hungary, , hunter, w., huntington, e., huntington's chorea, huxley, j. l., hyde family, , i idiots, , illegitimacy, illegitimate children, , illinois, , illinois, university of, ilocano, imbeciles, immigration, immigration commission, , immortality, improvement of sexual selection, inborn, definition of, inborn characters, income tax, increasing the marriage rate of the superior, indiana, , , indian, american, , individualism, induction, infant mortality, , infant mortality movement, infusorian, inherent, inheritance of mental capacities, inheritance tax, innate, inkowa camp, inquiries into human faculty, , insane, , insanity, institut solvay, intelligence, intermarriage, international eugenics congress, international eugenics society, iowa, isabella, queen of spain, ishmael family, islam, italian, , , , , , italians, southern, italy, , ireland, irish, , , , j jacob, jamaica, james, w., , japan, japanese, japanese immigration, jefferson, t., jefferson reformatory, jena, battle of, jenks, a. e., , jenks, j. w., jennings, h. s., jesus, jews, , , , jewish eugenics, jewish race, johnson, e. h., johnson, r. h., vi, johnstone, e. r., jones, e., jordan, d. s., , jordan, h. e., journal of heredity, , judaism, juke family, , , , k kafirs, kaiser of germany, kallikak family, kansas, , , kansas city, mo., kansas state agrigultural college, kechuka camp, kellogg, v., , , kelsey, c., kentucky, keys, f. m., fig. key, w. e., knopf, s. a., kornhauser, a. w., kuczynski, r. r., l laban, laitinen, t., , lamarck, j. b., lamarckian, lamarckian theory, lamarckism, late marriages, latent, lauck, w. j., laughlin, h. h., law, laws, eugenic, laws of heredity, lead, , , fig. league to enforce peace, lechoco, f., legal aspects, legislative aspects, leipzig, lethal chamber, lethal selection, levantines, lewin, g. r. l., lim, b., lincoln, a., , lincoln, t., lithuanians, living wage, loeb, j., lombroso, c., , london, , longevity, longfellow, h. e., lorenz, o., loscin and lascin, louisiana, , lunatics, lutz, f. e., fig. luzon, lynn, mass., m macedonia, macnicholl, t. a., , madonnas, magyars, , , maine, maine, university of, mairet, maize, malaria, malayans, mall, bean &, malone, widow, malthus, , , , mamelukes, management, manchester, mann, mrs. horace, marks, school, marriage laws, marriage rate, marshall, gov. thomas r., martha's vineyard, maryland, massachusetts, , , , , , , , mass. agricultural college, mass. state prison, maternal impression, maternity, mayo, m. j., mean american man, mechanism of inheritance, mecklin, j. m., , , medical colleges, mediterranean, , mediterranean race, , melting pot, , mendel, g., mendelian units, mendelism, , mendelism, essence of, mendelssohn, f. b., mental capacities, inheritance of, mental measurements, mesocephalic heads, mestizos, methodist clergymen, methods of restriction, metis, spanish, meyerbeer, g., mice, michigan, , middle atlantic states, middletown, conn., military celibacy, miller, k., mill, j. s., , milton, j., minimum wage, minnesota, , miscegenation, , missouri, , modesty, modification of the germ-plasm, mohammed, money, monogamy, , moody, l., moral equivalent of war, moral perverts, moravians, mores, , morgan, a., morgan, t. h., , , mormon church, moron, mothers' pensions, , mother's age, influence of, motivated ethics, mountain states, mount holyoke college, , movement, eugenic, mozambique, mulatto, muller, h. j., , fig. multiple factors, muncey, e. b., murphey, h. d., music, mutation, mutilations, myopia, , mcdonald, a., n nam family, , naples, napoleon, , , nashville, tenn., nasmyth, g., national army, national association for the advancement of colored people, , national committee for mental hygiene, native whites, natural inheritance, natural selection, nature, nearing, s., nebraska, negroes, , negro women, nevada, , , new england, , , , , , new hampshire, new haven, conn., new jersey, , , new mexico, newport news, va., newsholme a., , new york, , , , , , , , , new world, nice, , nicolin, night-blindness, , nilsson-ehle, h., nobility, nordic, nordic race, , , normal curve, normal school girls, norman conquest, normandy, north carolina, north dakota, north european, north italians, northern united states, norway, norwich, conn., novikov, j., nucleus, nurture, o oberlin college, occupation, diseases of, odin, a., ohio, ohio state university, oklahoma, , oliver, t., oregon, organization of industry, oriental immigration, origin of eugenics, orthodactyly, , , , ovarian transplantation, ovize, p pacific, paget parish, bermuda, paine, j. h., figs. , paraguay, parents of great men, paris, , parker, g., parole, partial segregation, past performance, passing of the great race, pasteur, l., , patent, definition of, paternity, paul, c., paupers, , pearl, r., , , , pearson, k., , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , pedagogical celibacy, peerage, pennsylvania, , , , pennsylvania dutch, pennsylvania, feeble-minded citizens of, pennsylvania, university of, penrose, c. a., perrin, percy, h., fig. perry, s. j., persians, perversion, pessimism, peters, i. l., phi beta kappa, , philanthropy, philippine islands, philippines, phillips, b. a., phillips, j. c., , , phthisis, physical care of the infant, physical culture, physico-chemical effects, piang, datto, piebaldism, , , fig. pike, f. h., pikipitanges, pilgrim fathers, piney folk, pitcairn islanders, pittsburgh, pittsburgh, university of, pituitary gland, plato, ploetz, a., , , , , plymouth, england, poisons, racial, , , , fig. poles, , , polygamy, polynesians, , pope, e. g., popenoe, c. h., popenoe, p., vi, , , , , population, malthusian, portland, ore., portuguese, , possible improvement of the human breed, etc., poulton, e. b., powys, a. o., , pragmatic school, preferential mating, pre-natal care, pre-natal culture, pre-natal influence, pre-natal life, princeton college, probability curve, , , proctor fellowship, production, professional classes, professor's families, progressive changes, prohibited degrees of marriage, prohibition, propaganda, eugenic, prophylaxis, prostitution, protestant christianity, protoplasm, prussia, , pseudo-celibacy, psychiatry, psychopathic inferiority, ptolemies, public charities association, punishment, punitive purpose, puritan, pyle, w. h., q quadruplets, fig. i quaker families, , quakers, english, r rabaud, e., rabbits, race betterment conference, first, race suicide, racial poisons, , , , , fig. radot, r. v., rapists, recessive, , reconstruction period, redfield, c. l., , , , refraction, regression, , reid, g. a., , , religion and eugenics, remote ancestors, research fellowship, reserve, restriction, methods of, restrictive eugenics, , retrogression, revolutionary war, reward and punishment, rhode island, rice, j. m., richmond, va., riis, j., roman catholic church, roman republic, rome custodial asylum, roosevelt, t., ross, e. a., x, roumanians, , , round-headed type, rousseau, j. j., royal families, , , , rubin, von gruber and, ruskin, russell sage foundation, russia, , , russian jews, russians, , , , russo-hebrew, russo-japanese war, ruthenians, s sacerdotal celibacy, st. louis, st. paul, public schools of, salpingectomy, san domingo, save the babies propaganda, , saxon, scandinavia, scandinavian, schönberg, berlin, school acquaintance, schuster, e., , , scope of eugenics, scotch, , scotland, scrub, seashore, c. e., segregation, , , , selection, selection, natural, selective conscription, self-repression, sewall, s. e., sex determination, sex equality, sex ethics, sex histories, sex hygiene movement, sex hygienists, sex-limited, sex-linked, sex-linked characters, sexual perverts, sexual selection, , , , , sexual variety, shepherd's purse, shinn, m. w., short-fingerness, shorthorn cattle, short-sightedness, shull, g. h., sibs, sidis, b., simpson, q. v., fig. single tax, sing sing, sixty family, slavs, , smith's island, smith, m. r., , snow, e. c., , social status, socialism, solvay institut, soma, somerset parish, bermuda, south atlantic, south carolina, south dakota, , south italians, south slavs, southern united states, , southwestern state normal school, spain, , spanish, spanish conquest, spanish wells, spartans, spencer, h., , , , , , , spermatozoa, spirochæte, sprague, r. j., , , , standards of education, stanford university, starch, d., state board of charities of new york, station for experimental evolution, sterilization, stetson, g. r., stevenson, r. l., , stiles, c. w., stockard, c. r., , , strong, a. c., stuart line, sturge, m. d., sturtevant, a. h., subordination of women, substitution tests, superficial characteristics, superior, marriage rate of, superiority of eldest, sweden, , swedes, switzerland, , , symphalangism, , fig. syphilis, syphilitics, syracuse university, syrians, , t taboo, , tail-male line, talent, hereditary, tarbell, i. m., tasmania, , taxation, taylor, j. h., figs. , telegony, ten commandments, tennessee, terman, l. m., teutonic, teutonic nations, texas, theism, theistic religion, theognis of megara, therapeutic, thirty years' war, thompson, j. a., , , thorndike, e. l., , , , , , , , threadworn, tobacco, , todde, c., trades unionism, training school of vineland, n. j., trait, transmissibility, tropical fevers, tropics, truro, tuberculosis, , , , turkey, turkish, turner, j. m. w., , turpitude, moral, twins, , figs. , u unfitness, unit-character, united states, , , , , , , u. s. public health service, university of london, university of pittsburgh, unlike, marriage of, uruguay, use and disuse, useful works of reference, utah, , uterine infection, v vagrants, variation, variate difference correlation, vasectomy, vassar college, vedder, e. b., veblen, t., venereal diseases, , venereal infection, vermont, vestigial, victor emmanuel, villard, o. g., vineland, n. j., vineyard, martha's, virginia, vision, vocational guidance, vocational training, voisin, volta bureau, w wales, , wallin, j. e. w., walter, h. e., war, warne, f. j., washington, , washington, d. c., , , , washington, g., washington seminary, weakness, matings involving, webb, s., wedgewood, e., weismann, a., , , , weldon, w. f. r., , wellesley college, , , , , wellesley scholarships, welsh, , west, b., west, j., west north central states, west south central states, west virginia, westergaard, h., wheat, whetham, w. c. d., , white slavery, whitman, c. o., who's who, willcox, w. f., williams, w., william the conqueror, william of occam, william of orange, william the silent, wilson, j. a., wilson, w., wisconsin, , wisconsin, university of, , , woman suffrage, woman's colleges, woods, a. w., woods, e. b., , woods, f. a., , , , , , , , , , wright, l. e., wright, s., vi., y yale college, , , yerkes, r. m., , young men's christian association, , , young peoples society of christian endeavor, young women's christian association, yule, g. u., z zero family, zygote, , zymotic, zulus, * * * * * footnotes [ ] see woods, frederick adams, "laws of diminishing environmental influences," _popular science monthly_, april, , pp. - ; huxley, j. s., _the individual in the animal kingdom_, cambridge and new york, . pike, f. h., and scott, e. l., "the significance of certain internal conditions of the organism in organic evolution," _american naturalist_, vol. xlix, pp. - , june, . [ ] there is one line of experiment which is simple and striking enough to deserve mention--namely, ovarian transplantation. a description of this is given in appendix a. [ ] galton, francis, _inquiries into human faculty_, edition, pp. - . this volume of galton's, which was first published in , has been reissued in everyman's library, and should be read by all eugenists. [ ] what is said here refers to positive correlations, which are the only kind involved in this problem. correlations may also be negative, lying between and - ; for instance, if we measured the correlation between a man's lack of appetite and the time that had elapsed since his last meal, we would have to express it by a negative fraction, the minus sign showing that the greater his satiety, the less would be the time since his repast. the best introduction to correlations is elderton's _primer of statistics_ (london, ). [ ] dr. thorndike's careful measurements showed that it is impossible to draw a hard and fast line between identical twins and ordinary twins. there is no question as to the existence of the two kinds, but the ordinary twins may happen to be so nearly alike as to resemble identical twins. accordingly, mere appearance is not a safe criterion of the identity of twins. his researches were published in the _archives of philosophy, psychology and scientific methods_, no. , new york, . [ ] _a first study of the inheritance of vision and the relative influence of heredity and environment on sight._ by amy barrington and karl pearson. eugenics laboratory (london), memoir series v. [ ] dr. james alexander wilson, assistant surgeon of the opthalmic institute, glasgow, published an analysis of , cases of myopia in the _british medical journal_, p. , august , . his methods are not above criticism, and too much importance should not be attached to his results, which show that in % of the cases heredity can be credited with the myopia of the patient. in % of the cases it was due to inflammation of the cornea (keratitis) while in the remaining % no hereditary influence could be proved, but various reasons made him feel certain that in many cases it existed. the distribution of myopia by trades and professions among his patients is suggestive: % of the cases among school children showed myopic heredity; % among housewives and domestic servants; % among shop and factory works; % among clerks and typists; % among laborers and miners. if environment really played an active part, one would not expect to find this similarity in percentages between laborers and clerks, between housewives and schoolteachers, etc. [ ] _the influence of unfavourable home environment and defective physique on the intelligence of school children._ by david heron. eugenics laboratory (london), memoir series no. viii. [ ] _hereditary genius; an inquiry into its laws and consequences._ london, . [ ] woods, frederick adams, "heredity and the hall of fame," _popular science monthly_, may, . [ ] woods, frederick adams, _mental and moral heredity in royalty_, new york, . see also "sovereigns and the supposed influence of opportunity," _science_, n. s., xxxix, no. , pp. - , june , , where dr. woods answers some criticisms of his work. [ ] _educational psychology_, vol. iii, p. . starch's results are also quoted from thorndike. [ ] jean baptiste lamarck, a french naturalist, born in , was one of the pioneers in the philosophical study of evolution. the theory (published in ) for which he is best known is as follows: "changes in the animal's surroundings are responded to by changes in its habits." "any particular habit involves the regular use of some organs and the disuse of others. those organs which are used will be developed and strengthened, those not used diminished and weakened, and the changes so produced will be transmitted to the offspring, and thus progressive development of particular organs will go on from generation to generation." his classical example is the neck of the giraffe, which he supposes to be long because, for generation after generation, the animals stretched their necks in order to get the highest leaves from the trees. [ ] boas, f., _changes in body form of descendants of immigrants_, . [ ] _civilization and climate._ by ellsworth huntington, yale university press, . [ ] _american naturalist_, l., pp. - , - , feb. and mar., . [ ] _proc. am. philos. soc._ lv, pp. - , . [ ] dr. reid is the author who has most effectively called attention to this relation between alcohol and natural selection. those interested will find a full treatment in his books, _the present evolution of man_, _the laws of heredity_, and _the principles of heredity_. [ ] _principles of psychology_, ii, p. . [ ] leon j. cole points out that this may be due in considerable part to less voluntary restriction of offspring on the part of those who are often under the influence of alcohol. [ ] for a review of the statistical problems involved, see karl pearson. an attempt to correct some of the misstatements made by sir victor horsley, f. r. s., f. r. c. s., and mary d. sturge, m. d., in their criticisms of the galton laboratory memoir: _first study of the influence of parental alcoholism_, etc.; and professor pearson's various popular lectures, also _a second study of the influence of parental alcoholism on the physique and intelligence of offspring_. by karl pearson and ethel m. elderton. eugenics laboratory memoir series xiii. [ ] _a first study of the influence of parental alcoholism on the physique and intelligence of offspring._ by ethel m. elderton and karl pearson. eugenics laboratory memoir series x. harald westergaard, who reëxamined the elderton-pearson data, concludes that considerable importance is to be attached to the selective action of alcohol, the weaklings in the alcoholic families having been weeded out early in life. [ ] prohibition would have some _indirect_ eugenic effects, which will be discussed in chapter xviii. [ ] chapter xxx, verses - . a knowledge of the pedigree of laban's cattle would undoubtedly explain where the stripes came from. it is interesting to note how this idea persists: a correspondent has recently sent an account of seven striped lambs born after their mothers had seen a striped skunk. the actual explanation is doubtless that suggested by heller in the _journal of heredity_, vi, (october, ), that a stripe is part of the ancestral coat pattern of the sheep, and appears from time to time because of reversion. [ ] such a skin affection, known as icthyosis, xerosis or xeroderma, is usually due to heredity. davenport says it "is especially apt to be found in families in which consanguineous marriages occur and this fact, together with the pedigrees [which he studied], suggests that it is due to the absence of some factor that controls the process of cornification of the skin. on this hypothesis a normal person who belongs to an affected family may marry into a normal family with impunity, but cousin marriages are to be avoided." see davenport, c. b., _heredity in relation to eugenics_, p. . new york, . [ ] its eugenics is to be effected through the mental exertion of mothers. and we have lately been in correspondence with a western attorney who is endeavoring to form an association of persons who will agree to be the parents of "willed" children. by this means, he has calculated (and sends a chart to prove it) that it will require only four generations to produce the superman. [ ] _life and letters of charles darwin_, vol. i, p. , new york, . the letter is dated . [ ] goddard, h. h., _feeble-mindedness_, p. . new york, the macmillan company, . [ ] for a review of the evidence consult an article on "telegony" by dr. etienne rabaud in the _journal of heredity_, vol. v, no. , pp. - ; september, . [ ] it will be recalled that the coefficient of correlation measures the resemblance between two variables on a scale between and- or + . if the correlation is zero, there is no constant relation; if it is unity, any change in one must result in a determinate change in the other; if it is . , it means that when one of the variables deviates from the mean of its class by a given amount, the other variable will deviate from the mean of its class by % of that amount (each deviation being measured in terms of the variability of its own class, in order that they may be properly comparable.) [ ] sidis, boris, m.a., ph.d., m.d., "neurosis and eugenics," _medical review of_ _reviews_, vol. xxi, no. , pp. - , new york, october, . a psychologist who writes of "some miraculous germ-plasm (chromatin) with wonderful dominant 'units' (chromosomes)" is hardly a competent critic of the facts of heredity. [ ] in a letter to the _journal of heredity_, under date of august , . [ ] galton, francis, _inquiries into human faculty_, p. , london, . [ ] woods, frederick adams, _heredity in royalty_, new york, . [ ] _op. cit._, pp. - . [ ] thorndike, e. l., "measurements of twins," _arch. of philos., psych. and sci. methods_, no. , new york, ; summarized in his _educational psychology_, vol. iii, pp. - , new york, . measured on a scale where = identity, he found that twins showed a resemblance to each other of about . , while ordinary brothers of about the same age resembled each other to the extent of about . only. the resemblance was approximately the same in both physical and mental traits. [ ] the quotations in this and the following paragraph are from _thorndike's educational psychology_, pp. - , vol. iii. [ ] _biometrika_, vol. iii, p. . [ ] "william of occam's razor" is the canon of logic which declares that it is unwise to seek for several causes of an effect, if a single cause is adequate to account for it. [ ] schuster, edgar, _eugenics_, pp. - , london, . [ ] _educational psychology_ ( ), vol. iii, p. . [ ] cobb, margaret v., _journal of educational psychology_, viii, pp. - , jan., . [ ] this is not true of the small english school of biometrists, founded by sir francis galton, w. f. r. weldon and karl pearson, and now led by the latter. it has throughout denied or minified mendelian results, and depended on the treatment of inheritance by a study of correlations. with the progress of mendelian research, biometric methods must be supplemented with pedigree studies. in human heredity, on the other hand, because of the great difficulties attendant upon an application of mendelian methods, the biometric mode of attack is still the most useful, and has been largely used in the present book. it has been often supposed that the methods of the two schools (biometry and mendelism) are antagonistic. they are rather supplementary, each being valuable in cases where the other is less applicable. see pearl, raymond, _modes of research in genetics_, p. , new york, [ ] few people realize what large numbers of plants and animals have been bred for experimental purposes during the last decade; w. e. castle of bussey institution, forest hills, mass., has bred not less than , rats. in the study of a single character, the endosperm of maize, nearly , pedigreed seeds have been examined by different students. workers at the university of california have tabulated more than , measurements on flower size alone, in tobacco hybrids. t. h. morgan and his associates at columbia university have bred and studied more than half a million fruit flies, and j. arthur harris has handled more than , bean-plants at the carnegie institution's station for experimental evolution, cold spring harbor, l. i. while facts of human heredity, and of inheritance in large mammals generally, are often grounded on scanty evidence, it must not be thought that the fundamental generalizations of heredity are based on insufficient data. [ ] for a brief account of mendelism, see appendix d. [ ] of course these factors are not of equal importance; some of them produce large changes and some, as far as can be told, are of minor significance. the factors, moreover, undergo large changes from time to time, thus producing mutations; and it is probable small changes as well, the evidence for which requires greater refinements of method than is usual among those using the pedigree method. [ ] _a critique of the theory of evolution_, by thomas hunt morgan, professor of experimental zoölogy in columbia university. princeton university press, . this book gives the best popular account of the studies of heredity in drosophila. the advanced student will find _the mechanism of mendelian heredity_ (new york, ), by morgan, sturtevant, müller, and bridges, indispensable, but it is beyond the comprehension of most beginners. [ ] "on the inheritance of some characters in wheat," a. and g. howard, _mem. dep. of agr. india_, v: - , . this careful and important work has never received the recognition it deserves, apparently because few geneticists have seen it. while the multiple factors in wheat seem to be different, those reported by east and shull appear to be merely duplicates. [ ] "the nature of mendelian units." by g. n. collins, _journal of heredity_, v: ff., oct., . [ ] dr. castle, reviewing dr. goddard's work (_journal of abnormal psychology_, aug.-sept., ) concludes that feeble-mindedness is to be explained as a case of multiple allelomorphs. the evidence is inadequate to prove this, and proof would be, in fact, almost impossible, because of the difficulty of determining just what the segregation ratios are. [ ] in strict accuracy, the law of ancestral inheritance must be described as giving means of determining the probable deviation of any individual from the mean of his own generation, when the deviations of some or all of his ancestry from the types of their respective generations are known. it presupposes ( ) no assortative mating, ( ) no inbreeding and ( ) no selection. galton's own formula, which supposed that the parents contributed / , the grandparents / , the great-grandparents / , the next generation / , and so on, is of value now only historically, or to illustrate to a layman the fact that he inherits from his whole ancestry, not from his parents alone. [ ] johnson, roswell h., "the malthusian principle and natural selection," _american naturalist_, xlvi ( ), pp. - . [ ] karl pearson, _the groundwork of eugenics_, p. , london, . [ ] "let _p_ be the chance of death from a random, not a constitutional source, then -_p_ is the chance of a selective death in a parent and -_p_ again of a selective death in the case of an offspring, then ( -_p_)^ must equal about / , = . , more exactly 'therefore' -_p_ = . and _p_ = . . in other words, % of the deaths _are selective_." [ ] _archiv f. rassen-u. gesellschafts biologie_, vi ( ), pp. - . [ ] snow, e. c., _on the intensity of natural selection in man_, london, . [ ] _biometrika_, vol. x, pp. - , london, may, . [ ] pearson, karl, _tuberculosis, heredity and environment_, london, . among the most careful contributions to the problem of tuberculosis are those of charles goring (_on the inheritance of the diathesis of phthisis and insanity_, london, ), ernest g. pope (_a second study of the statistics of pulmonary tuberculosis_, london, dulau & co.), and w. p. elderton and s. j. perry (_a third study of the statistics of pulmonary tuberculosis. the mortality of the tuberculous and sanatorium treatment_), london, . see also our discussion in chapter i. [ ] while most physicians lay too great stress on the factor of infection, this mistake is by no means universal. maurice fishberg, for example (quoted in the _medical review of reviews_, xxii, , august, ) states: "for many years the writer was physician to a charitable society, having under his care annually to , consumptives who lived in poverty and want, in overcrowded tenements, having all opportunities to infect their consorts; in fact most of the consumptives shared their bed with their healthy consorts. still, very few cases were met with in which tuberculosis was found in both the husband and wife. widows, whose husbands died from phthisis, were only rarely seen to develop the disease." [ ] in th trans. of _american association for the study and prevention of tuberculosis_, p. . [ ] _geographical and historical pathology_ (new sydenham society, ), vol. iii, p. . [ ] reid, g. archdall, _the present evolution of man_, and _the laws of heredity_. [ ] _in the south seas,_ p. ; quoted by g. archdall reid, _the principles of heredity_ (new york, ), p. . dr. reid has discussed the rôle of disease and alcohol on the modern evolution of man more fully than any other writer. [ ] see, for example, john west's _history of tasmania_, vol. ii, launceston, tasmania, . [ ] see hollingworth, h. l., _vocational psychology_, p. , new york, . [ ] net increase here refers only to the first year of life, and was computed by deducting the deaths under one year, in a ward, from the number of births in the same ward for the same year. for details of this study of the pittsburgh vital statistics, see the _journal of heredity_, vol. viii, pp. - (april, ). [ ] quoted from newsholme and stevenson, _the decline of human fertility_, london, . [ ] heron, david, _on the relation of fertility in man to social status_, london, . the account is quoted from schuster, edgar, _eugenics_, pp. - , london, . [ ] _ztschft. f. sozialwissenschaft,_ vii ( ), pp. ff. [ ] two of the best known of these tribes are the "jukes" and "nams." "an analysis of the figures of the jukes in regard to the birth-rate shows that of a total of married juke women, reproduced one or more children and were barren. the average fecundity, counting those who are barren, is . children per female. the women having children have an average fecundity of . as compared with that of . , based on reproducing women in the nam family."--estabrook, a. h., _the jukes in _, p. , washington, carnegie institution, . [ ] woods, frederick adams, _heredity in royalty_, new york, . [ ] beeton, miss m., yule, g.u., and pearson, karl, _on the correlation between duration of life and the number of offspring_, proc. r. s. london, ( ), pp. - . the material consisted of english and american quaker families. dr. bell's work is based on old american families, and has not yet been published. [ ] the entire field of race betterment and social improvement is divided between _eugenics_, which considers only germinal or heritable changes in the race; and _euthenics_, which deals with improvement in the individual, and in his environment. of course, no sharp line can be drawn between the two spheres, each one having many indirect effects on the other. it is important to note, however, that any change in the individual during his prenatal life is euthenic, not eugenic. therefore, contrary to the popular idea of the case, the "better babies" movement, the agitation for proper care of expectant mothers, and the like, are not _directly_ a part of eugenics. the moment of conception is the point at which eugenics gives place to euthenics. eugenics is therefore the _fundamental_ method of human progress, euthenics the _secondary_ one; their relations will be further considered in the last chapter of this book. [ ] the clan has now reached its ninth generation and its present status has been exhaustively studied by a. h. estabrook (_the jukes in _: carnegie institution of washington, ). he enumerates , individuals, of whom half are still living. in the early 's they left their original home and are now scattered all over the country. the change in environment has enabled some of them to rise to a higher level, but on the whole, says c. b. davenport in a preface to estabrook's book, they "still show the same feeble-mindedness, indolence, licentiousness and dishonesty, even when not handicapped by the associations of their bad family name and despite the fact of being surrounded by better social conditions." estabrook says the clan might have been exterminated by preventing the reproduction of its members, and that the nation would thereby have saved about $ , , . it is interesting to note that "out of approximately living feeble-minded and epileptic jukes, there are only three now in custodial care." [ ] key, dr. wilhelmina e., _feeble-minded citizens in pennsylvania_, pp. , , philadelphia, public charities assn., . [ ] the most recent extensive study of this point is a. h. estabrook's _the jukes in _ (carnegie institution of washington, ). the jukes migrated from their original home, in the mountains of new york, a generation ago, and are now scattered all over the country. estabrook tried to learn, at first hand, whether they had improved as the result of new environments, and free from the handicap of their name, which for their new neighbors had no bad associations. in general, his findings seem to warrant the conclusion that a changed environment in itself was of little benefit. such improvement as occurred in the tribe was rather due to marriage with better stock; marriages of this kind were made more possible by the new environment, but the tendency to assortative mating restricted them. it is further to be noted that while such marriages may be good for the juke family, they are bad for the nation as a whole, because they tend to scatter anti-social traits. [ ] key, _op. cit._, p. . [ ] figures furnished (september, ) by the national committee for mental hygiene, union square, new york city. [ ] this applies even to such an acute thinker as john stuart mill, whose ideas were formed in the pre-darwinian epoch, and whose works must now be accepted with great reserve. darwin was quite right in saying, "the ignoring of all transmitted mental qualities will, as it seems to me, be hereafter judged as a most serious blemish in the works of mr. mill." (_descent of man_, p. _ _.) a quotation from the _principles of political economy_ (vol. , p. ) will give an idea of mr. mill's point of view: "of all the vulgar methods of escaping from the effects of social and moral influences on the mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing diversities of conduct and character to inherent natural differences"! [ ] _feeble-mindedness, its causes and consequences._ by h. h. goddard, director of the research laboratory of the training school at vineland, new jersey, for feeble-minded boys and girls. new york, the macmillan co., . [ ] probably the word now covers a congeries of defects, some of which may be non-germinal. epilepsy is so very generally found associated with various other congenital defects, that action should not be delayed. [ ] goddard, h. h., _feeble-mindedness_, pp. - . [ ] see the recent studies of c. b. davenport, particularly _the feebly inhibited_, washington, carnegie institution, . [ ] in this connection diagnosis is naturally of the utmost importance. the recent action of chicago, new york, boston, and other cities, in establishing psychological clinics for the examination of offenders is a great step in advance. these clinics should be attached to the police department, as in new york, not merely to the courts, and should pass on offenders before, not after, trial and commitment. [ ] as a result of psychiatric study of the inmates of sing sing in , it was said that two-thirds of them showed some mental defect. examination of convicts selected at random in the massachusetts state prison showed that % were feeble-minded and % borderline cases. the highest percentage of mental defectives was found among criminals serving sentence for murder in the second degree, manslaughter, burglary and robbery. (rossy, c. s., in _state board of insanity bull._, boston, nov., ). paul m. bowers told the meeting of the american prison association of his study of recidivists, each of whom had been convicted not fewer than four times. of these were insane, feeble-minded and epileptic, and in each case dr. bowers said the mental defect bore a direct causal relation to the crime committed. such studies argue for the need of a little elementary biology in the administration of justice. [ ] for a sane and cautious discussion of the subject see wallin, j. e. w., "a program for the state care of the feeble-minded and epileptic," _school and society_, iv, pp. - , new york, nov. , . [ ] johnstone, e. r., "waste land plus waste humanity," _training school bulletin_, xi, pp. - , vineland, n. j., june, . [ ] "report of the committee on the sterilization of criminals," _journal of the institute of criminal law and criminology_, september, . of the operations mentioned, are said to have been performed on insane persons and one on a criminal. [ ] guyer, m. f., wisconsin eugenics legislation. trans. amer. asso. study and prevention of infant mortality, , pp. - . [ ] eugenics record office, bulletin no. a, _the scope of the committee's work_, cold spring harbor, l. i., feb., ; no. b, _the legal, legislative and administrative aspects of sterilization_, same date. [ ] eugenics record office bulletin no. : _state laws limiting marriage selection examined in the light of eugenics_. cold spring harbor, l. i., june, . [ ] penrose, clement a., _sanitary conditions in the bahama islands_, geographical society of baltimore, . [ ] see von. gruber and rüdin, _fortpflanzung, vererbung, rassenhygiene_, p. , münchen, . [ ] davenport, charles b., _heredity in relation to eugenics_, pp. ff., new york, . [ ] harris, j. arthur, "assortative mating in man," _popular science monthly_, lxxx, pp. - , may, . the most important studies on the subject are cited by dr. harris. [ ] an interesting and critical treatment of sexual selection is given by vernon l. kellogg in _darwinism to-day_, pp. - (new york, ). darwin's own discussion (_the descent of man_) is still very well worth reading, if the reader is on his guard. the best general treatment of the theory of sexual selection, especially as it applies to man, is in chapter xi of karl pearson's _grammar of science_ ( d ed., london, ). [ ] diffloth, paul, _le fin de l'enigme_, paris, . [ ] the best popular yet scientific treatment of the subject we have seen is _the dynamic of manhood_, a book recently written by luther h. gulick for the young men's christian association (new york, the association press, ). [ ] the sympathy which we mentioned as the beginning of the hypothetical love affair does lead to a partial identity of will, it is true; but there is often too little in common between the man and woman to make this identity at all complete. as karl pearson points out, it is almost essential to a successful marriage that two people have sympathy with each other's aims and a considerable degree of similarity in habits. if such a bond is lacking, the bond of sympathy aroused by some trivial circumstance will not be sufficient to keep the marriage from shipwreck. the occasional altruism of young men who marry inferior girls because they "feel sorry for them" is not praiseworthy. [ ] ellis, havelock, _the task of social hygiene_, pp. - , boston, houghton mifflin co., . [ ] g. stanley hall (_adolescence_, ii, ) found the following points, in order, specified as most admired in the other sex by young men and women in their teens: eyes, hair, stature and size, feet, eyebrows, complexion, cheeks, form of head, throat, ears, chin, hands, neck, nose. the voice was highly specialized and much preferred. the principal dislikes, in order, were: prominent or deep-set eyes, fullness of neck, ears that stand out, eyebrows that meet, broad and long feet, high cheek-bones, light eyes, large nose, small stature, long neck or teeth, bushy brows, pimples, red hair. an interesting study of some of the trivial traits of manner which may be handicaps in sexual selection is published by iva lowther peters in the _pedagogical seminary_, xxiii, no. , pp. - , dec., . [ ] it has been suggested that the same goal would be reached if a young man before marriage would take out a life insurance policy in the name of his bride. the suggestion has many good points. [ ] the correlation between fecundity and longevity which karl pearson has demonstrated gives longevity another great advantage as a standard in sexual selection. see _proc. royal soc. london_, vol. , p. . [ ] it is objected that if the long-lived marry each other, the short-lived will also marry each other and thus the race will gain no more than it loses. the reply to this is that the short-lived will marry in fewer numbers, as some of them die prematurely; that they will have fewer children; and that these children in turn will tend to die young. thus the short-lived strains will gradually run out, while the long-lived strains are disseminated. [ ] hankins, f. h., "the declining birth-rate," _journal of heredity_, v, pp. - , august, . [ ] smith, mary roberts, "statistics of college and non-college women," quarterly pubs. of the _american statistical assn._, vii, p. ff., . [ ] "statistics of eminent women," _pop. sci. mo._, june, . [ ] "marriage of college women," _century magazine_, oct., . [ ] blumer, j. o., in _journal of heredity_, viii, p. , may, . [ ] the statistics of this and the following middle west universities were presented by paul popenoe in the _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - . [ ] _harvard graduates' magazine_, xxv, no. , pp. - , september, . [ ] popenoe, paul, "stanford's marriage-rate," _journal of heredity_, viii, p. - . [ ] banker, howard j., "co-education and eugenics," _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - , may, . [ ] _eugenics: twelve university lectures_, p. , new york, . [ ] cf. gould, miriam c., "the psychological influence upon adolescent girls of the knowledge of prostitution and venereal disease," _social hygiene_, vol. ii, pp. - , april, . this interesting and important study of the reactions of girls reveals that present methods or indifference to the need of reasonable methods of teaching sex-hygiene are responsible for "a large percentage of harmful results, such as conditions bordering on neurasthenia, melancholia, pessimism and sex antagonism." [ ] gallichan, walter m., _the great unmarried_, new york, . [ ] sprague, robert j., "education and race suicide," _journal of heredity_, vol. vi, pp. ff., april, . many of the statistics of women's colleges, cited in the first part of this chapter, are from dr. sprague's paper. [ ] odin calculated that % of the eminent men of france had at least one relative who was in some way eminent; that % of the men of real talent had such relation; and that among the geniuses the percentage rose to . there are thus two chances out of five that a man of genius will have an eminent relative; for a man picked at random from the population the chance is one in several thousand. see odin, a., _la genése des grands hommes_, vol. i, p. and vol. ii, tableau xii, lausanne, . [ ] crum, frederick s., "the decadence of the native american stock," _quarterly pubs. am. statistical assn._, xiv, n. s. , pp. - , sept., . [ ] kuczynski, r. r., _quarterly journ. of economics_, nov. , and feb., . [ ] nearing, scott, "the younger generation of american genius," _the scientific monthly_, ii, pp. - , jan., . "geographical distribution of american genius," _popular science monthly_, ii, august, . [ ] in the chapter on sexual selection it was shown that the normal school girls who stood highest in their classes married earliest. this may seem a contradiction of the wellesley marriage rates in this table. the explanation probably is that while mental superiority is itself attractive in a mate, there are interferences built up in the collegiate life. [ ] banker, howard j., "co-education and eugenics," _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - , may, . [ ] hill, joseph a., "comparative fecundity of women of native and foreign parentage," _quarterly pubs. amer. statistical assn._, xiii, - . [ ] see willcox, w. f., "fewer births and deaths: what do they mean?" _journal of heredity_, vii, pp. - , march, . [ ] the data are published in full by paul popenoe in the _journal of heredity_, october, . it must be noted that, in spite of their small salaries, the methodist clergymen marry earlier and have more children than do other men of equal education and social status, such as the harvard and yale graduates. this difference in marriage and birth-rate is doubtless to be credited in part to their inherent nature and in part to the action of religious idealism. it confirms the belief of eugenists that even under present economic circumstances the birth-rate of the superior classes might be raised appreciably by a campaign of eugenic education. [ ] for an official statement of the attitude of the birth-rate of the mormon church, see _journal of heredity_, vii, pp. - , oct., . [ ] mecklin, john m., _democracy and race friction, a study in social ethics_, new york, . p. . [ ] it would be more accurate to say the nordic race. other white races have not uniformly shown this discrimination. the mediterranean race in particular has never manifested the same amount of race feeling. the arabs have tended to receive the negro almost on terms of equality, partly on religious grounds; it seems probable that the decadence of the arabs is largely due to their miscegenation. [ ] mecklin, _op. cit._, p. . [ ] blascoer, frances, _colored school children in new york_, public education association of the city of new york, . the preface, from which the quotation is taken, is by eleanor hope johnson, chairman of the committee on hygiene of school children. [ ] mecklin, _op. cit._, p. . [ ] the negro's contribution has perhaps been most noteworthy in music. this does not necessarily show advanced evolution; august weismann long ago pointed out that music is a primitive accomplishment. for an outline of what the negro race has achieved, particularly in america, see the _negro year book_, tuskegee institute, ala. [ ] _social problems; their treatment, past, present and future_, p. , london, . [ ] stetson, g. r., "memory tests on black and white children," _psych. rev._, , p. . see also macdonald, a., in _rep. u. s. comm. of educ.,_ - . [ ] mayo, m. j., "the mental capacity of the american negro," _arch. of psych._, no. . [ ] phillips, b. a., "retardation in the elementary schools of philadelphia," _psych. clinic_, vi, pp. - ; "the binet tests applied to colored children," _ibid._, viii, pp. - . [ ] strong, a. c., _ped. sem._, xx, pp. - . [ ] pyle, w. h., "the mind of the negro child," _school and society_, i, pp. - . [ ] ferguson, g. o., jr., "the psychology of the negro," _arch. of psych._ no. , april, . [ ] though the negro is not assimilable, he is here to stay; he should therefore be helped to develop along his own lines. it is desirable not to subject him to too severe a competition with whites; yet such competition, acting as a stimulus, is probably responsible for part of his rapid progress during the last century, a progress which would not have been possible in a country where negroes competed only with each other. the best way to temper competition is by differentiation of function, but this principle should not be carried to the extent of pocketing the negro in blind-alley occupations where development is impossible. as mental tests show him to be less suited to literary education than are the whites, it seems likely that agriculture offers the best field for him. [ ] this letter, and much of the data regarding the legal status of negro-white amalgamation, are from an article by albert ernest jenks in the _am. journ. sociology_, xxi, , pp. - , march, . [ ] a recent readable account of the races of the world is madison grant's _the passing of the great race_ (new york, ). [ ] _the old world in the new._ by e. a. ross, professor of sociology in the university of wisconsin, new york, . [ ] cf. stevenson, robert louis, _the amateur emigrant_. [ ] interview with w. williams, former commissioner of immigration, in the _new york herald_, april , . [ ] of the total number of inmates of insane asylums of the entire u. s. of jan. , , . % were whites of foreign birth, and of the persons admitted to such institutions during the year , . % were of this class. of the total population of the united states in the foreign-born whites constituted . %. special report on the insane, census of (pub. ). [ ] _the tide of immigration._ by frank julian warne, special expert on foreign-born population, th u. s. census, new york, . [ ] _essays in social justice._ by thomas nixon carver, professor of political economy in harvard university, cambridge, . [ ] fairchild's and jenks' opinions are quoted from warne, chapter xvi. [ ] _america and the orient: a constructive policy_, by rev. sidney l. gulick, methodist book concern. the _american japanese problem: a study of the racial relations of the east and west_, new york, scribner's. [ ] _oriental immigration._ by w. c. billings, surgeon, u. s. public health service; chief medical officer, immigration service; angel island (san francisco), calif., _journal of heredity_, vol. vi ( ), pp. - . [ ] _assimilation in the philippines, etc._ by albert ernest jenks, professor of anthropology in the university of minnesota. _american journal of sociology_, vol. xix ( ), p. . [ ] students of the inheritance of mental and moral traits may be interested to note that while the ordinary chinese mestizo in the philippines is a man of probity, who has the high regard of his european business associates, the ilocanos, supposed descendants of pirates, are considered rather tricky and dishonest. [ ] an important study of this subject was published by professor vernon l. kellogg in _social hygiene_ (new york), dec, . [ ] nasmyth, george, _social progress and the darwinian theory_, p. , new york, . while his book is too partisan, his chapter iii is well worth reading by those who want to avoid the gross blunders which militarists and many biologists have made in applying darwinism to social progress; it is based on the work of professor j. novikov of the university of odessa. see also _headquarters nights_ by vernon kellogg. [ ] jordan, d. s., and jordan, h. e., _war's aftermath_, boston, . [ ] jordan, david starr, _war and the breed_, p. . boston, . chancellor jordan has long been the foremost exponent of the dysgenic significance of war, and this book gives an excellent summary of the problem from his point of view. [ ] see woods, frederick adams, and baltzly, alexander, _is war diminishing_? new york, . [ ] see an interesting series of five articles in _the american hebrew_, jan and feb., . [ ] _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - , june, . [ ] _the early life of abraham lincoln_, new york, . for the emancipator's maternal line see _nancy hanks_, by caroline hanks hitchcock. new york, . [ ] _the life of pasteur_ by his son-in-law, rené vallery radot, should be read by every student of biology. [ ] hollingworth, h. l., _vocational psychology_, pp. - , new york, . [ ] sir francis galton and c. b. davenport have called attention to the probable inheritance of artistic ability and lately h. drinkwater (_journal of genetics_, july, ), has attempted to prove that it is due to a mendelian unit. the evidence alleged is inadequate to prove that the trait is inherited in any particular way, but the pedigrees cited by these three investigators, and the boyhood histories of such artists as benjamin west, giotto, ruskin and turner, indicate that an hereditary basis exists. [ ] the difficulty about accepting such traits as this is that they are almost impossible of exact definition. the long teaching experience of mrs. evelyn fletcher-copp (_journal of heredity_, vii, - , july, ) suggests that any child of ordinary ability can and will compose music if properly taught, but of course in different degree. [ ] seashore, c. e., in _psychol. monogs,_ xiii, no. , pp. - , dec., . see also fletcher-copp, _ubi sup._ mrs. copp declares that the gift of "positive pitch" or "absolute pitch," i. e., the ability to name any sound that is heard, "may be acquired, speaking very conservatively, by % of normal children," if they begin at an early age. it may be that this discrepancy with seashore's careful laboratory tests is due to the fact that the pupils and teachers trained by mrs. copp are a selected lot, to start with. [ ] the contributions on this subject are very widely scattered through periodical literature. the most important is karl pearson's memoir ( ), reviewed in the _journal of heredity_, vi, pp. - , july, . see also gini, corrado, "the superiority of the eldest," _journal of heredity_, vi, - , jan., . [ ] _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - , july, . [ ] _biometrika_, iv, pp. - , london, . [ ] see, for example, _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - , september, . a large body of evidence from european sources, bearing on the relation between various characters of the offspring, and the age of the parents, was brought together by corrado gini in vol. ii, _problems in eugenics_ (london, ). [ ] davenport, charles b., "the personality, heredity and work of charles otis whitman," _american naturalist_, li, pp. - , jan., . [ ] gillette, john m., _constructive rural sociology_, p. , new york, . [ ] cook, o. f., "eugenics and agriculture," _journal of heredity_, vii, pp. - , june, . [ ] gillette, john m., "a study in social dynamics: a statistical determination of the rate of natural increase and of the factors accounting for the increase of population in the united states," _quarterly publications of the american statistical association,_ n. s. , vol. xv, pp. - , december, . [ ] the popular demand for "equality of opportunity" is, if taken literally, absurd, in the light of the provable inequality of abilities. what is wanted is more correctly defined as an equal consideration of all with an _appropriate_ opportunity for each based on his demonstrated capacities. [ ] _essays in social justice._ by thomas nixon carver, harvard university press, , pp. - . [ ] answering the question "how much is a man worth?" professor carver states the following axioms: "the value of a man equals his production minus his consumption." "his economic success equals his acquisition minus his consumption." "when his acquisition equals his production then his economic success equals his value." "it is the duty of the state to make each man's acquisition equal his production. that is justice." of course, "production" is here used in a broad sense, to mean the real social value of the services rendered, and not merely the present exchange value of the services, or the goods produced. [ ] kornhauser, a. w., "economic standing of parents and the intelligence of their children," _jour. of educ. psychology_, vol. ix., pp. - , march, . [ ] the coefficient of contingency is similar in significance to the coefficient of correlation, with which readers have already become familiar. miss perrin's study is in _biometrika_, iii ( ), pp. - . [ ] "the social waste of unguided personal ability." by erville b. woods, _american journal of sociology_, xix ( ), pp. - . [ ] see also "eugenics: with special reference to intellect and character," by e. l. thorndike. in _eugenics: twelve university lectures_, pp. - , new york, . [ ] see u. s. department of labor, children's bureau publication, no. , "laws relating to mothers' pensions in the united states, denmark and new zealand," washington, . [ ] _american journal of sociology_, vol. xx, no. , pp. - , july, . [ ] according to captain (now lt. col.) e. b. vedder of the medical corps, u. s. a., % of the negroes of the class applying for enlistment in the army are syphilitic. he believes that the amount of infection among negro women is about the same. (_therapeutic gazette_, may , .) venereal disease must, then, play a much more important part than is generally supposed, in cutting down the birth-rate of the negro race, but it would of course be a mistake to suppose that an abnormally low birth-rate among negroes is always to be explained on this ground. professor kelly miller points out (_scientific monthly_, june, ) that the birth-rate among college professors at howard university, the leading negro institution for higher education, is only . of a child and that the completed families will hardly have more than two children. he attributes this to ( ) the long period of education required of negro "intellectuals", ( ) the high standard of living required of them, and ( ) the unwillingness of some of them to bring children into the world, because of the feeling that these children would suffer from race prejudice. [ ] one can not draw a hard and fast distinction between reason and instinct in this way, nor deny to animals all ability to reason. we have simplified the case to make it more graphic. the fact that higher animals may have mental processes corresponding to some of those we call reason in man does not impair the validity of our generalization, for the present purpose. [ ] see _jewish eugenics and other essays_, by rabbi max reichler, new york, bloch publishing co., . [ ] dublin, louis i., "significance of the declining birth rate," _congressional record_, jan. , . [ ] at the request of alexander graham bell, founder and director of the genealogical record office, paul popenoe made an examination and report on these records in the fall of . thanks are due to dr. bell for permitting the use in this chapter of two portions of the investigation. [ ] beeton, mary, and karl pearson, _biometrika_ i, p. . the actual correlation varies with the age and sex: the following are the results: collateral inheritance elder adult brother and younger adult brother . ± . adult brother and adult brother . ± . minor brother and minor brother . ± . adult brother and minor brother -. ± . elder adult sister and younger adult sister . ± . adult sister and adult sister . ± . minor sister and minor sister . ± . adult sister and minor sister -. ± . adult brother and adult sister . ± . minor brother and minor sister . ± . adult brother and minor sister -. ± . adult sister and minor brother -. ± . [ ] the method used is the ingenious one devised by j. arthur harris (_biometrika_ ix, p. ). the probable error is based on n= . [ ] a. ploetz, "lebensdauer der eltern und kindersterblichkeit," _archiv für rassen-u gesellschafts-biologie_, vi ( ), pp. - . [ ] or it may be supposed that the environment is so good as to make a non-selective death less likely, and therefore such deaths as do occur must more frequently be selective. [ ] hibbs, henry h., jr., _infant mortality: its relation to social and industrial conditions_, new york, . [ ] see castle, w. e., _heredity_, pp. - , new york, . [ ] doll, e. a., "education and inheritance," _journal of education_, feb. , . [ ] atwater's celebrated experiments proved that all the energy (food) which goes into an animal can be accounted for in the output of heat or work. they are conveniently summarized in abderhalden's _text-book of physiological chemistry_, p. . [ ] in this connection see farther raymond pearl's review of mr. redfield's "dynamic evolution" (_journal of heredity_) vi, p. , and paul popenoe's review, "the parents of great men," _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. - . [ ] see dr. hrdlicka's communication to the xixth international congress of americanists, dec. , (the proceedings were published at washington, in march, ); or an account in the _journal of heredity_, viii, pp. ff., march, . [ ] cf. grant, madison, _the passing of the great race_p. (new york, ): "one often hears the statement made that native americans of colonial ancestry are of mixed ethnic origin. this is not true. at the time of the revolutionary war the settlers in the colonies were not only purely nordic, but also purely teutonic, a very large majority being anglo-saxon in the most limited meaning of that term. the new england settlers in particular came from those counties in england where the blood was almost purely saxon, anglian, and dane." [ ] comprising armenians, croatians, english, greeks, russian jews, irish, south italians, north italians, magyars, poles, rumanians and russians, individuals in all. [ ] english data from k. pearson, _biometrika_ v, p. . [ ] pearson (_ubi supra_) measured -year-old english school children, and found the average cephalic index for boys to be . , with [greek: s] = . , for girls . , with [greek: s] = . . it is not proper to compare adolescents with adults, however. [ ] sewall wright has pointed out (_journal of heredity_, viii, p. ) that the white blaze in the hair can not be finally classed as dominant or recessive until the progeny of _two_ affected persons have been seen. all matings so far studied have been between an affected person and a normal. it may be that the white blaze (or piebaldism) represents merely a heterozygous condition, and that the trait is really a recessive. the same argument applies to brachydactyly. * * * * * the following pages contain advertisements of a few of the macmillan books on kindred subjects. ~comparative free government~ by jesse macy professor emeritus of political science and john w. gannaway professor of political science in grinnell college _cloth, vo, $ . _ the united states is made the basis for this study because it has been in fact the pioneer in securing world recognition for free government, and it is the originator of the presidential type. the first part of "comparative free government" is devoted to a somewhat detailed description of the organization and processes of government in the united states, together with a brief comparative study of selected south american republics. the second part is devoted chiefly to a study of the cabinet type. england is given first place as the originator of the system. the object of the book is to throw light upon the growth and perfection of free government in all states rather than to make a general comparison of governmental institutions. it is particularly adapted to use as a text in college courses. * * * * * ~problems of child welfare~ by george b. mangold, ph.d. director of the school of social economy of washington university _cloth, vo, $ . _ although this book is designed especially for use as a text in college courses on philanthropy, it will also appeal to that growing class of men and women who in a systematic way are endeavoring to acquaint themselves with the various aspects of practical sociology. much of the constructive philanthropy of to-day must deal directly with the child, the improvement of his conditions being the direct objective. those problems which affect children in an indirect way, whether in the field of remedial or preventive philanthropy, are not treated. under each separate problem are discussed the causes and conditions, the machinery of social betterment, and the plans and programme of improvement. * * * * * social science text-books edited by richard t. ely * * * * * ~history of economic thought~ a critical account of the origin and development of the economic theories of the leading thinkers and the leading nations. by lewis h. haney _cloth, xvii + pp., vo, $ . _ "dr. haney's work is both complete and exhaustive without being discursive. we shall look far before finding anything of its kind so satisfying."--_the argonaut._ "this valuable precis of the world's economic wisdom serves not only as a trustworthy text-book, but also as an authoritative denotement of old economic landmarks. in the light it casts on bygone commercial and political conditions, the rapid progress and impulsive changes in present-day methods of trade and legislation become clearly outlined and intelligible."--_american, philadelphia._ "the present volume is of suitable compass, and the treatment is such as to make it satisfactory as a text-book."--_the nation._ "the book should be of value to english readers and students of economics, for unlike french and german economic writers, who have produced several histories of economic thought, only one has been written previously in english, and that is now out of date. dr. haney has made a distinct contribution to economic literature and one reflecting credit on american scholarship."--_the boston transcript._ * * * * * ~outlines of sociology~ by frank w. blackmar professor of sociology in the university of kansas and john l. gillin associate professor of sociology in the university of wisconsin _ pp., crown octavo, $ . _ in this volume not only the theoretical phases of sociology are treated with some degree of completeness, but the practical bearings of the science are also brought out in a series of chapters dealing with social pathology and methods of social investigation. this survey of the whole field, including both the theoretical and the so-called "practical," finds its justification in the unity it gives to sociology in the mind of the beginner. it prevents that vicious one-sidedness sometimes resulting from a study of one phase of a subject before a general survey has been made. with this purpose in mind the subject-matter has been grouped under the following headings: part i. the nature and import of sociology; 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a solitary student with its aid might go far toward mastering these subjects."--_boston transcript._ "professor towne of carleton college has rendered good public service in furnishing the best introduction to the study of present day social conditions which has yet appeared for the use of high school and undergraduate college students. up to date, well proportioned, progressive in attitude and spirit, yet conservatively sound in judgment, it can scarcely fail to fulfil its purpose to give to all who study it a 'better understanding of our own times' and proof of 'the possibility of wise, sane, constructive social action.'"--_survey._ "prof. towne aided by a lucid style and the ability to make statistics interesting has stripped the subjects he deals with to their barest necessities and has packed into the book the kind of information that will stimulate to further study and research those who are at all interested in strengthening civilization where evil conditions sap its vitality."--_philadelphia press._ * * * * * ~outlines of economics~ by richard t. ely, ph.d., ll.d., professor of political economy at the university of wisconsin; thomas s. adams, ph.d., professor of political economy at yale university; max o. lorenz, associate statistician of the interstate commerce commission, and professor a. a. young of cornell. _third revised edition, cloth, vo, $ . _ "it is a sign of the time when such a standard and authoritative book as this requires such revision for its third edition that it was not possible to use the old type. the chapters on transportation, insurance, socialism, and agriculture needed expansion to include legislation. the federal reserve system demanded a chapter to itself, and so did labor legislation. the statistics and references have been brought down to date, and the book in general is more useful to the teacher, and more attractive to the reader. the authors are both open-minded and conservative, not condemning new ideas for their newness nor yet accepting them for the same reason and without challenge. the book is a useful antidote to the economic poisons which command attention through their promises of the millennium, which they are less able to deliver, nevertheless, than writers like these whose imaginations and benevolence are corrected by their knowledge."--_new york times._ "so far as the practical side of the subjects with which this volume deals is concerned, everything has been done by the authors to keep their work abreast of the times and the latest developments so that the readers and students may find there the important things of contemporary record as well as the highlights of economic history. the theoretical side of economics has not been neglected in this general revision and that chapter has been simplified and made more easily comprehensible to those first entering the study of this subject. this volume maintains the same high standard it held at the time it was first published. it is one of the best books on this subject."--_philadelphia press._ "anyone who got his foundations in political economy out of the text-books of the last generation cannot fail to be struck with the enormous range of subjects covered in such a book as this, compared with what was then included; and there is always some danger that in the mind of the student this wealth of material, important as it is, may yet carry with it the drawback of more or less submerging the central truths. in professor ely's book, the distribution of emphasis, as well as of space, is such as to reduce this danger."--_the nation._ the macmillan company publishers - fifth avenue new york printed in the united states of america none the task of social hygiene * * * * * by the same author studies in the psychology of sex. six vols. the new spirit affirmations man and woman the criminal the world of dreams the soul of spain impressions and comments essays in war-time. etc. * * * * * the task of social hygiene by havelock ellis author of "the soul of spain"; "the world of dreams"; etc. boston and new york houghton mifflin company printed in great britain. preface the study of social hygiene means the study of those things which concern the welfare of human beings living in societies. there can, therefore, be no study more widely important or more generally interesting. i fear, however, that by many persons social hygiene is vaguely regarded either as a mere extension of sanitary science, or else as an effort to set up an intolerable bureaucracy to oversee every action of our lives, and perhaps even to breed us as cattle are bred. that is certainly not the point of view from which this book has been written. plato and rabelais, campanella and more, have been among those who announced the principles of social hygiene here set forth. there must be a social order, all these great pioneers recognized, but the health of society, like the health of the body, is marked by expansion as much as by restriction, and, the striving for order is only justified because without order there can be no freedom. if it were not the mission of social hygiene to bring a new joy and a new freedom into life i should not have concerned myself with the writing of this book. when we thus contemplate the process of social hygiene, we are no longer in danger of looking upon it as an artificial interference with nature. it is in the book of nature, as campanella put it, that the laws of life and of government are to be read. or, as quesnel said two centuries ago, more precisely for our present purpose, "nature is universal hygiene." all animals are scrupulous in hygiene; the elaboration of hygiene moves _pari passu_ with the rank of a species in intelligence. even the cockroach, which lives on what we call filth, spends the greater part of its time in the cultivation of personal cleanliness. and all social hygiene, in its fullest sense, is but an increasingly complex and extended method of purification--the purification of the conditions of life by sound legislation, the purification of our own minds by better knowledge, the purification of our hearts by a growing sense of responsibility, the purification of the race itself by an enlightened eugenics, consciously aiding nature in her manifest effort to embody new ideals of life. it was not man, but nature, who realized the daring and splendid idea--risky as it was--of placing the higher anthropoids on their hind limbs and so liberating their fore-limbs in the service of their nimble and aspiring brains. we may humbly follow in the same path, liberating latent forces of life and suppressing those which no longer serve the present ends of life. for, as shakespeare said, when in _the winter's tale_ he set forth a luminous philosophy of social hygiene and applied it to eugenics, "nature is made better by no mean but nature makes that mean ... this is an art which does mend nature, change it rather, but the art itself is nature." in whatever way it may be understood, however, social hygiene is now very much to the front of people's minds. the present volume, i wish to make clear, has not been hastily written to meet any real or supposed demand. it has slowly grown during a period of nearly twenty-five years, and it expresses an attitude which is implicit or explicit in the whole of my work. by some readers, doubtless, it will be seen to constitute an extension in various directions of the arguments developed in the larger work on "sex in relation to society," which is the final volume of my _studies in the psychology of sex_. the book i now bring forward may, however, be more properly regarded as a presentation of the wider scheme of social reform out of which the more special sex studies have developed. we are faced to-day by the need for vast and complex changes in social organization. in these changes the welfare of individuals and the welfare of communities are alike concerned. moreover, they are matters which are not confined to the affairs of this nation or of that nation, but of the whole family of nations participating in the fraternity of modern progress. the word "progress," indeed, which falls so easily from our lips is not a word which any serious writer should use without precaution. the conception of "progress" is a useful conception in so far as it binds together those who are working for common ends, and stimulates that perpetual slight movement in which life consists. but there is no general progress in nature, nor any unqualified progress; that is to say, that there is no progress for all groups along the line, and that even those groups which progress pay the price of their progress. it was so even when our anthropoid ancestors rose to the erect position; that was "progress," and it gained us the use of hands. but it lost us our tails, and much else that is more regrettable than we are always able to realize. there is no general and ever-increasing evolution towards perfection. "existence is realized in its perfection under whatever aspect it is manifested," says jules de gaultier. or, as whitman put it, "there will never be any more perfection than there is now." we cannot expect an increased power of growth and realization in existence, as a whole, leading to any general perfection; we can only expect to see the triumph of individuals, or of groups of individuals, carrying out their own conceptions along special lines, every perfection so attained involving, on its reverse side, the acquirement of an imperfection. it is in this sense, and in this sense only, that progress is possible. we need not fear that we shall ever achieve the stagnant immobility of a general perfection. the problems of progress we are here concerned with are such as the civilized world, as represented by some of its foremost individuals or groups of individuals, is just now waking up to grapple with. no doubt other problems might be added, and the addition give a greater semblance of completion to this book. i have selected those which seem to me very essential, very fundamental. the questions of social hygiene, as here understood, go to the heart of life. it is the task of this hygiene not only to make sewers, but to re-make love, and to do both in the same large spirit of human fellowship, to ensure finer individual development and a larger social organization. at the one end social hygiene may be regarded as simply the extension of an elementary sanitary code; at the other end it seems to some to have in it the glorious freedom of a new religion. the majority of people, probably, will be content to admit that we have here a scheme of serious social reform which every man and woman will soon be called upon to take some share in. havelock ellis. contents i.--introduction page the aim of social hygiene--social reform--the rise of social reform out of english industrialism--the four stages of social reform--( ) the stage of sanitation--( ) factory legislation--( ) the extension of the scope of education--( ) puericulture--the scientific evolution corresponding to these stages--social reform only touched the conditions of life--yet social reform remains highly necessary--the question of infantile mortality and the quality of the race--the better organization of life involved by social hygiene--its insistence on the quality rather than on the conditions of life--the control of reproduction--the fall of the birth-rate in relation to the quality of the population--the rejuvenation of a society--the influence of culture and refinement on a race--eugenics--the regeneration of the race--the problem of feeble-mindedness--the methods of eugenics--some of the problems which face us ii.--the changing status of women the origin of the woman movement--mary wollstonecraft--george sand--robert owen--william thompson--john stuart mill--the modern growth of social cohesion--the growth of industrialism--its influence in woman's sphere of work--the education of women--co-education--the woman question and sexual selection--significance of economic independence--the state regulation of marriage--the future of marriage--wilhelm von humboldt--social equality of women--the reproduction of the race as a function of society--women and the future of civilization iii.--the new aspect of the woman's movement eighteenth-century france--pioneers of the woman's movement--the growth of the woman's suffrage movement--the militant activities of the suffragettes--their services and disservices to the cause--advantages of women's suffrage--sex questions in germany--bebel--the woman's rights movement in germany--the development of sexual science in germany--the movement for the protection of motherhood--ellen key--the question of illegitimacy--eugenics--women as law-makers in the home iv.--the emancipation of women in relation to romantic love the absence of romantic love in classic civilization--marriage as a duty--the rise of romantic love in the roman empire--the influence of christianity--the attitude of chivalry--the troubadours--the courts of love--the influence of the renaissance--conventional chivalry and modern civilization--the woman movement--the modern woman's equality of rights and responsibilities excludes chivalry--new forms of romantic love still remain possible--love as the inspiration of social hygiene v.--the significance of a falling birth-rate the fall of the birth-rate in europe generally--in england--in germany--in the united states--in canada--in australasia--"crude" birth-rate and "corrected" birth-rate--the connection between high birth-rate and high death-rate--"natural increase" measured by excess of births over deaths--the measure of national well-being--the example of russia--japan--china--the necessity of viewing the question from a wide standpoint--the prevalence of neo-malthusian methods--influence of the roman catholic church--other influences lowering the birth-rate--influence of postponement of marriage--relation of the birth-rate to commercial and industrial activity--illustrated by russia, hungary, and australia--the relation of prosperity to fertility--the social capillarity theory--divergence of the birth-rate and the marriage-rate--marriage-rate and the movement of prices--prosperity and civilization--fertility among savages--the lesser fertility of urban populations--effect of urbanization on physical development--why prosperity fails permanently to increase fertility--prosperity creates restraints on fertility--the process of civilization involves decreased fertility--in this respect it is a continuation of zoological evolution--large families as a stigma of degeneration--the decreased fertility of civilization a general historical fact--the ideals of civilization to-day--the east and the west vi.--eugenics and love eugenics and the decline of the birth-rate--quantity and quality in the production of children--eugenic sexual selection--the value of pedigrees--their scientific significance--the systematic record of personal data--the proposal for eugenic certificates--st. valentine's day and sexual selection--love and reason--love ruled by natural law--eugenic selection not opposed to love--no need for legal compulsion--medicine in relation to marriage. vii.--religion and the child religious education in relation to social hygiene and to psychology--the psychology of the child--the contents of children's minds--the imagination of children--how far may religion be assimilated by children?--unfortunate results of early religious instruction--puberty the age for religious education--religion as an initiation into a mystery--initiation among savages--the christian sacraments--the modern tendency as regards religious instruction--its advantages--children and fairy tales--the bible of childhood--moral training viii.--the problem of sexual hygiene the new movement for giving sexual instruction to children--the need of such a movement--contradictions involved by the ancient policy of silence--errors of the new policy--the need of teaching the teacher--the need of training the parents--and of scientifically equipping the physician--sexual hygiene and society--the far-reaching effects of sexual hygiene ix.--immorality and the law social hygiene and legal compulsion--the binding force of custom among savages--the dissolving influence of civilization--the distinction between immorality and criminality--adultery as a crime--the tests of criminality--national differences in laying down the boundary between criminal and immoral acts--france--germany--england--the united states--police administration--police methods in the united states--national differences in the regulation of the trade in alcohol--prohibition in the united states--origin of the american method of dealing with immorality--russia--historical fluctuations in methods of dealing with immorality and prostitution--homosexuality--holland--the age of consent--moral legislation in england--in the united states--the raines law--america attempts to suppress prostitution--their futility--german methods of regulating prostitution--the sound method of approaching immorality--training in sexual hygiene--education in personal and social responsibility x.--the war against war why the problem of war is specially urgent to-day--the beneficial effects of war in barbarous ages--civilization renders the ultimate disappearance of war inevitable--the introduction of law in disputes between individuals involves the introduction of law in disputes between nations--but there must be force behind law--henry iv's attempt to confederate europe--every international tribunal of arbitration must be able to enforce its decisions--the influences making for the abolition of warfare--( ) growth of international opinion--( ) international financial development--( ) the decreasing pressure of population--( ) the natural exhaustion of the warlike spirit--( ) the spread of anti-military doctrines--( ) the over-growth of armaments--( ) the dominance of social reform--war incompatible with an advanced civilization--nations as trustees for humanity--the impossibility of disarmament--the necessity of force to ensure peace--the federated state of the future--the decay of war still leaves the possibilities of daring and heroism xi.--the problem of an international language early attempts to construct an international language--the urgent need of an auxiliary language to-day--volapük--the claims of spanish--latin--the claims of english--its disadvantages--the claims of french--its disadvantages--the modern growth of national feeling opposed to selection of a natural language--advantages of an artificial language--demands it must fulfil--esperanto--its threatened disruption--the international association for the adoption of an auxiliary international language--the first step to take xii.--individualism and socialism social hygiene in relation to the alleged opposition between socialism and individualism--the two parties in politics--the relation of conservatism and radicalism to socialism and individualism--the basis of socialism--the basis of individualism--the seeming opposition between socialism and individualism merely a division of labour--both socialism and individualism equally necessary--not only necessary, but indispensable to each other--the conflict between the advocates of environment and heredity--a new embodiment of the supposed conflict between socialism and individualism--the place of eugenics--social hygiene ultimately one with the hygiene of the soul--the function of utopias index the task of social hygiene i introduction the aim of social hygiene--social reform--the rise of social reform out of english industrialism--the four stages of social reform--( ) the stage of sanitation--( ) factory legislation--( ) the extension of the scope of education--( ) puericulture--the scientific evolution corresponding to these stages--social reform only touched the conditions of life--yet social reform remains highly necessary--the question of infantile mortality and the quality of the race--the better organization of life involved by social hygiene--its insistence on the quality rather than on the conditions of life--the control of reproduction--the fall of the birth-rate in relation to the quality of the population--the rejuvenation of a society--the influence of culture and refinement on a race--eugenics--the regeneration of the race--the problem of feeble-mindedness--the methods of eugenics--some of the problems which face us. social hygiene, as it will be here understood, may be said to be a development, and even a transformation, of what was formerly known as social reform. in that transformation it has undergone two fundamental changes. in the first place, it is no longer merely an attempt to deal with the conditions under which life is lived, seeking to treat bad conditions as they occur, without going to their source, but it aims at prevention. it ceases to be simply a reforming of forms, and approaches in a comprehensive manner not only the conditions of life, but life itself. in the second place, its method is no longer haphazard, but organized and systematic, being based on a growing knowledge of those biological sciences which were scarcely in their infancy when the era of social reform began. thus social hygiene is at once more radical and more scientific than the old conception of social reform. it is the inevitable method by which at a certain stage civilization is compelled to continue its own course, and to preserve, perhaps to elevate, the race. the era of social reform followed on the rise of modern industrialism, and, no doubt largely on this account, although an international movement, it first became definite and self-conscious in england. there were perhaps other reasons why it should have been in the first place specially prominent in england. when at the end of the seventeenth century, muralt, a highly intelligent swiss gentleman, visited england, and wrote his by no means unsympathetic _lettres sur les anglais_, he was struck by a curious contradiction in the english character. they are a good-natured people, he observed, very rich, so well-nourished that sometimes they die of obesity, and they detest cruelty so much that by royal proclamation it is ordained that the fish and the ducks of the ponds should be duly and properly fed. yet he found that this good-natured, rich, cruelty-hating nation systematically allowed the prisoners in their gaols to die of starvation. "the great cruelty of the english," muralt remarks, "lies in permitting evil rather than in doing it."[ ] the root of the apparent contradiction lay clearly in a somewhat excessive independence and devotion to liberty. we give a man full liberty, they seem to have said, to work, to become rich, to grow fat. but if he will not work, let him starve. in that point of view there were involved certain fallacies, which became clearer during the course of social evolution. it was obvious, indeed, that such an attitude, while highly favourable to individual vigour and independence, and not incompatible with fairly healthy social life under the conditions which prevailed at the time, became disastrous in the era of industrialism. the conditions of industrial life tore up the individual from the roots by which he normally received strength, and crowded the workers together in masses, thus generating a confusion which no individual activity could grapple with. so it was that the very spirit which, under the earlier conditions, made for good now made for evil. to stand by and applaud the efforts of the individual who was perhaps slowly sinking deeper and deeper into a miry slough of degradation began to seem an even diabolical attitude. the maxim of _laissez-faire_, which had once stood for the whole unfettered action of natural activities in life, began to be viewed with horror and contempt. it was realized that there must be an intelligent superintendence of social conditions, humane regulation, systematic organization. the very intensity of the evils which the english spirit produced led to a reaction by which that spirit, while doubtless remaining the same at heart, took on a different form, and manifested its energy in a new direction. the modern industrial era, replacing domestic industry by collective work carried out by "hands" in factories, began in the eighteenth century. the era of social reform was delayed until the second quarter of the nineteenth century. it has proceeded by four successively progressive stages, each stage supplementing, rather than supplanting, the stage that preceded it. in sir edwin chadwick wrote an official report on the _sanitary condition of the labouring population of great britain_, in which was clearly presented for the first time a vivid, comprehensive, and authoritative picture of the incredibly filthy conditions under which the english labouring classes lived. the times were ripe for this report. it attracted public attention, and exerted an important influence. its appearance marks the first stage of social reform, which was mainly a sanitary effort to clear away the gross filth from our cities, to look after the cleansing, lighting, and policing of the streets, to create a drainage system, to improve dwellings, and in these ways to combat disease and to lower the very high death-rate. at an early stage, however, it began to be seen that this process of sanitation, necessary as it had become, was far too crude and elementary to achieve the ends sought. it was not enough to improve the streets, or even to regulate the building of dwellings. it was clearly necessary to regulate also the conditions of work of the people who lived in those streets and dwellings. thus it was that the scheme of factory legislation was initiated. rules were made as to the hours of labour, more especially as regards women and children, for whom, moreover, certain specially dangerous or unhealthy occupations were forbidden, and an increasingly large number of avocations were brought under government inspection. this second stage of social reform encountered a much more strenuous opposition than the first stage. the regulation of the order and cleanliness of the streets was obviously necessary, and it had indeed been more or less enforced even in medieval times;[ ] but the regulation of the conditions of work in the interests of the worker was a more novel proceeding, and it appeared to clash both with the interests of the employers and the ancient principles of english freedom and independence, behind which the employers consequently sheltered themselves. the early attempts to legislate on these lines were thus fruitless. it was not until a distinguished aristocratic philanthropist of great influence, the seventh earl of shaftesbury, took up the question, that factory legislation began to be accepted. it continues to develop even to-day, ever enlarging the sphere of its action, and now meeting with no opposition. but, in england, at all events, its acceptance marks a memorable stage in the growth of the national spirit. it was no longer easy and natural for the englishmen to look on at suffering without interference. it began to be recognized that it was perfectly legitimate, and even necessary, to put a curb on the freedom and independence which involved suffering to others. but as the era of factory legislation became established, a further advance was seen to be necessary. factory legislation had forbidden the child to work. but the duty of the community towards the child, the citizen of the future, was evidently by no means covered by this purely negative step. the child must be prepared to take his future part in life, in the first place by education. the nationalization of education in england dates from . but during the subsequent half century "education" has come to mean much more than mere instruction; it now covers a certain amount of provision for meals when necessary, the enforcement of cleanliness, the care of defective conditions, inborn or acquired, with special treatment for mentally defective children, an ever-increasing amount of medical inspection and supervision, while it is beginning to include arrangements for placing the child in work suited to his capacities when he leaves school. during the past ten years the movement of social reform has entered a fourth stage. the care of the child during his school-days was seen to be insufficient; it began too late, when probably the child's fate for life was already decided. it was necessary to push the process further back, to birth and even to the stage before birth, by directing social care to the infant, and by taking thought of the mother. this consideration has led to a whole series of highly important and fruitful measures which are only beginning to develop, although they have already proved very beneficial. the immediate notification to the authorities of a child's birth, and the institution of health visitors to ascertain what is being done for the infant's well-being, and to aid the mother with advice, have certainly been a large factor in the recent reduction in the infantile death-rate in england.[ ] the care of the infant has indeed now become a new applied science, the science of puericulture. professor budin of paris may fairly be regarded as the founder of puericulture by the establishment in paris, in , of infant consultations, to which mothers were encouraged to bring their babies to be weighed and examined, any necessary advice being given regarding the care of the baby. the mothers are persuaded to suckle their infants if possible, and if their own health permits. for the cases in which suckling is undesirable or impossible, budin established milk depôts, where pure milk is supplied at a low price or freely. infant consultations and milk depôts are now becoming common everywhere. a little later than budin, another distinguished french physician, pinard, carried puericulture a step further back, but a very important step, by initiating a movement for the care of the pregnant woman. pinard and his pupils have shown by a number of detailed investigations that the children born to working mothers who rest during the last three months of pregnancy, are to a marked extent larger and finer than the children of those mothers who enjoy no such period of rest, even though the mothers themselves may be equally robust and healthy in both cases. moreover, it is found that premature birth, one of the commonest accidents of modern life, tends to be prevented by such rest. the children of mothers who rest enjoy on the average three weeks longer development in the womb than the children of the mothers who do not rest, and this prolonged ante-natal development cannot fail to be a benefit for the whole of the child's subsequent life. the movement started by pinard, though strictly a continuation of the great movement for the improvement of the conditions of life, takes us as far back as we are able to go on these lines, and has in it the promise of an immense benefit to human efficiency. in connection with the movement of puericulture initiated by budin and pinard must be mentioned the institution of schools for mothers, for it is closely associated with the aims of puericulture. the school for mothers arose in belgium, a little later than the activities of budin and pinard commenced. about a young socialist doctor of ghent, dr. miele, started the first school of this kind, with girls of from twelve to sixteen years of age as students and assistants. the school eventually included as many as twelve different services, among these being dispensaries for mothers, a mothers' friendly society, milk depôts both for babies and nursing mothers, health talks to mothers with demonstrations, courses on puericulture (including anatomy, physiology, preparation of foods, weighing, etc.) to girls between fourteen and eighteen, who afterwards become eligible for appointment as paid assistants.[ ] in schools for mothers were introduced into england, at first under the auspices of dr. sykes, medical officer of health for st. pancras, london. such schools are now spreading everywhere. in the end they will probably be considered necessary centres for any national system of puericulture. every girl at the end of her school life should be expected to pass through a certain course of training at a school for mothers. it would be the technical school for the working-class mother, while such a course would be invaluable for any girl, whatever her social class, even if she is never called to be a mother herself or to have the care of children. the great movement of social reform during the nineteenth century, we thus see, has moved in four stages, each of which has reinforced rather than replaced that which went before: ( ) the effort to cleanse the gross filth of cities and to remedy obvious disorder by systematic attention to scavenging, drainage, the supply of water and of artificial light, as well as by improved policing; ( ) the great system of factory legislation for regulating the conditions of work, and to some extent restraining the work of women and of children; ( ) the introduction of national systems of education, and the gradual extension of the idea of education to cover far more than mere instruction; and ( ), most fundamental of all and last to appear, the effort to guard the child before the school age, even at birth, even before birth, by bestowing due care on the future mother.[ ] it may be pointed out that this movement of practical social reform has been accompanied, stimulated, and guided by a corresponding movement in the sciences which in their application are indispensable to the progress of civilized social reform. there has been a process of mutual action and reaction between science and practice. the social movement has stimulated the development of abstract science, and the new progress in science has enabled further advances to be made in social practice. the era of expansion in sanitation was the era of development in chemistry and physics, which alone enabled a sound system of sanitation to be developed. the fight against disease would have been impossible but for bacteriology. the new care for human life, and for the protection of its source, is associated with fresh developments of biological science. sociological observations and speculation, including economics, are intimately connected with the efforts of social reform to attain a broad, sound, and truly democratic basis.[ ] when we survey this movement as a whole, we have to recognize that it is exclusively concerned with the improvement of the conditions of life. it makes no attempt to influence either the quantity or the quality of life.[ ] it may sometimes have been carried out with the assumption that to improve the conditions of life is, in some way or other, to improve the quality of life itself. but it accepted the stream of life as it found it, and while working to cleanse the banks of the stream it made no attempt to purify the stream itself. it must, however, be remembered that the arguments which, especially nowadays, are brought against the social reform of the condition of life, will not bear serious examination. it is said, for instance, or at all events implied, that we need bestow very little care on the conditions of life because such care can have no permanently beneficial effect on the race, since acquired characters, for the most part, are not transmitted to descendants. but to assume that social reform is unnecessary because it is not inherited is altogether absurd. the people who make this assumption would certainly not argue that it is useless for them to satisfy their own hunger and thirst, because their children will not thereby be safeguarded from experiencing hunger and thirst. yet the needs which the movement of organized social reform seeks to satisfy are precisely on a level with, and indeed to some extent identical with, the needs of hunger and thirst. the impulse and the duty which move every civilized community to elaborate and gratify its own social needs to the utmost are altogether independent of the race, and would not cease to exist even in a community vowed to celibacy or the most absolute neo-malthusianism. nor, again, must it be said that social reform destroys the beneficial results of natural selection. here, indeed, we encounter a disputed point, and it may be admitted that the precise data for absolute demonstration in one direction or the other cannot yet be found. whenever human beings breed in reckless and unrestrained profusion--as is the case under some conditions before a free and self-conscious civilization is attained--there is an immense infantile mortality. it is claimed, on the one hand, that this is beneficial, and need not be interfered with. the weak are killed off, it is said, and the strong survive; there is a process of natural survival of the fittest. that is true. but it is equally true, as has also been clearly seen on the other hand, that though the relatively strongest survive, their relative strength has been impaired by the very influences which have proved altogether fatal to their weaker brethren. there is an immense infantile mortality in russia. yet, notwithstanding any resulting "survival of the fittest," russia is far more ravaged by disease than norway, where infantile mortality is low. "a high infantile mortality," as george carpenter, a great authority on the diseases of childhood, remarks, "denotes a far higher infantile deterioration rate"; or, as another doctor puts it, "the dead baby is next of kin to the diseased baby," the protection of the weak, so frequently condemned by some neo-darwinians, is thus in reality, as goldscheid terms it, "the protection of the strong from degeneration." there is, however, more to be said. not only must an undue struggle with unfavourable conditions enfeeble the strong as well as kill the feeble; it also imposes an intolerable burden upon these enfeebled survivors. the process of destruction is not sudden, it is gradual. it is a long-drawn-out process. it involves the multiplication of the diseased, the maimed, the feeble-minded, of paupers and lunatics and criminals. even natural selection thus includes the need for protecting the feeble, and so renders urgent the task of social reform, while the more thoroughly this task is carried out with the growth of civilization, the more stupendous and overwhelming the task becomes. it is thus that civilization, at a certain point in its course, renders inevitable the appearance of that wider and deeper organization of life which in the present volume we are concerned with under the name of social hygiene. that movement is far from being an abrupt or revolutionary manifestation in the ordinary progress of social growth. as we have seen, social reform during the past eighty years may be said to have proceeded in four successive stages, each of which has involved a nearer approach to the sources of life. the fourth stage, which in its beginnings dates only from the last years of the nineteenth century, takes us to the period before birth, and is concerned with the care of the child in the mother's womb. the next stage cannot fail to take us to the very source of life itself, lifting us beyond the task of purifying the conditions, and laying on us the further task of regulating the quantity and raising the quality of life at its very source. the duty of purifying, ordering, and consolidating the banks of the stream must still remain.[ ] but when we are able to control the stream at its source we are able to some extent to prevent the contamination of that stream by filth, and ensure that its muddy floods shall not sweep away the results of our laborious work on the banks. our sense of social responsibility is developing into a sense of racial responsibility, and that development is expressed in the nature of the tasks of social hygiene which now lie before us. it is the control of the reproduction of the race which renders possible the new conception of social hygiene. we have seen that the gradual process of social reform during the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, by successive stages of movement towards the sources of life, finally reached the moment of conception. the first result of reform at this point was that procreation became a deliberate act. up till then the method of propagating the race was the same as that which savages have carried on during thousands of years, the chief difference being that whereas savages have frequently sought to compensate their recklessness by destroying their inferior offspring, we had accepted all the offspring, good, bad, and indifferent, produced by our indiscriminate recklessness, shielding ourselves by a false theology. children "came," and their parents disclaimed all responsibility for their coming. the children were "sent by god," and if they all turned out to be idiots, the responsibility was god's. but when it became generally realized that it was possible to limit offspring without interfering with conjugal life a step of immense importance was achieved. it became clear to all that the divine force works through us, and that we are not entitled to cast the burden of our evil actions on any higher power. marriage no longer fatally involved an endless procession of children who, in so far as they survived at all, were in a large number of cases doomed to disease, neglect, misery, and ignorance. the new social hygiene was for the first time rendered possible. it was in france during the first half of the nineteenth century that the control of reproduction first began to become a social habit. in sweden and in denmark, the fall in the birth-rate, though it has been irregular, may be said to have begun in . it was not until about the year that, in so far as we may judge by the arrest of the birth-rate, the movement began to spread to europe generally. in england it is usual to associate this change with a famous prosecution which brought a knowledge of the means of preventing conception to the whole population of great britain. undoubtedly this prosecution was an important factor in the movement, but we cannot doubt that, even if the prosecution had not taken place, the course of social progress must still have pursued the same course. it is noteworthy that it was about this same period, in various european countries, that the tide turned, and the excessively high birth-rate began to fall.[ ] recklessness was giving place to foresight and self-control. such foresight and self-control are of the essence of civilization.[ ] it cannot be disputed that the transformation by which the propagation of the race became deliberate and voluntary has not been established in social custom without a certain amount of protestation from various sides. no social change, however beneficial, ever is established without such protestation, which may, therefore, be regarded as an inevitable and probably a salutary part of social change. even some would-be scientific persons, with a display of elaborate statistics, set forth various alarmistic doctrines. if, said these persons, this new movement goes on at the present pace, and if all other conditions remain unchanged, then all sorts of terrible results will ensue. but the alarming conclusion failed to ensue, and for a very sufficient reason. the assumed premises of the argument were unsound. nothing ever goes on at the same pace, nor do all other conditions ever remain unchanged. the world is a living fire, as heraclitus long ago put it. all things are in perpetual flux. life is a process of perpetual movement. it is idle to bid the world stand still, and then to argue about the consequences. the world will not stand still, it is for ever revolving, for ever revealing some new facet that had not been allowed for in the neatly arranged mechanism of the statistician. it is perhaps unnecessary to dwell on a point which is now at last, one may hope, becoming clear to most intelligent persons. but i may perhaps be allowed to refer in passing to an argument that has been brought forward with the wearisome iteration which always marks the progress of those who are feeble in argument. the good stocks of upper social class are decreasing in fertility, it is said; the bad stocks of lower social class are not decreasing; therefore the bad stocks are tending to replace the good stocks.[ ] it must, however, be pointed out that, even assuming that the facts are as stated; it is a hazardous assumption that the best stocks are necessarily the stocks of high social class. in the main no doubt this is so, but good stocks are nevertheless so widely spread through all classes--such good stocks in the lower social classes being probably the most resistent to adverse conditions--that we are not entitled to regard even a slightly greater net increase of the lower social classes as an unmitigated evil. it may be that, as mercier has expressed it, "we have to regard a civilized community somewhat in the light of a lamp, which burns at the top and is replenished from the bottom."[ ] the soundness of a stock, and its aptitude for performing efficiently the functions of its own social sphere, cannot, indeed, be accurately measured by any tendency to rise into a higher social sphere. on the whole, from generation to generation, the men of a good stock remain within their own social sphere, whether high or low, adequately performing their functions in that sphere, from generation to generation. they remain, we may say, in that social stratum of which the specific gravity is best suited for their existence.[ ] yet, undoubtedly, from time to time, there is a slight upward social tendency, due in most cases to the exceptional energy and ability of some individual who succeeds in permanently lifting his family into a slightly higher social stratum.[ ] such a process has always taken place, in the past even more conspicuously than in the present. the normans who came over to england with william the conqueror and constituted the proud english nobility were simply a miscellaneous set of adventurers, professional fighting men, of unknown, and no doubt for the most part undistinguished, lineage. william the conqueror himself was the son of a woman of the people. the catholic church founded no families, but its democratic constitution opened a career to men of all classes, and the most brilliant sons of the church were often of the lowliest social rank. we should not, therefore, say that the bad stocks are replacing the good stocks. there is not the slightest evidence for any such theory. all that we are entitled to say is that when in the upward progression of a community the vanishing point of culture and refinement is attained the bearers of that culture and refinement die off as naturally and inevitably as flowers in autumn, and from their roots spring up new and more vigorous shoots to replace them and to pass in their turn through the same stages, with that perpetual slight novelty in which lies the secret of life, as well as of art. an aristocracy which is merely an aristocracy because it is "old"--whether it is an aristocracy of families, or of races, or of species--has already ceased to be an aristocracy in any sound meaning of the term. we need not regret its disappearance. do not, therefore, let us waste our time in crying over the dead roses of the summer that is past. there is something morbid in the perpetual groaning over that inevitable decay which is itself a part of all life. such a perpetual narrow insistence on one aspect of life is scarcely sane. one suspects that these people are themselves of those stocks over whose fate they grieve. let us, therefore, mercifully leave them to manure their dead roses in peace. they will soon be forgotten. the world is for ever dying. the world is also for ever bursting with life. the spring song of _sursum corda_ easily overwhelms the dying autumnal wails of the _dies iræ_. it would thus appear that, even apart from any deliberate restraint from procreation, as a family attains the highest culture and refinement which civilization can yield, that family tends to die out, at all events in the male line.[ ] this is, for instance, the result which fahlbeck has reached in his valuable demographic study of the swedish nobility, _der adel schwedens_. "apparently," says fahlbeck, "the greater demands on nervous and intellectual force which the culture and refinement of the upper classes produce are chiefly responsible for this. for these are the two personal factors by which those classes are distinguished from the lower classes: high education and refinement in tastes and habits. the first involves predominant activity of the brain, the last a heightened sensitiveness in all departments of nervous life. in both respects, therefore, there is increased work for the nervous system, and this is compensated in the other vital functions, especially reproduction. man cannot achieve everything; what he gains on one side he loses on the other." we should do well to hold these wise words in mind when we encounter those sciolists who in the presence of the finest and rarest manifestations of civilizations, can only talk of race "decay." a female salmon, it is estimated, lays about nine hundred eggs for every pound of her own weight, and she may weigh fifty pounds. the progeny of shakespeare and goethe, such as it was, disappeared in the very centuries in which these great men themselves died. at the present stage of civilization we are somewhat nearer to shakespeare and goethe than to the salmon. we must set our ideals towards a very different direction from that which commends itself to our salmonidian sciolists. "increase and multiply" was the legendary injunction uttered on the threshold of an empty world. it is singularly out of place in an age in which the earth and the sea, if not indeed the very air, swarm with countless myriads of undistinguished and indistinguishable human creatures, until the beauty of the world is befouled and the glory of the heavens bedimmed. to stem back that tide is the task now imposed on our heroism, to elevate and purify and refine the race, to introduce the ideal of quality in place of the ideal of quantity which has run riot so long, with the results we see. "as the northern saga tells that odin must sacrifice his eye to attain the higher wisdom," concludes fahlbeck, "so man also, in order to win the treasures of culture and refinement, must give not only his eye but his life, if not his own life that of his posterity."[ ] the vulgar aim of reckless racial fertility is no longer within our reach and no longer commends itself as worthy. it is not consonant with the stage of civilization we are at the moment passing through. the higher task is now ours of the regeneration of the race, or, if we wish to express that betterment less questionably, the aggeneration of the race.[ ] the control of reproduction, we see, essential as it is, cannot by itself carry far the betterment of the race, because it involves no direct selection of stocks. yet we have to remember that though this control, with the limitation of offspring it involves, fails to answer all the demands which social hygiene to-day makes of us, it yet achieves much. it may not improve what we abstractly term the "race," but it immensely improves the individuals of which the race is made up. thus the limitation of the family renders it possible to avoid the production of undesired children. that in itself is an immense social gain, because it tends to abolish excessive infantile mortality.[ ] it means that adequate care will be expended upon the children that are produced, and that no children will be produced unless the parents are in a position to provide for them.[ ] even the mere spacing out of the children in a family, the larger interval between child-births, is a very great advantage. the mother is no longer exhausted by perpetually bearing, suckling, and tending babies, while the babies themselves are on the average of better quality.[ ] thus the limitation of offspring, far from being an egoistic measure, as some have foolishly supposed, is imperatively demanded in the altruistic interests of the individuals composing the race. but the control of reproduction, enormously beneficial as it is even in its most elementary shapes, mainly concerns us here because it furnishes the essential condition for the development of social hygiene. the control of reproduction renders possible, and leads on to, a wise selection in reproduction. it is only by such selection of children to be born that we can balance our indiscriminate care in the preservation of all children that are born, a care which otherwise would become an intolerable burden. it is only by such selection that we can work towards the elimination of those stocks which fail to help us in the tasks of our civilization to-day. it is only by such selection that we can hope to fortify the stocks that are fitted for these tasks. more than two centuries ago steele playfully suggested that "one might wear any passion out of a family by culture, as skilful gardeners blot a colour out of a tulip that hurts its beauty."[ ] the progress of civilization, with the self-control it involves, has made it possible to accept this suggestion seriously.[ ] the difference is that whereas the flowers of our gardens are bettered only by the control of an arbitrary external will and intelligence, our human flowers may be bettered by an intelligence and will, a finer sense of responsibility, developed within themselves. thus it is that human culture renders possible social hygiene. three centuries ago an inspired monk set forth his ideal of an ennobled world in _the city of the sun_. campanella wrote that prophetic book in prison. but his spirit was unfettered, and his conception of human society, though in daring it outruns all the visions we may compare it with, is yet on the lines along which our civilization lies. in the city of the sun not only was the nobility of work, even mechanical work,--which plato rejected and more was scarcely conscious of,--for the first time recognized, but the supreme impulse of procreation was regarded as a sacred function, to be exercised in the light of scientific knowledge. it was a public rather than a private duty, because it concerned the interests of the race; only valorous and high-spirited men ought to procreate, and it was held that the father should bear the punishments inflicted on the son for faults due to his failure by defects in generation.[ ] moreover, while unions not for the end of procreation were in the city of the sun left to the judgment of the individuals alone concerned, it was not so with unions for the end of procreation. these were arranged by the "great master," a physician, aided by the chief matrons, and the public exercises of the youths and maidens, performed in a state of nakedness, were of assistance in enabling unions to be fittingly made. no eugenist under modern conditions of life proposes that unions should be arranged by a supreme medical public official, though he might possibly regard such an official, if divested of any compulsory powers, a kind of public trustee for the race, as a useful institution. but it is easy to see that the luminous conception of racial betterment which, since galton rendered it practicable, is now inspiring social progress, was already burning brightly three centuries ago in the brain of this imprisoned italian monk. just as thomas more has been called the father of modern socialism, so campanella may be said to be the prophet of modern eugenics. by "eugenics" is meant the scientific study of all the agencies by which the human race may be improved, and the effort to give practical effect to those agencies by conscious and deliberate action in favour of better breeding. even among savages eugenics may be said to exist, if only in the crude and unscientific practice of destroying feeble, deformed, and abnormal infants at birth. in civilized ages elaborate and more or less scientific attempts are made by breeders of animals to improve the stocks they breed, and their efforts have been crowned with much success. the study of the same methods in their bearing on man proceeded out of the darwinian school of biology, and is especially associated with the great name of sir francis galton, the cousin of darwin. galton first proposed to call this study "stirpiculture." under that name it inspired noyes, the founder of the oneida community, with the impulse to carry it into practice with a thoroughness and daring--indeed a similarity of method--which caused oneida almost to rival the city of the sun. but the scheme of noyes, excellent as in some respects it was as an experiment, outran both scientific knowledge and the spirit of the times. it was not countenanced by galton, who never had any wish to offend general sentiment, but sought to win it over to his side, and before the oneida community was brought to an end in consequence of the antagonism it aroused. galton continued to develop his conceptions slowly and cautiously, and in , in his _inquiries into human faculty_, he abandoned the term "stirpiculture" and devised the term "eugenics," which is now generally adopted to signify good breeding. galton was quite well aware that the improved breeding of men is a very different matter from the improved breeding of animals, requiring a different knowledge and a different method, so that the ridicule which has sometimes been ignorantly flung at eugenics failed to touch him. it would be clearly undesirable to breed men, as animals are bred, for single points at the sacrifice of other points, even if we were in a position to breed men from outside. human breeding must proceed from impulses that arise, voluntarily, in human brains and wills, and are carried out with a human sense of personal responsibility. galton believed that the first need was the need of knowledge in these matters. he was not anxious to invoke legislation.[ ] the compulsory presentation of certificates of health and good breeding as a preliminary to marriage forms no part of eugenics, nor is compulsory sterilization a demand made by any reasonable eugenist. certainly the custom of securing certificates of health and ability is excellent, not only as a preliminary to marriage, but as a general custom. certainly, also, there are cases in which sterilization is desirable, if voluntarily accepted.[ ] but neither certification nor sterilization should be compulsory. they only have their value if they are intelligent and deliberate, springing out of a widened and enlightened sense of personal responsibility to society and to the race. eugenics constitutes the link between the social reform of the past, painfully struggling to improve the conditions of life, and the social hygiene of the future, which is authorized to deal adequately with the conditions of life because it has its hands on the sources of life. on this plane we are able to concentrate our energies on the finer ends of life, because we may reasonably expect to be no longer hampered by the ever-increasing burdens which were placed upon us by the failure to control life; while the more we succeed in our efforts to purify and strengthen life, the more magnificent become the tasks we may reasonably hope to attempt and compass. a problem which is often and justly cited as one to be settled by eugenics is that presented by the existence among us of the large class of the feeble-minded. no doubt there are some who would regret the disappearance of the feeble-minded from our midst. the philosophies of the bergsonian type, which to-day prevail so widely, place intuition above reason, and the "pure fool" has sometimes been enshrined and idolized. but we may remember that eugenics can never prevent absolutely the occurrence of feeble-minded persons, even in the extreme degree of the imbecile and the idiot.[ ] they come within the range of variation, by the same right as genius so comes. we cannot, it may be, prevent the occurrence of such persons, but we can prevent them from being the founders of families tending to resemble themselves. and in so doing, it will be agreed by most people, we shall be effecting a task of immense benefit to society and the race. feeble-mindedness is largely handed on by heredity. it was formerly supposed that idiocy and feeble-mindedness are mainly due to environmental conditions, to the drink, depravity, general disease, or lack of nutrition of the parents, and there is no doubt an element of truth in that view. but serious and frequent as are the results of bad environment and acquired disease in the parentage of the feeble-minded, they do not form the fundamental factor in the production of the feeble-minded.[ ] feeble-mindedness is essentially a germinal variation, belonging to the same large class as all other biological variations, occurring, for the most part, in the first place spontaneously, but strongly tending to be inherited. it thus resembles congenital cataract, deaf-mutism, the susceptibility to tuberculous infection, etc.[ ] exact investigation is now showing that feeble-mindedness is passed on from parent to child to an enormous extent. some years ago ashby, speaking from a large experience in the north of england, estimated that at least seventy-five per cent of feeble-minded children are born with an inherited tendency to mental defect. more precise investigation has since shown that this estimate was under the mark. tredgold, who in england has most carefully studied the heredity of the feeble-minded,[ ] found that in over eighty-two per cent cases there is a bad nervous inheritance. in a large number of cases the bad heredity was associated with alcoholism or consumption in the parentage, but only in a small proportion of cases (about seven per cent) was it probable that alcoholism and consumption alone, and usually combined, had sufficed to produce the defective condition of the children, while environmental conditions only produced mental defect in ten per cent cases.[ ] heredity is the chief cause of feeble-mindedness, and a normal child is never born of two feeble-minded parents. the very thorough investigation of the heredity of the feeble-minded which is now being carried on at the institution for their care at vineland, new jersey, shows even more decisive results. by making careful pedigrees of the families to which the inmates at vineland belong it is seen that in a large proportion of cases feeble-mindedness is handed on from generation to generation, and is traceable through three generations, though it sometimes skips a generation. in one family of three hundred and nineteen persons, one hundred and nineteen were known to be feeble-minded, and only forty-two known to be normal. the families tended to be large, sometimes very large, most of them in many cases dying in infancy or growing up weak-minded.[ ] not only is feeble-mindedness inherited, and to a much greater degree than has hitherto been suspected even by expert authorities, but the feeble-minded thus tend (though, as davenport and weeks have found, not invariably) to have a larger number of children than normal people. that indeed, we might expect, apart altogether from the question of any innate fertility. the feeble-minded have no forethought and no self-restraint. they are not adequately capable of resisting their own impulses or the solicitations of others, and they are unable to understand adequately the motives which guide the conduct of ordinary people. the average number of children of feeble-minded people seems to be frequently about one-third more than in normal families, and is sometimes much greater. dr. ettie sayer, when investigating for the london county council the family histories of one hundred normal families and one hundred families in which mentally defective children had been found, ascertained that the families of the latter averaged . children, while in the normal families they averaged . tredgold, specially investigating feeble-minded cases, found that they belonged to families in which children had been born, that is to say . per family, or, counting still-born children, . . nearly two-thirds of these abnormally large families were mentally defective, many showing a tendency to disease, pauperism, criminality, or else to early death.[ ] here, indeed, we have a counterbalancing influence, for, in the large families of the feeble-minded, there is a correspondingly large infantile mortality. a considerable proportion of tredgold's group of children were born dead, and a very large number died early. eichholz, again, found that, in one group of defective families, about sixty per cent of the children died young. that is probably an unusually high proportion, and in eichholz's cases it seems to have been associated with very unusually large families, but the infant mortality is always very high. this large early mortality of the offspring of the feeble-minded is, however, very far from settling the question of the disposal of the mentally defective, or we should not find families of them propagated from generation to generation. the large number who die early merely serves, roughly speaking, to reduce the size of the abnormal family to the size of a normal family, and some authorities consider that it scarcely suffices to do this, for we must remember that there is a considerable mortality even in the so-called normal family during early life. even when there is no abnormal fertility in the defective family we may still have to recognize that, as davenport and weeks argue, their defectiveness is intensified by heredity. moreover, we have to consider the social disorder and the heavy expense which accompany the large infantile mortality. illegitimacy is frequently the result of feeble-mindedness, since feeble-minded women are peculiarly unable to resist temptation. a great number of such women are continually coming into the workhouses and giving birth to illegitimate children whom they are unable to support, and who often never become capable of supporting themselves, but in their turn tend to produce a new feeble-minded generation, more especially since the men who are attracted to these feeble-minded women are themselves--according to the generally recognized tendency of the abnormal to be attracted to the abnormal--feeble-minded or otherwise mentally defective. there is thus generated not only a heavy financial burden, but also a perpetual danger to society, and, it may well be, a serious depreciation in the quality of the community.[ ] it is not only in themselves that the feeble-minded are a burden on the present generation and a menace to future generations. in large measure they form the reservoir from which the predatory classes are recruited. this is, for instance, the case as regards prostitutes. feeble-minded girls, of fairly high grade, may often be said to be predestined to prostitution if left to themselves, not because they are vicious, but because they are weak and have little power of resistance. they cannot properly weigh their actions against the results of their actions, and even if they are intelligent enough to do that, they are still too weak to regulate their actions accordingly. moreover, even when, as often happens among the high-grade feeble-minded, they are quite able and willing to work, after they have lost their "respectability" by having a child, the opportunities for work become more restricted, and they drift into prostitution. it has been found that of nearly , women who passed through magdalen homes in england, over , or more than sixteen per cent--and this is probably an under-estimate--were definitely feeble-minded. the women belonging to this feeble-minded group were known to have added illegitimate children to the population. in germany bonhoeffer found among prostitutes who passed through a prison that were hereditarily degenerate and feeble-minded. this would be an over-estimate as regards average prostitutes, though the offences were no doubt usually trivial, but in any case the association between prostitution and feeble-mindedness is intimate. everywhere, there can be no doubt, the ranks of prostitution contain a considerable proportion of women who were, at the very outset, in some slight degree feeble-minded, mentally and morally a little blunted through some taint of inheritance.[ ] criminality, again, is associated with feeble-mindedness in the most intimate way. not only do criminals tend to belong to large families, but the families that produce feeble-minded offspring also produce criminals, while a certain degree of feeble-mindedness is extremely common among criminals, and the most hopeless and typical, though fortunately rare, kind of criminal, frequently termed a "moral imbecile," is nothing more than a feeble-minded person whose defect is shown not so much in his intelligence as in his feelings and his conduct. sir h.b. donkin, who speaks with authority on this matter, estimates that, though it is difficult to obtain the early history of the criminals who enter english prisons, about twenty per cent of them are of primarily defective mental capacity. this would mean that every year some , feeble-minded persons are sent to english prisons as "criminals." the tendency of criminals to belong to the feeble-minded class is indeed every day becoming more clearly recognized. at pentonville, putting aside prisoners who were too mentally affected to be fit for prison discipline, eighteen per cent of the adult prisoners and forty per cent of the juvenile offenders were found to be feeble-minded. this includes only those whose defect is fairly obvious, and is not the result of methodical investigation. it is certain that such methodical inquiry would reveal a very large proportion of cases of less obvious mental defect. thus the systematic examination of a number of delinquent children in an industrial school showed that in seventy-five per cent cases they were defective as compared to normal children, and that their defectiveness was probably inborn. even the possession of a considerable degree of cunning is no evidence against mental defect, but may rather be said to be a sign of it, for it shows an intelligence unable to grasp the wider relations of life, and concentrated on the gratification of petty and immediate desires. thus it happens that the cunning of criminals is frequently associated with almost inconceivable stupidity.[ ] closely related to the great feeble-minded class, and from time to time falling into crime, are the inmates of workhouses, tramps, and the unemployable. the so-called "able-bodied" inmates of the workhouses are frequently found, on medical examination, to be, in more than fifty per cent cases, mentally defective, equally so whether they are men or women. tramps, by nature and profession, who overlap the workhouse population, and are estimated to number , to , in england and wales, when the genuine unemployed are eliminated, are everywhere found to be a very degenerate class, among whom the most mischievous kinds of feeble-mindedness and mental perversion prevail. inebriates, the people who are chronically and helplessly given to drink, largely belong to the same great family, and do not so much become feeble-minded because they drink, but possess the tendency to drink because they have a strain of feeble-mindedness from birth. branthwaite, the chief english authority on this question, finds that of the inebriates who come to his notice, putting aside altogether the group of actually insane persons, about sixty-three per cent are mentally defective, and scarcely more than a third of the whole number of average mental capacity. it is evident that these people, even if restored to sobriety, would still retain their more or less inborn defectiveness, and would remain equally, unfit to become the parents of the coming generation. these are the kind of people--tramps, prostitutes, paupers, criminals, inebriates, all tending to be born a little defective--who largely make up the great degenerate families whose histories are from time to time recorded. such a family was that of the jukes in america, who, in the course of five generations, by constantly intermarrying with bad stocks, produced known descendants who were on the whole unfit for society, and have been a constant danger and burden to society.[ ] a still larger family of the same kind, more recently studied in germany, consisted of known persons, all descended from a drunken vagabond woman, probably somewhat feeble-minded but physically vigorous. the great majority of these descendants were prostitutes, tramps, paupers, and criminals (some of them murderers), and the direct cost in money to the prussian state for the keep and care of this woman and her family has been a quarter of a million pounds. yet another such family is that of the "zeros." three centuries ago they were highly respectable people, living in a swiss valley. but they intermarried with an insane stock, and subsequently married other women of an unbalanced nature. in recent times members of this family have been studied, and it is found that vagrancy, feeble-mindedness, mental troubles, criminality, pauperism, immorality are, as it may be termed, their patrimony.[ ] these classes, with their tendency to weak-mindedness, their inborn laziness, lack of vitality, and unfitness for organized activity, contain the people who complain that they are starving for want of work, though they will never perform any work that is given them. feeble-mindedness is an absolute dead-weight on the race. it is an evil that is unmitigated. the heavy and complicated social burdens and injuries it inflicts on the present generation are without compensation, while the unquestionable fact that in any degree it is highly inheritable renders it a deteriorating poison to the race; it depreciates the quality of a people. the task of social hygiene which lies before us cannot be attempted by this feeble folk. not only can they not share it, but they impede it; their clumsy hands are for ever becoming entangled in the delicate mechanism of our modern civilization. their very existence is itself an impediment. apart altogether from the gross and obvious burden in money and social machinery which the protection they need, and the protection we need against them, casts upon the community,[ ] they dilute the spiritual quality of the community to a degree which makes it an inapt medium for any high achievement. it matters little how small a city or a nation is, provided the spirit of its people is great. it is the smallest communities that have most powerfully and most immortally raised the level of civilization, and surrounded the human species (in its own eyes) with a halo of glory which belongs to no other species. only a handful of people, hemmed in on every side, created the eternal radiance of athens, and the fame of the little city of florence may outlive that of the whole kingdom of italy. to realize this truth in the future of civilization is one of the first tasks of social hygiene.[ ] it is here that the ideals of eugenics may be expected to work fruitfully. to insist upon the power of heredity was once considered to indicate a fatalistic pessimism. it wears a very different aspect nowadays, in the light of eugenics. "to the eugenist," as davenport observes, "heredity stands as the one great hope of the human race: its saviour from imbecility, poverty, disease, immorality."[ ] we cannot, indeed, desire any compulsory elimination of the unfit or any centrally regulated breeding of the fit.[ ] such notions are idle, and even the mere fact that unbalanced brains may air them abroad tends to impair the legitimate authority of eugenic ideals. the two measures which are now commonly put forward for the attainment of eugenic ends--health certificates as a legal preliminary to marriage and the sterilization of the unfit--are excellent when wisely applied, but they become mischievous, if not ridiculous, in the hands of fanatics who would employ them by force. domestic animals may be highly bred from outside, compulsorily. man can only be bred upwards from within through the medium of his intelligence and will, working together under the control of a high sense of responsibility. the infinite cunning of men and women is fully equal to the defeat of any attempt to touch life at this intimate point against the wish of those to whom the creation of life is entrusted. the laws of marriage even among savages have often been complex and strenuous in the highest degree. but it has been easy to bear them, for they have been part of the sacred and inviolable traditions of the race; religion lay behind them. and galton, who recognized the futility of mere legislation in the elevation of the race, believed that the hope of the future lies in rendering eugenics a part of religion. the only compulsion we can apply in eugenics is the compulsion that comes from within. all those in whom any fine sense of social and racial responsibility is developed will desire, before marriage, to give, and to receive, the fullest information on all the matters that concern ancestral inheritance, while the registration of such information, it is probable, will become ever simpler and more a matter of course.[ ] and if he finds that he is not justified in aiding to carry on the race, the eugenist will be content to make himself, in the words of jesus, "a eunuch for the kingdom of heaven's sake," whether, under modern conditions, that means abstention in marriage from procreation, or voluntary sterilization by operative methods.[ ] for, as giddings has put it, the goal of the race lies, not in the ruthless exaltation of a super-man, but in the evolution of a super-mankind. such a goal can only be reached by resolute selection and elimination.[ ] the breeding of men lies largely in the hands of women. that is why the question of eugenics is to a great extent one with the woman question. the realization of eugenics in our social life can only be attained with the realization of the woman movement in its latest and completest phase as an enlightened culture of motherhood, in all that motherhood involves alike on the physical and the psychic sides. motherhood on the eugenic basis is a deliberate and selective process, calling for the highest intelligence as well as the finest emotional and moral aptitudes, so that all the best energies of a long evolution of womanhood in the paths of modern culture here find their final outlet. the breeding of children further involves the training of children, and since the expansion of social hygiene renders education a far larger and more delicate task than it has ever been before, the responsibilities laid upon women by the evolution of civilization become correspondingly great. for the men who have been thus born and taught the tasks imposed by social hygiene are in no degree lighter. they demand all the best qualities of a selectively bred race from which the mentally and physically weak have, so far as possible, been bred out. the substitution of law for war alike in the relations of class to class, and of nation to nation, and the organization of international methods of social intercourse between peoples of different tongues and unlike traditions, are but two typical examples of the tasks, difficult but imperative, which social hygiene presents and the course of modern civilization renders insistent. again, the adequate adjustment of the claims of the individual and the claims of the community, each carried to its farthest point, can but prove an exquisite test of the quality of any well-bred and well-trained race. it is exactly in that balancing of apparent opposites, the necessity of pushing to extremes both opposites, and the consequent need of cultivating that quality of temperance the greeks estimated so highly, that the supreme difficulties of modern civilization lie. we see these difficulties again in relation to the extension of law. it is desirable and inevitable that the sphere of law should be extended, and that the disputes which are still decided by brutal and unreasoning force should be decided by humane and reasoning force, that is to say, by law. but, side by side with this extension of law, it is necessary to wage a constant war with the law-making tendency, to cherish an undying resolve to maintain unsullied those sacred and intimate impulses, all the finest activities of the moral sphere, which the generalizing hand of law can only injure and stain. it is these fascinating and impassioning problems, every day becoming of more urgent practical importance, which it is the task of social hygiene to solve, having first created the men and women who are fit to solve them. it is such problems as these that we are to-day called upon to illuminate, as far as we may--it may not yet be very far--by the dry light of science. footnotes: [ ] muralt, _lettres sur les anglais_. lettre v. [ ] in the reign of richard ii ( ) an act was passed for "the punishment of those which cause corruption near a city or great town to corrupt the air." a century later (in henry vii's time) an act was passed to prevent butchers killing beasts in walled towns, the preamble to this act declaring that no noble town in christendom should contain slaughter-houses lest sickness be thus engendered. in charles ii's time, after the great fire of london, the law provided for the better paving and cleansing of the streets and sewers. it was, however, in italy, as weyl points out (_geschichte der sozialen hygiene im mittelalter_, at a meeting of the gesellschaft für soziale medizin, may , ), that the modern movement of organized sanitation began. in the thirteenth century the great italian cities (like florence and pistoja) possessed _codici sanitarii_; but they were not carried out, and when the black death reached florence in , it found the city altogether unprepared. it was venice which, in the same year, first initiated vigorous state sanitation. disinfection was first ordained by gian visconti, in milan, in . the first quarantine station of which we hear was established in venice in . [ ] the rate of infant mortality in england and wales has decreased from per births in - to per births in . in reference to this remarkable fall which has taken place _pari passu_ with the fall in the birth-rate, newsholme, the medical officer to the local government board, writes: "there can be no reasonable doubt that much of the reduction has been caused by that 'concentration' on the mother and the child which has been a striking feature of the last few years. had the experience of - held good there would have been , more deaths of infants in than actually occurred." in some parts of the country, however, where the women go out to work in factories (as in lancashire and parts of staffordshire) the infantile mortality remains very high. [ ] mrs. bertrand russell, "the ghent school for mothers," _nineteenth century_, december, . [ ] it is scarcely necessary to say that other classifications of social reform on its more hygienic side may be put forward. thus w.h. allen, looking more narrowly at the sanitary side of the matter, but without confining his consideration to the nineteenth century, finds that there are always seven stages: ( ) that of racial tutelage, when sanitation becomes conscious and receives the sanction of law; ( ) the introduction of sanitary comfort, well-paved streets, public sewers, extensive waterworks; ( ) the period of commercial sanitation, when the mercantile classes insist upon such measures as quarantine and street-cleaning to check the immense ravages of epidemics; ( ) the introduction of legislation against nuisances and the tendency to extend the definition of nuisance, which for bracton, in the fourteenth century, meant an obstruction, and for blackstone, in the eighteenth, included things otherwise obnoxious, such as offensive trades and foul watercourses; ( ) the stage of precaution against the dangers incidental to the slums that are fostered by modern conditions of industry; ( ) the stage of philanthropy, erecting hospitals, model tenements, schools, etc.; ( ) the stage of socialistic sanitation, when the community as a whole actively seeks its own sanitary welfare, and devotes public funds to this end. (w.h. allen, "sanitation and social progress," _american journal of sociology_, march, .) [ ] dr. f. bushee has pointed out ("science and social progress," _popular science monthly_, september, ) that there is a kind of related progression between science and practice in this matter: "the natural sciences developed first, because man was first interested in the conquest of nature, and the simpler physical laws could be grasped at an early period. this period brought an increase of wealth, but it was wasteful of human life. the desire to save life led the way to the study of biology. knowledge of the physical environment and of life, however, did not prevent social disease from flourishing, and did not greatly improve the social condition of a large part of society. to overcome these defects the social sciences within recent years have been cultivated with great seriousness. interest in the social sciences has had to wait for the enlarged sympathies and the sense of solidarity which has appeared with the growing interdependence of dense populations, and these conditions have been dependent upon the advance of the other sciences. with the cultivation of the social sciences, the chain of knowledge will be complete, at least so far as the needs which have already appeared are concerned. for each group of sciences will solve one or more of the great problems which man has encountered in the process of development. the physical sciences will solve the problems of environment, the biological sciences the problems of life, and the social sciences the problems of society." [ ] this exclusive pre-occupation with the improvement of the environment has been termed euthenics by mrs. ellen h. richards, who has written a book with this title, advocating euthenics in opposition to eugenics. [ ] not one of the four stages of social reform already summarized can be neglected. on the contrary, they all need to be still further consolidated in a completely national organization of health. i may perhaps refer to the little book on _the nationalization of health_, in which, many years ago, i foreshadowed this movement, as well as to the recent work of professor benjamin moore on the same subject. the gigantic efforts of germany, and later of england, to establish national insurance systems, bear noble witness to the ardour with which these two countries, at all events, are moving towards the desired goal. [ ] in some countries, however, the decline, although traceable about , only began to be pronounced somewhat later, in austria in , in the german empire, hungary and italy in , and in prussia in . most of these countries, though late in following the modern movement of civilization initiated by france, are rapidly making their way in the same direction. thus the birth-rate in berlin is already as low as that of paris ten years ago, although the french decline began at a very early period. in norway, again, the decline was not marked until , but the birth-rate has nevertheless already fallen as low as that of sweden, where the fall began very much earlier. [ ] "foresight and self-control is, and always must be, the ground and medium of all moral socialism," says bosanquet (_the civilization of christendom_, p. ), using the term "socialism" in the wide and not in the economic sense. we see the same civilized growth of foresight and self-control in the decrease of drunkenness. thus in england the number of convictions for drunkenness, while varying greatly in different parts of the country, is decreasing for the whole country at the rapid rate of to a year, notwithstanding the constant growth of the population. it is incorrect to suppose that this decrease has any connection with decreased opportunities for drinking; thus in london county and in cardiff the proportion of premises licensed for drinking is the same, yet while the convictions for drunkenness in were in london per , inhabitants, in cardiff they were under per , . [ ] thus heron finds that in london during the past fifty years there has been per cent increase in the intensity of the relation between low social birth and high birth-rate, and that the high birth-rate of the lower social classes is not fully compensated by their high death-rate (d. heron, "on the relation of fertility in man to social status," _drapers' company research memoirs_, no. i, ). as, however, newsholme and stevenson point out (_journal royal statistical society_, april, , p. ), the net addition to the population made by the best social classes is at so very slightly lower a rate than that made by the poorest class that, even if we consent to let the question rest on this ground, there is still no urgent need for the wailings of cassandra. [ ] _sociological papers_ of the sociological society, , p. . [ ] there is a certain profit in studying one's own ancestry. it has been somewhat astonishing to me to find how very slight are the social oscillations traceable in a middle-class family and the families it intermarries with through several centuries. a professional family tends to form a caste marrying within that caste. an ambitious member of the family may marry a baronet's daughter, and another, less pretentious, a village tradesman's daughter; but the general level is maintained without rising or falling. occasionally, it happens that the ambitious and energetic son of a prosperous master-craftsman becomes a professional man, marries into the professional caste, and founds a professional family; such a family seems to flourish for some three generations, and then suddenly fails and dies out in the male line, while the vigour of the female line is not impaired. [ ] the new social adjustment of a family, it is probable, is always difficult, and if the change is sudden or extreme, the new environment may rapidly prove fatal to the family. lorenz (_lehrbuch der genealogie_, p. ) has shown that when a peasant family reaches an upper social class it dies out in a few generations. [ ] see, on this point, reibmayr, _entwicklungsgeschichte des talentes und genies_, vol. i, ch. vii. [ ] fahlbeck, _op. cit._, p. . [ ] regeneration implies that there has been degeneration, and it cannot be positively affirmed that such degeneration has, on the whole, occurred in such a manner as to affect the race. reibmayr (_die entwicklungsgeschichte des talentes und genies_, bd. i, p. ) regards degeneration as a process setting in with urbanization and the tendency to diminished population; if so, it is but another name for civilization, and can only be condemned by condemning civilization, whether or not physical deterioration occurs. the inter-departmental commission on physical deterioration held in , in london, concluded that there are no sufficient statistical or other data to prove that the physique of the people in the present, as compared with the past, has undergone any change; and this conclusion was confirmed by the director-general of the army medical service. there is certainly good reason to believe that urban populations (and especially industrial workers in factories) are inferior in height and weight and general development to rural populations, and less fit for military or similar service. the stunted development of factory workers in the east end of london was noted nearly a century ago, and german military experience distinctly shows the inferiority of the town-dweller to the country-dweller. (see e.g. weyl, _handbuch der hygiene_, supplement, bd. iv, pp. _et seq._; _politisch-anthropologische revue_, , pp. _et seq._) the proportion of german youths fit for military service slowly decreases every year; in it was . per cent, in only per cent; of those born in the country and engaged in agricultural or forest work . were found fit; of those born in the country and engaged in other industries, . per cent; of those born in towns, but engaged in agricultural or forest work, . per cent; of those born in towns and engaged in other industries . per cent. it is fairly clear that this deterioration under urban and industrial conditions cannot properly be termed a racial degeneration. it is, moreover, greatly improved even by a few months' training, and there is an immense difference between the undeveloped, feeble, half-starved recruit from the slums and the robust, broad-shouldered veteran when he leaves the army. the term "aggeneration"--not beyond criticism, though it is free from the objection to "regeneration"--was proposed by prof. christian von ehrenfels ("die aufsteigende entwicklung des menschen," _politisch-anthropologische revue_, april, , p. ). [ ] it is unnecessary to touch here on the question of infant mortality, which has already been referred to, and will again come in for consideration in a later chapter. it need only be said that a high birth-rate is inextricably combined with a high death-rate. the european countries with the highest birth-rates are, in descending order: russia, bulgaria, roumania, servia, and hungary. the european countries with the highest death-rates are, in descending order, almost the same: russia, hungary, spain, bulgaria, and servia, it is the same outside europe. thus chile, with a birth-rate which comes next after roumania, has a death-rate that is only second to russia. [ ] nyström (_la vie sexuelle_, , p. ) believes that "the time is coming when it will be considered the duty of municipal authorities, if they have found by experience or have reason to suspect that children will be thrown upon the parish, to instruct parents in methods of preventive conception." [ ] the directly unfavourable influences on the child of too short an interval between its birth and that of the previous child has been shown, for instance, by dr. r.j. ewart ("the influence of parental age on offspring," _eugenics review_, october, ). he has found at middlesbrough that children born at an interval of less than two years after the birth of the previous child still show at the age of six a notable deficiency in height, weight, and intelligence, when compared with children born after a longer interval, or with first-born children. [ ] _tatler_, vol. ii, no. , . [ ] "write man for primula, and the stage of the world for that of the greenhouse," says professor bateson (_biological fact and the structure of society_, , p. ), "and i believe that with a few generations of experimental breeding we should acquire the power similarly to determine how the varieties of men should be represented in the generations that succeed." but bateson proceeds to point out that our knowledge is still very inadequate, and he is opposed to eugenics by act of parliament. [ ] e. solmi, _la città del sole di campanella_, , p. xxxiv. [ ] only a year before his death galton wrote (preface to _essays in eugenics_): "the power by which eugenic reform must chiefly be effected is that of popular opinion, which is amply strong enough for that purpose whenever it shall be roused." [ ] it may perhaps be necessary to remark that by sterilization is here meant, not castration, but, in the male vasectomy (and a corresponding operation in the female), a simple and harmless operation which involves no real mutilation and no loss of power beyond that of procreation. see on this and related points, havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. xii. [ ] the term "feeble-minded" may be used generally to cover all degrees of mental weakness. in speaking a little more precisely, however, we have to recognize three main degrees of congenital mental weakness: _feeble-mindedness_, in which with care and supervision it is possible to work and earn a livelihood; _imbecility_, in which the subject is barely able to look after himself, and sometimes only has enough intelligence to be mischievous (the moral imbecile); and _idiocy_, the lowest depth of all, in which the subject has no intelligence and no ability to look after himself. more elaborate classifications are sometimes proposed. the method of binet and simon renders possible a fairly exact measurement of feeble-mindedness. [ ] mott (_archives of neurology and psychiatry_, vol. v, ) accepts the view that in some cases feeble-mindedness is simply a form of congenital syphilis, but he points out that feeble-mindedness abounds in many rural districts where syphilis, as well as alcoholism, is very rare, and concludes by emphasizing the influence of heredity; the prevalence of feeble-mindedness in these rural districts is thus due to the fact that the mentally and physically fit have emigrated to the great industrial centres, leaving the unfit to procreate the race. [ ] "whether germinal variations," remarked dr. r.j. ryle at a conference on feeble-mindedness (_british medical journal_, october , ), "be expressed by cleft palate, cataract, or cerebral deficiency of the pyramidal cells in the brain cortex, they may be produced, and, when once produced, they are reproduced as readily as the perfected structure of the face or eye or brain, if the gametes which contain these potentialities unite to form the ovum. but nature is not only the producer. given a fair field and no favour, natural selection would leave no problem of the unfit to perplex the mind of man who looks before and after. this we know cannot be, and we know, too, that we have no longer the excuse of ignorance to cover the neglect of the new duties which belong to the present epoch of civilization. we know now that we have to deal with a growing group in our community who demand permanent care and control as well for their own sakes as for the welfare of the community. all are now agreed on the general principle of segregation, but it is true that something more than this should be forthcoming. the difficulties of theory are clearing up as our wider view obtains a firmer grasp of our material, but the difficulties of practice are still before us." these remarks correspond with the general results reached by the royal commission on the feeble-minded, which issued its voluminous facts and conclusions in . [ ] see, for instance, a.f. tredgold, _mental deficiency_, . [ ] the investigation of bezzola showing that the maxima in the conception of idiots occur at carnival time, and especially at the vintage, has been held (especially by forel) to indicate that alcoholism of the parents at conception causes idiocy in the offspring. it may be so. but it may also be that the licence of these periods enables the defective members of the community to secure an amount of sexual activity which they would be debarred from under normal conditions. in that case the alcoholism would merely liberate, and not create, the idiocy-producing mechanism. [ ] godden, _eugenics review_, april, . [ ] feeble-mindedness and the other allied variations are not always exactly repeated in inheritance. they may be transmuted in passing from father to son, an epileptic father, for instance, having a feeble-minded child. these relationships of feeble-mindedness have been clearly brought out in an important investigation by davenport and weeks (_journal of nervous and mental disease_, november, ), who have for the first time succeeded in obtaining a large number of really thorough and precise pedigrees of such cases. [ ] it may be as well to point out once more that the possibility of such limited depreciation must not be construed into the statement that there has been any general "degeneration of the race." it maybe added that the notion that the golden age lay in the past, and that our own age is degenerate is not confined to a few biometricians of to-day; it has commended itself to uncritical minds in all ages, even the greatest, as far back as we can go. montesquieu referred to this common notion (and attempted to explain it) in his _pensées diverses_: "men have such a bad opinion of themselves," he adds, "that they have believed not only that their minds and souls were degenerate, but even their bodies, and that they were not so tall as the men of previous ages." it is thus quite logically that we arrive at the belief that when mankind first appeared, "there were giants on the earth in those days," and that adam lived to the age of nine hundred and thirty. evidently no syndromes of degenerescence there! [ ] the superintendent of a large state school for delinquent girls in america (as quoted in the chicago vice commission's report on _the social evil in chicago_, p. ) says: "the girls who come to us possessed of normal brain power, or not infected with venereal disease, we look upon as a prize indeed, and we seldom fail to make a woman worth while of a really normal girl, whatever her environment has been. but we have failed in numberless cases where the environment has been all right, but the girl was born wrong." [ ] see e.g. havelock ellis, _the criminal_, th ed., , chap iv. [ ] r.l. dugdale, _the jukes_, th ed., . it is noteworthy that dugdale, who wrote nearly forty years ago, was concerned to prove the influence of bad environment rather than of bad heredity. at that time the significance of heredity was scarcely yet conceived. it remains true, however, that bad heredity and bad environment constantly work together for evil. [ ] jörger, _archiv für rassen-und gesellschafts-biologie_, , p. . criminal families are also recorded by aubry, _la contagion du meutre_. [ ] even during school life this burden is serious. mr. bodey, inspector of schools, states that the defective school child costs three times as much as the ordinary school child. [ ] i have set forth these considerations more fully in a popular form in _the problem of the regeneration of the race_, the first of a series of "new tracts for the times," issued under the auspices of the national council of public morals. [ ] c.b. davenport, "euthenics and eugenics," _popular science monthly_, january, . [ ] the use of the terms "fit" and "unfit" in a eugenic sense has been criticized. it is said, for instance, that in a bad environment it may be precisely the defective classes who are most "fit" to survive. it is quite true that these terms are not well adapted to resist hyper-critical attack. the persistence with which they are employed seems, however, to indicate a certain "survival of the fittest." the terms "worthy" and "unworthy," which some would prefer to substitute, are unsatisfactory, for they have moral associations which are misleading. galton spoke of "civic worth" in this connection, and very occasionally used the term "worthy" (with inverted commas), but he was careful to point out (_essays in eugenics_, p. ) that in eugenics "we must leave morals as far as possible out of the discussion, not entangling ourselves with the almost hopeless difficulties they raise as to whether a character as a whole is good or bad." [ ] dr. toulouse has devoted a whole volume to the results of a minute personal examination of zola, the novelist, and another to poincaré, the mathematician. such minute investigations are at present confined to men of genius, but some day, perhaps, we shall consider that from the eugenic standpoint all men are men of genius. [ ] sterilization for social ends was introduced in switzerland a few years ago, in order to enable some persons with impaired self-control to be set at liberty and resume work without the risk of adding to the population defective members who would probably be a burden on the community. it was performed with the consent of the subjects (in some cases at their urgent request) and their relations, so requiring no special legislation, and the results are said to be satisfactory. in some american states sterilization for some classes of defective persons has been established by statute, but it is difficult to obtain reliable information as regards the working and the results of such legislation. [ ] when professor giddings speaks of the "goal of mankind," it must, of course, be remembered, he is using a bold metaphor in order to make his meaning clearer. strictly speaking, mankind has no "goals," nor are there any ends in nature which are not means to further ends. ii the changing status of women[ ] the origin of the woman movement--mary wollstonecraft--george sand--robert owen--william thompson--john stuart mill--the modern growth of social cohesion--the growth of industrialism--its influence in woman's sphere of work--the education of women--co-education--the woman question and sexual selection--significance of economic independence--the state regulation of marriage--the future of marriage--wilhelm von humboldt--social equality of women--the reproduction of the race as a function of society--women and the future of civilization. i it was in the eighteenth century, the seed-time of modern ideas, that our great-grandfathers became conscious of a discordant break in the traditional conceptions of women's status. the vague cries of justice, freedom, equality, which were then hurled about the world, were here and there energetically applied to women--notably in france by condorcet--and a new movement began to grow self-conscious and coherent. mary wollstonecraft, after aphra behn the first really noteworthy englishwoman of letters, gave voice to this movement in england. the famous and little-read _vindication of the rights of women_, careless and fragmentary as it is, and by no means so startling to us as to her contemporaries, shows mary wollstonecraft as a woman of genuine insight, who saw the questions of woman's social condition in their essential bearings. her intuitions need little modification, even though a century of progress has intervened. the modern advocates of woman's suffrage have little to add to her brief statement. she is far, indeed, from the monstrous notion of miss cobbe, that woman's suffrage is the "crown and completion" of all progress so far as women's movements are concerned. she looks upon it rather as one of the reasonable conditions of progress. it is pleasant to turn from the eccentric energy of so many of the advocates of women's causes to-day, all engaged in crying up their own particular nostrum, to the genial many-sided wisdom of mary wollstonecraft, touching all subjects with equal frankness and delicacy. the most brilliant and successful exponent of the new revolutionary ideas--making corinne and her prototype seem dim and ineffectual--was undoubtedly george sand. the badly-dressed woman who earned her living by scribbling novels, and said to m. du camp, as she sat before him in silence rolling her cigarette, "je ne dis rien parceque je suis bête," has exercised a profound influence throughout europe, an influence which, in the sclavonic countries especially, has helped to give impetus to the resolution we are now considering. and this not so much from any definite doctrines that underlie her work--for george sand's views on such matters varied as much as her political views--as from her whole temper and attitude. her large and rich nature, as sometimes happens in genius of a high order, was twofold; on the one hand, she possessed a solid serenity, a quiet sense of power, the qualities of a _bonne bourgeoise_, which found expression in her imperturbable calm, her gentle look and low voice. and with this was associated a massive, almost rabelaisian temperament (one may catch glimpses of it in her correspondence), a sane exuberant earthliness which delighted in every manifestation of the actual world. on the other hand, she bore within her a volcanic element of revolt, an immense disgust of law and custom. throughout her life george sand developed her strong and splendid individuality, not perhaps as harmoniously, but as courageously and as sincerely as even goethe. robert owen, who, like saint-simon in france, gave so extraordinary an impulse to all efforts at social reorganization, and who planted the seed of many modern movements, could not fail to extend his influence to the region of sex. a disciple of his, william thompson, who still holds a distinguished position in the history of the economic doctrines of socialism, wrote, under the inspiration of a woman (a mrs. wheeler), and published in , an _appeal of one half of the human race, women, against the pretensions of the other half, men, to retain them in political, and thence in civil and domestic slavery_. it is a thorough and logical, almost eloquent, demand for the absolute social equality of the sexes.[ ] forty years later, mill, also inspired by a woman, published his _subjection of women_. however partial and inadequate it may seem to us, this was at that day a notable book. mill's clear vision and feminine sensibilities gave freshness to his observations regarding the condition and capacity of women, while his reputation imparted gravity and resonance to his utterances. since then the signs in literature of the breaking up of the status of women have become far too numerous to be chronicled even in a volume. it is enough to have mentioned here some typical initiatory names. now, the movement may be seen at work anywhere, from norway to italy, from russia to california. the status which women are now entering places them, not, as in the old communism, in large measure practically above men, nor, as in the subsequent period, both practically and theoretically in subordination to men. it places them side by side, with like rights and like duties in relation to society. ii condorcet, mary wollstonecraft, george sand, owen, mill--these were feathers on the stream. they indicated the forces that had their source at the centre of social life. that historical movement which produced mother-law probably owed its rise, as well as its fall, to demands of subsistence and property--that is, to economic causes. the decay of the subsequent family system, in which the whole power is concentrated in the male head, is being produced by similar causes. the early communism, and the modes of action and sentiment which it had produced, still practically persisted long after the new system had arisen. in the patriarchal family the woman still had a recognized sphere of work and a recognized right to subsistence. it was not, indeed, until the sudden development of the industrial system, and the purely individualistic economics with which it was associated, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, that women in england were forced to realize that their household industries were gone, and that they must join in that game of competition in which the field and the rules had alike been chosen with reference to men alone. the commercial and industrial system, and the general diffusion of education that has accompanied it, and which also has its roots in economic causes, has been the chief motive force in revolutionizing the status of women; and the epoch of unrestricted competition on masculine lines has been a necessary period of transition.[ ] at the present time two great tendencies are visible in our social organization. on the one hand, the threads of social life are growing closer, and organization, as regards the simple and common means of subsistence, is increasing. on the other hand, as regards the things that most closely concern the individual person, the sphere of freedom is being perpetually enlarged. instead of every man digging a well for his own use and at his own free pleasure, perhaps in a graveyard or a cesspool, we consent to the distribution of water by a central executive. we have carried social methods so far that, instead of producing our own bread and butter, we prefer to go to a common bakery and dairy. the same centralizing methods are extending to all those things of which all have equal need. on the other hand, we exercise a very considerable freedom of individual thought. we claim a larger and larger freedom of individual speech and criticism. we worship any god we choose, after any fashion we choose. the same individual freedom is beginning to invade the sexual relationships. it is extending to all those things in regard to which civilized men have become so variously differentiated that they have no equal common needs. these two tendencies, so far from being antagonistic, cannot even be carried out under modern conditions of life except together. it is only by social co-operation in regard to what is commonly called the physical side of life that it becomes possible for the individual to develop his own peculiar nature. the society of the future is a reasonable anarchy founded on a broad basis of collectivism. it is not our object here to point out how widely these tendencies affect men, but it is worth while to indicate some of their bearings on the condition of women. while genuine productive industries have been taken out of the hands of women who work under the old conditions, an increasingly burdensome weight of unnecessary duties has been laid upon them. under the old communistic system, when a large number of families lived together in one great house, the women combined to perform their household duties, the cooking being done at a common fire. they had grown up together from childhood, and combination could be effected without friction. it is the result of the later system that the woman has to perform all the necessary household duties in the most wasteful manner, with least division of labour; while she has, in addition, to perform a great amount of unnecessary work, in obedience to traditional or conventional habits, which make it impossible even to perform the simple act of dusting the rooms of a small house in less than perhaps an hour and a half. she has probably also to accomplish, if she happens to belong to the middle or upper classes, an idle round of so-called "social duties." she tries to escape, when she can afford it, by adopting the apparently simple expedient of paying other people to perform these necessary and unnecessary household duties, but this expedient fails; the "social duties" increase in the same ratio as the servants increase and the task of overseeing these latter itself proves formidable. it is quite impossible for any person under these conditions to lead a reasonable and wholesome human life. a healthy life is more difficult to attain for the woman of the ordinary household than for the worker in a mine, for he at least, when the work of his set is over, has two-thirds of the twenty-four hours to himself. the woman is bound by a thousand lilliputian threads from which there seems no escape. she often makes frantic efforts to escape, but the combined strength of the threads generally proves too strong. there can be no doubt that the present household system is doomed; the higher standard of intelligence demanded from women, the growth of interest in the problems of domestic economy, the movement for association of labour, the revolt against the survivals of barbaric complication in living--all these, which are symptoms of a great economic revolution, indicate, the approach of a new period. the education of women is an essential part of the great movement we are considering. women will shortly be voters, and women, at all events in england, are in a majority. we have to educate our mistresses as we once had to educate our masters. and the word "education" is here used by no means in the narrow sense. a woman may be acquainted with greek and the higher mathematics, and be as uneducated in the wider relationships of life as a man in the like case. how much women suffer from this lack of education may be seen to-day even among those who are counted as leaders. there are extravagances in every period of transition. undoubtedly a potent factor in bringing about a saner attitude will be the education of boys and girls together. the lack of early fellowship fosters an unnatural divergence of aims and ideals, and a consequent lack of sympathy. it makes possible those abundant foolish generalizations by men concerning "women," by women concerning "men." st. augustine, at an early period of his ardent career, conceived with certain friends the notion of forming a community having goods in common; the scheme was almost effected when it was discovered that "those little wives, which some already had, and others would shortly have," objected, and so it fell through. perhaps the _mulierculæ_ were right. it is simply a rather remote instance of a fundamental divergence amply illustrated before our eyes. if men and women are to understand each other, to enter into each other's natures with mutual sympathy, and to become capable of genuine comradeship, the foundation must be laid in youth. another wholesome reform, promoted by co-education, is the physical education of women. in the case of boys special attention has generally been given to physical education, and the lack of it is one among several artificial causes of that chronic ill-health which so often handicaps women. women must have the same education as men, miss faithfull shrewdly observes, because that is sure to be the best. the present education of boys cannot, however, be counted a model, and the gradual introduction of co-education will produce many wholesome reforms. if the intimate association of the sexes destroys what remnant may linger of the unhealthy ideal of chivalry--according to which a woman was treated as a cross between an angel and an idiot--that is matter for rejoicing. wherever men and women stand in each other's presence the sexual instinct will always ensure an adequate ideal halo. iii the chief question that we have to ask when we consider the changing status of women is: how will it affect the reproduction of the race? hunger and love are the two great motor impulses, the ultimate source, probably, of all other impulses. hunger--that is to say, what we call "economic causes"--has, because it is the more widespread and constant, though not necessarily the more imperious instinct, produced nearly all the great zoological revolutions, including, as we have seen, the rise and fall of that phase of human evolution dominated by mother-law. yet love has, in the form of sexual selection, even before we reach the vertebrates, moulded races to the ideal of the female; and reproduction is always the chief end of nutrition which hunger waits on, the supreme aim of life everywhere. if we place on the one side man, as we know him during the historical period, and on the other, nearly every highly organized member of the animal family, there appears, speaking roughly and generally, a distinct difference in the relation which these two motor impulses bear to each other. among animals generally, economics are comparatively so simple that it is possible to satisfy the nutritive instinct without putting any hard pressure on the spontaneous play of the reproductive instinct. and nearly everywhere it is the female who has the chief voice in the establishment of sexual relationships. the males compete for the favour of the female by the fascination of their odour, or brilliant colour, or song, or grace, or strength, as revealed in what are usually mock-combats. the female is, in these respects, comparatively unaccomplished and comparatively passive. with her rests the final decision, and only after long hesitation, influenced, it seems, by a vaguely felt ideal resulting from her contemplation of the rivals, she calls the male of her choice.[ ] a dim instinct seems to warn her of the pains and cares of maternity, so that only the largest promises of pleasure can induce her to undertake the function of reproduction. in civilized man, on the other hand, as we know him, the situation is to some extent reversed; it is the woman who, by the display of her attractions, competes for the favour of the man. the final invitation does not come, as among animals generally, from the female; the decision rests with the man. it would be a mistake to suppose that this change reveals the evolution of a superior method; although it has developed the beauty of women, it has clearly had its origin in economic causes. the demands of nutrition have overridden those of reproduction; sexual selection has, to a large extent, given place to natural selection, a process clearly not for the advantage of the race. the changing status of women, in bestowing economic independence, will certainly tend to restore to sexual selection its due weight in human development. in so doing it will certainly tend also to destroy prostitution, which is simply one of the forms in which the merging of sexual selection in natural selection has shown itself. wherever sexual selection has free play, unhampered by economic considerations, prostitution is impossible. the dominant type of marriage is, like prostitution, founded on economic considerations; the woman often marries chiefly to earn her living; here, too, we may certainly expect profound modifications. we have long sought to preserve our social balance by placing an unreasonable licence in the one scale, an equally unreasonable abstinence in the other; the economic independence of women, tending to render both extremes unnecessary, can alone place the sexual relationships on a sound and free basis. the state regulation of marriage has undoubtedly played a large and important part in the evolution of society. at the present time the advantages of this artificial control no longer appear so obvious (even when the evidence of the law courts is put aside); they will vanish altogether when women have attained complete economic independence. with the disappearance of the artificial barriers in the way of friendship between the sexes and of the economic motive to sexual relationships--perhaps the two chief forces which now tend to produce promiscuous sexual intercourse, whether dignified or not with the name of marriage--men and women will be free to engage, unhampered, in the search, so complicated in a highly civilized condition of society, for a fitting mate.[ ] it is probable that this inevitable change will be brought about partly by the voluntary action of individuals, and in greater measure by the gradual and awkward method of shifting and ever freer divorce laws. the slow disintegration of state-regulated marriage from the latter cause may be observed now throughout the united states, where there is, on the whole, a developing tendency to frequency and facility of divorce. it is clear, however, that on this line marriage will not cease to be a concern to the state, and it may be as well to point out at once the important distinction between state-_regulated_ and state-_registered_ marriage. sexual relationships, so long as they do not result in the production of children, are matters in which the community has, as a community, little or no concern, but as soon as a sexual relationship results in the pregnancy of the woman the community is at once interested. at this point it is clearly the duty of the state to register the relationship.[ ] it is necessary to remember that the kind of equality of the sexes towards which this change of status is leading, is social equality--that is, equality of freedom. it is not an intellectual equality, still less is it likeness. men and women can only be alike mentally when they are alike in physical configuration and physiological function. even complete economic equality is not attainable. among animals which live in herds under the guidance of a leader, this leader is nearly always a male; there are few exceptions.[ ] in woman, the long period of pregnancy and lactation, and the prolonged helplessness of her child, render her for a considerable period of her life economically dependent. on whom shall she be dependent? this is a question of considerable moment. according to the old conception of the family, all the members were slaves producing for the benefit of the owner, and it was natural that the wife should be supported by the husband when she is producing slaves for his service. but this conception is, as we have seen, no longer possible. it is clearly unfair also to compel the mother to depend on her own previous exertions. the reproduction of the race is a social function, and we are compelled to conclude that it is the duty of the community, as a community, to provide for the child-bearer when in the exercise of her social function she is unable to provide for herself. the woman engaged in producing a new member, who may be a source of incalculable profit or danger to the whole community, cannot fail to be a source of the liveliest solicitude to everyone in the community, and it was a sane and beautiful instinct that found expression of old in the permission accorded to a pregnant woman to enter gardens and orchards, and freely help herself. whether this instinct will ever again be embodied in a new form, and the reproduction of the race be recognized as truly a social function, is a question which even yet lacks actuality. the care of the child-bearer and her child will at present continue to be a matter for individual arrangement. that it will be arranged much better than at present we may reasonably hope. on the one hand, the reckless multiplication of children will probably be checked; on the other hand, a large body of women will no longer be shut out from maternity. that the state should undertake the regulation of the birth-rate we can scarcely either desire or anticipate. undoubtedly the community has an abstract right to limit the number of its members. it may be pointed out, however, that under rational conditions of life the process would probably be self-regulating; in the human races, and also among animals generally, fertility diminishes as the organism becomes highly developed. and, without falling back on any natural law, it may be said that the extravagant procreation of children, leading to suffering both to parents and offspring, carried on under existing social conditions, is largely the result of ignorance, largely of religious or other superstition. a more developed social state would not be possible at all unless the social instincts were strong enough to check the reckless multiplication of offspring. richardson and others appear to advocate the special cultivation of a class of non-childbearing women. certainly no woman who freely chose should be debarred from belonging to such a class. but reproduction is the end and aim of all life everywhere, and in order to live a humanly complete life, every healthy woman should have, not sexual relationships only, but the exercise at least once in her life of the supreme function of maternity, and the possession of those experiences which only maternity can give. that unquestionably is the claim of natural and reasonable living in the social state towards which we are moving. to deal with the social organization of the future would be to pass beyond the limits that i have here set myself, and to touch on matters of which it is impossible to speak with certainty. the new culture of women, in the light and the open air, will doubtless solve many matters which now are dark to us. morgan supposed that it was in some measure the failure of the greeks and romans to develop their womanhood which brought the speedy downfall of classic civilization. the women of the future will help to renew art and science as well as life. they will do more even than this, for the destiny of the race rests with women. "i have sometimes thought," whitman wrote in his _democratic vistas_, "that the sole avenue and means to a reconstructed society depended primarily on a new birth, elevation, expansion, invigoration of women." that intuition is not without a sound basis, and if a great historical movement called for justification here would be enough. footnotes: [ ] this chapter was written so long ago as , and published in the _westminster review_ in the following year. i have pleasure in here including it exactly as it was originally written, not only because it has its proper place in the present volume, but because it may be regarded as a programme which i have since elaborated in numerous volumes. the original first section has, however, been omitted, as it embodied a statement of the matriarchal theory which, in view of the difficulty of the subject and the wide differences of opinion about it, i now consider necessary to express more guardedly (see, for a more recent statement, havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. x). with this exception, and the deletion of two insignificant footnotes, no changes have been made. after the lapse of a quarter of a century i find nothing that i seriously wish to withdraw and much that i now wish to emphasize. [ ] the following passage summarizes this _appeal_: "the simple and modest request is, that they may be permitted equal enjoyments with men, _provided they can, by the free and equal development and exercise of their faculties, procure for themselves such enjoyments_. they ask the same means that men possess of acquiring every species of knowledge, of unfolding every one of their faculties of mind and body that can be made tributary to their happiness. they ask every facility of access to every art, occupation, profession, from the highest to the lowest, without one exception, to which their inclinations and talents may direct and may fit them to occupy. they ask the removal of _all_ restraints and exclusions not applicable to men of equal capacities. they ask for perfectly equal political, civil, and domestic rights. they ask for equal obligations and equal punishments from the law with men in case of infraction of the same law by either party. they ask for an equal system of morals, founded on utility instead of caprice and unreasoning despotism, in which the same action, attended with the same consequences, whether done by man or woman, should be attended with the same portion of approbation or disapprobation; in which every pleasure, accompanied or followed by no preponderant evil, should be equally permitted to women and to men; in which every pleasure accompanied or followed by preponderant evil should be equally censured in women and in men." [ ] a period of transition not the less necessary although it is certainly disastrous and tends to produce an unwholesome tension between the sexes so long as men and women do not receive equal payment for equal work. "a thing of beauty is a joy for ever," as a working man in blackburn lately put it, "but when the thing of beauty takes to doing the work for s. a week that you have been paid s. for, you do not feel as if you cannot live without possessing that thing of beauty all to yourself, or that you are willing to lay your life and your fortune (when you have one) at its feet." on the other hand, the working girl in the same town often complains that a man will not look at a girl unless she is a "four-loom weaver," earning, that is, perhaps, s. or s. a week. [ ] see the very interesting work of alfred espinas, _des sociétés animales_, which contains many fruitful suggestions for the student of human sociology. [ ] the subtle and complex character of the sexual relationships in a high civilization, and the unhappy results of their state regulation, was well expressed by wilhehm von humboldt in his _ideen zu einen versuch, die grenzen der wirksamkeit des staates zu bestimmen_, so long ago as : "a union so closely allied with the very nature of the respective individuals must be attended with the most hurtful consequences when the state attempts to regulate it by law, or, through the force of its institutions, to make it repose on anything save simple inclination. when we remember, moreover, that the state can only contemplate the final results of such regulations on the race, we shall be still more ready to admit the justice of this conclusion. it may reasonably be argued that a solicitude for the race only conducts to the same results as the highest solicitude for the most beautiful development of the inner man. for after careful observation it has been found that the uninterrupted union of one man with one woman is most beneficial to the race, and it is likewise undeniable that no other union springs from true, natural, harmonious love. and further, it may be observed that such love leads to the same results as those very relations which law and custom tend to establish. the radical error seems to be that the law commands; whereas such a relation cannot mould itself according to external arrangements, but depends wholly on inclination; and wherever coercion or guidance comes into collision with inclination, they divert it still farther from the proper path. wherefore it appears to me that the state should not only loosen the bonds in this instance, and leave ampler freedom to the citizen, but that it should entirely withdraw its active solicitude from the institution of marriage, and both generally and in its particular modifications, should rather leave it wholly to the free choice of the individuals, and the various contracts they may enter into with respect to it. i should not be deterred from the adoption of this principle by the fear that all family relations might be disturbed, for although such a fear might be justified by considerations of particular circumstances and localities, it could not fairly be entertained in an inquiry into the nature of men and states in general. for experience frequently convinces us that just where law has imposed no fetters, morality most surely binds; the idea of external coercion is one entirely foreign to an institution which, like marriage, reposes only on inclination and an inward sense of duty; and the results of such coercive institutions do not at all correspond to the intentions in which they originate." [ ] such register should, as bertillon rightly insisted, be of the most complete description--setting forth all the anthropological traits of the contracting parties--so that the characteristics of a human group at any time and place may be studied and compared. registration of this kind would, beside its more obvious convenience, form an almost indispensable guide to the higher evolution of the race. i may here add that i have assumed, perhaps too rashly, that the natural tendency among civilized men and women is towards a monogamic and more or less permanent union; preceded, it may be in most individuals, by a more restless period of experiment. undoubtedly, many variations will arise in the future, leading to more complex relationships. such variations cannot be foreseen, and when they arise they will still have to prove their stability and their advantage to the race. [ ] as among geese, and, occasionally, it is said, among elephants. iii the new aspect of the woman's movement eighteenth-century france--pioneers of the woman's movement--the growth of the woman's suffrage movement--the militant activities of the suffragettes--their services and disservices to the cause--advantages of women's suffrage--sex questions in germany--bebel--the woman's rights movement in germany--the development of sexual science in germany--the movement for the protection of motherhood--ellen key--the question of illegitimacy--eugenics--women as law-makers in the home. i the modern conception of the political equality of women with men, we have seen, arose in france in the second half of the eighteenth century. its way was prepared by the philosophic thinkers of the _encyclopédie_, and the idea was definitely formulated by some of the finest minds of the age, notably by condorcet,[ ] as part of the great new programme of social and political reform which was to some small degree realized in the upheaval of the revolution. the political emancipation of women constituted no part of the revolution. it has indeed been maintained, and perhaps with reason, that the normal development of the revolutionary spirit would probably have ended in vanquishing the claim of masculine predominance if war had not diverted the movement of revolution by transforming it into the terror. even as it was, the rights of women were not without their champions even at this period. we ought specially to remember olympe de gouges, whose name is sometimes dismissed too contemptuously. with all her defects of character and education and literary style, olympe de gouges, as is now becoming recognized, was, in her biographer's words, "one of the loftiest and most generous souls of the epoch," in some respects superior to madame roland. she was the first woman to demand of the revolution that it should be logical by proclaiming the rights of woman side by side with those of her equal, man, and in so doing she became the great pioneer of the feminist movement of to-day.[ ] she owes the position more especially to her little pamphlet, issued in , entitled _déclaration des droits de la femme_. it is this _déclaration_ which contains the oft-quoted (or misquoted) saying: "women have the right to ascend the scaffold; they must also have the right to ascend the tribune." two years later she had herself ascended the scaffold, but the other right she claimed is only now beginning to be granted to women. at that time there were too many more pressing matters to be dealt with, and the only women who had been taught to demand the rights of their sex were precisely those whom the revolution was guillotining or exiling. even had it been otherwise, we may be quite sure that napoleon, the heir of the revolution and the final arbiter of what was to be permanent in its achievements, would have sternly repressed any political freedom accorded to women. the only freedom he cared to grant to women was the freedom to produce food for cannon, and so far as lay in his power he sought to crush the political activities of women even in literature, as we see in his treatment of mme de staël.[ ] an englishwoman of genius was in paris at the time of the revolution, with as broad a conception of the place of woman side by side with man as olympe de gouges, while for the most part she was olympe's superior. in , a year after the _déclaration des droits de la femme_, mary wollstonecraft--it is possible to some extent inspired by the brief _déclaration_--published her _vindication of the rights of women_. it was not a shrill outcry, nor an attack on men--in that indeed resembling the _déclaration_--but just the book of a woman, a wise and sensible woman, who discusses many women's questions from a woman's point of view, and desires civil and political rights, not as a panacea for all evils, but simply because, as she argues, humanity cannot progress as a whole while one half of it is semi-educated and only half free. there can be little doubt that if the later advocates of woman's suffrage could have preserved more of mary wollstonecraft's sanity, moderation, and breadth of outlook, they would have diminished the difficulties that beset the task of convincing the community generally. mary wollstonecraft was, however, the inspired pioneer of a great movement which slowly gained force and volume.[ ] during the long victorian period the practical aims of this movement went chiefly into the direction of improving the education of girls so as to make it, so far as possible, like that of boys. in this matter an immense revolution was slowly accomplished, involving the entrance of women into various professions and employments hitherto reserved to men. that was a very necessary preliminary to the extension of the franchise to women. the suffrage propaganda could not, moreover, fail to benefit by the better education of women and their increased activity in public life. it was their activity, indeed, far more than the skill of the women who fought for the franchise, which made the political emancipation of women inevitable, and the noble and brilliant women who through the middle of the nineteenth century recreated the educational system for women, and so prepared them to play their proper part in life, were the best women workers the cause of women's enfranchisement ever had. there was, however, one distinguished friend of the emancipation of women whose advocacy of the cause at this period was of immense value. it is now nearly half a century since john stuart mill--inspired, like thompson, by a woman--wrote his _subjection of women_, and it may undoubtedly be said that since that date no book on this subject published in any country--with the single exception of bebel's _woman_--has been so widely read or so influential. the support of this distinguished and authoritative thinker gave to the woman's movement a stamp of aristocratic intellectuality very valuable in a land where even the finest minds are apt to be afflicted by the disease of timidity, and was doubtless a leading cause of the cordial reception which in england the idea of women's political emancipation has long received among politicians. bebel's book, speedily translated into english, furnished the plebeian complement to mill's. the movement for the education of women and their introduction into careers previously monopolized by men inevitably encouraged the movement for extending the franchise to women. this political reform was remarkably successful in winning over the politicians, and not those of one party only. in england, since mill published his _subjection of women_ in , there have always been eminent statesmen convinced of the desirability of granting the franchise to women, and among the rank and file of members of parliament, irrespective of party, a very large proportion have pledged themselves to the same cause. the difficulty, therefore, in introducing woman's suffrage into england has not been primarily in parliament. the one point, at which political party feeling has caused obstruction--and it is certainly a difficult and important point--is the method by which woman's suffrage should be introduced. each party--conservative, liberal, labour--naturally enough desires that this great new voting force should first be applied at a point which would not be likely to injure its own party interests. it is probable that in each party the majority of the leaders are of opinion that the admission of female voters is inevitable and perhaps desirable; the dispute is as to the extent to which the floodgates should in the first place be opened. in accordance with english tradition, some kind of compromise, however illogical, suggests itself as the safest first step, but the dispute remains as to the exact class of women who should be first admitted and the exact extent to which entrance should be granted to them. the dispute of the gate-keepers would, however, be easily overcome if the pressure behind the gate were sufficiently strong. but it is not. however large a proportion of the voters in great britain may be in favour of women's franchise, it is certain that only a very minute percentage regard this as a question having precedency over all other questions. and the reason why men have only taken a very temperate interest in woman's suffrage is that women themselves, in the mass, have taken an equally temperate interest in the matter when they have not been actually hostile to the movement. it may indeed be said, even at the present time, that whenever an impartial poll is taken of a large miscellaneous group of women, only a minority are found to be in favour of woman's suffrage.[ ] no significant event has occurred to stimulate general interest in the matter, and no supremely eloquent or influential voice has artificially stirred it. there has been no woman of mary wollstonecraft's genius and breadth of mind who has devoted herself to the cause, and since mill the men who have made up their minds on this side have been content to leave the matter to the women's associations formed for securing the success of the cause. these associations have, however, been led by women of a past generation, who, while of unquestionable intellectual power and high moral character, have viewed the woman question in a somewhat narrow, old-fashioned spirit, and have not possessed the gift of inspiring enthusiasm. thus the growth of the movement, however steady it may have been, has been slow. john stuart mill's remark, in a letter to bain in , remains true to-day: "the most important thing women have to do is to stir up the zeal of women themselves." in the meanwhile in some other countries where, except in the united states, it was of much more recent growth, the woman's suffrage movement has achieved success, with no great expenditure of energy. it has been introduced into several american states and territories. it is established throughout australasia. it is also established in norway. in finland women may not only vote, but also sit in parliament. it was in these conditions that the women's social and political union was formed in london. it was not an offshoot from any existing woman's suffrage society, but represented a crystallization of new elements. for the most part, even its leaders had not previously taken any active part in the movement for woman's suffrage. the suffrage movement had need of exactly such an infusion of fresh and ardent blood; so that the new society was warmly welcomed, and met with immediate success, finding recruits alike among the rich and the poor. its unconventional methods, its eager and militant spirit, were felt to supply a lacking element, and the first picturesque and dashing exploits of the union were on the whole well received. the obvious sincerity and earnestness of these very fresh recruits covered the rashness of their new and rather ignorant enthusiasm. but a hasty excess of ardour only befits a first uncalculated outburst of youthfulness. it is quite another matter when it is deliberately hardened into a rigid routine, and becomes an organized method of creating disorder for the purpose of advertising a grievance in season and out of season. since, moreover, the attack was directed chiefly against politicians, precisely that class of the community most inclined to be favourable to woman's suffrage, the wrong-headedness of the movement becomes as striking as its offensiveness. the effect on the early friends of the new movement was inevitable. some, who had hailed it with enthusiasm and proclaimed its pioneers as new joans of arc, changed their tone to expostulation and protest, and finally relapsed into silence. other friends of the movement, even among its former leaders, were less silent. they have revealed to the world, too unkindly, some of the influences which slowly corrupt such a movement from the inside when it hardens into sectarianism: the narrowing of aim, the increase of conventionality, the jealousy of rivals, the tendency to morbid emotionalism. it is easy to exaggerate the misdeeds and the weaknesses of the suffragettes. it is undoubtedly true that they have alienated, in an increasing degree, the sympathies of the women of highest character and best abilities among the advocates of woman's suffrage. nearly all englishwomen to-day who stand well above the average in mental distinction are in favour of woman's suffrage, though they may not always be inclined to take an active part in securing it. perhaps the only prominent exception is mrs. humphry ward. yet they rarely associate themselves with the methods of the suffragettes. they do not, indeed, protest, for they feel there would be a kind of disloyalty in fighting against the extreme left of a movement to which they themselves belong; but they stand aloof. the women who are chiefly attracted to the ranks of the suffragettes belong to three classes: ( ) those of the well-to-do class with no outlet for their activities, who eagerly embrace an exciting occupation which has become, not only highly respectable, but even, in a sense, fashionable; they have no natural tendency to excess, but are easily moved by their social environment; some of these are rich, and the great principle--once formulated in an unhappy moment concerning a rich lady interested in social reform--"we must not kill the goose that lays the golden eggs," has never been despised by the suffragette leaders; ( ) the rowdy element among women which is not so much moved to adopt the methods for the sake of the cause as to adopt the cause for the sake of the methods, so that in the case of their special emotional temperament it may be said, reversing an ancient phrase, that the means justify the end; this element of noisy explosiveness, always found in a certain proportion of women, though latent under ordinary circumstances, is easily aroused by stimulation, and in every popular revolt the wildest excesses are the acts of women. ( ) in this small but important group we find women of rare and beautiful character who, hypnotized by the enthralling influence of an idea, and often having no great intellectual power of their own, are even unconscious of the vulgarity that accompanies them, and gladly sacrifice themselves to a cause that seems to be sacred; these are the saints and martyrs of every movement. when we thus analyse the suffragette outburst we see that it is really compounded out of quite varied elements: a conventionally respectable element, a rowdy element, and an ennobling element. it is, therefore, equally unreasonable to denounce its vices or to idealize its virtues. it is more profitable to attempt to balance its services and its disservices to the cause of women's suffrage. looked at dispassionately, the two main disadvantages of the suffragette agitation--and they certainly seem at the first glance very comprehensive objections--lie in its direction and in its methods. there are two vast bodies of people who require to be persuaded in order to secure woman's suffrage: first women themselves, and secondly their men-folk, who at present monopolize the franchise. until the majority of both men and women are educated to understand the justice and reasonableness of this step, and until men are persuaded that the time has come for practical action, the most violent personal assaults on cabinet ministers--supposing such political methods to be otherwise unobjectionable--are beside the mark. they are aimed in the wrong direction. this is so even when we leave aside the fact that politicians are sufficiently converted already. the primary task of women suffragists is to convert their own sex. indeed it may be said that that is their whole task. whenever the majority of women are persuaded that they ought to possess the vote, we may be quite sure that they will communicate that persuasion to their men-folk who are able to give them the vote. the conversion of the majority of women to a belief in women's suffrage is essential to its attainment because it is only by the influence of the women who belong to him, whom he knows and loves and respects, that the average man is likely to realize that, as ellen key puts it, "a ballot paper in itself no more injures the delicacy of a woman's hand than a cooking recipe." the antics of women in the street, however earnest those women may be, only leave him indifferent, even hostile, at most, amused. it may be added that in any case it would be undesirable, even if possible, to bestow the suffrage on women so long as only a minority have the wish to exercise it. it would be contrary to sound public policy. it would not only discredit political rights, but it would tend to give the woman's vote too narrow and one-sided a character. to grant women the right to vote is a different matter from granting women the right to enter a profession. in order to give women the right to be doctors or lawyers it is not necessary that women generally should be convinced of the advantage of such a step. the matter chiefly concerns the very small number of women who desire the privilege. but the women who vote will be in some measure legislating for women generally, and it is therefore necessary that women generally should participate. but even if it is admitted--although, as we have seen, there is a twofold reason for not making such an admission--that the suffragettes are justified in regarding politicians as the obstacles in the way of their demands, there still remains the question of the disadvantage of their method. this method is by some euphemistically described as the introduction of "nagging" into politics; but even at this mild estimate of its character the question may still be asked whether the method is calculated to attain the desired end. one hears women suffragettes declare that this is the only kind of argument men understand. there is, however, in the masculine mind--and by no means least when it is british--an element which strongly objects to be worried and bullied even into a good course of action. the suffragettes have done their best to stimulate that element of obstinacy. even among men who viewed the matter from an unprejudiced standpoint many felt that, necessary as woman's suffrage is, the policy of the suffragettes rendered the moment unfavourable for its adoption. it is a significant fact that in the countries which have so far granted women the franchise no methods in the slightest degree resembling those of the suffragettes have ever been practised. it is not easy to imagine australia tolerating such methods, and in finland full parliamentary rights were freely granted, as is generally recognized, precisely as a mark of gratitude for women's helpfulness in standing side by side with their men in a great political struggle. the policy of obstruction adopted by the english suffragettes, with its "tactics" of opposing at election times the candidates of the very party whose leaders they are imploring to grant them the franchise, was so foolish that it is little wonder that many doubted whether women at all understand the methods of politics, or are yet fitted to take a responsible part in political life. the suffragette method of persuading public men seems to be, on the whole, futile, even if it were directed at the proper quarter, and even if it were in itself a justifiable method. but it would be possible to grant these "ifs" and still to feel that a serious injury is done to the cause of woman's suffrage when the method of violence is adopted by women. some suffragettes have argued, in this matter, that in political crises men also have acted just as badly or worse. but, even if we assume that this is the case,[ ] it has been one of the chief arguments hitherto for the admission of women into political life that they exercise an elevating and refining influence, so that their entrance into this field will serve to purify politics. that, no doubt, is an argument mostly brought forward by men, and may be regarded as, in some measure, an amiable masculine delusion, since most of the refining and elevating elements in civilization probably owe their origin not to women but to men. but it is not altogether a delusion. in the virtues of force--however humbly those virtues are to be classed--women, as a sex, can never be the rivals of men, and when women attempt to gain their ends by the demonstration of brute force they can only place themselves at a disadvantage. they are laying down the weapons they know best how to use, and adopting weapons so unsuitable that they only injure the users. many women, speaking on behalf of the suffragettes, protest against the idea that women must always be "charming." and if "charm" is to be understood in so narrow and conventionalized a sense that it means something which is incompatible with the developed natural activities, whether of the soul or of the body, then such a protest is amply justified. but in the larger sense, "charm"--which means the power to effect work without employing brute force--is indispensable to women. charm is a woman's strength just as strength is a man's charm. and the justification for women in this matter is that herein they represent the progress of civilization. all civilization involves the substitution in this respect of the woman's method for the man's. in the last resort a savage can only assert his rights by brute force. but with the growth of civilization the wronged man, instead of knocking down his opponent, employs "charm"; in other words he engages an advocate, who, by the exercise of sweet reasonableness, persuades twelve men in a box that his wrongs must be righted, and the matter is then finally settled, not by man's weapon, the fist, but by woman's weapon, the tongue. nowadays the same method of "charm" is being substituted for brute force in international wrongs, and with the complete substitution of arbitration for war the woman's method of charm will have replaced the man's method of brute force along the whole line of legitimate human activity. if we realize this we can understand why it is that a group of women who, even in the effort to support a good cause, revert to the crude method of violence are committing a double wrong. they are wronging their own sex by proving false to its best traditions, and they are wronging civilization by attempting to revive methods of savagery which it is civilization's mission to repress. therefore it may fairly be held that even if the methods of the suffragettes were really adequate to secure women's suffrage, the attainment of the franchise by those methods would be a misfortune. the ultimate loss would be greater than the gain. if we hold the foregoing considerations in mind it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that neither in their direction nor in their nature are the methods of the suffragettes fitted to attain the end desired. we have still, however, to consider the other side of the question. whenever an old movement receives a strong infusion of new blood, whatever excesses or mistakes may arise, it is very unlikely that all the results will be on the same side. it is certainly not so in this case. even the opposition to woman's suffrage which the suffragettes are responsible for, and the anti-suffrage societies which they have called into active existence, are not an unmitigated disadvantage. every movement of progress requires a vigorous movement of opposition to stimulate its progress, and the clash of discussion can only be beneficial in the end to the progressive cause. but the immense advantage of the activity of the suffragettes has been indirect. it has enabled the great mass of ordinary sensible women who neither join suffrage societies nor anti-suffrage societies to think for themselves on this question. until a few years ago, while most educated women were vaguely aware of the existence of a movement for giving women the vote, they only knew of it as something rather unpractical and remote; its reality had never been brought home to them. when women witnessed the eruption into the streets of a band of women--most of them apparently women much like themselves--who were so convinced that the franchise must be granted to women, here and now, that they were prepared to face publicity, ridicule, and even imprisonment, then "votes for women" became to them, for the first time, a real and living issue. in a great many cases, certainly, they realized that they intensely disliked the people who behaved in this way and any cause that was so preached. but in a great many other cases they realized, for the first time definitely, that the demand of votes for women was a reasonable demand, and that they were themselves suffragists, though they had no wish to take an active part in the movement, and no real sympathy with its more "militant" methods. there can be no doubt that in this way the suffragettes have performed an immense service for the cause of women's suffrage. it has been for the most part an indirect and undesigned service, but in the end it will perhaps more than serve to counterbalance the disadvantages attached to their more conscious methods and their more deliberate aims. if, as we may trust, this service will be the main outcome of the suffragette phase of the women's movement, it is an outcome to be thankful for; we may then remember with gratitude the ardent enthusiasm of the suffragettes and forget the foolish and futile ways in which it was manifested. there has never been any doubt as to the ultimate adoption of women's suffrage; its gradual extension among the more progressive countries of the world sufficiently indicates that it will ultimately reach even to the most backward countries. its accomplishment in england has been gradual, although it is here so long since the first steps were taken, not because there has been some special and malignant opposition to it on the part of men in general and politicians in particular, but simply because england is an old and conservative country, with a very ancient constitutional machinery which effectually guards against the hasty realization of any scheme of reform. this particular reform, however, is not an isolated or independent scheme; it is an essential part of a great movement in the social equalization of the sexes which has been going on for centuries in our civilization, a movement such as may be correspondingly traced in the later stages of the civilizations of antiquity. such a movement we may by our efforts help forward, we may for a while retard, but it is a part of civilization, and it would be idle to imagine that we can affect the ultimate issue. that the issue of women's suffrage may be reached in england within a reasonable period is much to be desired for the sake of the woman's movement in the larger sense, which has nothing to do with politics, and is now impeded by this struggle. the enfranchisement of women, miss frances cobbe declared thirty years ago, is "the crown and completion" of all progress in women's movement. "votes for women," exclaims, more youthfully but not less unreasonably, miss christabel pankhurst, "means a new heaven and a new earth." but women's suffrage no more means a new heaven or even a new earth than it means, as other people fear, a new purgatory and a new hell. we may see this quite plainly in australasia. women's votes aid in furthering social legislation and contribute to the passing of acts which have their good side, and, no doubt, like everything else, their bad side. as elizabeth cady stanton, who devoted her life to the political enfranchisement of women, declared, the ballot is, at most, only the vestibule to women's emancipation. man's suffrage has not introduced the millennium, and it is foolish to suppose that woman's suffrage can. it is merely an act of justice and a reasonable condition of social hygiene. the attainment of the suffrage, if it is a beginning and not an end, will thus have a real and positive value in liberating the woman's movement from a narrow and sterilizing phase of its course. in england, especially, the woman's movement has in the past largely confined itself to imitating men and to obtaining the same work and the same rights as men. putting the matter more broadly, it may be said that it has been the aim of the woman's movement to secure woman's claims as a human being rather than as woman. but that is only half the task of the woman's movement, and perhaps not the most essential half. women can never be like men, any more than men can be like women. it is their unlikeness which renders them indispensable to each other, and which also makes it imperative that each sex should have its due share in moulding the conditions of life. woman's function in life can never be the same as man's, if only because women are the mothers of the race. that is the point, the only point, at which women have an uncontested supremacy over men. the most vital problem before our civilization to-day is the problem of motherhood, the question of creating the human beings best fitted for modern life, the practical realization of a sound eugenics. manouvrier, the distinguished anthropologist, who carries feminism to its extreme point in the scientific sphere, yet recognizes the fundamental fact that "a woman's part is to make children." but he clearly perceives also that "in all its extent and all its consequences that part is not surpassed in importance, in difficulty, or in dignity, by the man's part." on the contrary it is a part which needs "an amount of intelligence incontestably superior, and by far, to that required by most masculine occupations."[ ] we are here at the core of the woman's movement. and the full fruition of that movement means that women, by virtue of their supremacy in this matter, shall take their proper share in legislation for life, not as mere sexless human beings, but as women, and in accordance with the essential laws of their own nature as women. ii there is a further question. is it possible to discern the actual embodiment of this new phase of the woman movement? i think it is. to those who are accustomed to watch the emotional pulse of mankind, nothing has seemed so remarkable during recent years as the eruption of sex questions in germany. we had always been given to understand that the sphere of women and the laws of marriage had been definitely prescribed and fixed in germany for at least two thousand years, since the days of tacitus, in fact, and with the best possible results. germans assured the world in stentorian tones that only in germany could young womanhood be seen in all its purity, and that in the german _hausfrau_ the supreme ideal had been reached, the woman whose great mission is to keep alive the perennial fire of the ancient german hearth. here and there, indeed, the quiet voice of science was heard in germany; thus schrader, the distinguished investigator of teutonic origins, in commenting on the oft-quoted testimony of tacitus to the chastity of the german women, has appositely referred to the detailed evidences furnished by the committee of pastors of the evangelical church as to the extreme prevalence of unchastity among the women of rural germany, and argued that these widespread customs must be very ancient and deep-rooted.[ ] but germans in general refused to admit that tacitus had only used the idea of german virtue as a stick to beat his own fellow-countrywomen with. the social-democratic movement, which has so largely overspread industrial and even intellectual germany, prepared the way for a less traditional and idealistic way of feeling in regard to these questions. the publication by bebel of a book, _die frau_, in which the leader of the german social-democratic party set forth the socialist doctrine of the position of women in society, marked the first stage in the new movement. this book exercised a wide influence, more especially on uncritical readers. it is, indeed, from a scientific point of view a worthless book--if a book in which genuine emotions are brought to the cause of human freedom and social righteousness may ever be so termed--but it struck a rude blow at the traditions of teutonic sentiment. with something of the rough tone and temper of the great peasant who initiated the german reformation, a man who had himself sprung from the people, and who knew of what he was speaking, here set down in downright fashion the actual facts as to the position of women in germany, as well as what he conceived to be the claims of justice in regard to that position, slashing with equal vigour alike at the absurdities of conventional marriage and of prostitution, the obverse and the reverse, he declared, of a false society. the emotional renaissance with which we are here concerned seems to have no special and certainly no exclusive association with the social-democratic movement, but it can scarcely be doubted that the permeation of a great mass of the german people by the socialistic conceptions which in their bearing on women have been rendered so familiar by bebel's exposition has furnished, as it were, a ready-made sounding-board which has given resonance and effect to voices which might otherwise have been quickly lost in vacuity. there is another movement which counts for something in the renaissance we are here concerned with, though for considerably less than one might be led to expect. what is specifically known as the "woman's rights' movement" is in no degree native to germany, though hippel is one of the pioneers of the woman's movement, and it is only within recent years that it has reached germany. it is alien to the teutonic feminine mind, because in germany the spheres of men and women are so far apart and so unlike that the ideal of imitating men fails to present itself to a german woman's mind. the delay, moreover, in the arrival of the woman's movement in germany had given time for a clearer view of that movement and a criticism of its defects to form even in the lands of its origin, so that the german woman can no longer be caught unawares by the cry for woman's rights. still, however qualified a view might be taken of its benefits, it had to be recognized, even in germany, that it was an inevitable movement, and to some extent at all events indispensable from the woman's point of view. the same right to education as men, the same rights of public meeting and discussion, the same liberty to enter the liberal professions, these are claims which during recent years have been widely made by german women and to some extent secured, while--as is even more significant--they are for the most part no longer very energetically disputed. the international congress of women which met in berlin in was a revelation to the citizens of berlin of the skill and dignity with which women could organize a congress and conduct business meetings. it was notable, moreover, in that, though under the auspices of an international council, it showed the large number of german women who are already entitled to take a leading part in the movements for women's welfare. both directly and indirectly, indeed, such a movement cannot be otherwise than specially beneficial in germany. the teutonic reverence for woman, the assertion of the "aliquid divinum," has sometimes been accompanied by the openly expressed conviction that she is a fool. outside germany it would not be easy to find the representative philosophers of a nation putting forward so contemptuous a view of women as is set forth by schopenhauer or by nietzsche, while even within recent years a german physician of some ability, the late dr. möbius, published a book on the "physiological weak-mindedness of women." the new feminine movement in germany has received highly important support from the recent development of german science. the german intellect, exceedingly comprehensive in its outlook, ploddingly thorough, and imperturbably serious, has always taken the leading and pioneering part in the investigation of sexual problems, whether from the standpoint of history, biology, or pathology. early in the nineteenth century, when even more courage and resolution were needed to face the scientific study of such questions than is now the case, german physicians, unsupported by any co-operation in other countries, were the pioneers in exploring the paths of sexual pathology.[ ] from the antiquarian side, bachofen, more than half a century ago, put forth his conception of the exalted position of the primitive mother which, although it has been considerably battered by subsequent research, has been by no means without its value, and is of special significance from the present standpoint, because it sprang from precisely the same view of life as that animating the german women who are to-day inaugurating the movement we are here concerned with. from the medical side the late professor krafft-ebing of vienna and dr. albert moll of berlin are recognized throughout the world as leading authorities on sexual pathology, and in recent times many other german physicians of the first authority can be named in this field; while in austria dr. f.s. krauss and his coadjutors in the annual volumes of _anthropophyteia_ are diligently exploring the rich and fruitful field of sexual folk-lore. the large volumes of the _jahrbuch für sexuelle zwischenstufen_, edited by dr. magnus hirschfeld of berlin, have presented discussions of the commonest of sexual aberrations with a scientific and scholarly thoroughness, a practical competence, as well as admirable tone, which we may seek in vain in other countries. in vienna, moreover, professor freud, with his bold and original views on the sexual causation of many abnormal mental and nervous conditions, and his psycho-analytic method of investigating and treating them, although his doctrines are by no means universally accepted, is yet exerting a revolutionary influence all over the world. during the last ten years, indeed, the amount of german scientific and semi-scientific literature, dealing with every aspect of the sexual question, and from every point of view, is altogether unparalleled. it need scarcely be said that much of this literature is superficial or worthless. but much of it is sound, and it would seem that on the whole it is this portion of it which is most popular. thus dr. august forel, formerly professor of psychiatry at zurich and a physician of world-wide reputation, published a few years ago at munich a book on the sexual question, _die sexuelle frage_, in which all the questions of the sexual life, biological, medical, and social, are seriously discussed with no undue appeal to an ignorant public; it had an immediate success and a large sale. dr. forel had not entered this field before; he had merely come to the conclusion that every man at the end of his life ought to set forth his observations and conclusions regarding the most vital of questions. again, at about the same time, dr. iwan bloch, of berlin, published his many-sided work on the sexual life of our time, _das sexualleben unserer zeit_, a work less remarkable than forel's for the weight of the personal authority expressed, but more remarkable by the range of its learning and the sympathetic attitude it displayed towards the best movements of the day; this book also met with great success.[ ] still more recently ( ) dr. albert moll, with characteristic scientific thoroughness, has edited, and largely himself written, a truly encyclopædic _handbuch der sexualwissenschaften_. the eminence of the writers of these books and the mental calibre needed to read them suffice to show that we are not concerned, as a careless observer might suppose, with a matter of supply and demand in prurient literature, but with the serious and widespread appreciation of serious investigations. this same appreciation is shown not only by several bio-sociological periodicals of high scientific quality, but by the existence of a journal like _sexual-probleme_, edited by dr. max marcuse, a journal with many distinguished contributors, and undoubtedly the best periodical in this field to be found in any language. at the same time the new movement of german women, however it may arise from or be supported by political or scientific movements, is fundamentally emotional in its character. if we think of it, every great movement of the teutonic soul has been rooted in emotion. the german literary renaissance of the eighteenth century was emotional in its origin and received its chief stimulus from the contagion of the new irruption of sentiment in france. even german science is often influenced, and not always to its advantage, by german sentiment. the reformation is an example on a huge scale of the emotional force which underlies german movements. luther, for good and for evil, is the most typical of germans, and the luther who made his mark in the world--the shrewd, coarse, superstitious peasant who blossomed into genius--was an avalanche of emotion, a great mass of natural human instincts irresistible in their impetuosity. when we bear in mind this general tendency to emotional expansiveness in the manifestations of the teutonic soul we need feel no surprise that the present movement among german women should be, to a much greater extent than the corresponding movements in other countries, an emotional renaissance. it is not, first and last, a cry for political rights, but for emotional rights, and for the reasonable regulation of all those social functions which are founded on the emotions.[ ] this movement, although it may properly be said to be german, since its manifestations are mainly exhibited in the great german empire, is yet essentially a teutonic movement in the broader sense of the word. germans of austria, germans of switzerland, dutch women, scandinavians, have all been drawn into this movement. but it is in germany proper that they all find the chief field of their activities. if we attempt to define in a single sentence the specific object of this agitation we may best describe it as based on the demands of woman the mother, and as directed to the end of securing for her the right to control and regulate the personal and social relations which spring from her nature as mother or possible mother. therein we see at once both the intimately emotional and practical nature of this new claim and its decisive unlikeness to the earlier woman movement. that was definitely a demand for emancipation; political enfranchisement was its goal; its perpetual assertion was that women must be allowed to do everything that men do. but the new teutonic woman's movement, so far from making as its ideal the imitation of men, bases itself on that which most essentially marks the woman as unlike the man. the basis of the movement is significantly indicated by the title, _mutterschutz_--the protection of the mother--originally borne by "a journal for the reform of sexual morals," established in , edited by dr. helene stöcker, of berlin, and now called _die neue generation_. all the questions that radiate outwards from the maternal function are here discussed: the ethics of love, prostitution ancient and modern, the position of illegitimate mothers and illegitimate children, sexual hygiene, the sexual instruction of the young, etc. it must not be supposed that these matters are dealt with from the standpoint of a vigilance society for combating vice. the demand throughout is for the regulation of life, for reform, but for reform quite as much in the direction of expansion as of restraint. on many matters of detail, indeed, there is no agreement among these writers, some of whom approach the problems from the social and practical side, some from the psychological and philosophic side, others from the medical, legal, or historical sides. this journal was originally the organ of the association for the protection of mothers, more especially unmarried mothers, called the _bund für mutterschutz_. there are many agencies for dealing with illegitimate children, but the founders of this association started from the conviction that it is only through the mother that the child can be adequately cared for. as nearly a tenth of the children born in germany are illegitimate, and the conditions of life into which such children are thrown are in the highest degree unfavourable, the question has its actuality.[ ] it is the aim of the _bund für mutterschutz_ to rehabilitate the unmarried mother, to secure for her the conditions of economic independence--whatever social class she may belong to--and ultimately to effect a change in the legal status of illegitimate mothers and children alike. the bund, which is directed by a committee in which social, medical, and legal interests are alike represented, already possesses numerous branches, in addition to its head-quarters in berlin, and is beginning to initiate practical measures on the lines of its programme, notably homes for mothers, of which it has established nearly a dozen in different parts of germany. in the first international congress for the protection of mothers and for sexual reform was held at dresden, in connection with the great exhibition of hygiene. as a result of this congress, an international union was constituted, representing germany, austria, italy, sweden, and holland, which may probably be taken to be the countries which have so far manifested greatest interest in the programme of sexual reform based on recognition of the supreme importance of motherhood. this movement may, therefore, be said to have overcome the initial difficulties, the antagonism, the misunderstanding, and the opprobrium, which every movement in the field of sexual reform inevitably encounters, and often succumbs to. it would be a mistake to regard this association as a merely philanthropic movement. it claims to be "an association for the reform of sexual ethics," and _die neue generation_ deals with social and ethical rather than with philanthropic questions. in these respects it reflects the present attitude of many thoughtful german women, though the older school of women's rights advocates still holds aloof. we may here, for instance, find a statement of the recent discussion concerning the right of the mother to destroy her offspring before birth. this has been boldly claimed for women by countess gisela von streitberg, who advocates a return to the older moral view which prevailed not only in classic antiquity, but even, under certain conditions, in christian practice, until canon law, asserting that the embryo had from the first an independent life, pronounced abortion under all circumstances a crime. countess von streitberg takes the standpoint that as the chief risks and responsibilities must necessarily rest upon the woman, it is for her to decide whether she will permit the embryo she bears to develop. dr. marie raschke, taking up the discussion from the legal side, is unable to agree that abortion should cease to be a punishable offence, though she advocates considerable modifications in the law on this matter. dr. siegfried weinberg, summarizing this discussion, again from the legal standpoint, considers that there is considerable right on the countess's side, because from the modern juridical standpoint a criminal enactment is only justified because it protects a right, and in law the embryo possesses no rights which can be injured. from the moral standpoint, also, it is argued, its destruction often becomes justifiable in the interests of the community. this debatable question, while instructive as an example of the radical manner in which german women are now beginning to face moral questions, deals only with an isolated point which has hardly yet reached the sphere of practical politics.[ ] it is more interesting to consider the general conceptions which underlie this movement, and we can hardly do this better than by studying the writings of ellen key, who is not only one of its recognized leaders, but may be said to present its aims and ideals in a broader and more convinced manner than any other writer. ellen key's views are mainly contained in three books, _love and marriage_, _the century of the child_, and _the women's movement_, in which form they enjoy a large circulation, and are now becoming well known, through translations, in england and america. she carefully distinguishes her aims from what she regards as the american conception of progress in woman's movements, that is to say the tendency for women to seek to capture the activities which may be much more adequately fulfilled by the other sex, while at the same time neglecting the far weightier matters that concern their own sex. man and woman are not natural enemies who need to waste their energies in fighting over their respective rights and privileges; in spiritual as in physical life they are only fruitful together. women, indeed, need free scope for their activities--and the earlier aspirations of feminism are thus justified--but they need it, not to wrest away any tasks that men may be better fitted to perform, but to play their part in that field of creative life which is peculiarly their own. ellen key would say that the highest human unit is triune: father, mother, and child. marriage, therefore, instead of being, as it is to-day, the last thing to be thought of in education, becomes the central point of life. in ellen key's conception, "those who love each other are man and wife," and by love she means not a temporary inclination, but "a synthesis of desire and friendship," just as the air is a mixture of oxygen and nitrogen. it must be this for both sexes alike, and ellen key sees a real progress in what seems to her the modern tendency for men to realize that the soul has its erotic side, and for women to realize that the senses have. she has no special sympathy with the cry for purity in masculine candidates for marriage put forward by some women of the present day. she observes that many men who have painfully struggled to maintain this ideal meet with disillusion, for it is not the masculine lamb, but much more the spotted leopard, who fascinates women. the notion that women have higher moral instincts than men ellen key regards as absurd. the majority of frenchwomen, she remarks, were against dreyfus, and the majority of englishwomen approved the south african war. the really fundamental difference between man and woman is that he can usually give his best as a creator, and she as a lover, that his value is according to his work and hers according to her love. and in love the demand for each sex alike must not be primarily for a mere anatomical purity, but for passion and for sincerity. the aim of love, as understood by ellen key, is always marriage and the child, and as soon as the child comes into question society and the state are concerned. before fruition, love is a matter for the lovers alone, and the espionage, ceremony, and routine now permitted or enjoined are both ridiculous and offensive. "the flower of love belongs to the lovers, and should remain their secret; it is the fruit of love which brings them into relation to society." the dominating importance of the child, the parent of the race to be, alone makes the immense social importance of sexual union. it is not marriage which sanctifies generation, but generation which sanctifies marriage. from the point of view of "the sanctity of generation" and the welfare of the race, ellen key looks forward to a time when it will be impossible for a man and woman to become parents when they are unlikely to produce a healthy child, though she is opposed to neo-malthusian methods, partly on æsthetic grounds and partly on the more dubious grounds of doubt as to their practical efficiency; it is from this point of view also that she favours sexual equality in matters of divorce, the legal assimilation of legitimate and illegitimate children, the recognition of unions outside marriage,--a recognition already legally established under certain circumstances in sweden, in such a way as to confer the rights of legitimacy on the child,--and she is even prepared to advise women under some conditions to become mothers outside marriage, though only when there are obstacles to legal marriage, and as the outcome of deliberate will and resolution. in these and many similar proposals in detail, set forth in her earlier books, it is clear that ellen key has sometimes gone beyond the mandate of her central conviction, that love is the first condition for increasing the vitality alike of the race and of the individuality, and that the question of love, properly considered, is the question of creating the future man. as she herself has elsewhere quite truly pointed out, practice must precede, and precede by a very long time, the establishment of definite rules in matters of detail. it will be noticed that a point with which ellen key and the leaders of the new german woman's movement specially concern themselves is the affectional needs of the "supernumerary" woman and the legitimation of her children. there is an excess of women over men, in germany as in most other countries. that excess, it is said, is balanced by the large number of women who do not wish to marry. but that is too cheap a solution of the question. many women may wish to remain unmarried, but no woman wishes to be forced to remain unmarried. every woman, these advocates of the rights of women claim, has a right to motherhood, and in exercising the right under sound conditions she is benefiting society. but our marriage system, in the rigid form which it has long since assumed, has not now the elasticity necessary to answer these demands. it presents a solution which is often impossible, always difficult, and perhaps in a large proportion of cases undesirable. but for a woman who is shut out from marriage to grasp at the vital facts of love and motherhood which she perhaps regards, unreasonably or not, as the supreme things in the world, must often be under such conditions a disastrous step, while it is always accompanied by certain risks. therefore, it is asked, why should there not be, as of old there was, a relationship established which while of less dignity than marriage, and less exclusive in its demands, should yet permit a woman to enter into an honourable, open, and legally recognized relationship with a man? such a relationship a woman could proclaim to the whole world, if necessary, without reflecting any disesteem upon herself or her child, while it would give her a legal claim on her child's father. such a relationship would be substantially the same as the ancient concubinate, which persisted even in christendom up to the sixteenth century. its establishment in sweden has apparently been satisfactory, and it is now sought to extend it to other countries.[ ] it is interesting to compare, or to contrast, the movement of which ellen key has been a conspicuous champion with the futile movement initiated nearly a century ago by the school of saint-simon and prosper enfantin, in favour of "la femme libre."[ ] that earlier movement had no doubt its bright and ideal side, but it was not supported by a sound and scientific view of life; it was rooted in sand and soon withered up. the kind of freedom which ellen key advocates is not a freedom to dispense with law and order, but rather a freedom to recognize and follow true law; it is the freedom which in morals as well as in politics is essential for the development of real responsibility. people talk, ellen key remarks, as though reform in sexual morality meant the breaking up of a beautiful idyll, while the idyll is impossible as long as the only alternative offered to so many young men and women at the threshold of life is between becoming "the slave of duty or the slave of lust." in these matters we already possess licence, and the only sound reform lies in a kind of "freedom" which will correct that licence by obedience to the most fundamental natural instincts acting in harmony with the claims of the race, which claims, it must be added, cannot be out of harmony with the best traditions of the race. ellen key would agree with a great german, wilhelm von humboldt, who wrote more than a century ago that "a solicitude for the race conducts to the same results as the highest solicitude for the most beautiful development of the inner man." the modern revolt against fossilized laws is inevitable; it is already in progress, and we have to see to it that the laws written upon tables of stone in their inevitable decay only give place to the mightier laws written upon tables of flesh and blood. life is far too rich and manifold, ellen key says again, to be confined in a single formula, even the best; if our ideal has its worth for ourselves, if we are prepared to live for it and to die for it, that is enough; we are not entitled to impose it on others. the conception of duty still remains, duty to love and duty to the race. "i believe in a new ethics," ellen key declares at the end of _the women's movement_, "which will be a synthesis growing out of the nature of man and the nature of woman, out of the demands of the individual and the demands of society, out of the pagan and the christian points of view, out of the resolve to mould the future and out of piety towards the past." no reader of ellen key's books can fail to be impressed by the remarkable harmony between her sexual ethics and the conception that underlies sir francis galton's scientific eugenics. in setting forth the latest aspects of his view of eugenics before the sociological society, galton asserted that the improvement of the race, in harmony with scientific knowledge, would come about by a new religious movement, and he gave reasons to show why such an expectation is not unreasonable; in the past men have obeyed the most difficult marriage rules in response to what they believed to be supernatural commands, and there is no ground for supposing that the real demands of the welfare of the race, founded on exact knowledge, will prove less effective in calling out an inspiring religious emotion. writing probably at the same time, ellen key, in her essay entitled _love and ethics_, set forth precisely the same conception, though not from the scientific but from the emotional standpoint. from the outset she places the sexual question on a basis which brings it into line with galton's eugenics. the problem used to be concerned, she remarks, with the insistence of society on a rigid marriage form, in conflict with the demand of the individual to gratify his desires in any manner that seemed good to him, while now it becomes a question of harmonizing the claims of the improvement of the race with the claims of the individual to happiness in love. she points out that on this aspect real harmony becomes more possible. regard for the ennoblement of the race serves as a bridge from a chaos of conflicting tendencies to a truer conception of love, and "love must become on a higher plane what it was in primitive days--a religion." she compares the growth of the conception of the vital value of love to the modern growth of the conception of the value of health as against the medieval indifference to hygiene. it is inevitable that ellen key, approaching the question from the emotional side, should lay less stress than galton on the importance of scientific investigation in heredity, and insist mainly on the value of sound instincts, unfettered by false and artificial constraints, and taught to realize that the physical and the psychic aspects of life are alike "divine." it would obviously be premature to express either approval or disapproval of the conceptions of sexual morality which ellen key has developed with such fervour and insight. it scarcely seems probable that the methods of sexual union, put forward as an alternative to celibacy by some of the adherents of the new movement, are likely to become widely popular, even if legalized in an increasing number of countries. i have elsewhere given reasons to believe that the path of progress lies mainly in the direction of a reform of the present institution of marriage.[ ] the need of such reform is pressing, and there are many signs that it is being recognized. we can scarcely doubt that the advocates of these alternative methods of sexual union will do good by stimulating the champions of marriage to increased activity in the reform of that institution. in such matters a certain amount of competition sometimes has a remarkably vivifying effect. we may be sure that women, whose interests are so much at stake in this matter, and who tend to look at it in a practical rather than in a legal and theological spirit, will exert a powerful influence when they have acquired the ability to enforce that influence by the vote. this is significantly indicated by an inquiry held in england during by the women's co-operative guild. a number of women who had held official positions in the guild were asked (among other questions) whether or not they were in favour of divorce by mutual consent. of representative women conversant with affairs who were thus consulted, as many as deliberately recorded their opinion in favour of divorce by mutual consent, and only were against that highly important marriage reform. it is probably unnecessary to discuss the opinions of other leaders in this movement, though there are several, such as frau grete meisel-hess, whose views deserve study. it will be sufficiently clear in what way this teutonic movement differs from that anglo-saxon woman's rights' movement with which we have long been familiar. these german women fully recognize that women are entitled to the same human rights as men, and that until such rights are attained "feminism" still has a proper task to achieve. but women must use their strength in the sphere for which their own nature fits them. even though millions of women are enabled to do the work which men could do better the gain for mankind is nil. to put women to do men's work is (ellen key has declared) as foolish as to set a beethoven or a wagner to do engine-driving. it has probably excited surprise in the minds of some who have been impressed by the magnitude and vitality of this movement that it should have manifested itself in germany rather than in england, which is the original home of movements for women's emancipation, or in america, where they have reached their fullest developments. this, however, ceases to be surprising when we realize the special qualities of the anglo-saxon and teutonic temperaments and the special conditions under which the two movements arose. the anglo-saxon movement was a special application to women of the general french movement for the logical assertion of abstract human rights. that special application was not ardently taken up in france itself, though first proclaimed by french pioneers,[ ] partly perhaps because such one-sided applications make little appeal to the french mind, and mainly, no doubt, because women throughout the eighteenth century enjoyed such high social consideration and exerted so much influence that they were not impelled to rise in any rebellious protest. but when the seed was brought over to england, especially in the representative form of mary wollstonecraft's _vindication of the rights of women_, it fell in virgin soil which proved highly favourable to its development. this special application escaped the general condemnation which the revolution had brought upon french ideas. women in england were beginning to awaken to ideas,--as women in germany are now,--and the more energetic and intelligent among them eagerly seized upon conceptions which furnished food for their activities. in large measure they have achieved their aims, and even woman's suffrage has been secured here and there, without producing any notable revolution in human affairs. the anglo-saxon conception of feminine progress--beneficial as it has undoubtedly been in many respects--makes little impression in germany, partly because it fails to appeal to the emotional teutonic temperament, and partly because the established type of german life and civilization offers very small scope for its development. when miss susan anthony, the veteran pioneer of woman's movements in the united states, was presented to the german empress she expressed a hope that the emperor would soon confer the suffrage on german women; it is recorded that the empress smiled, and probably most german women smiled with her. at the present time, however, there is an extraordinary amount of intellectual activity in germany, a widespread and massive activity. for the first time, moreover, it has reached women, who are taking it up with characteristic teutonic thoroughness. but they are not imitating the methods of their anglo-saxon sisters; they are going to work their own way. they are spending very little energy in waving the red flag before the fortresses of male monopoly. they are following an emotional influence which, strangely enough, it may seem to some, finds more support from the biological and medical side than the anglo-saxon movement has always been able to win. from the time of aristophanes downwards, whenever they have demonstrated before the masculine citadels, women have always been roughly bidden to go home. and now, here in germany, where of all countries that advice has been most freely and persistently given, women are adopting new tactics: they have gone home. "yes, it is true," they say in effect, "the home is our sphere. love and marriage, the bearing and the training of children--that is our world. and we intend to lay down the laws of our world." footnotes: [ ] in condorcet declared (_lettres d'un bourgeois de new haven_, lettre ii) that women ought to have absolutely the same rights as men, and he repeated the same statement emphatically in , in an article "sur l'admission des femmes au droit de cité," published in the _journal de la société de _. it must be added that condorcet was not a democrat, and neither to men nor to women would he grant the vote unless they were proprietors. [ ] léopold lacour has given a full and reliable account of olympe de gouges (who was born at montauban in ) in his _trois femmes de la révolution_, . [ ] it is noteworthy that the empire had even a depressing effect on the physical activities of women. the eighteenth-century woman in france, although she was not athletic in the modern sense, enjoyed a free life in the open air and was fond of physical exercises. during the directoire this tendency became very pronounced; women wore the scantiest of garments, were out of doors in all weathers, cultivated healthy appetites, and enjoyed the best of health. but with the establishment of the empire these wholesome fashions were discarded, and women cultivated new ideals of fragile refinement indoors. (this evolution has been traced by dr. lucien nars, _l'hygiène_, september, .) [ ] concerning the rise and progress of this movement in england much information is sympathetically and vivaciously set forth in w. lyon blease's _emancipation of english women_ ( ), a book, however, which makes no claim to be judicial or impartial; the author regards "unregulated male egoism" as the source of the difficulties in the way of women's suffrage. [ ] thus, in the national league for opposing women's suffrage took an impartial poll of the women voters on the municipal register in several large constituencies, by sending a reply-paid postcard to ask whether or not they favoured the extension to women of the parliamentary franchise. only were in favour of it; , were against; , did not take the trouble to answer, and it was claimed, probably with reason, that a majority of these were not in favour of the vote. [ ] it must not be too hastily assumed. unless we go back to ancient plots of the guy fawkes type (now only imitated by self-styled anarchists), the leaders of movements of political reform have rarely, if ever, organized outbursts of violence; such violence, when it occurred, has been the spontaneous and unpremeditated act of a mob. [ ] _revue de l'ecole d'anthropologie_, february, , p. . [ ] o. schrader, _reallexicon_, art. "keuschheit." he considers that tacitus merely shows that german women were usually chaste after marriage. a few centuries later, lea points out, salvianus, while praising the barbarians generally for their chastity, makes an exception in the case of the alemanni. (see also havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," pp. - .) [ ] thus kaan, anticipating krafft-ebing, published a _psychopathia sexualis_, in , and casper, in , was the first medical authority to point out that sexual inversion is sometimes due to a congenital psychic condition. [ ] both forel's and bloch's books have become well known through translations in england and america. dr. bloch is also the author of an extremely erudite and thorough history of syphilis, which has gone far to demonstrate that this disease was introduced into europe from america on the first discovery of the new world at the end of the fifteenth century. [ ] this attitude is plainly reflected even in many books written by men; i may mention, for instance, frenssen's well-known novel _hilligenlei_ (_holyland_). [ ] in most countries illegitimacy is decreasing; in germany it is steadily increasing, alike in rural and urban districts. illegitimate births are, however, more numerous in the cities than in the country. of the constituent states of the german empire, the illegitimate birth-rate is lowest in prussia, highest in saxony and bavaria. in munich per cent of the births are illegitimate. (the facts are clearly brought out in an article by dr. arthur grünspan in the _berliner tagblatt_ for january , , reproduced in _die neue generation_, july, .) thus, in prussia, while the total births between and , notwithstanding a great increase in the population, have only increased . per cent, the illegitimate births have increased as much as . per cent. the increase is marked in nearly all the german states. it is specially marked in saxony; here the proportion of illegitimate births to the total number of births was, in , . per cent, and in it had already risen to . per cent. in berlin it is most marked; here it began in , when there were nearly , legitimate births; by , however, the legitimate births had fallen to , , a decrease of . per cent. but illegitimate births rose during the same period from nearly to over , an increase of per cent. the proportion of illegitimate births to the total births is now over per cent, so that to every four legitimate children there is rather more than one illegitimate child. it may be said that this is merely due to an increasing proportion of unmarried women. that, however, is not the case. the marriage-rate is on the whole rising, and the average age of women at marriage is becoming lower rather than higher. grünspan considers that this increase in illegitimacy is likely to continue, and he is inclined to attribute it less to economic than to social-psychological causes. [ ] i have discussed this point in _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. xii. [ ] it is remarkable that in early times in spain the laws recognized concubinage (_barragania_) as almost equal to marriage, and as conferring equal rights on the child, even on the sons of the clergy, who could thus inherit from their fathers by right of the privileges accorded to the concubine or _barragana_. _barragania_, however, was not real marriage, and in many regions it could be contracted by married men (r. altamira, _historia de españa y de la civilazacion española_, vol. i, pp. et seq.). [ ] "la femme libre," in quest of whom the young saint-simonians preached a crusade, must be a woman of reflection and intellect who, having meditated on the fate of her "sisters," knowing the wants of women, and having sounded those feminine capacities which man has never completely penetrated, shall give forth the confession of her sex, without restriction or reserve, in such a manner as to furnish the indispensable elements for formulating the rights and duties of woman. saint simon had asked madame de staël to undertake this rôle, but she failed to respond. when george sand published her first novels, one guéroult was commissioned to ascertain if the author of _lélia_ would undertake this important service. he found a badly dressed woman who was using her talents to gain a living, but was by no means anxious to become the high priestess of a new religion. even after his disappointment enfantin looked eagerly forward to the publication of george sand's _histoire de ma vie_, hoping that at last the great revelation was coming, and he was again disillusioned. but before this emile barrault had arisen and declared that in the east, in the solitude of the harem, "la femme libre" would be found in the person of some odalisque. the "mission of the mother" was formed, and with barrault at the head it set out for constantinople. all were dressed in white as an indication of the vow of chastity they had taken before leaving paris, and on the road they begged in the name of the mother. they arrived at constantinople and preached the faith of saint-simon to the turks in french. but "la femme libre" seemed as far off as ever, and they resolved to go to rotourma in oceana, there to establish the religion of saint-simon and a perfect government which might serve as a model to the states of europe. first, however, they felt it a duty to make certain that the mother was not hiding somewhere in russia, and they went therefore to odessa, but the governor, who was wanting in sympathy, speedily turned them out, and having realized that rotourma was some distance off, the mission broke up, most of the members going to egypt to rejoin enfantin, whom the arabs, struck by his beauty, had called _abu-l-dhunieh_, the father of the world. (this account of the movement is based on that given by maxime du camp, in his _souvenirs littéraires_) [ ] _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. x. [ ] it is worth noting that a frenchwoman has been called "the mother of modern feminism." marie de gournay, who died in at the age of eighty, is best known as the adopted daughter of montaigne, for whom she cherished an enthusiastic reverence, becoming the first editor of his essays. her short essay, _egalité des hommes et des femmes_, was written in . see e.g. m. schiff, _la fille d'alliance de montaigne_. iv the emancipation of women in relation to romantic love the absence of romantic love in classic civilization--marriage as a duty--the rise of romantic love in the roman empire--the influence of christianity--the attitude of chivalry--the troubadours--the courts of love--the influence of the renaissance--conventional chivalry and modern civilization--the woman movement--the modern woman's equality of rights and responsibilities excludes chivalry--new forms of romantic love still remain possible--love as the inspiration of social hygiene. what will be the ultimate effect of the woman's movement, now slowly but surely taking place among us, upon romantic love? that is really a serious question, and it is much more complex than many of those who are prepared to answer it off-hand may be willing to admit. it must be remembered that romantic love has not been a constant accompaniment of human relationships, even in civilization. it is true that various peoples very low down in the scale possess romantic love-songs, often, it appears, written by the women. but the classic civilizations of greece and rome in their most robust and brilliant periods knew little or nothing of romantic love in connection with normal sexual relationships culminating in marriage. classic antiquity reveals a high degree of conjugal devotion, and of domestic affection, at all events in rome, but the right of the woman to follow the inspirations of her own heart, and the idealization and worship of the woman by the man, were not only scarcely known but, so far as they were known, reprehended or condemned. ovid, in the opinion of some, represents a new movement in rome. we are apt to regard ovid as, in erotic matters, the representative of a set of immoral roman voluptuaries. that view probably requires considerable modification. ovid was not indeed a champion of morality, but there is no good reason to suppose that, before he appeared, the rather stern roman mind had yet conceived those refinements and courtesies which he set forth in such charming detail. if we take a wide survey of his work, we may perhaps regard ovid as the pioneer of a chivalrous attitude towards women and of a romantic conception of love not only new in rome but of significance for europe generally. ovid was a powerful factor in the renaissance movement, and not least in england, where his influence on shakespeare and some others of the elizabethans cannot easily be overrated.[ ] for the ordinary classic mind, greek or roman, marriage was intended for the end of building up the family, and the family was consecrated to the state. the fulfilment of so exalted a function involved a certain austere dignity which excluded wayward inclination or passionate emotion. these might indeed occur between a man and a woman outside marriage, but putting aside the very limited phenomena of athenian hetairism, they were too shameful to be idealized. some trace of this classic attitude may be said to persist even to-day among the so-called latin nations, notably in the french tradition (now dying out) of treating marriage as a relationship to be arranged, not by the two parties themselves, but by their parents and guardians; montaigne, attached as he was to maxims of roman antiquity, was not very alien from the ordinary french attitude of his time when he declared that, since we do not marry so much for our own sakes as for the sake of posterity and the race, marriage is too sacred a process to be mixed with amorous extravagance.[ ] there is something to be said for that point of view which is nowadays too often forgotten, but it certainly fails to cover the whole of the ground. it is not only in the west that a contemptuous attitude towards the romantic and erotic side of life has prevailed at some of the most vigorous moments of civilization. it is also found in the east. in japan, for instance, even at the present day, romantic love, as a reputable element of ordinary life, is unknown or disapproved; its existence is not recognized in the schools, and the european novels that celebrate it are scarcely understood.[ ] the development of modern romantic love in connection with marriage seems to be found in the late greek world under the roman empire.[ ] that is commonly called a period of decadence. in a certain limited sense it was. greece had become subjugated to rome. rome herself had lost her military spirit and was losing her political power. but the fighting instinct, and even the ruling spirit, are not synonymous with civilization. the "decline and fall" of empires by no means necessarily involves the decay of civilization. it is now generally realized that the later roman empire was not, as was once thought, an age of social and moral degeneration.[ ] the state indeed was dissolving, but the individual was evolving. the age which produced a plutarch--for fifteen hundred years one of the great inspiring forces of the world--was the reverse of a corrupt age. the life of the home and the life of the soul were alike developing. the home was becoming more complex, more intimate, more elevated. the soul was being turned in on itself to discover new and joyous secrets: the secret of the love of nature, the secret of mystic religion, and, not least, the secret of romantic love. when christianity finally conquered the roman world its task very largely lay in taking over and developing those three secrets already discovered by paganism. it was inevitable, however, that in developing these new forms of the emotional life, the ascetic bent of christianity should make itself felt. it was not possible for christianity to cast its halo around the natural sexual life, but it was possible to refine and exalt that life, to lift it into a spiritual sphere. neither woman the sweetheart nor woman the mother were in ordinary life glorified by the church; they were only tolerated. but on a higher than natural plane they were surrounded by a halo and raised to the highest pedestal of reverence and even worship. the virgin was exalted, bride and bridegroom became terms of mystical import, and the holy mother received the adoring love of all christendom. even in the actual relations of men and women, quite early in the history of christianity, we sometimes find men and women cultivating relationships which excluded that earthly union the church looked down on, but yet involved the most tender and intimate physical affection. many charming stories of such relationships are found in the lives of the saints, and sometimes they existed even within the marriage bond.[ ] christianity led to the use of ideas and terms borrowed from earthly love in a different and symbolic sense. but the undesigned result was that a new force and beauty were added to those ideas and terms, however applied, and also that many emotions were thus cultivated which became capable of re-inforcing earthly human love. in this way it happened that, though christianity rejected the ideal of romantic love in its natural associations, it indirectly prepared the way for a loftier and deeper realization of that love. there can be no doubt that the emotional training and refining of the fleshly instincts by christianity was the chief cause of the rise of that conception of romantic love which we associate with the institution of chivalry. exalted and sanctified by contact with the central dogmas of religion, the emotion of love was brought down from this spiritual atmosphere by the knightly lover, with something of its ethereal halo still clinging to it, and directed towards an earthly mistress. the most extravagant phase of romantic love which has ever been seen was then brought about, and in many cases, certainly, it was a real erotomania which passed beyond the bounds of sanity.[ ] in its extreme forms, however, this romantic love was a rare, localized, and short-lived manifestation. the dominant attitude of the chivalrous age towards women, as léon gautier has shown in his monumental work on chivalry, was one of indifference, or even contempt. the knight's thoughts were more of war than of women, and he cherished his horse more than his mistress.[ ] but women, above all in france, reacted against this attitude, and with splendid success. their husbands treated them with indifference or left them at home while they sought adventure in the world. the neglected wives proceeded to lay down the laws of society, and took upon themselves the part of rulers in the domain of morals. in the eleventh, the twelfth, the thirteenth centuries, says méray in a charming book on life in the days of the courts of love, we find women "with infinite skill and an adorable refinement seizing the moral direction of french society." they did so, he remarks, in a spirit so utopian, so ideally poetic, that historians have hesitated to take them seriously. the laws of the courts of love[ ] may sometimes seem to us immoral and licentious, but in reality they served to restrain the worst immoralities and licences of the time. they banished violence, they allowed no venality, and they inculcated moderation in passion. the task of the courts of love was facilitated by the relative degree of peace which then reigned, especially by the fact that the normans, holding both coasts of the channel, formed a link between france and england. when the murderous activities of french kings and english kings destroyed that link, the courts of love were swept away in the general disorder and the progress of civilization indefinitely retarded.[ ] yet in some degree the ideals which had been thus embodied still persisted. as the goncourts pointed out in their invaluable book, _la femme au dix-huitième siècle_ (chap. v), from the days of chivalry even on into the eighteenth century, when on the surface at all events it apparently disappeared, an exalted ideal of love continued to be cherished in france. this conception remained associated, throughout, with the great social influence and authority which had been enjoyed by women in france even from medieval times. that influence had become pronounced during the seventeenth century, and at that time sir thomas smith in his _commonwealth of england_, writing of the high position of women in england, remarked that they possessed "almost as much liberty as in france." there were at least two forms of medieval romantic love. the first arose in provence and northern italy during the twelfth century, and spread to germany as _minnedienst_. in this form the young knights directed their respectful and adoring devotion to a high-born married woman who chose one of them as her own cavalier, to do her service and reverence, the two vowing devotion to each other until death. it was a part of this amorous code that there could not be love between husband and wife, and it was counted a mark of low breeding for a husband to challenge his wife's right to her young knight's services, though sometimes we are told the husband risked this reproach, occasionally with tragic results. this mode of love, after being eloquently sung and practised by the troubadours--usually, it appears, younger sons of noble houses--died out in the place of its origin, but it had been introduced into spain, and the spaniards reintroduced it into italy when they acquired the kingdom of naples; in italy it was conventionalized into the firmly rooted institution of the _cavaliere servente_. from the standpoint of a strict morality, the institution was obviously open to question. but we can scarcely fail to see that at its origin it possessed, even if unconsciously, a quasi-religious warrant in the worship of the holy mother, and we have to recognize that, notwithstanding its questionable shape, it was really an effort to attain a purer and more ideal relationship than was possible in a rough and warlike age which placed the wife in subordination to her husband. a tender devotion that inspired poetry, an unalloyed respect that approached reverence, vows that were based on equal freedom and independence on both sides--these were possibilities which the men and women of that age felt to be incompatible with marriage as they knew it. the second form of medieval romantic love was more ethereal than the first, and much more definitely and consciously based on a religious attitude. it was really the worship of the virgin transferred to a young earthly maiden, yet retaining the purity and ideality of religious worship. to so high a degree is this the case that it is sometimes difficult to be sure whether we are concerned with a real maiden of flesh and blood or only a poetic symbol of womanhood. this doubt has been raised, notably by bartoli, concerning dante's beatrice, the supreme type of this ethereal love, which arose in the thirteenth century, and was chiefly cultivated in florence. the poets of this movement were themselves aware of the religious character of their devotion to the _donna angelicata_ to whom they even apply, as they would to the queen of heaven, the appellation stella maris. that there was an element of flesh and blood in these figures is believed by remy de gourmont, but when we gaze at them, he remarks, we see at first, "in place of a body only two eyes with angel's wings behind them, on the background of an azure sky sown with golden stars"; the lover is on his knees and his love has become a prayer.[ ] this phase of romantic love was brief, and perhaps mostly the possession of the poets, but it represented a really important moment in the evolution of modern romantic love. it was a step towards the realization of the genuinely human charm of young womanhood in real human relationships, of which we already have a foretaste in the delicious early french story of aucassin and nicolette. the re-discovery of classic literature, the movements of humanism and the renaissance, swept away what was left of the almost religious idealization of the young virgin. the ethereal maiden, thin, pale, anæmic, disappeared alike from literature and from art, and was no longer an ideal in actual life. she gave place to a new woman, conscious of her own fully developed womanhood and all its needs, radiantly beautiful and finely shaped in every limb. she lacked the spirituality of her predecessors, but she had gained in intellect. she appears first in the pages of boccaccio. after a long interval titian immortalized her rich and mature beauty; she is flora, she is ariadne, she is alike the earthly love and the heavenly love. every curve of her body was adoringly and minutely described by niphus and firenzuola.[ ] she was, moreover, the courtesan whose imperial charm and adroitness enabled her to trample under foot the medieval conception of lust as sin, even in the courts of popes. at the great academic centre of bologna, finally, she chastely taught learning and science.[ ] the people of the italian renaissance placed women on the same level as men, and to call a woman a _virago_ implied unalloyed praise.[ ] the very mixed conditions of what we have been accustomed to consider the modern world then began for women. they were no longer cloistered--whether in convents or the home--but neither were they any longer worshipped. they began to be treated as human beings, and when men idealized them in figures of romantic charm or pathos--figures like shakespeare's rosalind or marivaux's sylvia or richardson's clarissa--this humanity was henceforth the common ground out of which the vision arose. but, one notes, in nearly all the great poets and novelists up to the middle of the last century, it was usually in the weakness of humanity that the artist sought the charm and pathos of his feminine figures. from shakespeare's ophelia to thackeray's amelia this is the rule, more emphatically expressed in the literature of england than of any other country. there had been no actual emancipation of women; though now they had entered the world of men, they were not yet, socially and legally, of that world. even the medieval traditions still lived on in subtly conventionalized forms. the "chivalrous" attitude towards women was, as the word itself suggests, a medieval survival. it belonged to a period of barbarism when brutal force ruled and when the man who magnanimously placed his force at the disposition of a woman was really doing her a service and granting her a privilege. but civilization means the building up of an orderly society in which individual rights are respected, and force no longer dominates. so that as civilization advances the occasions on which women require the aid of masculine force become ever fewer and more unimportant. the conventionalized chivalry of men then tends to become an offer of services which it would be better for women to do for themselves and a bestowal of privileges to which they are nowise entitled.[ ] moreover, this same chivalry is, under these conditions, apt to take on a character which is the reverse of its face value. it becomes the assertion of a power over women instead of a power on their behalf; and it carries with it a tinge of contempt in place of respect. theoretically, a thousand chivalrous swords should leap from their scabbards to succour the distressed woman. in practice this may only mean that the thousand owners of these metaphorical weapons are on the alert to take advantage of the distressed woman. thus the romantic emotions based on medieval ideals gradually lost their worth. they were not in relation to the altered facts of life; they had become an empty convention which could be turned to very unromantic uses. the movement for the emancipation of women was not consciously or directly a movement of revolt against an antiquated chivalry. it was rather a part of the development of civilization which rendered chivalry antique. medieval romantic love implied in women a weakness in the soil of which only a spiritual force could flourish. the betterment of social conditions, the subordination of violence to order, the growing respect for individual rights, took away the reasons for consecrating weakness in women, and created an ever larger field in which women could freely seek to rival men, because it is a field in which knowledge and skill are of far more importance than muscular strength. the emancipation of women has simply been the later and more conscious phase of the process by which women have entered into this field and sought their share of its rights and its responsibilities. the woman movement of modern times, properly understood, has thus been the effort of women to adapt themselves to the conditions of an orderly and peaceful civilization. education, under the changed conditions, can effect what before needed force of arms; responsibility is now demanded where before only tutelage was possible. a civilized society in which women are ignorant and irresponsible is an anachronism, and, however great the wrench with the past might be, it was necessary that women should be adjusted to the changing times. the ideal of the weak, ignorant, inexperienced woman--the cross between an angel and an idiot, as i have elsewhere described her[ ]--no longer fulfilled any useful purpose. civilized society furnishes the conditions under which all adult persons are socially equal and all are free to give to society the best they are capable of. it was inevitable, but unfortunate, that this movement should have sometimes tended to take the form of an attempt on the part of women to secure, not merely equality with men, but actual imitation of men. these women said that since men had attained mastery in life, captured all the best things, and adopted the most successful methods of living, it was necessary for women to copy them at every point. that was a specious plea which even had in it a certain element of truth. but the fact remained that women and men are different, that the difference is based in fundamental natural functions, and that to place one sex in exactly the same position as the other sex is to deform its outlines and to hamper its activities. from the present point of view we are only concerned with the influence of the woman's movement on love. on the traditional conception of romantic love inherited from medieval days there can be no doubt that this influence has been highly dissolvent. medieval romantic love, in its original form, had been part of a conception of womanhood made up of opposites, and all the opposites balanced each other. the medieval man laid his homage at the feet of the great lady in the castle hall, but he himself lorded it over the wife who drudged in his own home. on his knees he gazed up in devotion at the ethereal virgin, but when she ceased to be a virgin, he asserted himself by cursing her as a demon sent from hell to seduce and torment him. all this was possible because the woman was outside the orbit of the man's life, never on the same plane, necessarily higher or lower. it became difficult if woman was man's equal, absurdly impossible if she was of identical nature with him. the medieval romantic tradition has come down to us so laden with beauty and mystery that we are apt to think, as we see it melt away, that human achievements are being permanently depreciated. that illusion occurs in every age of transition. it was notably so in the eighteenth century, which represented a highly important stage in the emancipation of women. to some that century seems to have been given up to empty gallantry and facile pleasure. yet it was not only the age in which women for the first time succeeded in openly attaining their supreme social influence,[ ] it was an age of romantic love, and the noble or poignant love-stories which have reached us from the records of that period surpass those of any other age. if we believe with goethe that the religion of the future consists in a triple reverence--the reverence for what is above us, the reverence for what is below us, and the reverence for our equals[ ]--we need not grieve overmuch if one form of this reverence, the first, and that which goethe regarded as the earliest and crudest, has lost its exclusive claim. reverence is essential to all romantic love. to bring down the madonna and the virgin from their pedestals to share with men the common responsibilities and duties of life is not to divest them of the claim to reverence. it is merely the sign of a change in the form of that reverence, a change which heralds a new romantic love. it would be premature to attempt to define the exact outline of the new forms of romantic love, or the precise lineaments of the beings who will most ardently evoke that love. in literature, indeed, the ideals of life cast their shadow before, and we may surely trace a change in the erotic ideals mirrored in literature. the woman whom dickens idealized in _david copperfield_ is unlike indeed to the series of women of a new type introduced by george meredith, and the modern heroine generally exhibits more of the robust, open-eyed and spontaneous qualities of that later type than the blind and clinging nature of the amiable simpletons of the older type. that the changed conditions of civilization should produce new types of womanhood and of love is not surprising, if we realize that, even within the ancient chivalrous forms it was possible to produce similar robust types when the qualities of a race were favourable to them. spain furnishes a notable illustration. spanish literature from cervantes and tirso to valera and blasco ibañez reflects a type of woman who stands on the same ground as man and is his equal and often his superior on that ground, alike in vigour of body and of spirit, acquiring all that she cares to of virility, while losing nothing feminine that is of worth.[ ] in more than one respect the ideal woman of spain is the ideal woman our civilization now renders necessary. the women of the future, grete meisel-hess declares in her femininely clever and frank discussion of present-day conditions, _die sexuelle krise_, will be full, strong, elementary natures, devoid alike of the impulse to destroy or the aptitude to be destroyed. she considers, moreover, that so far from romantic love being a thing of the past, "love as a form of worship is reserved for the future."[ ] in the past it has only been found among a few rare souls; in the future world, fostered by the finer selection of a conscious eugenics, and a new reverence and care for motherhood, we may reasonably hope for a truly efficient humanity, the bearers and conservers of the highest human emotions. it is in this sense, indeed, that the voices of the greatest and most typical leaders of the woman's movement of emancipation to-day are heard. ellen key, in her _love and marriage_, seeks to conciliate the cultivation of a free and sacred sexual relationship with the worship of the child, as the embodiment of the future race, while olive schreiner proclaims in her _woman and labour_ that the woman of the future will walk side by side with man in a higher and deeper relationship than has ever been possible before because it will involve a new community in activity and insight. nor is it alone from the feminine side that these forecasts are made. certainly for the most part love has been cultivated more by women than by men. primacy in the genius of intellect belongs incontestably to men, but in the genius of love it has doubtless oftener been achieved by women. they have usually understood better than men that in this matter, as goethe insisted, it is the lover and not the beloved who reaps the chief fruits of love. "it is better to love, even violently," wrote the forsaken portuguese nun, in her immortal _letters_, "than merely to be loved." he who loses his life here saves it, for it is only in so far as he becomes a crucified god that love wins the sacrifice of human hearts. of late years, by an inevitable reaction, women have sometimes forgotten this eternal verity. the women of the twentieth century in their anxiety for self-possession and their rightful eagerness to gain positions they feel they have been too long excluded from, have perhaps yet failed to realize that the women of the eighteenth century, who exerted a sway over life that the women of no age before or since have possessed, were, above all women, great and heroic lovers, and that those two fundamental facts cannot be cut asunder. but this failure, temporary as it is doubtless destined to be, will work for good if it is the point of departure for a revival among men of the art of love. men indeed have here fallen behind women. the old saying, so tediously often quoted, concerning love as a "thing apart" in the lives of men would scarcely have occurred to a medieval poet of provence or florence. it is not enough for women to proclaim a new avatar of love if men are not ready and eager to learn its art and to practise its discipline. in a profoundly suggestive fragment on love, left incomplete at his death by the distinguished sociologist tarde,[ ] he suggests that when masculine energy dies down in the fields of political ambition and commercial gain, as it already has in the field of warfare, the energy liberated by greater social organization and cohesion may find scope once more in love. for too long a period love, like war and politics and commerce, has been chiefly monopolized by the predatory type of man, in this field symbolized by the figure of don juan. in the future, tarde suggests, the don juan type of lover may fall into disrepute, giving place to the virgilian type, for whom love is not a thing apart but a form of life embodying its best and highest activities. when we come upon utterances of this kind we are tempted to think that they represent merely the poetic dreams of individuals, standing too far ahead of their fellows to possess any significance for men and women in general. but it is probable that ovid, and certain that dante, set forth erotic conceptions that were unintelligible to most of their contemporaries, yet they have been immensely influential over the ideas and emotions of men in later ages. the poets and prophets of one generation are engaged in moulding ideals which will be realized in the lives of a subsequent generation; in expressing their own most intimate emotions, as it has been truly said, they become the leaders in a long file of men and women. whatever may yet be uncertain and undefined, we may assuredly believe that the emotion of love is far too deeply rooted in the depth of man's organism and woman's organism ever to be torn out or ever to be thrust into a subordinate place. and we may also believe that there is no measurable limit to its power of putting forth ever new and miraculous flowers. it is recorded that once, in james hinton's presence, the conversation turned on music, and it was suggested that, owing to the limited number of musical combinations and the unlimited number of musical compositions, a time would come when all music would only be a repetition of exhausted harmonies. hinton remarked that then would come a man so inspired by a new spirit that his feeling would be, not that _all_ music has been written, but that no _music_ has yet been written. it was a memorable saying. in every field that is the perpetual proclamation of genius: behold! i create all things new. and in this field of love we can conceive of no age in which to the inspired seer it will not be possible to feel: there has yet been no _love_! footnotes: [ ] see especially sidney lee, "ovid and shakespeare's sonnets," _quarterly review_, april, . [ ] montaigne, _essais_, book iii, chap. v. [ ] see e.g. mrs. fraser, _world's work and play_, december, . [ ] a more modern feeling for love and marriage begins to emerge, however, at a much earlier period, with menander and the new comedy. e.f.m. benecke, in his interesting little book on _antimachus of colophon and the position of women in greek poetry_, believes that the romantic idea (that is to say, the idea that a woman is a worthy object for a man's love, and that such love may well be the chief, if not the only, aim of a man's life) had originally been propounded by antimachus at the end of the fifth century b.c. antimachus, said to have been the friend of plato, had been united to a woman of lydia (where women, we know, occupied a very high position) and her death inspired him to write a long poem, _lyde_, "the first love poem ever addressed by a greek to his wife after death." only a few lines of this poem survive. but antimachus seems to have greatly influenced philetas (whom croiset calls "the first of the alexandrians") and asclepiades of samos, tender and exquisite poets whom also we only know by a few fragments. benecke's arguments, therefore, however probable, cannot be satisfactorily substantiated. [ ] as i have elsewhere pointed out (_studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. ix), most modern authorities--friedländer, dill, donaldson, etc.--consider that there was no real moral decline in the later roman empire; we must not accept the pictures presented by satirists, pagan or christian, as of general application. [ ] i have discussed this phase of early christianity in the sixth volume of _studies in the psychology of sex_, "sex in relation to society," chap. v. [ ] ulrich von lichtenstein, in the thirteenth century, is the typical example of this chivalrous erotomania. his account of his own adventures has been questioned, but reinhold becker (_wahrheit und dichtung in ulrich von lichtenstein's frauendienst_, ) considers that, though much exaggerated, it is in substance true. [ ] léon gautier, _la chevalerie_, pp. - , - . [ ] the chief source of information on these courts is andré le chapelain's _de arte amatoria_. boccaccio made use of this work, though without mentioning the author's name, in his own _dialogo d' amore_. [ ] a. méray, _la vie au temps des cours d'amour_, . [ ] remy de gourmont, _dante, béatrice et la poésie amoureuse_, , p. . [ ] niphus (born about ), a physician and philosopher of the papal court, wrote in his _de pulchro_, sometimes considered the first modern treatise on æsthetics, a minute description of joan of aragon, whose portrait, traditionally ascribed to raphael, is in the louvre. the famous work of firenzuola (born ) entitled _dialogo delle bellezze delle donne_, was published in . it has been translated into english by clara bell under the title _on the beauty of women_. [ ] see, for example, edith coulson james, _bologna: its history, antiquities and art_, . [ ] see, for an interesting account of the position of women in the italian renaissance, burckhardt, _die kultur der renaissance_, part v, ch. vi. [ ] i may quote the following remarks from a communication i have received from a university man: "i am prepared to show women, and to expect from them, precisely the same amount of consideration as i show to or expect from other men, but i rather resent being expected to make a preferential difference. for example, in a crowded tram i see no more adequate reason for giving up my seat to a young and healthy girl than for expecting her to give up hers to me; i would do so cheerfully for an old person of either sex on the ground that i am probably better fit to stand the fatigue of 'strap-hanging,' and because i recognize that some respect is due to age; but if persons get into over-full vehicles they should not expect first-comers to turn out of their seats merely because they happen to be men." this writer acknowledges, indeed, that he is not very sensitive to the erotic attraction of women, but it is probable that the changing status of women will render the attitude he expresses more and more common among men. [ ] _ante_, p. . [ ] "women then were queens," as taine writes (_l'ancien régime_, vol. i, p. ), and he gives references to illustrate the point. [ ] goethe, _wilhelm meisters wanderjahre_, book ii, ch. i. [ ] havelock ellis, _the soul of spain_, chap. iii, "the women of spain." [ ] grete meisel-hess, _die sexuelle krise_, , pp. , . [ ] "la morale sexuelle," _archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, january, . v the significance of a falling birth-rate the fall of the birth-rate in europe generally--in england--in germany--in the united states--in canada--in australasia--"crude" birth-rate and "corrected" birth-rate--the connection between high birth-rate and high death-rate--"natural increase" measured by excess of births over deaths--the measure of national well-being--the example of russia--japan--china--the necessity of viewing the question from a wide standpoint--the prevalence of neo-malthusian methods--influence of the roman catholic church--other influences lowering the birth-rate--influence of postponement of marriage--relation of the birth-rate to commercial and industrial activity--illustrated by russia, hungary, and australia--the relation of prosperity to fertility--the social capillarity theory--divergence of the birth-rate and the marriage-rate--marriage-rate and the movement of prices--prosperity and civilization--fertility among savages--the lesser fertility of urban populations--effect of urbanization on physical development--why prosperity fails permanently to increase fertility--prosperity creates restraints on fertility--the process of civilization involves decreased fertility--in this respect it is a continuation of zoological evolution--large families as a stigma of degeneration--the decreased fertility of civilization a general historical fact--the ideals of civilization to-day--the east and the west. i one of the most interesting phenomena of the early part of the nineteenth century was the immense expansion of the people of the so-called "anglo-saxon" race.[ ] this expansion coincided with that development of industrial and commercial activity which made the english people, who had previously impressed foreigners as somewhat lazy and drunken, into "a nation of shopkeepers." it also coincided with the end of the supremacy of france in europe; france had succeeded to spain as the leading power in europe, and had on the whole maintained a supremacy which napoleon brought to a climax, and, in doing so, crushed. the growing prosperity of england represented an entirely new wave of influence, mainly economic in character, but not less forceful than that of spain and of france had been; and this prosperity was reflected in the growth of the nation. the greater part of the victorian period was marked by this expansion of population, which reached its highest point in the early years of the second half of that period. while the population of england was thus increasing with ever greater rapidity at home, at the same time the english-speaking peoples overspread the whole of north america, and colonized the fertile fringe of australia. it was, on a still larger scale, a phenomenon similar to that which had occurred three hundred years earlier, when spain covered the world and founded an empire upon which, as spaniards proudly boasted, the sun never set. when now, a century later, we survey the situation, not only has industrial and commercial activity ceased to be a special attribute of the anglo-saxons--since the germans have here shown themselves to possess qualities of the highest order, and other countries are rapidly rivalling them--but within the limits of the english-speaking world itself the english have found formidable rivals in the americans. underlying, however, even these great changes there is a still more fundamental fact to be considered, a fact which affects all branches of the race; and that is, that the anglo-saxons have passed their great epoch of expansion and that their birth-rate is rapidly falling to a normal level, that is to say, to the average level of the world in general. disregarding the extremely important point of the death-rate in its bearing on the birth-rate, england is seen to possess a medium birth-rate among european countries, not among the countries with a high birth-rate, like russia, roumania, or bulgaria, nor among those with a low birth-rate, like sweden, belgium, and france. it was in this last country that the movement of decline in the european birth-rate began, and though the rate of decline has in france now become very gradual the long period through which it has extended has placed france in the lowest place, so far as europe is concerned. in out of a total of over , , french families, in nearly , , there were no children, and in nearly , , there was only one child.[ ] the general decline in the european birth-rate, during the years - , was only slight in switzerland, ireland and spain, while it was large not only in france, but in italy, servia, england and wales, and especially in hungary (while, outside europe, it was largest of all in south australia). since there has been a further general decline throughout europe, only excepting ireland, bulgaria, and roumania. in prussia in - the birth-rate was . ; in it was only . ; while in the german empire as a whole it is throughout lower than in prussia, though somewhat higher than in england. in austria and spain alone of european countries during the twenty years between and was there any tendency for the fertility of wives to increase. in all other countries there was a decrease, greatest in belgium, next greatest in france, then in england.[ ] if we consider the question, not on the basis of the crude birth-rate, but of the "corrected" birth-rate, with more exact reference to the child-producing elements in the population, as is done by newsholme and stevenson,[ ] we find that the greatest decline has taken place in new south wales, then in victoria, belgium, and saxony, followed by new zealand. but france, the german empire generally, england, and denmark all show a considerable fall; while sweden and norway show a fall, which, especially in norway, is slight. norway illustrates the difference between the "crude" and the "corrected" birth-rate; the crude birth-rate is lower than that of saxony, but the corrected birth-rate is higher. ireland, again, has a very low crude birth-rate, but the population of child-bearing age has a high birth-rate, considerably higher than that of england. thus while forty years ago it was usual for both the english and the germans to contemplate, perhaps with some complacency, the spectacle of the falling birth-rate in france as compared with the high birth-rate in england and germany, we are now seen to be all marching along the same road. in the english birth-rate reached its maximum of . per thousand; while in france the birth-rate now appears almost to have reached its lowest level. germany, like england, now also has a falling birth-rate, though it will take some time to sink to the english level. the birth-rate for germany generally is still much higher than for england generally, but urbanization in germany seems to have a greater influence than in england in lowering the birth-rate, and for many years past the birth-rate of berlin has been lower than that of london. the birth-rate in germany has long been steadily falling, and the increase in the population of germany is due to a concomitant steady fall in the death-rate, a fall to which there are inevitable natural limits.[ ] moreover, as flux has shown,[ ] urbanization is going on at a greater speed in germany than in england, and practically the entire natural increase of the german population for a quarter of a century has drifted into the towns. but the death-rate of the young in german towns is far higher than in english towns, and the first five years of life in germany produce as much mortality as the first twenty-five years in england.[ ] so that a thousand children born in england add far more to the population than a thousand children born in germany. the average number of children per family in german towns is less than in english towns of the same size. these results, reached by flux, suggest that in a few years' time the rate of increase in the german population will be lower than it is at present in england. in england, since , the decline has been so rapid as to be equal to per cent within a generation, and in some of the large towns to per cent. against this there has, indeed, to be set the general tendency during recent years for the death-rate to fall also. but this saving of life has until lately been effected mainly at the higher ages; there has been but little saving of the lives of infants, upon whom the death-rate falls most heavily. accompanying this falling off in the number of children produced there has often been, as we might expect, a fall in the marriage-rate; but this has been less regular, and of late the marriage-rate has sometimes been high when the birth-rate was low.[ ] there has, however, been a steady postponement of the average age at which marriage takes place. on the whole, the main fact that emerges is, that nowadays in england we marry less and have fewer children. this is now a familiar fact, and perhaps it should not excite very great surprise. england is an old and fairly stable country, and it may be said that it would be unreasonable to expect its population to retain indefinitely a high degree of fertility. whether this is so or not, there is the further consideration to be borne in mind that, during nearly the whole of the victorian period, emigration of the most vigorous stocks took place to a very marked extent. it is not difficult to see the influence of such emigration in connection with the greatly diminished population of ireland, as compared with scotland; and we may reasonably infer that it has had its part in the decreased fertility of the united kingdom generally. but we encounter the remarkable fact that this decreased fertility of the anglo-saxon populations is not confined to the united kingdom. it is even more pronounced in those very lands to which so many thousand shiploads of our best people have been taken. in the united states the question has attracted much attention, and there is little disagreement among careful observers as to the main facts of the situation. the question is, indeed, somewhat difficult for two reasons: the registration of births is not generally compulsory in the united states, and, even when general facts are ascertained, it is still necessary to distinguish between the different classes of the population. our conclusions must therefore be based, not on the course of a general birth-rate, but on the most reliable calculations, based on the census returns and on the average size of the family at different periods, and among different classes of the population. a bulletin of the census bureau of the united states since was prepared a few years ago by walter f. wilcox, of cornell university. it determines from the data in the census office the proportion of children to the number of women of child-bearing age in the country at different periods, and shows that there has been, on the whole, a fall from the beginning to the end of the last century. children under ten years of age constituted one-third of the population at the beginning of the century, and at the end less than one-fourth of the total population. between and the proportion of children to women between fifteen and forty-nine years of age increased, but since it has constantly decreased. in the number of children under five years of age to one thousand women between fifteen and forty-nine years of age was ; in it was only . the proportion of children to potential mothers in was only three-fourths as large as in . in the north and west of the united states the decline has been regular, while in the south the change has been less regular and the decline less marked. a comparison is made between the proportion of children in the foreign-born population and in the american. the former was to the latter's . in the coloured population the proportion of children is greater than in the corresponding white population. there can be no doubt whatever that, from the eighteenth century to the twentieth, there has been a steady decrease in the size of the american family. franklin, in the eighteenth century, estimated that the average number of children to a married couple was eight; genealogical records show that, while in the seventeenth century it was nearly seven, it was over six at the end of the eighteenth century. since then, as engelmann and others have shown, there has been a steady decrease in the size of the family; in the earlier years of the nineteenth century there were between four and five children to each marriage, while by the end of the century the number of children had fallen to between four and but little over one. engelmann finds that there is but a very trifling difference in this respect between the upper and the lower social classes; the average for the labouring classes at st. louis he finds to be about two, and for the higher classes a little less. it is among the foreign-born population, and among those of foreign parents, that the larger families are found; thus kuczynski, by analysing the census, finds that in massachusetts the average number of children to each married woman among the american-born of all social classes is . , while among the foreign-born of all social classes it is . . moreover, sterility is much more frequent among american women than among foreign women in america. among various groups in boston, st. louis, and elsewhere it varies between and per cent, and in some smaller groups is even considerably higher, while among the foreign-born it is only per cent. the net result is that the general natality of the united states at the present day is about equal to that of france, but that, when we analyse the facts, the fertility of the old native-born american population of mainly anglo-saxon origin is found to be lower than that of france. this element, therefore, is rapidly dwindling away in the united states. the general level of the birth-rate is maintained by the foreign immigrants, who in many states (as in new york, massachusetts, michigan, and minnesota) constitute the majority of the population, and altogether number considerably over ten millions. among these immigrants the anglo-saxon element is now very small. indeed, the whole north european contingent among the american immigrants, which was formerly nearly per cent of the whole, has since steadily sunk, and the majority of the immigrants now belong to the central, southern, and eastern european stocks. the racial, and, it is probable, the psychological characteristics of the people of the united states are thus beginning to undergo, not merely modification, but, it may almost be said, a revolution. if, as we may well believe, the influence of the original north-european racial elements--anglo-saxon, dutch, and french--still continues to persist in the united states, it can only be the influence of a small aristocracy, maintained by intellect and character. when we turn to canada, a land that is imposing, less by the actual size of the population than by the vast tracts it possesses for its development, the question has not yet been fully investigated; but such facts and official publications as i have been able to obtain all indicate that, in this matter, the english canadians approximate to the native americans. in the united states it is the european immigrants who maintain the general population at a productive level, and thus indirectly oust the anglo-saxon element. in canada the chief dividing line is between the anglo-saxon element and the old french element in the population; and here it is the french canadians who are gaining ground on the english elements in the population. engelmann ascertained that an examination of one thousand families in the records of quebec life assurance companies shows . children on the average to the french canadian child-bearing woman. it is found also from the records of the french canadian society for artisans that families from town districts, taken at random, show . children per family, and families from country districts show . children per family.[ ] it must be remembered that this average, which is even higher than that found in russia, the most prolific of european countries, is not quite the same as the number of children per marriage; but it indicates very great fertility, while it may be noted also that sterile marriages are comparatively rare among french canadians, although among english canadians the proportion of childless families is found to be almost exactly the same (nearly per cent) as among the infertile americans of massachusetts. the annual reports of the registrar-general of ontario, a province which is predominantly of anglo-saxon origin, show that the average birth-rate during the decade - has been . per ; it must be noted, however, that there has been a gradual rise from a rate of . in to one of . in . the report of mr. prévost, the recorder of vital statistics for the predominantly french province of quebec, shows much higher rates. the general birth-rate for the province for the year is high, being . , much higher than that of england, and nearly as high as that of germany. if, however, we consider the thirty-five counties of the province in which the population is almost exclusively french canadian, we find that represents almost the lowest average; as many as twenty-two of these counties show a rate of over forty, and one (yamaska) reached . . it is very evident that, in order to pull down these high birth-rates to the general level of . , we have to assume a much lower birth-rate among the counties in which the english element is considerable. it must be remembered, however, that infant mortality is high among the french canadians. the french canadian catholic, it has been said, would shrink in horror from such an unnatural crime as limiting his family before birth, but he sees nothing repugnant to god or man in allowing the surplus excess of children to die after birth. in this he is at one with the chinese. dr. e.p. la chapelle, the president of the provincial conseil d'hygiène, wrote some years ago to professor davidson, in answer to inquiries: "i do not believe it would be correct to ascribe the phenomenon to any single cause, and i am convinced it is the result of several factors. for one, the first cause of the heavy infant mortality among the french canadians is their very heavy natality, each family being composed of an average of twelve children, and instances of families of fifteen, eighteen, and even twenty-four children being not uncommon. the super-abundance of children renders, i think, parents less careful about them."[ ] the net result is a slight increase on the part of the french canadians, as compared with the english element in the province, as becomes clear when we compare the proportion of the population of english, scotch, irish, and all other nationalities with the total population of the province, now and thirty years ago. in it was per cent; in it was only per cent. the decrease of the anglo-saxons may here appear to be small, though it must be remembered that thirty years is but a short period in the history of a nation; but it is significant when we bear in mind that the english element has here been constantly reinforced by immigrants (who, as the experience of the united states shows, are by no means an infertile class), and that such reinforcement cannot be expected to continue in the future. from australia comes the same story of the decline of anglo-saxon fertility. in nearly all the australian colonies the highest birth-rate was reached some twenty or thirty years ago. since then there has been a more or less steady fall, accompanied by a marked decrease in the number of marriages, and a tendency to postpone the age of marriage. one colony, western australia, has a birth-rate which sometimes fluctuates above that of england; but it is the youngest of the colonies, and, at present, that with the smallest population, largely composed of recent immigrants. we may be quite sure that its comparatively high birth-rate is merely a temporary phenomenon. a very notable fact about the australian birth-rate is the extreme rapidity with which the fall has taken place; thus queensland, in , had a birth-rate of , but by the rate had steadily fallen to , and the victorian rate during the same period fell from to per thousand. in new south wales, the state of things has been carefully studied by mr. coghlan, formerly government statistician of new south wales, who comes to the conclusion that the proportion of fertile marriages is declining, and that (as in the united states) it is the recent european immigrants only who show a comparatively high birth-rate. until , coghlan states, the australasian birth-rate was about per thousand, and the average number of children to the family about . . in the birth-rate had already fallen to . and the size of the family to . children.[ ] it should be added that in all the australasian colonies the birth-rate reached its lowest point some years ago, and may now be regarded as in a state of normal equipoise with a slight tendency to rise. the case of new zealand is specially interesting. new zealand once had the highest birth-rate of all the australasian colonies; it is without doubt the most advanced of all in social and legislative matters; a variety of social reforms, which other countries are struggling for, are, in new zealand, firmly established. its prosperity is shown by the fact that it has the lowest death-rate of any country in the world, only . per thousand, as against in austria and in france; it cannot even be said that the marriage-rate is very low, for it is scarcely lower than that of austria, where the birth-rate is high. yet the birth-rate in new zealand fell as the social prosperity of the country rose, reaching its lowest point in . we thus find that from the three great anglo-saxon centres of the world--north, west, and south--the same story comes. we need not consider the case of south africa, for it is well recognized that there the english constitute a comparatively infertile fringe, mostly confined to the towns, while the earlier dutch element is far more prolific and firmly rooted in the soil. the position of the dutch there is much the same as that of the french in canada. thus we find that among highly civilized races generally, and not least among the english-speaking peoples who were once regarded as peculiarly prolific, a great diminution of reproductive activity has taken place during the past forty years, and is in some countries still taking place. but before we proceed to consider its significance it may be well to look a little more closely at our facts. we have seen that the "crude" birth-rate is not an altogether reliable index of the reproductive energy of a nation. various circumstances may cause an excess or a defect of persons of reproductive age in a community, and unless we allow for these variations, we cannot estimate whether that community is exercising its reproductive powers in a fairly normal manner. but there is another and still more important consideration always to be borne in mind before we can attach any far-reaching significance even to the corrected birth-rate. we have, that is, to bear in mind that a high or a low birth-rate has no meaning, so far as the growth of a nation is concerned, unless it is considered in relation to the death-rate. the natural increase of a nation is not the result of its birth-rate, but of its birth-rate minus its death-rate. a low birth-rate with a low death-rate (as in australasia) produces a far greater natural increase than a low birth-rate with a rather high death-rate (as in france), and may even produce as great an increase as a very high birth-rate with a very high death-rate (as in russia). many worthy people might have been spared the utterance of foolish and mischievous jeremiads, if, instead of being content with a hasty glance at the crude birth-rate, they had paused to consider this fairly obvious fact. there is an intimate connection between a high birth-rate and a high death-rate, between a low birth-rate and a low death-rate. it may not, indeed, be an absolutely necessary connection, and is not the outcome of any mysterious "law." but it usually exists, and the reasons are fairly obvious. we have already encountered the statement from an official canadian source that the large infantile mortality of french canadian families is due to parental carelessness, consequent, no doubt, not only on the dimly felt consciousness that children are cheap, but much more on inability to cope with the manifold cares involved by a large family. among the english working class every doctor knows the thinly veiled indifference or even repulsion with which women view the seemingly endless stream of babies they give birth to. among the berlin working class, also, hamburger's important investigation has indicated how serious a cause of infantile mortality this may be. by taking working-class women, who had been married twenty years and conceived times, he found that the net result in surviving children was relatively more than twice as great among the women who had only had one child when compared to the women who had had fifteen children. the women with only one child brought . per cent of these children to maturity; the women who had produced fifteen children could only bring . of them to maturity; the intermediate groups showed a gradual fall to this low level, the only exception being that the mothers of three children were somewhat more successful than the mothers of two children. among well-to-do mothers hamburger found no such marked contrast between the net product of large families as compared to small families.[ ] it we look at the matter from a wider standpoint we can have no difficulty in realizing that a community which is reproducing itself rapidly must always be in an unstable state of disorganization highly unfavourable to the welfare of its members, and especially of the new-comers; a community which is reproducing itself slowly is in a stable and organized condition which permits it to undertake adequately the guardianship of its new members. the high infantile mortality of the community with a high birth-rate merely means that that community is unconsciously making a violent and murderous effort to attain to the more stable and organized level of the country with a low birth-rate. the english registrar-general in estimated the natural increase by excess of births over deaths as exceptionally high (higher than that of england) in several australian colonies, in the balkan states, in russia, the netherlands, the german empire, denmark, and norway, though in the majority of these lands the birth-rate is very low. on the other hand, the natural increase by excess of births over deaths is below the english rate in austria, in hungary, in japan, in italy, in sweden, switzerland, spain, belgium, and ontario, though in the majority of these lands the birth-rate is high, and in some very high.[ ] in most cases it is the high death-rate in infancy and childhood which exercises the counterbalancing influence against a high birth-rate; the death-rate in adult life may be quite moderate. and with few exceptions we find that a high infantile mortality accompanies a high birth-rate, while a low infantile mortality accompanies a low birth-rate. it is evident, however, that even an extremely high infantile mortality is no impediment to a large natural increase provided the birth-rate is extremely high to a more than corresponding extent. but a natural increase thus achieved seems to be accompanied by far more disastrous social conditions than when an equally large increase is achieved by a low infantile death-rate working in association with a low birth-rate. thus in norway on one side of the world and in australasia on the opposite side we see a large natural increase effected not by a profuse expenditure of mostly wasted births but by an economy in deaths, and the increase thus effected is accompanied by highly favourable social conditions, and great national vigour. norway appears to have the lowest infantile death-rate in europe.[ ] rubin has suggested that the fairest measure of a country's well-being, as regards its actual vitality--without direct regard, of course, to the country's economic prosperity--is the square of the death-rate divided by the birth-rate.[ ] sir j.a. baines, who accepts this test, states that argentina with its high birth-rate and low death-rate stands even above norway, and australia still higher, while the climax for the world is attained by new zealand, which has attained "the nearest approach to immortality yet on record."[ ] the order of descending well-being in europe is thus represented (at the year ) by norway, sweden, denmark, holland, england, scotland, finland, belgium, switzerland, germany, ireland, portugal, italy, austria, france, and spain. on the other hand, in all the countries, probably without exception, in which a large natural increase is effected by the efforts of an immense birth-rate to overcome an enormous death-rate the end is only effected with much friction and misery, and the process is accompanied by a general retardation of civilization. "the greater the number of children," as hamburger puts it, "the greater the cost of each survivor to the family and to the state." russia presents not only the most typical but the most stupendous and appalling example of this process. thirty years ago the mortality of infants under one year was three times that of norway, nearly double that of england. more recently ( - ) the infantile mortality in russia has fallen from to , but as that of the other countries has also fallen it still preserves nearly the same relative position, remaining the highest in europe, while if we compare it with countries outside europe we find it is considerably more than four times greater than that of south australia. in one town in the government of perm, some years ago if not still, the mortality of infants under one year regularly reached per cent, and the deaths of children under five years constituted half the total mortality. this is abnormally high even for russia, but for all russia it was found that of the boys born in a single year during the second half of the last century only per cent reached their twenty-first year, and even of these only . per cent were fit for military service. it is estimated that there die in russia per thousand more individuals than among the same number in england; this excess mortality represents a loss of , , lives to the state every year.[ ] thus russia has the highest birth-rate and at the same time the highest death-rate. the large countries which, after russia, have the highest infantile mortality are austria, hungary, prussia, spain, italy, and japan; all these, as we should expect, have a somewhat high birth-rate. the case of japan is interesting as that of a vigorous young eastern nation, which has assimilated western ways and is encountering the evils which come of those ways. japan is certainly worthy of all our admiration for the skill and vigour with which it has affirmed its young nationality along western lines. but when the vital statistics of japan are vaguely referred to either as a model for our imitation or as a threatening peril to us, we may do well to look into the matter a little more closely. the infantile mortality of japan ( ) is , a very high figure, per cent higher than that of england, much more than double that of new zealand, or south australia. moreover, it has rapidly risen during the last ten years. the birth-rate of japan in - was high ( ), though it has since fallen to the level of ten years ago. but the death-rate has risen concomitantly (to over per ), and has continued to rise notwithstanding the slight decline in the birth-rate. we see here a tendency to the sinister combination of a falling birth-rate with a rising death-rate.[ ] it is obvious that such a tendency, if continued, will furnish a serious problem to japanese social reformers, and at the same time make it impossible for western alarmists to regard the rise of japan as a menace to the world. it is behind china that these alarmists, when driven from every other position, finally entrench themselves. "the ultimate future of these islands may be to the chinese," incautiously exclaims mr. sidney webb, who on many subjects, unconnected with china, speaks with authority. the knowledge of the vital statistics of china possessed by our alarmists is vague to the most extreme degree, but as the knowledge of all of us is scarcely less vague, they assume that their position is fairly safe. that, however, is an altogether questionable assumption. it seems to be quite true--though in the absence of exact statistics it may not be certain--that the birth-rate in china is very high. but it is quite certain that the infantile death-rate is extremely high. "out of ten children born among us, three, normally the weakest three, will fail to grow up: out of ten children born in china these weakest three will die, and probably five more besides," writes professor ross, who is intimately acquainted with chinese conditions, and has closely questioned thirty-three physicians practising in various parts of china.[ ] matignon, a french physician familiar with china, states that it is the custom for a woman to suckle her child for at least three years; should pregnancy occur during this period, it is usual, and quite legal, to procure abortion. infants brought up by hand are fed on rice-flour and water, and consequently they nearly all die.[ ] putting aside altogether the question of infanticide, such a state of things is far from incredible when we remember the extremely insanitary state of china, the superstitions that flourish unchecked, and the famines, floods, and pestilences that devastate the country. it would appear probable that when vital statistics are introduced into china they will reveal a condition of things very similar to that we find in russia, but in a more marked degree. no doubt it is a state of things which will be remedied. it is a not unreasonable assumption, supported by many indications, that china will follow japan in the adoption of western methods of civilization.[ ] these methods, as we know, involve in the end a low birth-rate with a general tendency to a lower death-rate. neither in the near nor in the remote future, under present conditions or under probable future conditions, is there any reason for imagining that the chinese are likely to replace the europeans in europe.[ ] this preliminary survey of the ground may enable us to realize that not only must we be cautious in attaching importance to the crude birth-rate until it is corrected, but that even as usually corrected the birth-rate can give us no clue at all to natural increase because there is a marked tendency for the birth-rate and the infantile death-rate to rise or sink together. moreover, it is evident that we have also to realize that from the point of view of society and civilization there is a vast difference between the natural increase which is achieved by the effort of an enormously high birth-rate to overcome an almost correspondingly high death-rate and the natural increase which is attained by the dominance of a low birth-rate over a still lower death-rate. having thus cleared the ground, we may proceed to attempt the interpretation of the declining birth-rate which marks civilization, and to discuss its significance. ii it must be admitted that it is not usual to consider the question of the declining birth-rate from a broad or scientific standpoint. as we have seen, no attempt is usually made to correct the crude birth-rate; still more rarely is it pointed out that we cannot consider the significance of a falling birth-rate apart from the question of the death-rate, and that the net increase or decrease in a nation can only be judged by taking both these factors into account. it is scarcely necessary to add, in view of so superficial a way of looking at the problem, that we hardly ever find any attempt to deal with the more fundamental question of the meaning of a low birth-rate, and the problematical character of the advantages of rapid multiplication. the whole question is usually left to the ignorant preachers of the gospel of brute force, would-be patriots who desire their own country to increase at the cost of all other countries, not merely in ignorance of the fact that the crude birth-rate is not the index of increase, but reckless of the effect their desire, if fulfilled, would have upon all the higher and finer ends of living. when the question is thus narrowly and ignorantly considered, it is usual to account for the decreased birth-rate, the smaller average families, and the tendency to postpone the age of marriage, as due mainly to a love of luxury and vice, combined with a newly acquired acquaintance with neo-malthusian methods,[ ] which must be combated, and may successfully be combated, by inculcating, as a moral and patriotic duty, the necessity of marrying early and procreating large families.[ ] in france, the campaign against the religious orders in their educational capacity, while doubtless largely directed against educational inefficiency, was also supported by the feeling that such education is not on the side of family life; and arsène dumont, one of the most vigorous champions of a strenuously active policy for increasing the birth-rate, openly protested against allowing any place as teachers to priests, monks, and nuns, whose direct and indirect influence must degrade the conception of sex and its duties while exalting the place of celibacy. in the united states, also, engelmann, who, as a gynæcologist, was able to see this process from behind the scenes, urged his fellow-countrymen "to stay the dangerous and criminal practices which are the main determining factors of decreasing fecundity, and which deprive women of health, the family of its highest blessings, and the nation of its staunchest support."[ ] we must, however, look at these phenomena a little more broadly, and bring them into relation with other series of phenomena. it is almost beyond dispute that a voluntary restriction of the number of offspring by neo-malthusian practices is at least one of the chief methods by which the birth-rate has been lowered. it may not indeed be--and probably, as we shall see, is not--the only method. it has even been denied that the prevalence of neo-malthusian practices counts at all.[ ] thus while coghlan, the government statistician of new south wales, concludes that the decline in the birth-rate in the australian commonwealth was due to "the art of applying artificial checks to conception," mclean, the government statistician of victoria, concludes that it was "due mainly to natural causes." [ ] he points out that when the birth-rate in australia, half a century ago, was nearly per , the population consisted chiefly of men and women at the reproductive period of life, and that since then the proportion of persons at these ages has declined, leading necessarily to a decline in the crude birth-rate. if we compare the birth-rate of communities among women of the same age-periods, mclean argues, we may obtain results quite different from the crude birth-rate. thus the crude birth-rate of buda-pesth is much higher than that of new south wales, but if we ascertain the birth-rate of married women at different age-periods ( to , to , etc.) the new south wales birth-rate is higher for every age-period than that of buda-pesth. mclean considers that in young communities with many vigorous immigrants the population is normally more prolific than in older and more settled communities, and that hardships and financial depression still more depress the birth-rate. he further emphasizes the important relationship, which we must never lose sight of in this connection, between a high birth-rate and a high death-rate, especially a high infantile death-rate, and he believes, indeed, that "the solution of the problem of the general decline in the birth-rate throughout all civilized communities lies in the preservation of human life." the mechanism of the connection would be, he maintains, that prolonged suckling in the case of living children increases the intervals between childbearing. as we have seen, there is a tendency, though not a rigid and invariable necessity,[ ] for a high birth-rate to be associated with a high infantile death-rate, and a low birth-rate with a low infantile death-rate. thus in victoria, we have the striking fact that while the birth-rate has declined per cent the infantile death-rate has declined approximately to the still greater extent of per cent. no doubt the chief cause of the reduction of the birth-rate has been its voluntary restriction by preventive methods due to the growth of intelligence, knowledge, and foresight. in all the countries where a marked decline in the birth-rate has occurred there is good reason to believe that neo-malthusian methods are generally known and practised. so far as england is concerned this is certainly the case. a few years ago mr. sidney webb made inquiries among middle-class people in all parts of the country, and found that in marriages were thus limited and only unlimited, while for the ten years - out of marriages were limited and only unlimited, but as five of these were childless there were only unlimited fertile marriages out of . as to the causes assigned for limiting the number of children, in out of cases in which particulars were given under this head the poverty of the parents in relation to their standard of comfort was a factor; sexual ill-health--that is, generally, the disturbing effect of child-bearing--in ; and other forms of ill-health of the parents in cases; in cases the disinclination of the wife was a factor, and the death of a parent had in cases terminated the marriage.[ ] in the skilled artisan class there is also good reason to believe that the voluntary limitation of families is constantly becoming more usual, and the statistics of benefit societies show a marked decline in the fertility of superior working-class people during recent years; thus it is stated by sidney webb that the hearts of oak friendly society paid benefits on child-birth to per , members in ; by the proportion had fallen to per , , a much greater fall than occurred in england generally. the voluntary adoption of preventive precautions may not be, however, the only method by which the birth-rate has declined; we may have also to recognize a concomitant physiological sterility, induced by delayed marriage and its various consequences; we have also to recognize pathological sterility due to the impaired vitality and greater liability to venereal disease of an increasingly urban life; and we may have to recognize that stocks differ from one another in fertility. the delay in marriage, as studied in england, is so far apparently slight; the mean age of marriage for all husbands in england has increased from . in to . in , and the mean age of all wives from . in to . in . this seems a very trifling rate of progression. if, however, we look at the matter in another way we find that there has been an extremely serious reduction in the number of marriages between to , normally the most fecund of all age-periods. between and (according to the registrar-general's report for ) the proportion of minors in marriages in england and wales was . husbands and . wives. in it had fallen to only . husbands and . wives. it has been held that this has not greatly affected the decline in the birth-rate. its tendency, however, must be in that direction. it is true that engelmann argued that delayed marriages had no effect at all on the birth-rate. but it has been clearly shown that as the age of marriage increases fecundity distinctly diminishes.[ ] this is illustrated by the specially elaborate statistics of scotland for ;[ ] the number of women having children, that is, the fecundity, was higher in the years to , than at any subsequent age-period, except to , and the fact that the earliest age-group is not absolutely highest is due to the presence of a number of immature women. in new south wales, coghlan has shown that if the average number of children is . , then a woman marrying at may expect to have five children, a woman marrying at three children, at two children, and at one child. newsholme and stevenson, again, conclude that the general law of decline of fertility with advancing age of the mother is shown in various countries, and that in nearly all countries the mothers aged to have the largest number of children; the chief exception is in the case of some northern countries like norway and finland, where women develop late, and there it is the mothers of to who have the largest number of children.[ ] the postponement in the age of marriage during recent years is, however, so slight that it can only account for a small part of the decline in the birth-rate; coghlan calculates that of unborn possible children in new south wales the loss of only about one-sixth is to be attributed to this cause. in london, however, heron considers that the recognized connection between a low birth-rate and a high social standing might have been entirely accounted for sixty years ago by postponement of marriage, and that such postponement may still account for per cent of it.[ ] it is not enough, however, to consider the mechanism by which the birth-rate declines; to realize the significance of the decline we must consider the causes which set the mechanism in action. we begin to obtain a truer insight into the meaning of the curve of a country's birth-rate when we realize that it is in relation with the industrial and commercial activity of the country.[ ] it is sometimes stated that a high birth-rate goes with a high degree of national prosperity. that, however, is scarcely the case; we have to look into the matter a little more closely. and, when we do so, we find that, not only is the statement of a supposed connection between a high birth-rate and a high degree of prosperity an imperfect statement; it is altogether misleading. if, in the first place, we attempt to consider the state of things among savages, we find, indeed, great variations, and the birth-rate is not infrequently low. but, on the whole, it would appear, the marriage-rate, the birth-rate, and, it may be added, the death-rate are all alike high. karl ranke has investigated the question with considerable care among the trumai and nahuqua indians of central brazil.[ ] these tribes are yet totally uncontaminated by contact with european influences; consumption and syphilis are alike unknown. in the two villages he investigated in detail, ranke found that every man over twenty-five years of age was married, and that the only unmarried woman he discovered was feeble-minded. the average size of the families of those women who were over forty years of age was between five and six children, while, on the other hand, the mortality among children was great, and a relatively small proportion of the population reached old age. we see therefore that, among these fairly typical savages, living under simple natural conditions, the fertility of the women is as high as it is among all but the most prolific of european peoples; while, in striking contrast with european peoples, among whom a large percentage of the population never marry, and of those who do, many have no children, practically every man and woman both marries and produces children. if we leave savages out of the question and return to europe, it is still instructive to find that among those peoples who live under the most primitive conditions much the same state of things may be found as among savages. this is notably the case as regards russia. in no other great european country do the bulk of the women marry at so early an age, and in no other is the average size of the family so large. and, concomitantly with a very high marriage-rate and a very high birth-rate, we find in russia, in an equally high degree, the prevalence among the masses of infantile and general mortality, disease (epidemical and other), starvation, misery.[ ] so far we scarcely see any marked connection between high fertility and prosperity. it is more nearly indicated in the high birth-rate of hungary--only second to that of russia, and also accompanied by a high mortality--which is associated with the rapid and notable development of a young nationality. the case of hungary is, indeed, typical. in so far as high fertility is associated with prosperity, it is with the prosperity of a young and unstable community, which has experienced a sudden increase of wealth and a sudden expansion. the case of western australia illustrates the same point. thirty years ago the marriage-rate and the birth-rate of this colony were on the same level as those of the other australian colonies; but a sudden industrial expansion occurred, both rates rose, and in the fertility of western australia was higher than that of any other english-speaking community.[ ] if now we put together the facts observed in savage life and the facts observed in civilized life, we shall begin to see the real nature of the factors that operate to raise or lower the fertility of a community. it is far, indeed, from being prosperity which produces a high fertility, for the most wretched communities are the most prolific, but, on the other hand, it is by no means the mere absence of prosperity which produces fertility, for we constantly observe that the on-coming of a wave of prosperity elevates the birth-rate. in both cases alike it is the absence of social-economic restraints which conduces to high fertility. in the simple, primitive community of savages, serfs, or slaves, there is no restraint on either nutritive or reproductive enjoyments; there is no adequate motive for restraint; there are no claims of future wants to inhibit the gratification of present wants; there are no high standards, no ideals. supposing, again, that such restraints have been established by a certain amount of forethought as regards the future, or a certain calculation as to social advantages to be gained by limiting the number of children, a check on natural fertility is established. but a sudden accession of prosperity--a sudden excess of work and wages and food--sweeps away this check by apparently rendering it unnecessary; the natural reproductive impulse is liberated by this rising wave, and we here see whatever truth there is in the statement that prosperity means a high birth-rate. in reality, however, prosperity in such a case merely increases fertility because its sudden affluence reduces a community to the same careless indifference in regard to the future, the same hasty snatching at the pleasures of the moment, as we find among the most hopeless and least prosperous communities. it is a significant fact, as shown by beveridge, that the years when the people of great britain marry most are the years when they drink most. it is in the absence of social-economic restraints--the absence of the perception of such restraints, or the absence of the ability to act in accordance with such perception--that the birth-rate is high. arsène dumont seems to have been one of the first who observed this significance of the oscillation of the birth-rate, though he expressed it in a somewhat peculiar way, as the social capillarity theory. it is the natural and universal tendency of mankind to ascend, he declared; a high birth-rate and a strong ascensional impulse are mutually contradictory. large families are only possible when there is no progress, and no expectation of it can be cherished; small families become possible when the way has been opened to progress. "one might say," dumont puts it, "that invisible valves, like those which direct the circulation of the blood, have been placed by nature to direct the current of human aspiration in the upward path it has prescribed." as the proletariat is enabled to enjoy the prospect of rising it comes under the action of this law of social capillarity, and the birth-rate falls. it is the effort towards an indefinite perfection, dumont declares, which justifies nature and man, consoles us for our griefs, and constitutes our sovereign safeguard against the philosophy of despair.[ ] when we thus interpret the crude facts of the falling birth-rate, viewing them widely and calmly in connection with the other social facts with which they are intimately related, we are able to see how foolish has been the outcry against a falling birth-rate, and how false the supposition that it is due to a new selfishness replacing an ancient altruism.[ ] on the contrary, the excessive birth-rate of the early industrial period was directly stimulated by selfishness. there were no laws against child-labour; children were produced that they might be sent out, when little more than babies, to the factories and the mines to increase their parents' income. the fundamental instincts of men and women do not change, but their direction can be changed. in this field the change is towards a higher transformation, introducing a finer economy into life, diminishing death, disease, and misery, making possible the finer ends of living, and at the same time indirectly and even directly improving the quality of the future race.[ ] this is now becoming recognized by nearly all calm and sagacious inquirers.[ ] the wild outcry of many unbalanced persons to-day, that a falling birth-rate means degeneration and disaster, is so altogether removed from the sphere of reason that we ought perhaps to regard it as comparable to those manias which, in former centuries, have assumed other forms more attractive to the neurotic temperament of those days; fortunately, it is a mania which, in the nature of things, is powerless to realize itself, and we need not anticipate that the outcry against small families will have the same results as the ancient outcry against witches.[ ] it may be proper at this stage to point out that while, in the foregoing statement, a high birth-rate and a high marriage-rate have been regarded as practically the same thing, we need to make a distinction. the true relation of the two rates may be realized when it is stated that, the more primitive a community is, the more closely the two rates vary together. as a community becomes more civilized and more complex, the two rates tend to diverge; the restraints on child-production are deeper and more complex than those on marriage, so that the removal of the restraint on marriage by no means removes the restraint on fertility. they tend to diverge in opposite directions. farr considered the marriage-rate among civilized peoples as a barometer of national prosperity. in former years, when corn was a great national product, the marriage-rate in england rose regularly as the price of wheat fell. of recent years it has become very difficult to estimate exactly what economic factors affect the marriage-rate. it is believed by some that the marriage-rate rises or falls with the value of exports.[ ] udny yule, however, in an expertly statistical study of the matter,[ ] finds (in agreement with hooker) that neither exports nor imports tally with the marriage-rate. he concludes that the movement of prices is a predominant--though by no means the sole--factor in the change of marriage-rates, a fall in prices producing a fall in the marriage-rates and also in the birth-rates, though he also thinks that pressure on the labour market has forced both rates lower than the course of prices would lead one to expect. in so far as these causes are concerned, udny yule states, the fall is quite normal and pessimistic views are misplaced. udny yule, however, appears to be by no means confident that his explanation covers a large part of the causation, and he admits that he cannot understand the rationale of the connection between marriage-rates and prices. the curves of the marriage-rates in many countries indicate a maximum about or shortly before, , when the birth-rate also tended to reach a maximum, and another rise towards , thus making the intermediate curve concave. there was, however, a large rise in money wages between and , and the rise in the consuming power of the population has been continuous since . thus the factors favourable to a high marriage-rate must have risen from to a maximum about - , and since then have fallen continuously. this statement, which mr. udny yule emphasizes, certainly seems highly significant from our present point of view. it falls into line with the view here accepted, that the first result of a sudden access of prosperity is to produce a general orgy, a reckless and improvident haste to take advantage of the new prosperity, but that, as the effects of the orgy wear off, it necessarily gives place to new ideals, and to higher standards of life which lead to caution and prudence. mr. n.a. hooker seems to have perceived this, and in the discussion which followed the reading of udny yule's paper he set forth what (though it was not accepted by udny yule) may perhaps fairly be regarded as the sound view of the matter. "during the great expansion of trade prior to ," he remarked, "the means of satisfying the desired standard of comfort were increasing much more rapidly than the rise in the standard; hence a decreasing age of marriage and a marriage-rate above the normal. after about , however, the means of satisfying the standard of comfort no longer increased with the same rapidity, and then a new factor, he thought, became important, viz. the increased intelligence of the people."[ ] this seems to be precisely the same view of the matter as i have here sought to set forth; prosperity is not civilization, its first tendency is to produce a reckless abandonment to the satisfaction of the crudest impulses. but as prosperity develops it begins to engender more complex ideals and higher standards; the inevitable result is a greater forethought and restraint.[ ] if we consider, not the marriage-rate, but the average age at marriage, and especially the age of the woman, which varies less than that of the man, the results, though harmonious, would not be quite the same. the general tendency as regards the age of girls at marriage is summed up by ploss and bartels, in their monumental work on woman, in the statement: "it may be said in general that the age of girls at marriage is lower, the lower the stage of civilization is in the community to which they belong."[ ] we thus see one reason why it is that, in an advanced stage of civilization, a high marriage-rate is not necessarily associated with a high birth-rate. a large number of women who marry late may have fewer children than a smaller number who marry early. we may see the real character of the restraints on fertility very well illustrated by the varying birth-rate of the upper and lower social classes belonging to the same community. if a high birth-rate were a mark of prosperity or of advanced civilization, we should expect to find it among the better social class of a community. but the reverse is the case; it is everywhere the least prosperous and the least cultured classes of a community which show the highest birth-rate. as we go from the very poor to the very rich quarters of a great city--whether paris, berlin, or vienna--the average number of children to the family diminishes regularly. the difference is found in the country as well as in the towns. in holland, for instance, whether in town or country, there are . children per marriage among the poor, and only . among the rich. in london it is notorious that the same difference appears; thus charles booth, the greatest authority on the social conditions of london, in the concluding volume of his vast survey, sums up the condition of things in the statement that "the lower the class the earlier the period of marriage and the greater the number of children born to each marriage." the same phenomenon is everywhere found, and it is one of great significance. the significance becomes clearer when we realize that an urban population must always be regarded as more "civilized" than a rural population, and that, in accordance with that fact, an urban population tends to be less prolific than a rural population. the town birth-rate is nearly always lower than the country birth-rate. in germany this is very marked, and the rapidly growing urbanization of germany is accompanied by a great fall of the birth-rate in the large cities, but not in the rural districts. in england the fall is more widespread, and though the birth-rate is much higher in the country than in the towns the decline in the rural birth-rate is now proceeding more rapidly than that in the urban birth-rate. england, which once contained a largely rural population, now possesses a mainly urban population. every year it becomes more urban; while the town population grows, the rural population remains stationary; so that, at the present time, for every inhabitant of the country in england, there are more than three town-dwellers. as the country-dweller is more prolific than the town-dweller, this means that the rural population is constantly being poured into the towns. the larger our great cities grow, the more irresistible becomes the attraction which they exert on the children of the country, who are fascinated by them, as the birds are fascinated by the lighthouse or the moths by the candle. and the results are not altogether unlike those which this analogy suggests. at the present time, one-third of the population of london is made up of immigrants from the country. yet, notwithstanding this immense and constant stream of new and vigorous blood, it never suffices to raise the urban population to the same level of physical and nervous stability which the rural population possesses. more alert, more vivacious, more intelligent, even more urbane in the finer sense, as the urban population becomes,--not perhaps at first, but in the end,--it inevitably loses its stamina, its reserves of vital energy. dr. cantlie very properly defines a londoner as a person whose grandparents all belonged to london--and he could not find any. dr. harry campbell has found a few who could claim london grandparents; they were poor specimens of humanity.[ ] even on the intellectual side there are no great londoners. it is well known that a number of eminent men have been born in london; but, in the course of a somewhat elaborate study of the origins of british men of genius, i have not been able to find that any were genuinely londoners by descent.[ ] an urban life saps that calm and stolid strength which is necessary for all great effort and stress, physical or intellectual. the finest body of men in london, as a class, are the london police, and charles booth states that only per cent of the london police are born in london, a smaller proportion than any other class of the london population except the army and navy. as mr. n.c. macnamara has pointed out, it is found that london men do not possess the necessary nervous stability and self-possession for police work; they are too excitable and nervous, lacking the equanimity, courage, and self-reliance of the rural men. just in the same way, in spain, the bull-fighters, a body of men admirable for their graceful strength, their modesty, courage, and skill, nearly always come from country districts, although it is in the towns that the enthusiasm for bull-fighting is centred. therefore, it would appear that until urban conditions of life are greatly improved, the more largely urban a population becomes, the more is its standard of vital and physical efficiency likely to be lowered. this became clearly visible during the south african war; it was found at manchester (as stated by dr. t.p. smith and confirmed by dr. clayton) that among , young men who volunteered for enlistment, scarcely more than per cent could pass the surgeon's examination, although the standard of physique demanded was extremely low, while major-general sir f. maurice has stated[ ] that, even when all these rejections have been made, of those who actually are enlisted, at the end of two years only two effective soldiers are found for every five who enlist. it is not difficult to see a bearing of these facts on the birth-rate. the civilized world is becoming a world of towns, and, while the diminished birth-rate of towns is certainly not mainly the result of impaired vitality, these phenomena are correlative facts of the first importance for every country which is using up its rural population and becoming a land of cities. from our present point of view it is thus a very significant fact that the equipoise between country-dwellers and town-dwellers has been lost, that the towns are gaining at the expense of the country whose surplus population they absorb and destroy. the town population is not only disinclined to propagate; it is probably in some measure unfit to propagate. at the same time, we must not too strongly emphasize this aspect of the matter; such over-emphasis of a single aspect of highly complex phenomena constantly distorts our vision of great social processes. we have already seen that it is inaccurate to assert any connection between a high birth-rate and a high degree of national prosperity, except in so far as at special periods in the history of a country a sudden wave of prosperity may temporarily remove the restraints on natural fertility. prosperity is only one of the causes that tend to remove the restraint on the birth-rate; and it is a cause that is never permanently effective. iii to get to the bottom of the matter, we thus find it is necessary to look into it more closely than is usually attempted. when we ask ourselves why prosperity fails permanently to remove the restraints on fertility the answer is, that it speedily creates new restraints. prosperity and civilization are far from being synonymous terms. the savage who is able to glut himself with the whale that has just been stranded on his coast, is more prosperous than he was the day before, but he is not more civilized, perhaps a trifle less so. the working community that is suddenly glutted by an afflux of work and wages is in exactly the same position as the savage who is suddenly enabled to fill himself with a rich mass of decaying blubber. it is prosperity; it is not civilization.[ ] but, while prosperity leads at first to the reckless and unrestrained gratification of the simplest animal instincts of nutrition and reproduction, it tends, when it is prolonged, to evolve more complex instincts. aspirations become less crude, the needs and appetites engendered by prosperity take on a more social character, and are sharpened by social rivalries. in place of the earlier easy and reckless gratification of animal impulses, a peaceful and organized struggle is established for securing in ever fuller degree the gratification of increasingly insistent and increasingly complex desires. such a struggle involves a deliberate calculation and forethought, which, sooner or later, cannot fail to be applied to the question of offspring. thus it is that affluence, in the long run, itself imposes a check on reproduction. prosperity, under the stress of the urban conditions with which it tends to be associated, has been transformed into that calculated forethought, that deliberate self-restraint for the attainment of ever more manifold ends, which in its outcome we term "civilization." it is frequently assumed, as we have seen, that the process by which civilization is thus evolved is a selfish and immoral process. to procreate large families, it is said, is unselfish and moral, as well as a patriotic, even a religious duty. this assumption, we now find, is a little too hasty and is even the reverse of the truth; it is necessary to take into consideration the totality of the social phenomena accompanying a high birth-rate, more especially under the conditions of town life. a community in which children are born rapidly is necessarily in an unstable position; it is growing so quickly that there is insufficient time for the conditions of life to be equalized. the state of ill-adjustment is chronic; the pressure is lifted from off the natural impulse of procreation, but is increased on all the conditions under which the impulse is exerted. there is increased overcrowding, increased filth, increased disease, increased death. it can never happen, in modern times, that the readjustment of the conditions of life can be made to keep pace with a high birth-rate. it is sufficient if we consider the case of english towns, of london in particular, during the period when british prosperity was most rapidly increasing, and the birth-rate nearing its maximum, in the middle of the great victorian epoch, of which englishmen are, for many reasons, so proud. it was certainly not an age lacking in either energy or philanthropy; yet, when we read the memorable report which chadwick wrote in , on the _sanitary condition of the labouring population of great britain_, or the minute study of bethnal green which gavin published in as a type of the conditions prevailing in english towns, we realize that the magnificence of this epoch was built up over circles of hell to which the imagination of dante never attained. as reproductive activity dies down, social conditions become more stable, a comparatively balanced state of adjustment tends to be established, insanitary surroundings can be bettered, disease diminished, and the death-rate lowered. how much may thus be accomplished we realize when we compare the admirably precise and balanced pages in which charles booth, in the concluding volumes of his great work, has summarized his survey of london, with the picture presented by chadwick and gavin half a century earlier. ugly and painful as are many of the features of this modern london, the vision which is, on the whole, evoked is that of a community which has attained self-consciousness, which is growing into some faint degree of harmony with its environment, and is seeking to gain the full amount of the satisfaction which an organized urban life can yield. booth, who appears to have realized the significance of a decreased fertility in the attainment of this progress, hopes for a still greater fall in the birth-rate; and those who seek to restore the birth-rate of half a century ago are engaged on a task which would be criminal if it were not based on ignorance, and which is, in any case, fatuous. the whole course of zoological evolution reveals a constantly diminishing reproductive activity and a constantly increasing expenditure of care on the offspring thus diminished in number.[ ] fish spawn their ova by the million, and it is a happy chance if they become fertilized, a highly unlikely chance that more than a very small proportion will ever attain maturity. among the mammals, however, the female may produce but half a dozen or fewer offspring at a time, but she lavishes so much care upon them that they have a very fair chance of all reaching maturity. in man, in so far as he refrains from returning to the beast and is true to the impulse which in him becomes a conscious process of civilization, the same movement is carried forward. he even seeks to decrease still further the number of his offspring by voluntary effort, and at the same time to increase their quality and magnify their importance.[ ] when in human families, especially under civilized conditions, we see large families we are in the presence of a reversion to the tendencies that prevail among lower organisms. such large families may probably be regarded, as näcke suggests, as constituting a symptom of degeneration. it is noteworthy that they usually occur in the pathological and abnormal classes, among the insane, the feeble-minded, the criminal, the consumptive, the alcoholic, etc.[ ] this tendency of the birth-rate to fall with the growth of social stability is thus a tendency which is of the very essence of civilization. it represents an impulse which, however deliberate it may be in the individual, may, in the community, be looked upon as an instinctive effort to gain more complete control of the conditions of life, and to grapple more efficiently with the problems of misery and disease and death. it is not only, as is sometimes supposed, during the past century that the phenomena may be studied. we have a remarkable example some centuries earlier, an example which very clearly illustrates the real nature of the phenomena. the city of geneva, perhaps first of european cities, began to register its births, deaths, and marriages from the middle of the sixteenth century. this alone indicates a high degree of civilization; and at that time, and for some succeeding centuries, geneva was undoubtedly a very highly civilized city. its inhabitants really were the "elect," morally and intellectually, of french protestantism. in many respects it was a model city, as gray noted when he reached it in the course of his travels in the middle of the eighteenth century. these registers of geneva show, in a most illuminating manner, how extreme fertility at the outset, gradually gave place, as civilization progressed, to a very low fertility, with fewer and later marriages, a very low death-rate, and a state of general well-being in which the births barely replaced the deaths. after protestant geneva had lost her pioneering place in civilization, it was in france, the land which above all others may in modern times claim to represent the social aspects of civilization, that the same tendency most conspicuously appeared. but all europe, as well as all the english-speaking lands outside europe, is now following the lead of france. in a paper read before the paris society of anthropology a few years ago, emile macquart showed clearly, by a series of ingenious diagrams, that whereas, fifty years ago, the condition of the birth-rate in france diverged widely from that prevailing in the other chief countries of europe, the other countries are now rapidly following in the same road along which france has for a century been proceeding slowly, and are constantly coming closer to her, england closest of all. in the past, proposals have from time to time been made in france to interfere with the progress of this downward movement of the birth-rate--proposals that were sufficiently foolish, for neither in france nor elsewhere will the individual allow the statistician to interfere officiously in a matter which he regards as purely intimate and private. but the real character of this tendency of the birth-rate, as an essential phenomenon of civilization, with which neither moralist nor politician can successfully hope to interfere, is beginning to be realized in france. azoulay, in summing up the discussion after macquart's paper[ ] had been read at the society of anthropology, pointed out that "nations must inevitably follow the same course as social classes, and the more the mass of these social classes becomes civilized, the more the nation's birth-rate falls; therefore there is nothing to be done legally and administratively." and another member added: "except to applaud." it is probably too much to hope that so sagacious a view will at once be universally adopted. the united states and the great english colonies, for instance, find it difficult to realize that they are not really new countries, but branches of old countries, and already nearing maturity when they began their separate lives. they are not at the beginning of two thousand years of slow development, such as we have passed through, but at the end of it, with us, and sometimes even a little ahead of us. it is therefore natural and inevitable that, in a matter in which we are moving rapidly, massachusetts and ontario and new south wales and new zealand should have moved still more rapidly, so rapidly indeed, that they have themselves failed to perceive that their real natural increase and the manner in which it is attained place them in this matter at the van of civilization. these things are, however, only learnt slowly. we may be sure that the fundamental and complex character of the phenomena will never be obvious to our fussy little politicians, so apt to advocate panaceas which have effects quite opposite to those they desire. but, whatever politicians may wish to do or to leave undone, it is well to remember that, of the various ideals the world holds, there are some that lie on the path of our social progress, and others that do not there lie. we may properly exercise such wisdom as we possess by utilizing the ideals which are before us, serenely neglecting many others which however precious they may once have seemed, no longer form part of the stage of civilization we are now moving towards. iv what are the ideals of the stage of civilization we of the western world are now moving towards? we have here pushed as far as need be the analysis of that declining birth-rate which has caused so much anxiety to those amongst us who can only see narrowly and see superficially. we have found that, properly understood, there is nothing in it to evoke our pessimism. on the contrary, we have seen that, in the opinion of the most distinguished authorities, the energy with which we move in our present direction, through the exercise of an ever finer economy in life, may be regarded as a "measure of civilization" in the important sphere of vital statistics. as we now leave the question, some may ask themselves whether this concomitant decline in birth-rates and death-rates may not possibly have a still wider and more fundamental meaning as a measure of civilization. we have long been accustomed to regard the east as a spiritual world in which the finer ends of living were counted supreme, and the merely materialistic aspects of life, dissociated from the aims of religion and of art, were trodden under foot. our own western world we have humbly regarded as mainly absorbed in a feverish race for the attainment, by industry and war, of the satisfaction of the impulses of reproduction and nutrition, and the crudely material aggrandizement of which those impulses are the symbol. a certain outward idleness, a semi-idleness, as nietzsche said, is the necessary condition for a real religious life, for a real æsthetic life, for any life on the spiritual plane. the noisy, laborious, pushing, "progressive" life we traditionally associate with the west is essentially alien to the higher ends of living, as has been intuitively recognized and acted on by all those among us who have sought to pursue the higher ends of living. it was so that the nineteenth-century philosophers of europe, of whom schopenhauer was in this matter the extreme type, viewed the matter. but when we seek to measure the tendency of the chief countries of the west, led by france, england, and germany, and the countries of the east led by japan, in the light of this strictly measurable test of vital statistics, may we not, perhaps, trace the approach of a revolutionary transposition? japan, entering on the road we have nearly passed through, in which the perpetual clash of a high birth-rate and a high death-rate involves social disorder and misery, has flung to the winds the loftier ideals it once pursued so successfully and has lost its fine æsthetic perceptions, its insight into the most delicate secrets of the soul.[ ] and while japan, certainly to-day voicing the aspirations of the east, is concerned to become a great military and industrial power, we in the west are growing weary of war, and are coming to look upon commerce as a necessary routine no longer adequate to satisfy the best energies of human beings. we are here moving towards the fine quiescence involved by a delicate equipoise of life and of death; and this economy sets free an energy we are seeking to expend in a juster social organization, and in the realization of ideals which until now have seemed but the imagination of idle dreamers. asia, as an anonymous writer has recently put it, is growing crude, vulgar, and materialistic; europe, on the other hand, is growing to loathe its own past grossness. "london may yet be the spiritual capital of the world, while asia--rich in all that gold can buy and guns can give, lord of lands and bodies, builder of railways and promulgator of police regulations, glorious in all material glories--postures, complacent and obtuse, before a europe content in the possession of all that matters,"[ ] certainly, we are not there yet, but the old earth has seen many stranger and more revolutionary changes than this. england, as this writer reminds us, was once a tropical forest. footnotes: [ ] it must be understood that, from the present point of view, the term "anglo-saxon" covers the peoples of wales, scotland, and ireland, as well as of england. [ ] the decline of the french birth-rate has been investigated in a lyons thesis by salvat, _la dépopulation de la france_, . [ ] the latest figures are given in the annual reports of the registrar-general for england and wales. [ ] newsholme and stevenson, "decline of human fertility as shown by corrected birth-rates," _journal of the royal statistical society_, . [ ] werner sombart, _international magazine_, december, . [ ] a.w. flux, "urban vital statistics in england and germany," _journ. statist. soc._, march, . [ ] german infantile mortality, böhmert states ("die säuglingssterblichkeit in deutschland und ihre ursachen," _die neue generation_, march, ), is greater than in any european country, except russia and hungary, about per cent greater than in england, france, belgium, or holland. the infantile mortality has increased in germany, as usually happens, with the increased employment of women, and, largely from this cause, has nearly doubled in berlin in the course of four years, states lily braun (_mutterschutz_, , heft i, p. ); but even on this basis it is only per cent in the english textile industries, as against per cent in the german textile industries. [ ] in england the marriage-rate fell rather sharply in , and showed a slight tendency to rise about (g. udny yule, "on the changes in the marriage-and birth-rates in england and wales," _journal of the statistical society_, march, ). on the whole there has been a real though slight decline. the decline has been widespread, and is most marked in australia, especially south australia. there has, however, been a rise in the marriage-rate in ireland, france, austria, switzerland, germany, and especially belgium. the movement for decreased child-production would naturally in the first place involve decreased marriage, but it is easy to understand that when it is realized the marriage is not necessarily followed by conception this motive for avoiding marriage loses its force, and the marriage-rate rises. [ ] _medicine_, february, . [ ] davidson, "the growth of the french-canadian race," _annals of the american academy_, september, . [ ] t.a. coghlan, _the decline of the birth-rate of new south wales_, . the new south wales statistics are specially valuable as the records contain many particulars (such as age of parents, period since marriage, and number of children) not given in english or most other records. [ ] c. hamburger, "kinderzahl und kindersterblichkeit," _die neue generation_, august, . [ ] looked at in another way, it may be said that if a natural increase, as ascertained by subtracting the death-rate from the birth-rate, of to per cent be regarded as normal, then, taking so far as possible the figures for , the natural increase of england and scotland, of germany, of italy, of austria and hungary, of belgium, is normal; the natural increase of new south wales, of victoria, of south australia, of new zealand, is abnormally high (though in new countries such increase may not be undesirable) while the natural increase of france, of spain, and of ireland is abnormally low. such a method of estimation, of course, entirely leaves out of account the question of the social desirability of the process by which the normal increase is secured. [ ] johannsen, _janus_, . [ ] rubin, "a measure of civilization," _journal of the royal statistical society_, march, . "the lowest stage of civilization," he points out, "is to go forward blindly, which in this connection means to bring into the world a great number of children which must, in great proportion, sink into the grave. the next stage of civilization is to see the danger and to keep clear of it. the highest stage of civilization is to see the danger and overcome it." europe in the past and various countries in the present illustrate the first stage; france illustrates the second stage; the third stage is that towards which we are striving to move to-day. [ ] baines, "the recent growth of population in western europe," _journal of the royal statistical society_, december, . [ ] various facts and references are given by havelock ellis, _the nationalization of health_, chap. xiv. [ ] these are the figures given by the chief japanese authority, professor takano, _journal of the royal statistical society_, july, , p. . [ ] e.a. ross, "the race fibre of the chinese," _popular science monthly_, october, . according to another competent and fairly concordant estimate, the infantile death-rate of china is per cent. of the female infants, probably about in is intentionally destroyed. [ ] j.j. matignon, "la mère et l'enfant en chine," _archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, october to november, . [ ] arsène dumont, for instance, points out (_dépopulation et civilization_, p. ) that the very early marriages and the reckless fertility of the chinese cannot fail to cease as soon as the people adopt european ways. [ ] the confident estimates of the future population of the world which are from time to time put forward on the basis of the present birth-rate are quite worthless. a brilliantly insubstantial fabric of this kind, by b.l. putnam weale (_the conflict of colour_, ), has been justly criticized by professor weatherley (_popular science monthly_, november, ). [ ] it is sometimes convenient to use the term "neo-malthusianism" to indicate the voluntary limitation of the family, but it must always be remembered that malthus would not have approved of neo-malthusianism, and that neo-malthusian practices have nothing to do with the theory of malthus. they would not be affected could that theory be conclusively proved or conclusively disproved. [ ] we even find the demand that bachelors and spinsters shall be taxed. this proposal has been actually accepted ( ) by the landtag of the little principality of reuss, which proposes to tax bachelors and spinsters over thirty years of age. putting aside the arguable questions as to whether a state is entitled to place such pressure on its citizens, it must be pointed out that it is not marriage but the child which concerns the state. it is possible to have children without marriage, and marriage does not ensure the procreation of children. therefore it would be more to the point to tax the childless. in that case, it would be necessary to remit the tax in the case of unmarried people with children, and to levy it in the case of married people without children. but it has further to be remembered that not all persons are fitted to have sound children, and as unsound children are a burden and not a benefit to the state, the state ought to reward rather than to fine those conscientious persons who refrain from procreation when they are too poor, or with too defective a heredity, to be likely to produce, or to bring up, sound children. moreover, some persons are sterile, and thorough medical investigation would be required before they could fairly be taxed. as soon as we begin to analyse such a proposal we cannot fail to see that, even granting that the aim of such legislation is legitimate and desirable, the method of attaining it is thoroughly mischievous and unjustifiable. [ ] j.g. engelmann, "decreasing fecundity," _philadelphia medical journal_, january , . [ ] it has, further, been frequently denied that neo-malthusian practices can affect roman catholic countries, since the church is precluded from approving of them. that is true. but it is also true that, as lagneau long since pointed out, the protestants of europe have increased at more than double the annual rate of the catholics, though this relationship has now ceased to be exact. dumont states (_dépopulation et civilisation_, chap. xviii) that there is not the slightest reason to suppose that (apart from the question of poverty) the faithful have more children than the irreligious; moreover, in dealing with its more educated members, it is not the policy of the church to make indiscreet inquiries (see havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," p. ). a catholic bishop is reported to have warned his clergy against referring in their lent sermons to the voluntary restriction of conception, remarking that an excess of rigour in this matter would cause the church to lose half her flock. the fall in the birth-rate is as marked in catholic as in protestant countries; the catholic communities in which this is not the case are few, and placed in exceptional circumstances. it must be remembered, moreover, that the church enjoins celibacy on its clergy, and that celibacy is practically a malthusian method. it is not easy while preaching practical malthusianism to the clergy to spend much fervour in preaching against practical neo-malthusianism to the laity. [ ] mclean, "the declining birth-rate in australia," _international medical journal of australasia_, . [ ] thus in france the low birth-rate is associated with a high infantile death-rate, which has not yet been appreciably influenced by the movement of puericulture in france. in england also, at the end of the last century, the declining birth-rate was accompanied by a rising infantile death-rate, which is now, however, declining under the influence of greater care of child-life. [ ] sidney webb, _times_, october and , ; also _popular science monthly_, , p. . [ ] it is important to remember the distinction between "fecundity" and "fertility." a woman who has one child has proved that she is fecund, but has not proved that she is fertile. a woman with six children has proved that she is not only fecund but fertile. [ ] they have been worked out by c.j. lewis and j. norman lewis, _natality and fecundity_, . [ ] newsholme and stevenson, _op. cit._; rubin and westergaard, _statistik der ehen_, , p. . [ ] d. heron, "on the relation of fertility in man to social status," _drapers' company research memoirs_, no. , . [ ] the recognition of this relationship must not be regarded as an attempt unduly to narrow down the causation of changes in the birth-rate. the great complexity of the causes influencing the birth-rate is now fairly well recognized, and has, for instance, been pointed out by goldscheid, _höherentwicklung und menschenökonomie_, vol. i, . [ ] in a paper read at the brunswick meeting of the german anthropological society (_correspondenzblatt_ of the society, november, ); a great many facts concerning the fecundity of women among savages in various parts of the world are brought together by ploss and bartels, _das weib_, vol i, chap. xxiv. [ ] the proportion of doctors to the population is very small, and the people still have great confidence in their quacks and witch-doctors. the elementary rules of sanitation are generally neglected, water supplies are polluted, filth is piled up in the streets and the courtyards, as it was in england and western europe generally until a century ago, and the framing of regulations or the incursions of the police have little effect on the habits of the people. neglect of the ordinary precautions of cleanliness is responsible for the wide extension of syphilis by the use of drinking vessels, towels, etc., in common. not only is typhoid prevalent in nearly every province of russia, but typhus, which is peculiarly the disease of filth, overcrowding, and starvation, and has long been practically extinct in england, still flourishes and causes an immense mortality. the workers often have no homes and sleep in the factories amidst the machinery, men and women together; their food is insufficient, and the hours of labour may vary from twelve to fourteen. when famine occurs these conditions are exaggerated, and various epidemics ravage the population. [ ] it must, however, be remembered that in small and unstable communities a considerable margin for error must be allowed, as the crude birth-rate is unduly raised by an afflux of immigrants at the reproductive age. [ ] arsène dumont, _dépopulation et civilisation_, , chap. vi. the nature of the restraint on fertility has been well set forth by dr. bushee ("the declining birth-rate and its causes," _popular science monthly_, august, ), mainly in the terms of dumont's "social capillarity" theory. [ ] even dr. newsholme, usually so cautious and reliable an investigator in this field, has been betrayed into a reference in this connection (_the declining birth-rate_, , p. ) to the "increasing rarity of altruism," though in almost the next paragraph he points out that the large families of the past were connected with the fact that the child was a profitable asset, and could be sent to work when little more than an infant. the "altruism" which results in crushing the minds and bodies of others in order to increase one's own earnings is not an "altruism" which we need desire to perpetuate. the beneficial effect of legislation against child-labour in reducing an unduly high birth-rate has often been pointed out. [ ] it may suffice to take a single point. large families involve the birth of children at very short intervals. it has been clearly shown by dr. r.j. ewart ("the influence of parental age on offspring," _eugenics review_, october, ) that children born at an interval of less than two years after the birth of the previous child, remain, even when they have reached their sixth year, three inches shorter and three pounds lighter than first-born children. [ ] for instance, goldscheid, in _höherentwicklung und menschenökonomie_; it is also, on the whole, the conclusion of newsholme, though expressed in an exceedingly temperate manner, in his _declining birth-rate_. [ ] if, however, our birth-rate fanatics should hear of the results obtained at the experimental farm at roseville, california, by professor silas wentworth, who has found that by placing ewes in a field under the power wires of an electric wire company, the average production of lambs is more than doubled, we may anticipate trouble in many hitherto small families. their predecessors insisted, in the cause of religion and morals, on burning witches; we must not be surprised if our modern fanatics, in the same holy cause, clamour for a law compelling all childless women to live under electric wires. [ ] j. holt schooling, "the english marriage rate," _fortnightly review_, june, . [ ] g. udny yule, "changes in the marriage-and birth-rate in england," _journal of the royal statistical society_, march, . [ ] at an earlier period hooker had investigated the same subject without coming to any very decisive conclusions ("correlation of the marriage-rate with trade," _journ. statistical soc._, september, ). minor fluctuations in marriage and in trade per head, he found, tend to be in close correspondence, but on the whole trade has risen and the marriage-rate has fallen, probably, hooker believed, as the result of the gradual deferment of marriage. [ ] the higher standard need not be, among the mass of the population, of a very exalted character, although it marks a real progress. newsholme and stevenson (_op. cit._) term it a higher "standard of comfort." the decline of the birth-rate, they say, "is associated with a general raising of the standard of comfort, and is an expression of the determination of the people to secure this greater comfort." [ ] ploss, _das weib_, vol. i, chap. xx. [ ] it must not, however, be assumed that the rural immigrants are in the mass better suited to urban life than the urban natives. it is probable that, notwithstanding their energy and robustness, the immigrants are less suited to urban conditions than the natives. consequently a process of selection takes place among the immigrants, and the survivors become, as it were, immunized to the poisons of urban life. but this immunization is by no means necessarily associated with any high degree of nervous vigour or general physical development. [ ] havelock ellis, _a study of british genius_, pp. , . [ ] "national health: a soldier's study," _contemporary review_, january, . the reports of the inspector-general of recruiting are said to show that the recruits are every year smaller, lighter, and narrower-chested. [ ] this has been well illustrated during the past forty years in the flourishing county of glamorgan in wales, as is shown by dr. r.s. stewart ("the relationship of wages, lunacy, and crime in south wales," _journal of mental science_, january, ). the staple industry here is coal, per cent of the population being directly employed in coal-mining, and wages are determined by the sliding scale as it is called, according to which the selling price of coal regulates the wages. this leads to many fluctuations and sudden accesses of prosperity. it is found that whenever wages rise there is a concomitant increase of insanity and at the same time a diminished output of coal due to slacking of work when earnings are greater; there is also an increase of drunkenness and of crime. stewart concludes that it is doubtful whether increased material prosperity is conducive to improvement in physical and mental status. it must, however, be pointed out that it is a sudden and unstable prosperity, not necessarily a gradual and stable prosperity, which is hereby shown to be pernicious. [ ] the relationship is sometimes expressed by saying that the more highly differentiated the organism the fewer the offspring. according to plate we ought to say that, the greater the capacity for parental care the fewer the offspring. this, however, comes to the same thing, since it is the higher organisms which possess the increased capacity for parental care. putting it in the most generalized zoological way, diminished offspring is the response to improved environment. thus in man the decline of the birth-rate, as professor benjamin moore remarks (_british medical journal_, august , , p. ), is "the simple biological reply to good economic conditions. it is a well-known biological law that even a micro-organism, when placed in unfavourable conditions as to food and environment, passes into a reproductive phase, and by sporulation or some special type produces new individuals very rapidly. the same condition of affairs in the human race was shown even by the fact that one-half of the births come from the least favourably situated one-quarter of the population. hence, over-rapid birth-rate indicates unfavourable conditions of life, so that (so long as the population was on the increase) a lower birth-rate was a valuable indication of a better social condition of affairs, and a matter on which we should congratulate the country rather than proceed to condolences." [ ] "the accumulations of racial experience tend to show," remarks woods hutchinson ("animal marriage," _contemporary review_, october, ), "that by the production of a smaller and smaller number of offspring, and the expenditure upon those of a greater amount of parental care, better results can be obtained in efficiency and capacity for survival." [ ] toulouse, _causes de la folie_, p. ; magri, _archivio di psichiatria_, , fasc. vi-vii; havelock ellis, _a study of british genius_, pp. et seq. [ ] emile macquart, "mortalité, natalité, dépopulation," _bulletin de la société d'anthropologie_, . [ ] it is interesting to observe how lafcadio hearn, during the last years of his life, was compelled, however unwillingly, to recognize this change. see e.g. his _japan: an attempt at interpretation_, , ch. xxi, on "industrial dangers." the japanese themselves have recognized it, and it is the feeling of the decay of their ancient ideals which has given so great an impetus to new ethical movements, such as that, described as a kind of elevated materialism, established by yukichi fukuzawa (see _open court_, june, ). [ ] _athenæum_, october , . vi eugenics and love eugenics and the decline of the birth-rate--quantity and quality in the production of children--eugenic sexual selection--the value of pedigrees--their scientific significance--the systematic record of personal data--the proposal for eugenic certificates--st. valentine's day and sexual selection--love and reason--love ruled by natural law--eugenic selection not opposed to love--no need for legal compulsion--medicine in relation to marriage i during recent years the question of the future of the human race has been brought before us in a way it has never been brought before. the great expansive movement in civilized countries is over. whereas, fifty years ago, france seemed to present a striking contrast to other countries in her low and gradually falling birth-rate, to-day, though she has herself now almost reached a stationary position, france is seen merely to have been the leader in a movement which is common to all the more highly civilized nations. they are all now moving rapidly in the direction in which she moved slowly. it was inevitable that this movement, world-wide as it is, should call forth energetic protests, for there is no condition of things so bad but it finds some to advocate its perpetuation. there has, therefore, been much vigorous preaching against "race suicide" by people who were deaf to the small voice of reason, who failed to understand that this matter could not be settled by mere consideration of the crude birth-rates, and that, even if it could, we should have still to realize that, as an economist remarks, it is to the decline of the birth-rate only that we probably owe it that the modern civilized world has been saved from economic disaster.[ ] but whatever the causes of the declining birth-rate it is certain that even when they are within our control they are of far too intimate a character for the public moralist to be permitted to touch them, even though we consider them to be in a disastrous state. it has to be recognized that we are here in the presence, not of a merely local or temporary tendency which might be shaken off with an effort, but of a great fundamental law of civilization; and the fact that we encounter it in our own race merely means that we are reaching a fairly high stage of civilization. it is far from the first time, in the history of the world, that the same phenomenon has been witnessed. it was seen in imperial rome; it was seen, again, in the "protestant rome," geneva. wherever are gathered together an exceedingly fine race of people, the flower of the race, individuals of the highest mental and moral distinction, there the birth-rate falls steadily. vice or virtue alike avails nothing in this field; with high civilization fertility inevitably diminishes. ii under these circumstances it was to be expected that a new ideal should begin to flash before men's eyes. if the ideal of _quantity_ is lost to us, why not seek the ideal of _quality_? we know that the old rule: "increase and multiply" meant a vast amount of infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic disease, of widespread misery. in abandoning that rule, as we have been forced to do, are we not left free to seek that our children, though few, should be at all events fit, the finest, alike in physical and psychical constitution, that the world has seen? thus has come about the recent expansion of that conception of _eugenics_, or the science and art of good breeding in the human race, which a group of workers, pioneered by francis galton[ ]--at first in england and later in america, germany and elsewhere--have been developing for some years past. eugenics is beginning to be felt to possess a living actuality which it failed to possess before. instead of being a benevolent scientific fad it begins to present itself as the goal to which we are inevitably moving. the cause of eugenics has sometimes been prejudiced in the public mind by a comparison with the artificial breeding of domestic animals. in reality the two things are altogether different. in breeding animals a higher race of beings manipulates a lower race with the object of securing definite points that are of no use whatever to the animals themselves, but of considerable value to the breeders. in our own race, on the other hand, the problem of breeding is presented in an entirely different shape. there is as yet no race of super-men who are prepared to breed man for their own special ends. as things are, even if we had the ability and the power, we should surely hesitate before we bred men and women as we breed dogs or fowls. we may, therefore, quite put aside all discussion of eugenics as a sort of higher cattle-breeding. it would be undesirable, even if it were not impracticable. but there is another aspect of eugenics. human eugenics need not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded selection of partners by some outside scientific authority. but it may be, and is very likely to be, a slowly growing conviction--first among the more intelligent members of the community and then by imitation and fashion among the less intelligent members--that our children, the future race, the torch-bearers of civilization for succeeding ages, are not the mere result of chance or providence, but that, in a very real sense, it is within our power to mould them, that the salvation or damnation of many future generations lies in our hands since it depends on our wise and sane choice of a mate. the results of the breeding of those persons who ought never to be parents is well known; the notorious case of the jukes family is but one among many instances. we could scarcely expect in any community that individuals like the jukes would take the initiative in movements for the eugenic development of the race, but it makes much difference whether such families exist in an environment like our own which is indifferent to the future of the race, or whether they are surrounded by influences of a more wholesome character which can scarcely fail to some extent to affect, and even to control, the reckless and anti-social elements in the community. in considering this question, therefore, we are justified in putting aside not only any kind of human breeding resembling the artificial breeding of animals, but also, at all events for the present, every compulsory prohibition on marriage or procreation. we must be content to concern ourselves with ideals, and with the endeavour to exert our personal influence in the realization of these ideals. iii such ideals cannot, however, be left in the air; if they depend on individual caprice nothing but fruitless confusion can come of them. they must be firmly grounded on a scientific basis of ascertained fact. this was always emphasized by galton. he not only initiated schemes for obtaining, but actually to some extent obtained, a large amount of scientific knowledge concerning the special characteristics and aptitudes of families, and his efforts in this direction have since been largely extended and elaborated.[ ] the feverish activities of modern life, and the constant vicissitudes and accidents that overtake families to-day, have led to an extraordinary indifference to family history and tradition. our forefathers, from generation to generation, carefully entered births, baptisms, marriages, and deaths in the fly-leaf of the family bible. it is largely owing to these precious entries that many are able to carry their family history several centuries further back than they otherwise could. but nowadays the family bible has for the most part ceased to exist, and nothing else has taken its place. if a man wishes to know what sort of stocks he has come from, unless he is himself an antiquarian, or in a position to employ an antiquarian to assist him, he can learn little, and in the most favourable position he is helpless without clues; though with such clues he might often learn much that would be of the greatest interest to him. the entries in the family bible, however, whatever their value as clues and even as actual data, do not furnish adequate information to serve as a guide to the different qualities of stocks; we need far more detailed and varied information in order to realize the respective values of families from the point of view of eugenics. here, again, galton had already realized the need for supplying a great defect in our knowledge, and his life-history albums showed how the necessary information may be conveniently registered. the accumulated histories of individual families, it is evident, will in time furnish a foundation on which to base scientific generalizations, and eventually, perhaps, to justify practical action. moreover, a vast amount of valuable information on which it is possible to build up a knowledge of the correlated characteristics of families, already lies at present unused in the great insurance offices and elsewhere. when it is possible to obtain a large collection of accurate pedigrees for scientific purposes, and to throw them into a properly tabulated form, we shall certainly be in a position to know more of the qualities of stocks, of their good and bad characteristics, and of the degree in which they are correlated.[ ] in this way we shall, in time, be able to obtain a clear picture of the probable results on the offspring of unions between any kind of people. from personal and ancestral data we shall be able to reckon the probable quality of the offspring of a married couple. given a man and woman of known personal qualities and of known ancestors, what are likely to be the personal qualities, physical, mental and moral, of the children? that is a question of immense importance both for the beings themselves whom we bring into the world, for the community generally, and for the future race. eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological and mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically registered, must become inevitable if we are to have a real guide as to those persons who are most fit, or most unfit, to carry on the race.[ ] unless they are full and frank such records are useless. but it is obvious that for a long time to come such a system of registration must be private. according to the belief which is still deeply rooted in most of us, we regard as most private those facts of our lives which are most intimately connected with the life of the race, and most fateful for the future of humanity. the feeling is no doubt inevitable; it has a certain rightness and justification. as, however, our knowledge increases we shall learn that we are, on the one hand, a little more responsible for future generations than we are accustomed to think, and, on the other hand, a little less responsible for our own good or bad qualities. our fiat makes the future man, but, in the same way, we are ourselves made by a choice and a will not our own. a man may indeed, within limits, mould himself, but the materials he can alone use were handed on to him by his parents, and whether he becomes a man of genius, a criminal, a drunkard, an epileptic, or an ordinarily healthy, well-conducted, and intelligent citizen, must depend at least as much on his parents as on his own effort or lack of effort, since even the aptitude for effective effort is largely inborn. as we learn to look on the facts from the only sound standpoint of heredity, our anger or contempt for a failing and erring individual has to give way to the kindly but firm control of a weakling. if the children's teeth have been set on edge it is because the parents have eaten sour grapes. if, however, we certainly cannot bring legal or even moral force to compel everyone to maintain such detailed registers of himself, his ancestral stocks, and his offspring--to say nothing of inducing him to make them public--there is something that we can do. we can make it to his interest to keep such a record.[ ] if it became an advantage in life to a man to possess good ancestors, and to be himself a good specimen of humanity in mind, character, and physique, we may be sure that those who are above the average in these matters will be glad to make use of that superiority. insurance offices already make an inquisition into these matters, to which no one objects, because a man only submits to it for his own advantage; while for military and some other services similar inquiries are compulsory. eugenic certificates, according to galton's proposal, would be issued by a suitably constituted authority to those candidates who chose to apply for them and were able to pass the necessary tests. such certificates would imply an inquiry and examination into the ancestry of the candidate as well as into his own constitution, health, intelligence and character; and the possession of such a certificate would involve a superiority to the average in all these respects. no one would be compelled to offer himself for such examination, just as no one is compelled to seek a university degree. but its possession would often be an advantage. there is nothing to prevent the establishment of a board of examiners of this kind to-morrow, and we may be sure that, once established, many candidates would hasten to present themselves.[ ] there are obviously many positions in life wherein a certificate of this kind of superiority would be helpful. but its chief distinction would be that its possession would be a kind of patent of natural nobility; the man or woman who held it would be one of nature's aristocrats, to whom the future of the race might be safely left without further question. iv by happy inspiration, or by chance, galton made public his programme of eugenic research, in a paper read before the sociological society, on february , the festival of st. valentine. although the ancient observances of that day have now died out, st. valentine was for many centuries the patron saint of sexual selection, more especially in england. it can scarcely be said that any credit in this matter belongs to the venerable saint himself; it was by an accident that he achieved his conspicuous position in the world. he was simply a pious christian who was beheaded for his faith in rome under claudius. but it so happened that his festival fell at that period in early spring when birds were believed to pair, and when youths and maidens were accustomed to select partners for themselves or for others. this custom--which has been studied together with many allied primitive practices by mannhardt[ ]--was not always carried out on february , sometimes it took place a little later. in england, where it was strictly associated with st. valentine's day, the custom was referred to by lydgate, and by charles of orleans in the rondeaus and ballades he wrote during his long imprisonment in england. the name valentins or valentines was also introduced into france (where the custom had long existed) to designate the young couples thus constituted. this method of sexual selection, half playful, half serious, flourished especially in the region between england, the moselle, and the tyrol. the essential part of the custom lay in the public choice of a fitting mate for marriageable girls. sometimes the question of fitness resolved itself into one of good looks; occasionally the matter was settled by lot. there was no compulsion about these unions; they were often little more than a game, though at times they involved a degree of immorality which caused the authorities to oppose them. but very frequently the sexual selection thus exerted led to weddings, and these playful valentine unions were held to be a specially favourable prelude to a happy marriage. it is scarcely necessary to show how the ancient customs associated with st. valentine's day are taken up again and placed on a higher plane by the great movement which is now beginning to shape itself among us. the old valentine unions were made by a process of caprice tempered more or less by sound instincts and good sense. in the sexual selection of the future the same results will be attained by more or less deliberate and conscious recognition of the great laws and tendencies which investigation is slowly bringing to light. the new st. valentine will be a saint of science rather than of folk-lore. whenever such statements as these are made it is always retorted that love laughs at science, and that the winds of passion blow where they list.[ ] that, however, is by no means altogether true, and in any case it is far from covering the whole of the ground. it is hard to fight against human nature, but human nature itself is opposed to indiscriminate choice of mates. it is not true that any one tends to love anybody, and that mutual attraction is entirely a matter of chance. the investigations which have lately been carried out show that there are certain definite tendencies in this matter, that certain kinds of people tend to be attracted to certain kinds, especially that like are attracted to like rather than unlike to unlike, and that, again, while some kinds of people tend to be married with special frequency other kinds tend to be left unmarried.[ ] sexual selection, even when left to random influences, is still not left to chance; it follows definite and ascertainable laws. in that way the play of love, however free it may appear, is really limited in a number of directions. people do not tend to fall in love with those who are in racial respects a contrast to themselves; they do not tend to fall in love with foreigners; they do not tend to be attracted to the ugly, the diseased, the deformed. all these things may happen, but they are the exception and not the rule. these limitations to the roving impulses of love, while very real, to some extent vary at different periods in accordance with the ideals which happen to be fashionable. in more remote ages they have been still more profoundly modified by religious and social ideas; polygamy and polyandry, the custom of marrying only inside one's own caste, or only outside it, all these various and contradictory plans have been easily accepted at some place and some time, and have offered no more conscious obstacle to the free play of love than among ourselves is offered by the prohibition against marriage between near relations. those simple-minded people who talk about the blind and irresistible force of passion are themselves blind to very ordinary psychological facts. passion--when it occurs--requires in normal persons cumulative and prolonged forces to impart to it full momentum.[ ] in its early stages it is under the control of many influences, including influences of reason. if it were not so there could be no sexual selection, nor any social organization.[ ] the eugenic ideal which is now developing is thus not an artificial product, but the reasoned manifestation of a natural instinct, which has often been far more severely strained by the arbitrary prohibitions of the past than it is ever likely to be by any eugenic ideals of the future. the new ideal will be absorbed into the conscience of the community, whether or not like a kind of new religion,[ ] and will instinctively and unconsciously influence the impulses of men and women. it will do all this the more surely since, unlike the taboos of savage societies, the eugenic ideal will lead men and women to reject as partners only the men and women who are naturally unfit--the diseased, the abnormal, the weaklings--and conscience will thus be on the side of impulse. it may indeed be pointed out that those who advocate a higher and more scientific conscience in matters of mating are by no means plotting against love, which is for the most part on their side, but rather against the influences that do violence to love: on the one hand, the reckless and thoughtless yielding to mere momentary desire, and, on the other hand, the still more fatal influences of wealth and position and worldly convenience which give a factitious value to persons who would never appear attractive partners in life were love and eugenic ideals left to go hand in hand. it is such unions, and not those inspired by the wholesome instincts of wholesome lovers, which lead, if not to the abstract "deterioration of the race," at all events in numberless cases to the abiding unhappiness of persons who choose a mate without realizing how that mate is likely to develop, nor what sort of children may probably be expected from the union. the eugenic ideal will have to struggle with the criminal and still more resolutely with the rich; it will have few serious quarrels with normal and well constituted lovers. it will now perhaps be clear how it is that the eugenic conception of the improvement of the race embodies a new ideal. we are familiar with legislative projects for compulsory certificates as a condition of marriage. but even apart from all the other considerations which make such schemes both illusory and undesirable, these externally imposed regulations fail to go to the root of the matter. if they are voluntary, if they spring out of a fine eugenic aspiration, it is another matter. under these conditions the method may be carried out at once. professor grasset has pointed out one way in which this may be effected. we cannot, he remarks, follow the procedure of a military _conseil de revision_ and compulsorily reject the candidate for a definite defect. but it would be possible for the two families concerned to call a conference of their two family doctors, after examination of the would-be bride and bridegroom, permitting the doctors to discuss freely the medical aspects of the proposed union, and undertaking to accept their decision, without asking for the revelation of any secrets, the families thus remaining ignorant of the defect which prevented this union but might not prevent another union, for the chief danger in many cases comes from the conjunction of convergent morbid tendencies.[ ] in france, where much power remains with the respective families, this method might be operative, provided complete confidence was felt in the doctors concerned. in some countries, such as england, the prospective couple might prefer to take the matter into their own hands, to discuss it frankly, and to seek medical advice on their own account; this is now much more frequently done than was formerly the case. but all compulsory projects of this kind, and indeed any mere legislation, cannot go to the root of the matter. for in the first place, what we need is a great body of facts, and a careful attention to the record and registration and statistical tabulation of personal and family histories. in the second place, we need that sound ideals and a high sense of responsibility should permeate the whole community, first its finer and more distinguished members and then, by the usual contagion that rules in such matters, the whole body of its members.[ ] in time, no doubt, this would lead to concerted social action. we may reasonably expect that a time will come when if, for instance, an epileptic woman conceals her condition from the man she is marrying it would generally be felt that an offence has been committed serious enough to invalidate the marriage. we must not suppose that lovers would be either willing or competent to investigate each other's family and medical histories. but it would be at least as easy and as simple to choose a partner from those persons who had successfully passed the eugenic test--more especially since such persons would certainly be the most attractive group in the community--as it is for an australian aborigine to select a conjugal partner from one social group rather than from any other.[ ] it is a matter of accepting an ideal and of exerting our personal and social influence in the direction of that ideal. if we really seek to raise the level of humanity we may in this way begin to do so to-day. note on the life-history record the extreme interest of a life-history record is obvious, even apart from its eventual scientific value. most of us would have reason to congratulate ourselves had such records been customary when we were ourselves children. it is probable that this is becoming more generally realized, though until recently only the pioneers have here been active. "i started a life-history album for each of my children," writes mr. f.h. perrycoste in a private letter, "as soon as they were born; and by the time they arrive at man's and woman's estate they will have valuable records of their own physical, mental, and moral development, which should be of great service to them when they come to have children of their own, whilst the physical--in which are included, of course, medical--records may at any time be of great value to their own medical advisers in later life. i have reason to regret that some such albums were not kept for my wife and myself, for they would have afforded the necessary data by which to 'size up' the abilities and conduct of our children. i know, for instance, pretty well what was my own galtonian rank as a schoolboy, and i am constantly asking myself whether my boy will do as well, better, or worse. now fortunately i do happen to remember roughly what stages i had reached at one or two transition periods of school-life; but if only such an album had been kept for me, i could turn it up and check my boy against myself in each subject at each yearly stage. you will gather from this that i consider it of great importance that ample details of school-work and intellectual development should be entered in the album. i find the space at my disposal for these entries insufficient, and consequently i summarize in the album and insert a reference to sheets of fuller details which i keep; but it might be well, when another edition of the album comes to be published, to agitate for the insertion of extra blank pages after the age of eight or nine, in order to allow of the transcription of full school-reports. however, the great thing is to induce people to keep an album that will form the nucleus round which any number of fuller records can cluster." it is not necessary that the galtonian type of album should be rigidly preserved, and i am indebted to "henry hamill," the author of _the truth we owe to youth_, for the following suggestions as to the way in which such a record may be carried out: "the book should not be a mere dry rigmarole, but include a certain appeal to sentiment. the subject should begin to make the entries himself when old enough to do so properly, i.e. so that the book will not be disfigured--though indeed the naivity of juvenile phrasing, etc., may be of a particular interest. from a graphological point of view, the evolution of the handwriting will be of interest; and if for no other reason, specimens of handwriting ought to appear in it from year to year, while the parent is still writing the other entries. there may now be a certain sacramental character in the life-history. the subject should be led to regard the book as a witness, and to perceive in it an additional reason for avoiding every act the mention of which would be a disfigurement of the history. at the same time, the nature of the witness may be made to correct the wrong notions prevailing as to the worthiness of acts, and to sanctify certain of them that have been foolishly degraded. thus there may be left several leaves blank before the pages of forms for filling in anthropometric and physiological data, and the headings may be made to suggest a worthier way of viewing these things. for instance, there may be the indication 'place and time of conception,' and a specimen entry may be of service to lead commonplace minds into a more reverent and poetical view than is now usual--such as the one i culled from the life-history of an american child: 'our second child m---- was conceived on midsummer day, under the shade of a friendly sycamore, beneath the cloudless blue of southern california.' or, instead of restricting the reference to the particular episode, it may refer to the whole chapter of love which that episode adorned, more especially in the case of a first child, when a poetical history of the mating of the parents may precede. the presence of the idea that the book would some day be read by others than the intimate circle, would restrain the tendency of some persons to inordinate self-revelation and 'gush.' such books as these would form the dearest heirlooms of a family, helping to knit its bonds firmer, and giving an insight into individual character which would supplement the more tangible data for the pedigree in a most valuable way. the photographs taken every three months or so ought to be as largely as possible nude. the gradual transition from childhood would help to prevent an abrupt feeling arising, and the practice would be a valuable aid to the rehabilitation of the nude, and of genuineness in our daily life, no matter in what respect. this leads to the difficult question of how far moral aspects should be entertained. 'to-day johnnie told his first fib; we pretended to disbelieve everything else he said, and he began to see that lying was bad policy.' 'chastised johnnie for the first time for pulling the wings off a fly; he wanted to know why we might kill flies outright, but not mutilate them,' and so on. for in this way parents would train themselves in the psychology of education and character-building, though books by specially gifted parents would soon appear for their guidance. "of course, whatever relevant circumstances were available about the ante-natal period or the mother's condition would be noted (but who would expect a mother to note that she laced tight up to such and such a month? perhaps the keeping of a log like this might act as a deterrent). similarly, under diet and regimen, year by year, the assumption of breast-feeding--provision of columns for the various incidents of it--weight before and after feeding, etc., would have a great suggestive value. "the provision under diet and regimen of columns for 'drug habits, if any'--tea, coffee, alcohol, nicotine, morphia, etc.--would have a suggestive value and operate in the direction of the simple life and a reverence for the body. some good aphorisms might be strewed in, such as: "'if anything is sacred, the human body is sacred' (whitman). "as young people circulate their 'books of likes and dislikes,' etc., and thus in an entertaining way provide each other with insight into mutual character, so the life-history need not be an _arcanum_--at least where people have nothing to be ashamed of. it would be a very trying ordeal, no doubt, to admit even intimate friends to this confidence. _but as eugenics spread, concealment of taint will become almost impracticable_, and the facts may as well be confessed. but even then there will be limitations. there might be an esoteric book for the individual's own account of himself. such important items as the incidence of puberty (though notorious in some communities) could not well be included in a book open even to the family circle, for generations to come. the quiescence of the genital sense, the sedatives naturally occurring, important as these are, and occupying the consciousness in so large a degree, would find no place; nevertheless, a private journal of the facts would help to steady the individual, and prove a check against disrespect to his body. "as the facts of individual evolution would be noted, so likewise would those of dissolution. the first signs of decay--the teeth, the elasticity of body and mind--would provide a valuable sphere for all who are disposed to the diary-habit. the journals of individuals with a gift for introspection would furnish valuable material for psychologists in the future. life would be cleansed in many ways. journals would not have to be bowdlerized, like marie bashkirtseff's, for the morbidity that gloats on the forbidden would have a lesser scope, much that is now regarded as disgraceful being then accepted as natural and right. "the book might have several volumes, and that for the periods of infancy and childhood might need to be less private than the one for puberty. more, in his _utopia_, demands that lovers shall learn to know each other as they really are, i.e. naked. that is now the most utopian thing in more's _utopia_. but the lovers might communicate their life-histories to each other as a preliminary. "the whole plan would, of course, finally have to be over-hauled by the so-called 'man of the world.'" not everyone may agree with this conception of the life-history album and its uses. some will prefer a severely dry and bald record of measurements. at the present time, however, there is room for very various types of such documents. the important point is to realize that, in some form or another, a record of this kind from birth or earlier is practicable, and constitutes a record which is highly desirable alike on personal, social, and scientific grounds. footnotes: [ ] dr. scott nearing, "race suicide _versus_ over-population," _popular science monthly_, january, . and from the biological side professor bateson concludes (_biological fact and the structure of society_, p. ) that "it is in a decline in the birth-rate that the most promising omen exists for the happiness of future generations." [ ] galton himself, the grandson of erasmus darwin, and the half-cousin of charles darwin, may be said to furnish a noble illustration of an unconscious process of eugenics. (he has set forth his ancestry in _memories of my life_.) on his death, the editor of the _popular science monthly_ wrote, referring to the fact that galton was nominated to succeed william james in the honorary membership of an academy of science: "these two men are the greatest whom he has known. james possessed the more complicated personality; but they had certain common traits--a combination of perfect aristocracy with complete democracy, directness, kindliness, generosity, and nobility beyond all measure. it has been said that eugenics is futile because it cannot define its end. the answer is simple--we want men like william james and francis galton" (_popular science monthly_, _march_, .) probably most of those who were brought, however slightly, in contact with these two fine personalities will subscribe to this conclusion. [ ] galton chiefly studied the families to which men of intellectual ability belong, especially in his _hereditary genius_ and _english men of science_; various kinds of pathological families have since been investigated by karl pearson and his co-workers (see the series of _biometrika_); the pedigrees of the defective classes (especially the feeble-minded and epileptic) are now being accurately worked out, as by godden, at vineland, new jersey, and davenport, in new york (see e.g. _eugenics review_, april, , and _journal of nervous and mental disease_, november, ). [ ] "when once more the importance of good birth comes to be recognized in a new sense," wrote w.c.d. whetham and mrs. whetham (in _the family and the nation_, p. ), "when the innate physical and mental qualities of different families are recorded in the central sociological department or scientifically reformed college of arms, the pedigrees of all will be known to be of supreme interest. it would be understood to be more important to marry into a family with a good hereditary record of physical and mental and moral qualities than it ever has been considered to be allied to one with sixteen quarterings." [ ] the importance of such biographical records of aptitude and character are so great that some, like schallmayer (_vererbung und auslese_, nd ed., , p. ) believe that they must be made universally obligatory. this proposal, however, seems premature. [ ] in many undesigned and unforeseen ways these registers may be of immense value. they may even prove the means of overthrowing our pernicious and destructive system of so-called "education." a step in this direction has been suggested by mr. r.t. bodey, inspector of elementary schools, at a meeting of the liverpool branch of the eugenics education society: "education facilities should be carefully distributed with regard to the scientific likelihood of their utilization to the maximum of national advantage, and this not for economic reasons only, but because it was cruel to drag children from their own to a different sphere of life, and cruel to the class they deserted. since the activities of the nation and the powers of the children were alike varied in kind and degree, the most natural plan would be to sort them both out, and then design a school system expressly in order to fit one to the other. at present there was no fixed purpose, but a perpetual riot of changes, resulting in distraction of mind, discontinuity of purpose, and increase of cost, while happiness decayed because desires grew faster than possessions or the sense of achievement. the only really scientific basis for a national system of education would be a full knowledge of the family history of each child. with more perfect classification of family talent the need of scholarships of transplantation would become less, for each of them was the confession of an initial error in placing the child. then there would be more money to be spared for industrial research, travelling and art studentships, and other aids to those who had the rare gift of original thought" (_british medical journal_, november , ). [ ] i should add that there is one obstacle, viz. expense. when the present chapter was first published in its preliminary form as an article in the _nineteenth century and after_ (may, ), galton, always alive to everything bearing on the study of eugenics, wrote to me that he had been impressed by the generally sympathetic reception my paper had received, and that he felt encouraged to consider whether it was possible to begin giving such certificates at once. he asked for my views, among others, as to the ground which should be covered by such certificates. the programme i set forth was somewhat extensive, as i considered that the applicant must not only bring evidence of a sound ancestry, but also submit to anthropological, psychological, and medical examination. galton eventually came to the conclusion that the expenses involved by the scheme rendered it for the present impracticable. my opinion was, and is, that though the charge for such a certificate might in the first place be prohibitive for most people, a few persons might find it desirable to seek, and advantageous to possess, such certificates, and that it is worth while at all events to make a beginning. [ ] mannhardt, _wald-und feldkulte_, , vol. i, pp. _et seq._ i have discussed seasonal erotic festivals in a study of "the phenomena of sexual periodicity," _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. i. [ ] thus we read in a small popular periodical: "i am prepared to back human nature against all the cranks in christendom. human nature will endure a faddist so long as he does not interfere with things it prizes. one of these things is the right to select its partner for life. if a man loves a girl he is not going to give her up because she happens to have an aunt in a lunatic asylum or an uncle who has epileptic fits," etc. in the same way it may be said that a man will allow nothing to interfere with his right to eat such food as he chooses, and is not going to give up a dish he likes because it happens to be peppered with arsenic. it may be so, let us grant, among savages. the growth of civilization lies in ever-extended self-control guided by foresight. [ ] i have summarized some of the evidence on these points, especially that showing that sexual attraction tends to be towards like persons and not, as was formerly supposed, towards the unlike, in _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. iv, "sexual selection in man." [ ] in other words, the process of tumescence is gradual and complex. see havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. iii, "the analysis of the sexual impulse." [ ] as roswell johnson remarks ("the evolution of man and its control," _popular science monthly_, january, ): "while it is undeniable that love when once established defies rational considerations, yet we must remark that sexual selection proceeds usually through two stages, the first being one of mere mutual attraction and interest. it is in this stage that the will and reason are operative, and here alone that any considerable elevation of standard may be effective." [ ] galton looked upon eugenics as fitted to become a factor in religion (_essays in eugenics_, p. ). it may, however, be questioned whether this consummation is either probable or desirable. the same religious claim has been made for socialism. but, as dr. eden paul remarks in a recent pamphlet on _socialism and eugenics_, "whereas both socialism and eugenics are concerned solely with the application of the knowledge gained by experience to the amelioration of the human lot, it seems preferable to dispense with religious terminology, and to regard the two doctrines as complementary parts of the great modern movement known by the name of humanism." personally, i do not consider that either socialism or eugenics can be regarded as coming within the legitimate sphere of religion, which i have elsewhere attempted to define (conclusion to _the new spirit_). [ ] j. grasset, in dr. a. marie's _traité international de psychologie pathologique_, , vol. i, p. . grasset proceeds to discuss the principles which must guide the physician in such consultations. [ ] this has been clearly realized by the german society of eugenics or "racial hygiene," as it is usually termed in germany (internationale gesellschaft für rassen-hygiene), founded by dr. alfred ploetz, with the co-operation of many distinguished physicians and men of science, "to further the theory and practice of racial hygiene." it is a chief aim of this society to encourage the registration by the members of the biological and other physical and psychic characteristics of themselves and their families, in order to obtain a body of data on which conclusions may eventually be based; the members undertake not to enter on a marriage except they are assured by medical investigation of both parties that the union is not likely to cause disaster to either partner or to the offspring. the society also admits associates who only occupy themselves with the scientific aspects of its work and with propaganda. in england the eugenics education society (with its organ the _eugenics review_) has done much to stimulate an intelligent interest in eugenics. [ ] how influential public opinion may be in the selection of mates is indicated by the influence it already exerts--in less than a century--in the limitation of offspring. this is well marked in some parts of france. thus, concerning a rural district near the garonne, dr. belbèze, who knows it thoroughly, writes (_la neurasthénie rurale_, ): "public opinion does not at present approve of multiple procreation. large families, there can be no doubt, are treated with contempt. couples who produce a numerous progeny are looked on, with a wink, as 'maladroits,' which in this region is perhaps the supreme term of abuse.... public opinion is all-powerful, and alone suffices to produce restraint, when foresight is not adequate for this purpose." vii religion and the child religious education in relation to social hygiene and to psychology--the psychology of the child--the contents of children's minds--the imagination of children--how far may religion be assimilated by children?--unfortunate results of early religious instruction--puberty the age for religious education--religion as an initiation into a mystery--initiation among savages--the christian sacraments--the modern tendency as regards religious instruction--its advantages--children and fairy tales--the bible of childhood--moral training. it is a fact as strange as it is unfortunate that the much-debated question of the religious education of children is almost exclusively considered from the points of view of the sectarian and the secularist. in a discussion of this question we are almost certain to be invited to take part in an unedifying wrangle between church and chapel, between religion and secularism. that is the strange part of it, that it should seem impossible to get away from this sectarian dispute as to the abstract claims of varying religious bodies. the unfortunate part of it is that in this quarrel the interests of the community, the interests of the child, even the interests of religion are alike disregarded. if we really desire to reach a sound conclusion on a matter which is unquestionably of great moment, both for the child and for the community of which he will one day become a citizen, we must resolutely put into the background, as of secondary importance, the cries of contending sects, religious or irreligious. the first place here belongs to the psychologist, who is building up the already extensive edifice of knowledge concerning the real nature of the child and the contents and growth of the youthful mind, and to the practical teacher who is in touch with that knowledge and can bring it to the test of actual experience. before considering what drugs are to be administered we must consider the nature of the organism they are to be thrust into. the mind of the child is at once logical and extravagant, matter-of-fact and poetic or rather mytho-poeic. this combination of apparent opposites, though it often seems almost incomprehensible to the adult, is the inevitable outcome of the fact that the child's dawning intelligence is working, as it were, in a vacuum. in other words, the child has not acquired the two endowments which chiefly give character to the whole body of the adult's beliefs and feelings. he is without the pubertal expansion which fills out the mind with new personal and altruistic impulses and transforms it with emotion that is often dazzling and sometimes distorting; and he has not yet absorbed, or even gained the power of absorbing, all those beliefs, opinions, and mental attitudes which the race has slowly acquired and transmitted as the traditional outcome of its experiences. the intellectual processes of children, the attitude and contents of the child's mind, have been explored during recent years with a care and detail that have never been brought to that study before. this is not a matter of which the adult can be said to possess any instinctive or matter-of-course knowledge. adults usually have a strange aptitude to forget entirely the facts of their lives as children, and children are usually, like peoples of primitive race, very cautious in the deliberate communication of their mental operations, their emotions, and their ideas. that is to say that the child is equally without the internally acquired complex emotional nature which has its kernel in the sexual impulse, and without the externally acquired mental equipment which may be summed up in the word tradition. but he possesses the vivid activities founded on the exercise of his senses and appetites, and he is able to reason with a relentless severity from which the traditionalized and complexly emotional adult shrinks back with horror. the child creates the world for himself, and he creates it in his own image and the images of the persons he is familiar with. nothing is sacred to him, and he pushes to the most daring extremities--as it seems to the adult--the arguments derived from his own personal experiences. he is unable to see any distinction between the natural and the supernatural, and he is justified in this conviction because, as a matter of fact, he himself lives in what for most adults would be a supernatural atmosphere; most children see visions with closed and sometimes with open eyes;[ ] they are not infrequently subject to colour-hearing and other synæsthetic sensations; and they occasionally hear hallucinatory voices. it is possible, indeed, that this is the case with all children in some slight degree, although the faculty dies out early and is easily forgotten because its extraordinary character was never recognized. of boston children, says stanley hall,[ ] believed the sun, moon, and stars to live, thought flowers could feel, and that dolls would feel pain if burnt. the sky was found the chief field in which the children exercise their philosophic minds. about three-quarters of them thought the world a plain with the sky like a bowl turned over it, sometimes believing that it was of such thin texture that one could easily break through, though so large that much floor-sweeping was necessary in heaven. the sun may enter the ground when it sets, but half the children thought that at night it rolls or flies away, or is blown or walks, or god pulls it higher up out of sight, taking it up into heaven, according to some putting it to bed, and even taking off its clothes and putting them on again in the morning, or again, it is believed to lie under the trees at night and the angels mind it. god, of whom the children always hear so much, plays a very large part in these conceptions, and is made directly responsible for all cosmic phenomena. thus thunder to these american children was god groaning or kicking or rolling barrels about, or turning a big handle, or grinding snow, or breaking something, or rattling a big hammer; while the lightning is due to god putting his finger out, or turning the gas on quick, or striking matches, or setting paper on fire. according to boston children, god is a big, perhaps a blue, man, to be seen in the sky, on the clouds, in church, or even in the streets. they declare that god comes to see them sometimes, and they have seen him enter the gate. he makes lamps, babies, dogs, trees, money, etc., and the angels work for him. he looks like a priest, or a teacher, or papa, and the children like to look at him; a few would themselves like to be god. his house in the sky may be made of stone or brick; birds, children, and santa claus live with god. birds and beasts, their food and their furniture, as burnham points out, all talk to children; when the dew is on the grass "the grass is crying," the stars are candles or lamps, perhaps cinders from god's stove, butterflies are flying pansies, icicles are christmas candy. children have imaginary play-brothers and sisters and friends, with whom they talk. sometimes god talks with them. even the prosiest things are vivified; the tracks of dirty feet on the floor are flowers; a creaking chair talks; the shoemaker's nails are children whom he is driving to school; a pedlar is santa claus. miss miriam levy once investigated the opinions of children, boys and girls, between the ages of and , as to how the man in the moon got there. only were unable to offer a serious explanation; thought there was no man there at all; offered a scientific explanation of the phenomena; but all the rest, the great majority, presented imaginative solutions which could be grouped into seventeen different classes. such facts as these--which can easily be multiplied and are indeed familiar to all, though their significance is not usually realized--indicate the special tendencies of the child in the religious sphere. he is unable to follow the distinctions which the adult is pleased to make between "real," "spiritual" and "imaginary" beings. to him such distinctions do not exist. he may, if he so pleases, adopt the names or such characteristics as he chooses, of the beings he is told about, but he puts them into his own world, on a footing of more or less equality, and he decides himself what their fate is to be. the adult's supreme beings by no means always survive in the struggle for existence which takes place in the child's imaginative world. it was found among many thousand children entering the city schools of berlin that red riding hood was better known than god, and cinderella than christ. that is the result of the child's freedom from the burden of tradition. yet at the same time the opposite though allied peculiarity of childhood--the absence of the emotional developments of puberty which deepen and often cloud the mind a few years later--is also making itself felt. extravagant as his beliefs may appear, the child is an uncompromising rationalist and realist. his supposed imaginativeness is indeed merely the result of his logical insistence that all the new phenomena presented to him shall be thought of in terms of himself and his own environment. his wildest notions are based on precise, concrete, and personal facts of his own experience. that is why he is so keen a questioner of grown-up people's ideas, and a critic who may sometimes be as dangerous and destructive as bishop colenso's zulus. most children before the age of thirteen, as earl barnes states, are inquirers, if not sceptics. if we clearly realize these characteristics of the childish mind, we cannot fail to understand the impression made on it by religious instruction. the statements and stories that are repeated to him are easily accepted by the child in so far, and in so far only, as they answer to his needs; and when accepted they are assimilated, which means that they are compelled to obey the laws of his own mental world. in so far as the statements and stories presented to him are not acceptable or cannot be assimilated, it happens either that they pass by him unnoticed, or else that he subjects them to a cold and matter-of-fact logic which exerts a dissolving influence upon them. now a few of the ideas of religion are assimilable by the child, and notably the idea of a god as the direct agent in cosmic phenomena; some of the childish notions i have quoted illustrate the facility with which the child adopts this idea. he adopts, that is, what may be called the hard precise skeleton of the idea, and imagines a colossal magician, of anthropomorphic (if not paidomorphic) nature, whose operations are curious, though they altogether fail to arouse any mysterious reverence or awe for the agent. even this is not very satisfactory, and stanley hall, in the spirit of froebel, considers that the best result is attained when the child knows no god but his own mother.[ ] but for the most part the ideas of religion cannot be accepted or assimilated by children at all; they were not made by children or for children, but represent the feelings, thoughts, and experiences of men, and sometimes even of very exceptional and abnormal men. "the child," it has been said, "no doubt has the psychical elements out of which the religious experience is evolved, just as the seed has the promise of the fruit which will come in the fullness of time. but to say, therefore, that the average child is religious, or capable of receiving the usual advanced religious instruction, is equivalent to saying that the seed is the fruit or capable of being converted into fruit before the fullness of time."[ ] the child who grows devout and becomes anxious about the state of his soul is a morbid and unwholesome child; if he prefers praying for the conversion of his play-fellows to joining them in their games he is not so much an example of piety as a pathological case whose future must be viewed with anxiety; and to preach religious duties to children is exactly the same, it has been well said, as to exhort them to imagine themselves married people and to inculcate on them the duties of that relation. fortunately the normal child is usually able to resist these influences. it is the healthy child's impulse either to let them fall with indifference or to apply to them the instrument of his unmerciful logic. naturally, the adult, in self-defence, is compelled to react against this indifferent or aggressive attitude of the child. he may be no match for the child in logic, and even unspeakably shocked by his daring inquiries, like an amiable old clergyman i knew when a public school teacher in australia; he went to a school to give bible lessons, and was one day explaining how king david was a man after god's own heart, when a small voice was heard making inquiries about uriah's wife; the small boy was hushed down by the shocked clergyman, and the cause of religion was not furthered in that school. but the adult knows that he has on his side tradition which has not yet been acquired by the child, and the inner emotional expansion which still remains unliberated in the child. the adult, therefore, fortified by this superiority, feels justified in falling back on the weapon of authority: "you may not _want_ to believe this and to learn it, but you've _got_ to." it is in this way that the adult wins the battle of religious education. in the deeper and more far-seeing sense he has lost it. religion has become, not a charming privilege, but a lesson, a lesson about unbelievable things, a meaningless task to be learnt by heart, a drudgery. it may be said that even if that is so, religious lessons merely share the inevitable fate of all subjects which become school tasks. but that is not the case. every other subject which is likely to become a school task is apt to become intelligible and attractive to some considerable section of the scholars because it is within the range of childish intelligence. but, for the two very definite reasons i have pointed out, this is only to an extremely limited degree true as regards the subject of religion, because the young organism is an instrument not as yet fitted with the notes which religion is most apt to strike. of all the school subjects religion thus tends to be the least attractive. lobsien, at kiel, found a few years since, in the course of a psychological investigation, that when five hundred children (boys and girls in equal numbers), between the ages of nine and fourteen, were asked which was their favourite lesson hour, only twelve (ten girls and two boys) named the religious lesson.[ ] in other words, nearly per cent children (and nearly all the boys) find that religion is either an indifferent or a repugnant subject. i have no reports at hand as regards english children, but there is little reason to suppose that the result would be widely different.[ ] here and there a specially skilful teacher might bring about a result more favourable to religious teaching, but that could only be done by depriving the subject of its most characteristic elements. this is, however, not by any means the whole of the mischief which, from the religious point of view, is thus perpetrated. it might, on _a priori_ grounds, be plausibly argued that even if there is among healthy young children a certain amount of indifference or even repugnance to religious instruction, that is of very little consequence: they cannot be too early grounded in the principles of the faith they will later be called on to profess; and however incapable they may now be of understanding the teaching that is being inculcated in the school, they will realize its importance when their knowledge and experience increase. but however plausible this may seem, practically it is not what usually happens. the usual effect of constantly imparting to children an instruction they are not yet ready to receive is to deaden their sensibilities to the whole subject of religion.[ ] the premature familiarity with religious influences--putting aside the rare cases where it leads to a morbid pre-occupation with religion--induces a reaction of routine which becomes so habitual that it successfully withstands the later influences which on more virgin soil would have evoked vigorous and living response. so far from preparing the way for a more genuine development of religious impulse later on, this precocious scriptural instruction is just adequate to act as an inoculation against deeper and more serious religious interests. the commonplace child in later life accepts the religion it has been inured to so early as part of the conventional routine of life. the more vigorous and original child for the same reason shakes it off, perhaps for ever. luther, feeling the need to gain converts to protestantism as early as possible, was a strong advocate for the religious training of children, and has doubtless had much influence in this matter on the protestant churches. "the study of religion, of the bible and the catechism," says fiedler, "of course comes first and foremost in his scheme of instruction." he was also quite prepared to adapt it to the childish mind. "let children be taught," he writes, "that our dear lord sits in heaven on a golden throne, that he has a long grey beard and a crown of gold." but luther quite failed to realize the inevitable psychological reaction in later life against such fairy-tales. at a later date, rousseau, who, like luther, was on the side of religion, realized, as luther failed to realize, the disastrous results of attempting to teach it to children. in _la nouvelle héloïse_, saint-preux writes that julie had explained to him how she sought to surround her children with good influences without forcing any religious instruction on them: "as to the catechism, they don't so much as know what it is." "what! julie, your children don't learn their catechism?" "no, my friend, my children don't learn their catechism." "so pious a mother!" i exclaimed; "i can't understand. and why don't your children learn their catechism?" "in order that they may one day believe it. i wish to make christians of them."[ ] since rousseau's day this may be said to be the general attitude of nearly all thinkers who have given attention to the question, even though they may not have viewed it psychologically. it is an attitude by no means confined to those who are anxious that children should grow up to be genuine christians, but is common to all who consider that the main point is that children should grow up to be, at all events, genuine men and women. "i do not think," writes john stuart mill, in , "there should be any _authoritative_ teaching at all on such subjects. i think parents ought to point out to their children, when the children begin to question them or to make observations of their own, the various opinions on such subjects, and what the parents themselves think the most powerful reasons for and against. then, if the parents show a strong feeling of the importance of truth, and also of the difficulty of attaining it, it seems to me that young people's minds will be sufficiently prepared to regard popular opinion or the opinion of those about them with respectful tolerance, and may be safely left to form definite conclusions in the course of mature life."[ ] there are few among us who have not suffered from too early familiarity with the bible and the conceptions of religion. even for a man of really strong and independent intellect it may be many years before the precociously dulled feelings become fresh again, before the fetters of routine fall off, and he is enabled at last to approach the bible with fresh receptivity and to realize, for the first time in his life, the treasures of art and beauty and divine wisdom it contains. but for most that moment never comes round. for the majority the religious education of the school as effectually seals the bible for life as the classical education of the college seals the great authors of greece and rome for life; no man opens his school books again when he has once left school. those who read greek and latin for love have not usually come out of universities, and there is surely a certain significance in the fact that the children of one's secularist friends are so often found to become devout church-goers, while, according to the frequent observation, devout parents often have most irreligious offspring, just as the bad boys at school and college are frequently sons of the clergy. at puberty and during adolescence everything begins to be changed. the change, it is important to remember, is a natural change, and tends to come about spontaneously; "where no set forms have been urged, the religious emotion," as lancaster puts it, "comes forth as naturally as the sun rises."[ ] that period, really and psychologically, marks a "new birth." emotions which are of fundamental importance, not only for the individual's personal life but for his social and even cosmic relationships, are for the first time born. not only is the child's body remoulded in the form of a man or a woman, but the child-soul becomes a man-soul or a woman-soul, and nothing can possibly be as it has been before. the daringly sceptical logician has gone, and so has the imaginative dreamer for whom the world was the automatic magnifying mirror of his own childish form and environment. it has been revealed to him that there are independent personal and impersonal forces outside himself, forces with which he may come into a conscious and fascinatingly exciting relationship. it is a revelation of supreme importance, and with it comes not only the complexly emotional and intellectual realization of personality, but the aptitude to enter into and assimilate the traditions of the race. it cannot be too strongly emphasized that this is the moment, and the earliest moment, when it becomes desirable to initiate the boy or girl into the mysteries of religion. that it is the best moment is indicated by the well-recognized fact that the immediately post-pubertal period of adolescence is the period during which, even spontaneously, the most marked religious phenomena tend to occur.[ ] stanley hall seems to think that twelve is the age at which the cultivation of the religious consciousness may begin; "the age, signalized by the ancient greeks as that at which the study of what was comprehensively called music should begin, the age at which roman guardianship ended, at which boys are confirmed in the modern greek, catholic, lutheran and episcopal churches, and at which the child jesus entered the temple, is as early as any child ought consciously to go about his heavenly father's business."[ ] but i doubt whether we can fix the age definitely by years, nor is it indeed quite accurate to assert that so early an age as twelve is generally accepted as the age of initiation; the anglican church, for example, usually confirms at the age of fifteen. it is not age with which we ought to be concerned, but a biological epoch of psychic evolution. it is unwise to insist on any particular age, because development takes place within a considerably wide limit of years. i have spoken of the introduction to religion at puberty as the initiation into a mystery. the phrase was deliberately chosen, for it seems to me to be not a metaphor, but the expression of a truth which has always been understood whenever religion has been a reality and not a mere convention. among savages in nearly all parts of the world the boy or girl at puberty is initiated into the mystery of manhood or of womanhood, into the duties and the privileges of the adult members of the tribe. the youth is taken into a solitary place, for a month or more, he is made to suffer pain and hardship, to learn self-restraint, he is taught the lore of the tribe as well as the elementary rules of morality and justice; he is shown the secret things of the tribe and their meaning and significance, which no stranger may know. he is, in short, enabled to find his soul, and he emerges from this discipline a trained and responsible member of his tribe. the girl receives a corresponding training, suited to her sex, also in solitude, at the hands of the older women. a clear and full description of a typical savage initiation into manhood at puberty is presented by dr. haddon in the fifth volume of the _reports of the cambridge anthropological expedition to torres straits_, and dr. haddon makes the comment: "it is not easy to conceive of more effectual means for a rapid training." the ideas of remote savages concerning the proper manner of initiating youth in the religious and other mysteries of life may seem of little personal assistance to superiorly civilized people like ourselves. but let us turn, therefore, to the greeks. they also had preserved the idea and the practice of initiation into sacred mysteries, though in a somewhat modified form because religion had ceased to be so intimately blended with all the activities of life. the eleusinian and other mysteries were initiations into sacred knowledge and insight which, as is now recognized, involved no revelation of obscure secrets, but were mysteries in the sense that all intimate experiences of the soul, the experiences of love quite as much as those of religion, are mysteries, not to be lightly or publicly spoken of. in that feeling the greek was at one with the papuan, and it is interesting to observe that the procedure of initiation into the greek mysteries, as described by theon of smyrna and other writers, followed the same course as the pubertal initiations of savages; there was the same preliminary purification by water, the same element of doctrinal teaching, the same ceremonial and symbolic rubbing with sand or charcoal or clay, the same conclusion in a joyous feast, even the same custom of wearing wreaths. in how far the christian sacraments were consciously moulded after the model of the greek mysteries is still a disputed point;[ ] but the first christians were seeking the same spiritual initiation, and they necessarily adopted, consciously or unconsciously, methods of procedure which, in essentials, were fundamentally the same as those they were already familiar with. the early christian church adopted the rite of baptism not merely as a symbol of initiation, but as an actual component part of a process of initiation; the purifying ceremony was preceded by long preparation, and when at last completed the baptized were sometimes crowned with garlands. when at a later period in the history of the church the physical part of the initiation was divorced from the spiritual part, and baptism was performed in infancy and confirmation at puberty, a fatal mistake was made, and each part of the rite largely lost its real significance. but it still remains true that christianity embodied in its practical system the ancient custom of initiating the young at puberty, and that the custom exists in an attenuated form in all the more ancient christian churches. the rite of confirmation has, however, been devitalized, and its immense significance has been almost wholly lost. instead of being regarded as a real initiation into the privileges and the responsibilities of a religious communion, of an active fellowship for the realization of a divine life on earth, it has become a mere mechanical corollary of the precedent rite of baptism, a formal condition of participation in the sacrament of holy communion. the splendid and many-sided discipline by which the child of the savage was initiated into the secrets of his own emotional nature and the sacred tradition of his people has been degraded into the learning of a catechism and a few hours' perfunctory instruction in the schoolroom or in the parlour of the curate's lodgings. the vital kernel of the rite is decayed and only the dead shell is left, while some of the christian churches have lost even the shell. it is extremely probable that in no remote future the state in england will reject as insoluble the problem of imparting religious instruction to the young in its schools, in accordance with a movement of opinion which is taking place in all civilized countries.[ ] the support which the secular education league has found in the most various quarters is without doubt a fact of impressive significance.[ ] it is well known also that the working classes--the people chiefly concerned in the matter--are distinctly opposed to religious teaching in state schools. there can be little doubt that before many years have passed, in england as elsewhere, the churches will have to face the question of the best methods of themselves undertaking that task of religious training which they have sought to foist upon the state. if they are to fulfil this duty in a wise and effectual manner they must follow the guidance of biological psychology at the point where it is at one with the teaching of their own most ancient traditions, and develop the merely formal rite of confirmation into a true initiation of the new-born soul at puberty into the deepest secrets of life and the highest mysteries of religion. it must, of course, be remembered that, so far as england is concerned, we live in an empire in which there are millions of people who are not even nominally christians,[ ] and that even among the comparatively small proportion (about per cent) who call themselves "christians," a very large proportion are practically secularists, and a considerable number avowedly so. if, however, we assume the secularist's position, the considerations here brought forward still retain their validity. in the first place, the undoubtedly frequent hostility of the freethinker to christianity is not so much directed against vital religion as against a dead church. the freethinker is prepared to respect the christian who by free choice and the exercise of thought has attained the position of a christian, but he resents the so-called christian who is merely in the church because he finds himself there, without any effort of his will or his intelligence. the convinced secularist feels respect for the sincere christian, even though it may only be in the sense that the real saint feels tenderness for the hopeless sinner. and in the second place, as i have sought to point out, the facts we are here concerned with are far too fundamental to concern the christian alone. they equally concern the secularist, who also is called upon to satisfy the spiritual hunger of the adolescent youth, to furnish him with a discipline for his entry into life, and a satisfying vision of the universe. and if secularists have not always grasped this necessity, we may perhaps find therein one main reason why secularism has not met with so enormous and enthusiastic a reception as the languor and formalism of the churches seemed to render possible. if the view here set forth is sound,--a view more and more widely held by educationists and by psychologists trained in biology,--the first twelve years must be left untouched by all conceptions of life and the world which transcend immediate experience, for the child whose spiritual virginity has been prematurely tainted will never be able to awake afresh to the full significance of those conceptions when the age of religion at last arrives. but are we, it may be asked, to leave the child's restless, inquisitive, imaginative brain without any food during all those early years? by no means. even admitting that, as it has been said, at the early stage religious training is the supreme art of standing out of nature's way, it is still not hard to find what, in this matter, the way of nature is. the life of the individual recapitulates the life of the race, and there can be no better imaginative food for the child than that which was found good in the childhood of the race. the child who is deprived of fairy tales invents them for himself,--for he must have them for the needs of his psychic growth just as there is reason to believe he must have sugar for his metabolic growth,--but he usually invents them badly.[ ] the savage sees the world almost exactly as the civilized child sees it, as the magnified image of himself and his own environment; but he sees it with an added poetic charm, a delightful and accomplished inventiveness which the child is incapable of. the myths and legends of primitive peoples--for instance, those of the british columbian indians, so carefully reproduced by boas in german and hill tout in english--are one in their precision and their extravagance with the stories of children, but with a finer inventiveness. it was, i believe, many years ago pointed out by ziller that fairy-tales ought to play a very important part in the education of young children, and since then b. hartmann, stanley hall and many others of the most conspicuous educational authorities have emphasized the same point. fairy tales are but the final and transformed versions of primitive myths, creative legends, stories of old gods. in purer and less transformed versions the myths and legends of primitive peoples are often scarcely less adapted to the child's mind. julia gayley argues that the legends of early greek civilization, the most perfect of all dreams, should above all be revealed to children; the early traditions of the east and of america yield material that is scarcely less fitted for the child's imaginative uses. portions of the bible, especially of genesis, are in the strict sense fairy tales, that is legends of early gods and their deeds which have become stories. in the opinion of many these portions of the bible may suitably be given to children (though it is curious to observe that a welsh education committee a few years ago prohibited the reading in schools of precisely the most legendary part of genesis); but it must always be remembered, from the christian point of view, that nothing should be given at this early age which is to be regarded as essential at a later age, for the youth turns against the tales of his childhood as he turns against its milk-foods. some day, perhaps, it may be thought worth while to compile a bible for childhood, not a mere miscellaneous assortment of stories, but a collection of books as various in origin and nature as are the books of the hebraic-christian bible, so that every kind of child in all his moods and stages of growth might here find fit pasture. children would not then be left wholly to the mercy of the thin and frothy literature which the contemporary press pours upon them so copiously; they would possess at least one great and essential book which, however fantastic and extravagant it might often be, would yet have sprung from the deepest instincts of the primitive soul, and furnish answers to the most insistent demands of primitive hearts. such a book, even when finally dropped from the youth's or girl's hands, would still leave its vague perfume behind. it may be pointed out, finally, that the fact that it is impossible to teach children even the elements of adult religion and philosophy, as well as unwise to attempt it, by no means proves that all serious teaching is impossible in childhood. on the imaginative and spiritual side, it is true, the child is re-born and transformed during adolescence, but on the practical and concrete side his life and thought are for the most part but the regular and orderly development of the habits he has already acquired. the elements of ethics on the one hand, as well as of natural science on the other, may alike be taught to children, and indeed they become a necessary part of early education, if the imaginative side of training is to be duly balanced and complemented. the child as much as the adult can be taught, and is indeed apt to learn, the meaning and value of truth and honesty, of justice and pity, of kindness and courtesy; we have wrangled and worried for so long concerning the teaching of religion in schools that we have failed altogether to realize that these fundamental notions of morality are a far more essential part of school training. it must, however, always be remembered that they cannot be adequately treated merely as an isolated subject of instruction, and possibly ought not to be so treated at all. as harriet finlay-johnson wisely says in her _dramatic method of instruction_: "it is impossible to shut away moral teaching into a compartment of the mind. it should be firmly and openly diffused throughout the thoughts, to 'leaven the whole of the lump.'" she adds the fruitful suggestion: "there is real need for some lessons in which the emotions shall not be ignored. nature study, properly treated, can touch both senses and emotions."[ ] the child is indeed quite apt to acquire a precise knowledge of the natural objects around him, of flowers and plants and to some extent of animals, objects which to the savage also are of absorbing interest. in this way, under wise guidance, the caprices of his imagination may be indirectly restrained and the lessons of life taught, while at the same time he is thus being directly prepared for the serious studies which must occupy so much of his later youth. the child, we thus have to realize, is, from the educational point of view of social hygiene, a being of dual nature, who needs ministering to on both sides. on the one hand he demands the key to an imaginative paradise which one day he must leave, bearing away with him, at the best, only a dim and haunting memory of its beauty. on the other hand he possesses eager aptitudes on which may be built up concrete knowledge and the sense of human relationships, to serve as a firm foundation when the period of adolescent development and discipline at length arrives. footnotes: [ ] de quincey in his _confessions of an opium eater_ referred to the power that many, perhaps most, children possess of seeing visions in the dark. the phenomenon has been carefully studied by g.l. partridge (_pedagogical seminary_, april, ) in over children. he found that . of them aged between thirteen and sixteen could see visions or images at night with closed eyes before falling asleep; of those aged six the proportion was higher. there seemed to be a maximum at the age of ten, and probably another maximum at a much earlier age. among adults this tendency is rudimentary, and only found in a marked form in neurasthenic subjects or at moments of nervous exhaustion. see also havelock ellis, _the world of dreams_, chap. ii. [ ] g. stanley hall, "the contents of children's minds on entering school," _pedagogical seminary_, june, . [ ] "the mother's face and voice are the first conscious objects as the infant soul unfolds, and she soon comes to stand in the very place of god to her child. all the religion of which the child is capable during this by no means brief stage of its development consists of these sentiments--gratitude, trust, dependence, love, etc.--now felt only for her, which are later directed towards god. the less these are now cultivated towards the mother, who is now their only fitting if not their only possible object, the more feebly they will later be felt towards god. this, too, adds greatly to the sacredness of the responsibilities of motherhood." (g. stanley hall, _pedagogical seminary_, june, , p. ). [ ] j. morse, _american journal of religious psychology_, , p. . [ ] lobsien, "kinderideale," _zeitschrift für päd. psychologie_, . [ ] mr. edmond holmes, formerly chief inspector of elementary education in england, has an instructive remark bearing on this point in his suggestive book, _what is and what might be_ ( , p. ): "the first forty minutes of the morning session are given in almost every elementary school to what is called _religious instruction_. this goes on, morning after morning, and week after week. the fact that the english parent, who must himself have attended from to scripture lessons in his schooldays, is not under any circumstance to be trusted to give religious instruction to his own children, shows that those who control the religious education of the youthful 'masses' have but little confidence in the effects of their system on the religious life and faith of the english people." miss harriet finlay-johnson, a highly original and successful elementary school teacher, speaks (_the dramatic method of teaching_, , p. ) with equal disapproval of the notion that any moral value attaches to the ordinary school examinations in "scripture." [ ] if it were not so, england, after sixty years of national schools, ought to be a devout nation of good church people. most of the criminals and outcasts have been taught in church schools. a clergyman, who points this out to me, adds: "i am heartily thankful that religion was never forced on me as a child. i do not think i had any religion, in the ethical sense, until puberty, or any conscious realization of religion, indeed, until nineteen." "the boy," remarks holmes (_op. cit._, p. ), "who, having attended two thousand scripture lessons, says to himself when he leaves school: 'if this is religion i will have no more of it,' is acting in obedience to a healthy instinct. he is to be honoured rather than blamed for having realized at last that the chaff on which he has so long been fed is not the life-giving grain which, unknown to himself, his inmost soul demands." [ ] _la nouvelle héloïse_, part v, letter . in more recent times ellen key remarks in a suggestive chapter on "religions education" in her _century of the child_: "nothing better shows how deeply rooted religion is in human nature than the fact that 'religious education' has not been able to tear it out." [ ] j.s. mill, _letters_, vol. ii, p. . [ ] lancaster found ("the psychology and pedagogy of adolescence," _pedagogical seminary_, july, ) that among individuals of both sexes in the united states, as many as experienced new religious emotions between the ages of and , only having no such emotions at this period, so that more than out of have this experience; it is really even more frequent, for it has no necessary tendency to fall into conventional religious moulds. [ ] professor starbuck, in his _psychology of religion_, has well brought together and clearly presented much of the evidence showing this intimate association between adolescence and religious manifestations. he finds (chap. iii) that in females there are two tidal waves of religious awakening, one at about , the other at , with a less significant period at ; for males, after a wavelet at , the great tidal wave is at , followed by another at or . ruediger's results are fairly concordant ("the period of mental reconstruction," _american journal of psychology_, july, ); he finds that in women the average age of conversion is , in men it is at or , and again at . [ ] g. stanley hall, "the moral and religious training of children and adolescents," _pedagogical seminary_, june, , p. . from the more narrowly religious side the undesirability of attempting to teach religion to children is well set forth by florence hayllar (_independent review_, oct., ). she considers that thirteen is quite early enough to begin teaching children the lessons of the gospels, for a child who acted in accordance with the gospels would be "aggravating," and would generally be regarded as "an insufferable prig." moreover, she points out, it is dangerous to teach young children the christian virtues of charity, humility, and self-denial. it is far better that they should first be taught the virtues of justice and courage and self-mastery, and the more christian virtues later. she also believes that in the case of the clergy who are brought in contact with children a preliminary course of child-study, with the necessary physiology and psychology, should be compulsory. [ ] the varying opinions on this point have been fairly and clearly presented by cheetham in his hulsean lectures on the _mysteries pagan and christian_. [ ] thus at the first congress of italian women held at rome in --a very representative congress, by no means made up of "feminists" or anti-clericals, and marked by great moderation and good sense--a resolution was passed against religious teaching in primary schools, though a subsequent resolution declared by a very large majority in favour of teaching the history of religions in secondary schools. these resolutions caused much surprise at the time to those persons who still cherish the superstition that in matters of religion women are blindly prejudiced and unable to think for themselves. [ ] see e.g. an article by halley stewart, president of the secular education league, on "the policy of secular education," _nineteenth century_, april, . [ ] so far as numbers go, the dominant religion of the british empire, the religion of the majority, is hinduism; mohammedanism comes next. [ ] "not long ago," says dr. l. guthrie (_clinical journal_, th june, ), "i heard of a lady who, in her desire that her children should learn nothing but what was true, banished fairy tales from her nursery. but the children evolved from their own imagination fictions which were so appalling that she was glad to divert them with jack-the-giant-killer." [ ] in his interesting study of comparative education (_the making of citizens_, , p. ), mr. r.e. hughes, a school inspector, after discussing the methods of settling the difficulties of religious education in england, america, germany, and france, reasonably concludes: "the solution of the religious problem of the schools of these four peoples lies in the future, but we believe it will be found not to be beyond human ingenuity to devise a scheme of moral and ethical training for little children which will be suitable. it is the moral principles underlying all conduct which the school should teach. indeed, the school, to justify its existence, dare not neglect them. it will teach them, not dogmatically or by precept, but by example, and by the creation of a noble atmosphere around the child." holmes also (_op. cit._, p. ) insists that the teaching of patriotism and citizenship must be informal and indirect. viii the problem of sexual hygiene the new movement for giving sexual instruction to children--the need of such a movement--contradictions involved by the ancient policy of silence--errors of the new policy--the need of teaching the teacher--the need of training the parents--and of scientifically equipping the physician--sexual hygiene and society--the far-reaching effects of sexual hygiene. it is impossible to doubt the vitality and the vigour of the new movement of sexual hygiene, especially that branch of it concerned with the instruction of children in the essential facts of life.[ ] in the eighteenth century the great educationist, basedow, was almost alone when, by practice and by precept, he sought to establish this branch of instruction in schools.[ ] a few years ago, when the german dürer bund offered prizes for the best essays on the training of the young in matters of sex, as many as five hundred papers were sent in.[ ] we may say that during the past ten years more has been done to influence popular feeling on this question than during the whole of the preceding century. whenever we witness a sudden impulse of zeal and enthusiasm to rush into a new channel, however admirable the impulse may be, we must be prepared for many risks and perhaps even a certain amount of damage. this is, indeed, especially the case when we are concerned with a new activity in the sphere of sex. the sexual relationships of life are so ancient and so wide, their roots ramify so complexly and run so deep, that any sudden disturbance in this soil, however well-intentioned, is certain to have many results which were not anticipated by those responsible for it. any movement here runs the risk of defeating its own ends, or else, in gaining them, to render impossible other ends which are of not less value. in this matter of sexual hygiene we are faced at the outset by the fact that the very recognition of any such branch of knowledge as "sexual hygiene" involves not merely a new departure, but the reversal of a policy which has been accepted, almost without question, for centuries. among many primitive peoples, indeed, we know that the boy and girl at puberty are initiated with solemnity, and even a not unwholesome hardship, into the responsibilities of adult life, including those which have reference to the duties and privileges of sex.[ ] but in our own traditions scarcely even a relic of any such custom is preserved. on the contrary, we tacitly maintain a custom, and even a policy, of silent obscurantism. parents and teachers have considered it a duty to say nothing and have felt justified in telling lies, or "fairy tales," in order to maintain their attitude. the oncoming of puberty, with its alarming manifestations, especially in the girl, has often left them unmoved and still silent. they have taken care that our elementary textbooks of anatomy and physiology, even when written by so independent and fearless a pioneer as huxley, should describe the human body absolutely as though the organs and functions of reproduction had no existence. the instinct was not thus suppressed; all the inevitable stimulations which life furnishes to the youthful sexual impulse have continued in operation.[ ] sexual activities were just as liable to break out. they were all the more liable to break out, indeed, because fostered by ignorance, often unconscious of themselves, and not held in check by the restraints which knowledge and teaching might have furnished. this, however, has seemed a matter of no concern to the guardians of youth. they have congratulated themselves if they could pilot the youths, and especially the maidens, under their guardianship into the haven of matrimony not only in apparent chastity, but in ignorance of nearly everything that marriage signifies and involves, alike for the individual and the coming race. this policy has been so firmly established that the theory of it has never been clearly argued out. so far as it exists at all, it is a theory that walks on two feet pointing opposite ways: sex things must not be talked about because they are "dirty"; sex things must not be talked about because they are "sacred." we must leave sex things alone, they say, because god will see to it that they manifest themselves aright and work for good; we must leave sex things alone, they also say, because there is no department in life in which the activity of the devil is so specially exhibited. the very same person may be guilty of this contradiction, when varying circumstances render it convenient. such a confusion is, indeed, a fate liable to befall all ancient and deeply rooted _tabus_; we see it in the _tabus_ against certain animals as foods (as the mosaic prohibition of pork); at first the animal was too sacred to eat, but in time people came to think that it is too disgusting to eat. they begin the practice for one reason, they continue it for a totally opposed reason. reasons are such a superficial part of our lives! thus every movement of sexual hygiene necessarily clashes against an established convention which is itself an inharmonious clash of contradictory notions. this is especially the case if sexual hygiene is introduced by way of the school. it is very widely held by many who accept the arguments so ably set forth by frau maria lischnewska, that the school is not only the best way of introducing sexual hygiene, but the only possible way, since through this channel alone is it possible to employ an antidote to the evil influences of the home and the world.[ ] yet to teach children what some of their parents consider as too sacred to be taught, and others as too disgusting, and to begin this teaching at an age when the children, having already imbibed these parental notions, are old enough to be morbidly curious and prurient, is to open the way to a complicated series of social reactions which demand great skill to adjust. largely, no doubt, from anxiety to counterbalance these dangers, there has been a tendency to emphasize, or rather to over-emphasize, the moral aspects of sexual hygiene. rightly considered, indeed, it is not easy to over-value its moral significance. but in the actual teaching of such hygiene it is quite easy, and the error is often found, to make statements and to affirm doctrines--all in the interests of good morals and with the object of exhibiting to the utmost the beneficial tendencies of this teaching--which are dubious at the best and often at variance with actual experience. in such cases we seem to see that the sexual hygienist has indeed broken with the conventional conspiracy of silence in these matters, but he has not broken with the conventional morality which grew out of that ignorant silence. with the best intention in the world he sets forth, dogmatically and without qualification, ancient half-truths which to become truly moral need to be squarely faced with their complementary half-truths. the inevitable danger is that the pupil sooner or later grasps the one-sided exaggeration of this teaching, and the credit of the sexual hygienist is gone. life is an art, and love, which lies at the heart of life, is an art; they are not science; they cannot be converted into clear-cut formulæ and taught as the multiplication table is taught. example here counts for more than precept, and practice teaches more than either, provided it is carried on in the light of precept and example. the rash and unqualified statements concerning the immense benefits of continence, or the awful results of self-abuse, etc., frequently found in books for young people will occur to every one. stated with wise moderation they would have been helpful. pushed to harsh extravagance they are not only useless to aid the young in their practical difficulties, but become mischievous by the injury they inflict on over-sensitive consciences, fearful of falling short of high-strung ideals. this consideration brings us, indeed, to what is perhaps the chief danger in the introduction of any teaching of sexual hygiene: the fact that our teachers are themselves untaught. sexual hygiene in the full sense--in so far as it concerns individual action and not the regulative or legislative action of communities--is the art of imparting such knowledge as is needed at successive stages by the child, the youth and maiden, the young man and woman, in order to enable them to deal rightly, and so far as possible without injury either to themselves or to others, with all those sexual events to which every one is naturally liable. to fulfil his functions adequately the master in the art of teaching sexual hygiene must answer to three requirements: ( ) he must have a sufficing knowledge of the facts of sexual psychology, sexual physiology, and sexual pathology, knowledge which, in many important respects, hardly existed at all until recently, and is only now beginning to become generally accessible; ( ) he must have a wise and broad moral outlook, with a sane idealism which refrains from demanding impossibilities, and resolutely thrusts aside not only the vulgar platitudes of worldliness, but the equally mischievous platitudes of an outworn and insincere asceticism, for the wise sexual hygienist knows, with pascal, that "he who tries to be an angel becomes a beast," and is less anxious to make his pupils ineffective angels than effective men and women, content to say with browning, "i may put forth angels' pinions, once unmanned, but not before"; ( ) in addition to sound knowledge and a wise moral outlook, the sexual hygienist must possess, finally, a genuine sympathy with the young, an insight into their sensitive shyness, a comprehension of their personal difficulties, and the skill to speak to them simply, frankly, and humanly. if we ask ourselves how many of the apostles of sexual hygiene combine these three essential qualities, we shall probably not be able to name many, while we may suspect that some do not even possess one of the three qualifications. if we further consider that the work of sexual hygiene, to be carried out on a really national scale, demands the more or less active co-operation of parents, teachers, and doctors, and that parents, teachers, and doctors are in these matters at present all alike untrained, and usually prejudiced, we shall realize some of the dangers through which sexual hygiene must at first pass. it is, i hope, unnecessary for me to say that, in thus pointing out some of the difficulties and the risks which must assail every attempt to introduce an element of effective sexual hygiene into life, i am far from wishing to argue that it is better to leave things as they are. that is impossible, not only because we are realizing that our system of incomplete silence is mischievous, but because it is based on a confusion which contains within itself the elements of disruption. we have to remember, however, that the creation of a new tradition cannot be effected in a day. before we begin to teach sexual hygiene the teachers must themselves be taught. there are many who have insisted, and not without reason, on the right of the parent to control the education of the child. sexual hygiene introduces us to another right, the right of the child to control the education of the parents. for few parents to-day are fitted to exercise the duty of training and guiding the child in the difficult field of sex without preliminary education, and such education, to be real and effective, must begin at an early age in the parents' life.[ ] the school teacher, again, on whom so many rely for the initial stage in sexual hygiene, is at present often in almost exactly the same stage of ignorance or prejudice in these matters as his or her pupils. the teacher has seldom been trained to impart even the most elementary scientific knowledge of the facts of sex, of reproduction, and of sexual hygiene, and is more often than not without that personal experience of life in its various aspects which is required in order to teach wisely in such a difficult field as that of sex, even if the principle is admitted that the teacher in class, equally whether addressing one sex or both sexes, is not called upon to go beyond the scientific, abstract, and objective aspects of sex. this difficulty of the lack of suitable teachers is not, indeed, insuperable. it would be largely settled, no doubt, if a wise and thorough course of sexual hygiene and puericulture formed part of the training of all school teachers, as, in france, pinard has proposed for the normal schools for young women. dr. w.o. henry, in a paper read before the nebraska state medical association in may, , put forward the proposal: "let each state have one or more competent physicians whose duty it shall be to teach these things to the children in all the public schools of the state from the time they are eight years of age. the boys and girls should be given the instruction separately by means of charts, pictures, and stereopticon views, beginning with the lower forms of life, flowers, plants, and then closing with the organs in man. these lectures and illustrations should be given every year to all the boys and girls separately, having those from eight to ten together at one time, and those from ten to twelve, and those from over twelve to sixteen." dr. henry was evidently not aware that the principle of a special teacher appointed by government to give special instruction in matters of sex in all state schools had already been adopted in canada, in the province of ontario; the teacher thus appointed goes from school to school and teaches the elements of sexual physiology and anatomy, and the duty of treating sexual matters with reverence, to classes of boys and of girls from the age of ten. the course is not compulsory, but any school board may call upon the special teacher to deliver the lectures. this appointment has met with so much approval that it is proposed to appoint further teachers on the same lines, women as well as men. it is not necessary that the school teacher of sex should be a physician. for personal and particular advice on the concrete difficulties of sex, however, as well as for the more special and detailed hygiene of the sexual relationship and the precautions demanded by eugenics, we must call in the physician. yet none of these things so far enter the curriculum through which the physician passes to reach his profession; he is often only a layman in relation to them. even if we are assured that these subjects form part of his scientific equipment, that fact by no means guarantees his tact, sympathy, and insight in addressing the young, whether by general lectures or individual interviews, both these being forms of imparting sexual hygiene for which we may properly call upon the physician, especially towards the end of the school or college course, and at the outset of any career in the world.[ ] undoubtedly we have amongst us many mothers, teachers, and physicians who are admirably equipped to fulfil their respective parts--elementary, secondary, and advanced--in the work of sexual hygiene. but so long as they are few and far apart their influence is negatived, if it is not even rendered harmful. it must often be useless for a mother to instil into her little boy respect for his own body, reverence for the channel of motherhood through which he entered the world, any sense of the purity of natural functions or the beauty of natural organs, if outside his home the little boy finds that all other little boys and girls regard these things as only an occasion for sniggering. it is idle for the teacher to describe plainly the scientific facts of sex as a marvellous culmination in the natural unfolding of the world if, outside the schoolroom, the pupil finds that, in the newspapers and in the general conversation of adults, this sacred temple is treated as a common sewer, too filthy to be spoken of, and that the books which contain even the most necessary descriptions of it are liable to be condemned as "obscene" in the law courts.[ ] it is vain for the physician to explain to young men and women the subtle and terrible nature of venereal poisons, to declare the right and the duty of both partners in marriage to know, authoritatively and beforehand, the state of each other's health, or to warn them that a proper sense of responsibility towards the race must prevent some ill-born persons from marrying, or at all events from procreating, if the young man and woman find, on leaving the physician, that their acquaintances are prepared to accept all these risks, light-heartedly, in the dark, in a heedless dream from which they somehow hope there will be no awful awakening. the moral to which these observations point is fairly clear. sex penetrates the whole of life. it is not a branch of mathematics, or a period of ancient history, which we can elect to teach, or not to teach, as may seem best to us, which if we teach we may teach as we choose, and if we neglect to teach it will never trouble us. love and hunger are the foundations of life, and the impulse of sex is just as fundamental as the impulse of nutrition. it will not remain absent because we refuse to call for its presence, it will not depart because we find its presence inconvenient. at the most it will only change its shape, and mock at us from beneath masks so degraded, and sometimes so exalted, that we are no longer able to recognize it. "people are always writing about education," said chamfort more than a century ago, "and their writings have led to some valuable methods. but what is the use, unless side by side with the introduction of such methods, corresponding reforms are not introduced in legislation, in religion, in public opinion? the only object of education is to conform the child's reason to that of the community. but if there is no corresponding reform in the community, by training the child to reason you are merely training him to see the absurdity of opinions and customs consecrated by the seal of sacred authority, public or legislative, and you are inspiring him with contempt of them."[ ] we cannot too often meditate on these wise words. it is useless to attempt to introduce sexual hygiene as a subject apart, and in some respects it may be dangerous. when we touch sex we are touching sensitive fibres which thrill through the whole of our social organism, just as the touch of love thrills through the whole of the bodily organism. any vital reform here, any true introduction of sexual hygiene to replace our traditional policy of confused silence, affects the whole of life or it affects nothing. it will modify our social conventions, enter our family life, transform our moral outlook, perhaps re-inspire our religion and our philosophy. that conclusion need by no means render us pessimistic concerning the future of sexual hygiene, nor unduly anxious to cling to the policy of the past. but it may induce us to be content to move slowly, to prepare our movements widely and firmly, and not to expect too much at the outset. by introducing sexual hygiene we are breaking with the tradition of the past which professed to leave the process by which the race is carried on to nature, to god, especially to the devil. we are claiming that it is a matter for individual personal responsibility, deliberately exercised in the light of precise knowledge which every young man and woman has a right, or rather a duty, to possess. that conception of personal responsibility thus extended to the sphere of sex in the reproduction of the race may well transform life and alter the course of civilization. it is not merely a reform in the class-room, it is a reform in the home, in the church, in the law courts, in the legislature. if sexual hygiene means that, it means something great, though something which can only come slowly, with difficulty, with much searching of hearts. if, on the other hand, sexual hygiene means nothing but the introduction of a new formal catechism, and an occasional goody-goody perfunctory exhortation, it may be introduced at once, quite easily, without hurting anyone's feelings. but, really, it will not be worth worrying about, one way or the other. footnotes: [ ] for a full discussion of the movement, see havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chaps. ii and iii. [ ] basedow (born at hamburg , died ) set forth his views on sexual education--which will seem to many somewhat radical and advanced even to-day--in his great treatise elementarwerk ( ). his practical educational work is dealt with by pinloche, _la réforme de l'education en allemagne au dix-huitième siècle_. [ ] the best of these papers have been printed in a volume entitled _am lebensquell_. [ ] the elaborate and admirable initiation of boys among the natives of torres straits furnishes a good example of this education, and has been fully described by dr. a.c. haddon, _reports of the anthropological expedition to torres straits_, vol. v, chaps. vii and xii. [ ] moll in his wise and comprehensive work, _the sexual life of the child_ (german ed., p. ), lays it down emphatically that "_we must clearly realize at the outset that the complete exclusion of sexual stimuli in the education of children is impossible_." he adds that the demands made by some "fanatics of hygiene" would be dangerous even if they were practicable. games and physical exercises induce in many cases a considerable degree of sexual stimulation. but this need not cause us undue alarm, nor must we thereby be persuaded to change our policy of recommending such games and exercises. [ ] see frau maria lischnewska's excellent pamphlet, _geschlechtliche belehrung der kinder_, first published in _mutterschutz_, , heft and . this is perhaps the ablest statement of the argument in favour of giving the chief place in sexual hygiene to the teacher. frau lischnewska recognizes three factors in the movement for freeing the sexual activities from degradation: ( ) medical, ( ) economic, and ( ) rational. but it is the last--in the broadest sense as a comprehensive process of enlightenment--which she regards as the chief. "the views and sentiments of people must be changed," she says. "the civilized man must learn to gaze at this piece of nature with pure eyes; reverence towards it must early sink into his soul. in the absence of this fundamental renovation, medical and social measures will merely produce refined animals." [ ] "we parents of to-day," as henriette fürth truly says ("erotik und elternpflicht," _am lebensquell_, p. ), "have not yet attained that beautiful naturalness out of which in these matters simplicity and freedom grow. and however willing we may be to learn afresh, most of us have so far lost our inward freedom from prejudice--the standpoint of the pure to whom all things are pure--that we cannot acquire it again. we parents of to-day have been altogether wrongly brought up. the inoculated feeling of shame still remains even after we have recognized that shame in this connection is false." [ ] the method of imparting a knowledge of sexual hygiene (especially in relation to venereal diseases) at the outset of adult life has most actively been carried out in germany and the united states. in germany lectures by doctors to students and others on these matters are frequently given. in the united states information and advice are spread abroad chiefly by the aid of societies. the american society of sanitary and moral prophylaxis, with which the name of dr. morrow is specially connected, was organized in . the chicago society of social hygiene was established in . since then many other similar societies have sprung up under medical auspices in various american cities and states. [ ] many flagrant cases in point are set forth from the legal point of view by theodore schroeder, _"obscene" literature and constitutional law_, new york, , chap. iv. [ ] chamfort, _oeuvres choisies_, ed. by lescure, vol. i, p. . ix immorality and the law social hygiene and legal compulsion--the binding force of custom among savages--the dissolving influence of civilization--the distinction between immorality and criminality--adultery as a crime--the tests of criminality--national differences in laying down the boundary between criminal and immoral acts--france--germany--england--the united states--police administration--police methods in the united states--national differences in the regulation of the trade in alcohol--prohibition in the united states--origin of the american method of dealing with immorality--russia--historical fluctuations in methods of dealing with immorality and prostitution--homosexuality--holland--the age of consent--moral legislation in england--in the united states--the raines law--american attempts to suppress prostitution--their futility--german methods of regulating prostitution--the sound method of approaching immorality--training in sexual hygiene--education in personal and social responsibility. the modern development of social hygiene in matters of eugenics has already sufficed to show that there are certain people in the community, anxious to take quick cuts to the millennium, who think that eugenics can be promoted by hasty legislation. that method of attempting to further social progress is not new. it has been practised with signal lack of success for several thousand years. therefore, if social hygiene is really to progress among us on sane and fundamental lines, it is necessary for us to realize clearly the mistakes of the past. again and again the blind haste of over-zealous reformers has led not to progress, but to retrogression. the excellent intentions of such social reformers have been defeated, not so much by the evils they have sought to overcome, as by their own excesses of ignorant zeal. as our knowledge of history and of psychology increases, we learn that, in dealing with human nature, what seems the longest way round is sometimes the shortest way home. among savages, and no doubt in primitive societies generally, the social reaction against injurious or even unusual acts on the part of individuals is regulated by the binding force of custom. the ruling opinion is the opinion of all, the ruling custom is the duty for all. the dictates of custom, even of ritual and etiquette, are stringent dictates of morality binding upon all, and the breach of any is equivalent to what we should consider a crime. the savage man is held in the path of duty by a much more united force of public opinion than is the civilized man. but, as westermarck points out, in a suggestive chapter on customs and laws as the expression of moral ideas, "custom never covers the whole field of morality, and the uncovered space grows larger in proportion as the moral consciousness develops.... the rule of custom is the rule of duty at early stages of development. only progress in culture lessens its sway."[ ] as a community increases in size and in cultivation, growing more heterogeneous, it adheres rigidly to fundamental conceptions of right and wrong, but in less fundamental matters its moral ideas become both more subjective and more various. if a man kills another man out of love to that man's wife, all civilized society is of opinion that the homicide is a "crime" to be severely punished; but if the man should make love to the wife without killing the husband, then, although in some savage societies the act would still have been a "crime," in a civilized society it would usually be regarded as more properly a case for civil action, not for criminal action; while should it come to be known that the wife had from the first been in love with the man, and was married by compulsion to a husband who had brutally ill-used her, then a very considerable section of the civilized community would actually transfer their sympathies to the offending couple and look upon the husband as the real offender. this is why the vestigial relics of the ancient ecclesiastical view of adultery as a "crime" are no longer supported by public opinion;[ ] they are no longer enforced, or else the penalty is reduced to ridiculous dimensions (as in france, where a fine of a few francs may be imposed), and there is a general inclination to abolish them altogether. penalties for adultery are not nowadays enacted afresh, except in the united states, where medieval regulations are enabled to survive through the strength of the puritan tradition. thus in the state of new york a law was passed in rendering any person guilty of adultery punishable by six months' imprisonment, or a heavy fine, or both. the law was largely due to agitation by the national christian league for the promotion of purity; it was supposed the law would act to prevent adultery. less than three months after the act became law, lawyers reached the conclusion that it was a dead letter. during the two years after its enactment, notwithstanding the large number of divorces, only three persons were sent to prison, for a few days, under this act, and only four fined a small sum. the committee of fourteen state that it is "of practically no effect," and add: "the preventive values of this statute cannot be determined, but, judging from the prosecutions, it has proved an ineffective weapon against immorality, and has practically no effect upon commercialized vice."[ ] when such laws remain on the statute book as relics of practically medieval days they deserve a certain respect, even if it is impossible to enforce them; to re-enact them in modern times is a gratuitous method of bringing law into contempt. it is clear that all such cases affecting morals are not only altered by circumstances, and by consideration of the psychic state of the individual, but that in regard to them different sections of the community hold widely different views. the sanctions of the criminal law to be firm and unshakeable must be capable of literal interpretation and of unfailing execution, and in that interpretation and execution be accepted as just by the whole community. but as soon as law enters the sphere of morals this becomes impossible; law loses all its certainty and all the reverence that rightly belongs to it. it no longer voices the conscience of the whole community; it tends to be merely an expression of the feelings of a small upper-class social circle; the feelings and the habits and the necessities of the mass of the population are altogether ignored.[ ] nor are such legislative incursions into the sphere of morals any more satisfactory from the point of view of the class which is responsible for them. it very soon begins to be felt that, as hagen puts it, "the formulas of penal law are stiff and clumsy instruments which can only in the rarest instance serve to disentangle the delicate and manifoldly interwoven threads of the human soul, and decide what is just and what unjust. formulas are adopted for simple, uncomplicated, rough everyday cases. only in such cases do they achieve the conquest of justice over injustice." it is true that no sharp line divides criminal acts from merely immoral acts, and the latter tend to be indirectly, even when not directly, anti-social. it would be highly convenient if we could draw a sharp distinction between major anti-social acts, which may properly be described as "crime," and justly be pursued with the full rigour of the law, and minor anti-social acts, which may be left to the varying reaction of the social environments since they cannot properly be visited by the criminal law.[ ] such a distinction exists, but it cannot be made sharply because there are a large number of intermediate anti-social acts which some sections of the community regard as major, while others regard them as minor, or even, in some cases, as not anti-social at all. the only convenient test we can apply is the strength of the social reaction--provided we are dealing with an act which is definitely anti-social, injuring recognized rights, and not merely an unusual or disgusting act.[ ] when an anti-social act meets with a reaction of social indignation which is fairly universal and permanent, it may be regarded as a crime coming under the jurisdiction of the law. if opinion varies, if a considerable section of the community revolt against the punishment of the alleged anti-social act, then we are not entitled to dignify it with the appellation of "crime." this is not an altogether sure or satisfactory criterion because there are frequently times and places, especially under the stimulation of some particular occurrence evoking an outburst of increased public emotion, when a section of the community succeeds by its noisy vigour in creating the impression that it voices the universal will. but, on the whole, it works out justly. ethical standards differ in different places at different times. they are, indeed, always changing. therefore, in regard to all matters which belong to the sphere of what we commonly call morals, there are in every community some who approve of a given act, others who disapprove of it, yet others who regard it with indifference. in such a shifting sphere we cannot legislate with the certainty of carrying the whole community with us, nor can we properly introduce the word "crime," which ought to indicate only an action of so gravely anti-social nature that there can be no possibility of doubt about it. it is, however, important to understand the marked national differences in the reaction to these slightly or dubiously anti-social acts, for such differences rest on ancient tradition, and are to some extent the expression of the genius of a people, though they are not the absolutely immutable product of racial constitution, and, within limits, they undergo transformation. it thus happens that acts which in some countries are pursued by the law and punished as crime, are in other countries untouched by the law, and left to the social reaction of the community. it becomes, therefore, of some importance to compare national differences in the attitude towards immorality, to find out whether the attempt to repress it directly, by law, is more effective, or less effective, than the method of leaving it to social reaction. in many respects france and germany present a remarkable contrast in their respective methods of dealing with immorality. the contrast has only existed since the sweeping legal reforms which followed the revolution in france. in old france the laws against sexual and religious offences were extremely severe, involving in some cases death at the stake, and even during the eighteenth century this extreme penalty of the law was sometimes carried out. the police were active, their methods of investigation elaborate and thorough, yet the rigour of the law and the energy of the police signally failed to suppress irreligion and immorality in eighteenth-century france. the revolution, by popularizing the opinions of the more enlightened men of the time, and by giving to the popular voice an authority it had never possessed before, remoulded the antiquated ecclesiastical laws in accordance with the ideas of the average modern man. in nearly all the ancient laws against immorality, which had proved so ineffectual, were flung away, and when in napoleon established the great penal code which bears his name, he was careful to limit to a minimum the moral offences of which the law was empowered to take cognisances, and--acting certainly in accordance with deeply rooted instincts of the french people--he avoided any useless or dangerous interference with private life and the freedom of the individual. the penal code in france remains substantially the same to-day, while the other countries which have constructed their codes on the french model have shown similar tendencies. in germany, and more especially in prussia, which now dominates german opinion, a very different tendency prevails. the german feels nothing of that sensitive jealousy with which the french seek to guard private life and the rights of the individual. he tolerates a police system which, as fuld has pointed out, is the most military police system in the world, and he makes little complaint of the indiscriminating thoroughness, even harshness, with which it exercises its functions. "the north german," as a german lawyer puts it, "gazes with sacred respect on every state authority, and on every official, especially on executive and police functionaries; he complacently accepts police inquisition into his private life, and the regulation of his behaviour by law and police affects his impulse of freedom in a relatively slight manner. hence the law-maker's interference with his private life seems to him a customary and not too injurious encroachment on his individuality."[ ] it thus comes about that a great many acts, of for the most part unquestioned immoral character--such as incest, the procuring of women for immoral purposes, and acts of a homosexual character--which, when adults are alone concerned, the french leave to be dealt with by the social reaction, are in germany directly dealt with by the law. these things and the like are viewed in france with fully as much detestation as in germany, but while the german considers that that detestation is itself a reason for inflicting a legal penalty on the detested act, the frenchman considers that to inflict a punishment upon such acts by law is an inadmissible interference of the state in private affairs, and an unnecessary interference since the social reaction is quite adequate. in germany, dr. wilhelm points out, a man who allows his daughter's _fiancé_ to stay overnight in his house with her is liable to be dragged before the police court and sent to prison for procuring immorality;[ ] to a frenchman this is a shocking and inconceivable insult to private rights.[ ] so also with the german legal attitude towards sexual inversion. the german method of dragging private scandals into the glare of day and investigating them at interminable length in the law courts is a perpetual source of astonishment to frenchmen. they point out that not only does this method defeat its own end by concentrating attention on the abnormal practices it attacks, but it adds dignity to them; a certain small section of the community justifies and upholds these practices, but while in france this section has no reason to come prominently before the public since it has no grievances demanding redress, in germany the existence of a cause to advocate in the name of justice has produced a serious and imposing body of literature which has no parallel in france.[ ] thus, as wilhelm points out, we find exactly opposite methods adopted in germany and france to obtain the same ends: "in germany, punishment on account of alleged injury to general interests; in france absence of punishment in order to avoid injury to general interests; in germany the police baton is called for in order to ward off threatened injury, while in france it is feared that the use of the police baton will itself cause the injury." the question naturally arises: which method is the more effective? wilhelm finds that these differences in national attitude towards immorality have not by any means rendered immorality more prevalent in france than in germany; on the contrary, though extra-conjugal intercourse is in germany almost a crime, sexual offences against children are far more prevalent than in france, while family life is at least as stable in france as in germany, and more intimate. "the freer way of regarding sexual matters and its results in legislation have, as compared to germany, in no respect led to more immoral conditions, while, on the other hand, it has been the reason why the vigorous agitation which we find in germany for certain legal reforms in respect to sexuality are quite unknown." it is forgotten, in germany and in some other countries, sometimes even in france, that to bring immorality within reach of the arm of the law is not necessarily by any means to make the actual penalty, in the largest sense of the term, more severe. so long as he retains the good opinion of his fellows, imprisonment is no injury to a man; it has happened to some of our most distinguished and respected public men. the bad opinion of his fellows, even when the law is powerless to touch him, is often an irretrievable injury to a man. we do not fortify the social reaction, in most matters, when we attempt to give it a legal sanction; we do not even need to fortify it, for it is sometimes harsher and more severe than the law, overlooking or not knowing all the extenuating circumstances. in france, as in england, the force of social opinion, independently of the law, is exceedingly and perhaps excessively strong. in england, however, we see an attitude towards immorality which differs alike from the french attitude and the german attitude, though it has points of contact with both. the distinctive feature of the englishman's attitude is his spirit of extreme individualism (which distinguishes him from the german) combined with the religious nature of his moral fervour (which distinguishes him from the frenchman), both being veiled by a shy prudery (which distinguishes him alike from the frenchman and the german). the englishman's reverence for the individual's rights goes beyond the frenchman's, for in france there is a tendency to subordinate the individual to the family, and in england the interests of the individual predominate. but while in france the laws have been re-moulded to the national temperament, this has not been the case to anything like the same extent in england, where in modern times no great revolution has occurred to shake off laws which still by their antiquity, rather than by their reasonableness, retain the reverence of the people. thus it comes about that, on the legal side the english attitude towards immorality in many respects resembles the german attitude. yet undoubtedly the most fundamental element in the english attitude is the instinct for personal freedom, and even the religious fervour of the moral impulse has strengthened the individualistic element.[ ] we see this clearly in the fact that england has even gone beyond france in rejecting the control of prostitutes. the french are striving to abolish such control, but in england where it was never extensively established it has long been abolished, leaving only a few faint traces behind. it is abhorrent to the english mind that even the most degraded specimens of humanity should be compulsorily deprived of rights over their own persons, even when it is claimed that the deprivation of such rights might be for the benefit of the community. in no country, perhaps, is the prostitute so free to parade the streets in the exercise of her profession as in england, and in no country is public opinion so intolerant of even the suspicion of a mistake by the police in the exercise of that very limited control over prostitutes which they possess. the freedom of the prostitute in england is further guaranteed by the very fervour of english religious feeling; for active interference with prostitutes involves regulation of prostitution, and that implies a national recognition of prostitution which to a very large section of the english people would be altogether repellant. thus english love of freedom and english love of god combine to protect the prostitute. it has to be added that this result is by no means, as some have imagined, hostile to morality. it is the opinion of many foreign observers that in this matter london, for all its freedom, compares favourably with many other large cities where prostitution is severely regulated by the police and so far as possible concealed. for the police can never become the agents of any morality of the heart, and all the repression in the world can only touch the surface of life. the english attitude, again, is characteristically seen in the method of dealing with homosexual practices and other similar sexual aberrations. here, legally, england is closer to germany than to modern france. no country in the world, it is often said, has preserved by tradition and even maintained by recent accretion such severe penalties against homosexual offences as england. yet, unlike the germans, the english do not actively prosecute in these cases and are usually content to leave the law in abeyance, so long as public order and decency are reasonably maintained. english people, like the french people, are by no means impressed by the advantages of the german system by which purely private scandals are made public scandals, to be set forth day after day in all their details before the court, and discussed excitedly by the whole population. yet the english law in this matter is still very widely upheld. there are very many english people who think that the fact that homosexuality is disgusting to most people is a reason for punishing it with extreme severity. yet disgust is a matter of taste, we cannot properly impart it into our laws; a disgusting person is not necessarily a criminal person, or we shall have to enact that many inmates of our hospitals and lunatic asylums be hanged. there is thus a fundamental inconsistency in the english method of dealing with immorality; it is made up of opposite views, some of them extreme in contrary directions. but by virtue of the national tendency to compromise, these conflicting tendencies work in a fairly harmonious manner. the result is that the general state of english morality--notwithstanding, and perhaps partly by reason of, its prudish anxiety to leave unpleasant matters alone--is at least as satisfactory as that of countries where much more logical and thorough methods are in favour. in the united states we see yet another attitude towards immorality. it is, indeed, related to the english attitude, necessarily so, since the most ancient and fundamental element of it was carried over to america by the english puritans, who cherished in the extreme form alike the english passion for individualism and the english fervour of religious idealism. these germs have been too potent for destruction even under all the new influences of american life. but they are not altogether in harmony with those influences, and the result has been that the american attitude towards immorality has sometimes looked rather like a caricature of the english method. the influx of a vast and racially confused population with the over-rapid development of urbanization which has necessarily followed, opens an immense field for idealistic individualism to attempt reforms. but this individualism has not been held in check by the english spirit of compromise, which is not a part of puritanism, and it has thus tended alike to excess and to impotence. this result is brought about partly by facilities for individualistic legislation not voicing the tendencies of the whole population, and therefore fatally condemned to sterility, and partly by the fact that in a new and rapidly developed civilization it is impossible to secure an army of functionaries who may be trusted to deal with the regulation of delicate and complex moral questions in regard to which the community is not really agreed. the american police are generally admitted to be open with special frequency to the charge of ineffectiveness and venality. it is not so often realized that these defects are fostered by the impossible nature of the tasks which are imposed on the american police. this aspect of the matter has been very clearly set forth by dr. fuld, of columbia university, in his able and thorough book on police administration.[ ] he shows that, though the american police system as a system has defects which need to be remedied, it is not true that the individual members of the american police forces are inferior to those of other countries; on the contrary, they are, in some respects, superior; it is not a large proportion which sells the right to break the law.[ ] their most serious defects are due to the impracticable laws and regulations made by inexperienced legislators. these laws and ordinances in many cases cannot possibly be enforced, and the weak police officers accept money from the citizen for not enforcing rules which in any case they could not enforce. "the american police forces," says fuld, "have been corrupted almost solely by the statutes.... the real blame attaches not to the policeman who accepts a bribe temptingly offered him, nor to the bribe-giver who seeks by giving a bribe to make the best possible business arrangement, but rather to the law, which by giving the police a large and uncontrolled discretion in the enforcement of the law places a premium upon bribe-giving and bribe-taking." this state of things is rendered possible by the fact that the duties of the police are not confined to matters affecting crime and public order--matters which the whole community consider essential, and in regard to which any police negligence is counted a serious charge--but are extended to unessential matters which a considerable section of the community, including many of the police themselves, view with complete indifference. it is impossible to regard seriously a conspiracy to defeat laws which a large proportion of citizens regard as unnecessary or even foolish. it thus unfortunately comes about that the charge brought against the american police that "it sells the right to break the law" has not the same grave significance which it would have in most countries, for the rights purchased in america may in most countries be obtained without purchase. "an act ought to be made criminal," as fuld rightly lays down, "only when it is socially expedient to punish its criminality.... the american people, or at least the american legislators, do not make this clear distinction between vice and crime. there seems to be a feeling in america that unless a vice is made a crime, the state countenances the vice and becomes a party to its commission. there are unfortunately a large number of men in the community who believe that they have satisfied the demands made upon them to lead a virtuous life by incorporating into some statute the condemnation of a particular vicious act as a crime."[ ] this special characteristic of american laws, with its failure to distinguish between vice and crime, is clearly a legacy of the early puritans. the puritans carried over to new england independent autonomous laws of morality, and were contemptuous of external law. the sturdy pioneers of the first generation were faithful to that attitude, and were not even guilty of punishing witches. but, when the opportunity came, their descendants could not resist the temptation to erect an external law of morals, and, like the calvinists of geneva, they set up an inquisition backed by the secular arm. it was not until the days of emerson that american puritanism regained autonomous freedom and moved in the same air as milton. but in the meantime the mischief had been done. even to-day an inquisition of the mails has been established in the united states. it is said to be unconstitutional, and one can well believe that that is so, but none the less it flourishes under the protection of what a famous american has called "the never-ending audacity of elected persons." but to allow subordinate officials to masquerade in the postal department as familiars of the inquisition, in the supposed interests of public morals, is a dangerous policy.[ ] its deadening influence on national life cannot fail sooner or later to be realized by americans. to moralize by statute is idle and unsatisfactory enough; but it is worse to attempt to moralize by the arbitrary dicta of minor government officials. it is interesting to observe the methods which find favour in some parts of the united states for dealing with the trade in alcoholic liquors. alcohol is, on the one hand, a poison; on the other hand, it is the basis of the national drinks of every civilized country. every state has felt called upon to regulate its sale to more or less extent, in such a way that ( ) in the interests of public health alcohol may not be too easily or too cheaply obtainable, that ( ) the restraints on its sale may be a source of revenue to the state, and that ( ) at the same time this regulation of the sale may not be a vexatious and useless attempt to interfere unduly with national customs. states have sought to attain these ends in various ways. the sale of alcohol may be made a state monopoly, as in russia, or, again, it may be carried on under disinterested municipal or other control, as by the gothenburg system of sweden or the samlag system of norway.[ ] in england the easier and more usual plan is adopted of heavily taxing the sale, with, in addition, various minor methods for restraining the sale of alcoholic drinks and attempting to improve the conditions under which they are sold. in france an ingenious method of influencing the sale of alcohol has lately been adopted, in the interests of public health, which has proved completely successful. the french national drink is light wine, which may be procured in abundance, of excellent and wholesome quality and very cheaply, provided it is not heavily taxed. but of recent years there has been a tendency in france to consume in large quantity the heavy alcoholic spirits, often of a specially deleterious kind. the plan has been adopted of placing a very high duty on distilled beverages and reducing the duty on the light wines, as well as beer, so that a wholesome and genuine wine can be supplied to the consumer at as low a price as beer. as a result the french consumer has shown a preference for the cheap and wholesome wine which is really his national drink, and there is an enormous fall in the consumption of spirits. whereas formerly the consumption of brandy in french towns amounted to seven or eight litres of absolute alcohol per head, it has now fallen in the large towns to . litres.[ ] in america, however, there is a tendency to deal with the sale of alcohol totally opposed to that which nearly everywhere prevails in europe. when in europe a man abandons the use of alcohol he makes no demand on his fellow men to follow his example, or, if he does, he is usually content to employ moral suasion to gain this end. but in the united states, where there is no single national drink, a large number of people have abandoned the use of alcohol, and have persuaded themselves that its use by other people is a vice, for it is not universally recognized that--"selfishness is not living as one wishes to live, it is asking others to live as one wishes to live." moreover, as in the united states the medieval confusion between vice and crime still subsists among a section of the population, being a part of the national tradition, it became easy to regard the drinking of alcohol as a crime and to make it punishable. hence we have "prohibition," which has prevailed in various states of the union and is especially associated with maine, where it was established in a crude form so long ago as and (except for a brief interval between and ) has prevailed until to-day. the law has never been effective. it has been made more and more stringent; the wildest excuses of arbitrary administration have been committed; scandals have constantly occurred; officials of iron will and determination have perished in the faith that if only they put enough energy into the task the law might, after all, be at last enforced. it was all in vain. it has always been easy in the cities of maine for those to obtain alcohol who wished to obtain it. finally, in , by a direct referendum, the majority by which the people of maine are maintaining prohibition has been brought down to in a total poll of , , while all the large towns have voted for the repeal of prohibition by enormous majorities. the people of maine are evidently becoming dimly conscious that it is worse than useless to make laws which no human power can enforce. "the result of the vote," writes mr. arthur sherwell, an english social reformer, not himself opposed to temperance legislation, "from every point of view, and not least from the point of view of temperance, is eminently unsatisfactory, and it unquestionably creates a position of great difficulty and embarrassment for the authorities. a majority of in a total poll of , is clearly not a sufficient mandate for a drastic law which previous experience has conclusively shown cannot be enforced successfully in the urban districts of the state." successful enforcement of prohibition on a state basis would appear to be hopeless. the history of prohibition in maine will for ever form an eloquent proof of the mischief which comes when the ancient ecclesiastical failure to distinguish between the sphere of morals and the sphere of law is perpetuated under the conditions of modern life. the attempt to force men to render unto cæsar the things which are god's must always end thus. in these matters we witness in america the survival of an ancient tradition. the early puritans were individualists, it is true, but their individualism took a theocratic form, and, in the name of god, they looked upon crimes and vices equally and indistinguishably as sins. we see exactly the same point of view in the penitentials of the ninth century, which were ecclesiastical codes dealing, exactly in the same spirit and in the same way, with crime and with vice, recognizing nothing but a certain difference in degree between murder and masturbation. in the ninth century, and even much later, in calvin's geneva and cotton mather's new england, it was possible to carry into practice this theocratic conception of the unity of vices and crimes and the punishment as sins of both alike, for the community generally accepted that point of view. but that is very far from being the case in the united states of to-day. the result is that in america in this respect we find a condition of things analogous to that which existed in france, before the revolution remoulded the laws in accordance with the temperament of the nation. laws and regulations of the medieval kind, for the moral ordering of the smallest details of life, are still enacted in america, but they are regarded with growing contempt by the community and even by the administrators of the laws. it is realized that such minute inquisition into the citizen's private life can only be effectively carried out where the citizen himself recognizes the divine right of the inquisitor. but the theocratic conception of life no longer corresponds to american ideas or american customs; this minute moral legislation rests on a basis which in the course of centuries has become rotten. thus it has come about that nowhere in the world is there so great an anxiety to place the moral regulation of social affairs in the hands of the police; nowhere are the police more incapable of carrying out such regulation. when we thus bear in mind the historical aspect of the matter we can understand how it has come about that the individualistic idealist in america has been much more resolute than in england to effect reforms, much more determined that they shall be very thorough and extreme reforms, and, especially, much more eager to embody his moral aspirations in legal statutes. but his tasks are bigger than in england, because of the vast, unstable, heterogeneous and crude population he has to deal with, and because, at the same time, he has no firmly established centralized and reliable police instrument whereby to effect his reforms. the fiery american moral idealist is determined to set out for the kingdom of heaven at once, but every steed he mounts proves broken-winded, and speedily drops down by the wayside. don quixote sets the lance at rest and digs his spurs into rosinante's flanks, but he fails to realize that, in our modern world, he will never bear him anywhere near the foe. if we wish to see a totally different national method of regarding immorality we may turn to russia. here also we find idealism at work, but it is not the same kind of idealism, since, far from desiring to express itself by force, its essential basis is an absolute disbelief in force. russia, like france, has inherited from an ancient ecclesiastical domination an extremely severe code of regulations against immorality and all sexual aberrations, but, unlike france, it has not cast them off in order to mould the laws in accordance with national temperament. the essence of the russian attitude in these matters is a sympathy with the individual which is stronger than any antipathy aroused by his immoral acts; his act is a misfortune rather than a sin or a crime. we may observe this attitude in the kindly and helpful fashion in which the russian assists along the streets his fellow-man who has drunk too much vodka, and, on a higher plane, we see the same spirit of forgiving human tenderness in the russian novelists, most clearly in the greatest and most typically national, in dostoieffsky and in tolstoy. the harsh rigidity of the old russian laws had not the slightest influence, either in changing this national attitude or in diminishing the prevalence, at the very least as great as elsewhere, of sexual laxity or sexual aberration. nowadays, as russia attains national self-consciousness, these laws against immorality are being slowly remoulded in accordance with the national temperament, and in some respects--as in its attitude towards homosexuality and the introduction in of what is practically divorce by mutual consent--they allow a freedom and latitude scarcely equalled in any other country.[ ] undoubtedly there is, within certain limits, mutual action and reaction in these matters among nations. thus the influence of france has led to the abolition of the penalty against homosexual practices in many countries, notably holland, spain, portugal, and, more recently, italy, while even in germany there is a strong and influential party, among legal as well as medical authorities, in favour of taking the same step. on the other hand, france has in some matters of detail departed from her general principle in these matters, and has, for instance--without doubt in an altogether justifiable manner--taken part in the international movement against what is called the white slave trade. this mutual reaction of nations is well recognized by the more alert and progressive minds in every country, jealous of any undue interference with liberty. when, for instance, a bill is introduced in the english parliament for promoting inquisitorial and vexatious interference with matters that are not within the sphere of legislation it is eagerly discussed in germany before even its existence is known to most people in england, not so much out of interest in english affairs as from a sensitive dread that english example may affect german legislation.[ ] not only, indeed, have we to recognize the existence of these clearly marked and profound differences in legislative reaction to immorality. we have also to realize that at different periods there are general movements, to some extent overpassing national bounds, of rise and of fall in this reaction. a sudden impulse seizes on a community, and spreads to other communities, to attempt to suppress some form of immorality by law. such attempts, as we know, have always ended in failure or worse than failure, for laws against immorality are either not carried out, or, if they are carried out, it is at once realized that new evils are created worse than the original evils, and the laws speedily fall into abeyance or are repealed. that has been repeatedly seen, and is well illustrated by the history of prostitution, a sexual manifestation which for two thousand years all sorts of persons in authority have sought to suppress off-hand by law or by administrative fiat. from the time when christianity gained full political power, prostitution has again and again been prohibited, under the severest penalties, but always in vain. the mightiest emperors--theodosius, valentinian, justinian, karl the great, st. louis, frederick barbarossa--all had occasion to discover that might was here in vain, and worse than in vain, that they could not always obey their own moral ordinances, still less coerce their subjects into doing so, and that even so far as, on the surface, they were successful they produced results more pernicious than the evils they sought to suppress. the best known and one of the most vigorous of these attempts was that of the empress maria theresa in vienna; but all the cruelty and injustice of that energetic effort, and all the stringent, ridiculous, and brutal regulations it involved--its prohibition of short dresses, its inspection of billiard-rooms, its handcuffing of waitresses, its whippings and its tortures--proved useless and worse than useless, and were soon quietly dropped.[ ] no more fortunate were more recent municipal attempts in england and america (portsmouth, pittsburgh, new york, etc.) to suppress prostitution off-hand; for the most part they collapsed even in a few days. the history of the legal attempts to suppress homosexuality shows the same results. it may even be said to show more, for when the laws against homosexuality are relaxed or abolished, homosexuality becomes, not perhaps less prevalent (in so far as it is a congenital anomaly we cannot expect its prevalence to be influenced by law), but certainly less conspicuous and ostentatious. in france, under the bourbons, the sexual invert was a sacrilegious criminal who could legally be burnt at the stake, but homosexuality flourished openly in the highest circles, and some of the kings were themselves notoriously inverted. since the code napoléon was introduced homosexual acts, _per se_, have never been an offence, yet instead of flourishing more vigorously, homosexuality has so far receded into the background that some observers regard it as very rare in france. in germany and england, on the other hand, where the antiquated laws against this perversion still prevail, homosexuality is extremely prominent, and its right to exist is vigorously championed. the law cannot suppress these impulses and passions; it can only sting them into active rebellion.[ ] but although it has invariably been seen that all attempts to make men moral by law are doomed to disappointment, spasmodic attempts to do so are continually being made afresh. no doubt those who make these attempts are but a small minority, people whose good intentions are not accompanied by knowledge either of history or of the world. but though a minority they can often gain a free field for their activities. the reason is plain. no public man likes to take up a position which his enemies may interpret as favourable to vice and probably due to an anxiety to secure legal opportunities for his own enjoyment of vice. this consideration especially applies to professional politicians. a member of parliament, who must cultivate an immaculately pure reputation, feels that he is also bound to record by his vote how anxious he is to suppress other people's immorality. thus the philistine and the hypocrite join hands with the simple-minded idealist. very few are left to point out that, however desirable it is to prevent immorality, that end can never be attained by law. during the past ten years one of these waves of enthusiasm for the moralization of the public by law has been sweeping across europe and america. its energy is scarcely yet exhausted, and it may therefore be worthwhile to call attention to it. the movement has shown special activity in germany, in holland, in england, in the united states, and is traceable in a minor degree in many other countries. in germany the lex heintze in was an indication of the appearance of this movement, while various scandals have had the result of attracting an exaggerated amount of attention to questions of immorality and of tightening the rigour of the law, though as germany already holds moral matters in a very complex web of regulations it can scarcely be said that the new movement has here found any large field of activity. in holland it is different. holland is one of the traditional lands of freedom; it was the home of independent intellect, of free religion, of autonomous morals, when every other country in europe was closed to these manifestations of the spirit, and something of the same tradition has always inspired its habits of thought, even when they have been largely puritanic. so that there was here a clear field for the movement to work in, and it has found expression, of a very thorough character indeed, in the new so-called "morals law" which was passed in after several weeks' discussion. undoubtedly this law contains excellent features; thus the agents of the "white slave trade," who have hitherto been especially active in holland, are now threatened with five years' imprisonment. here we are concerned with what may fairly be regarded as crime and rightly punishable as such. but excellent provisions like these are lost to sight in a great number of other paragraphs which are at best useless and ridiculous, and at worst vexatious and mischievous in their attempts to limit the free play of civilization. thus we find that a year's imprisonment, or a heavy fine, threatens any one who exposes any object or writing which "offends decency," a provision which enabled a policeman to enter an art-pottery shop in amsterdam and remove a piece of porcelain on which he detected an insufficiently clothed human figure. yet this paragraph of the law had been passed with scarcely any opposition. another provision of this law deals extensively with the difficult and complicated question of the "age of consent" for girls, which it raises to the age of twenty-one, making intercourse with a girl under twenty-one an offence punishable by four years' imprisonment. it is generally regarded as desirable that chastity should be preserved until adult age is well established. but as soon as sexual maturity is attained--which is long before what we conventionally regard as the adult age, and earlier in girls than in boys--it is impossible to dismiss the question of personal responsibility. a girl over sixteen, and still more when she is over twenty, is a developed human being on the sexual side; she is capable of seducing as well as of being seduced; she is often more mature than the youth of corresponding age; to instruct her in sexual hygiene, to train her to responsibility, is the proper task of morals. but to treat her as an irresponsible child, and to regard the act of interfering with her chastity when her consent has been given, as on a level with an assault on an innocent child merely introduces confusion. it must often be unjust to the male partner in the act; it is always demoralizing and degrading to the girl whom it aims at "protecting"; above all, it reduces what ought to be an extremely serious crime to the level of a merely nominal offence when it punishes one of two practically mature persons for engaging with full knowledge and deliberation in an act which, however undesirable, is altogether according to nature. there is here a fatal confusion between a crime and an action which is at the worst morally reprehensible and only properly combated by moral methods. these objections are not of a purely abstract or theoretical character. they are based on the practical outcome of such enactments. thus in the state of new york the "age of consent" was in former days thirteen years. it was advanced to fourteen and afterwards to sixteen. this is the extreme limit to which it may prudently be raised, and the new york society for the prevention of cruelty to children, which had taken the chief part in obtaining these changes in the law, was content to stop at this point. but without seeking the approval of this society, another body, the white cross and social purity league, took the matter in hand, and succeeded in passing an amendment to the law which raised the age of consent to eighteen. what has been the result? the committee of fourteen, who are not witnesses hostile to moral legislation, state that "since the amendment went into effect making the age of consent eighteen years there have been few successful prosecutions. the laws are practically inoperative so far as the age clause is concerned." juries naturally require clear evidence that a rape has been committed when the case concerns a grown-up girl in the full possession of her faculties, possibly even a clandestine prostitute. moreover, as rape in the first degree involves the punishment of imprisonment for twenty years, there is a disinclination to convict a man unless the case is a very bad one. one judge, indeed, has asserted that he will not give any man the full penalty under the present law, so long as he is on the bench. the natural result of stretching the law to undue limits is to weaken it. instead of being, as it should be, an extremely serious crime, rape loses in a large proportion of cases the opprobrium which rightly belongs to it. it is, therefore, a matter for regret that in some english dominions there is a tendency to raise the "age of consent" to an unduly high limit. in new south wales the girls' protection act has placed the age of consent at sixteen, and in the case of offences by guardians, schoolmasters, or employers at seventeen years, notwithstanding the vigorous opposition of a distinguished medical member of the legislative council (the hon. j.m. creed), who presented the arguments against so high an age. not a single prosecution has so far occurred under this act. in england the force of the moral legislation wave has been felt, but it has been largely broken against the conservative traditions of the country, which make all legislation, good or bad, very difficult. a lengthy, elaborate and high-strung prevention of immorality bill was introduced in the house of commons by a group of nonconformists mainly on the liberal side. this bill was very largely on the lines of the dutch law already mentioned; it proposed to raise the age of consent to nineteen; making intercourse with a girl under that age felony, punishable by five years' penal servitude, and any attempt at such intercourse by two years' imprisonment. such a measure would be, it may be noted, peculiarly illogical and inconsistent in england and scotland, in both of which countries (though their laws in these matters are independent) even a girl of twelve is legally regarded as sufficiently mature and responsible to take to herself a husband. at one moment the bill seemed to have a chance of becoming law, but a group of enlightened and independent liberals, realizing that such a measure would introduce intolerable social conditions, organized resistance and prevented the acceptance of the bill. the chief organization in england at the present time for the promotion of public morality is the national council of public morals, which is a very influential body, with many able and distinguished supporters. law-enforced morality, however, constitutes but a very small part of the reforms advocated by this organization, which is far more concerned with the home, the school, the church, and the influences which operate in those spheres. it has lately to a considerable extent joined hands with the workers in the eugenic movement, advocating sexual hygiene and racial betterment, thus allying itself with one of the most hopeful movements of our day. certainly there may be some amount of zeal not according to knowledge in the activities of the national council of public morals, but there is also very much that is genuinely enlightened, and the very fact that the council includes representatives from so many fields of action and so many schools of thought largely saves it from running into practical excesses. its influence on the whole is beneficial, because, although it may not be altogether averse to moral legislation, it recognizes that the policeman is a very feeble guide in these matters, and that the fundamental and essential way of bettering the public morality is by enlightening the private conscience. in the united states conditions have been very favourable, as we have seen, for the attempt to achieve social reform by moral legislation, and nowhere else in the world has it been so clearly demonstrated that such attempts not only fail to cure the evils they are aimed at, but tend to further evils far worse than those aimed at. a famous example is furnished by the so-called "raines law" of new york. this act was passed in , and was intended to regulate the sale of alcoholic liquor in all its phases throughout the state. the grounds for bringing it forward were that the number of drinking saloons was excessive, that there was no fixed licensing fee, that too much discretionary power was allowed to the local commissioner; while, above all, the would-be puritanic legislators wished so far as possible to suppress the drinking of alcoholic liquors on sunday. to achieve these objects the licensing fee was raised to four times its usual amount previously to this enactment; heavy penalties, including the forfeiture of a large surety-bond, were established, and more surely to prevent sunday drinking only hotels, not ordinary drinking bars, were allowed, with many stringent restrictions, to sell drink on that day. in order that there should be no mistake, it was set forth in the act that the hotel must be a real hotel with at least ten properly furnished bedrooms. the legislators clearly thought that they had done a fine piece of work. "seldom," wrote the committee of fourteen, who are by no means out of sympathy with the aims of this legislation, "has a law intended to regulate one evil resulted in so aggravated a phase of another evil directly traceable to its provisions."[ ] in the first place, the passing of this law alarmed the saloon keepers; they realized that it had them in a very tight grip, and they suspected that it might be strictly enforced. they came to the conclusion, therefore, that their best policy would be to accept the law and to conform themselves to its provisions by converting their drinking bars into real hotels, with ten properly furnished bedrooms, kitchen, and dining-room. the immediate result was the preparation of ten thousand bedrooms, for which there was of course no real demand, and by there were certificated hotels in manhattan and the bronx alone, about of these hotels having probably been created by the raines law. but something had to be done with all these bedrooms, properly furnished according to law, for it was necessary to meet the heavy expenses incurred under the new conditions created by the law. the remedy was fairly obvious. these bedrooms were excellently adapted to serve as places of assignation and houses of prostitution. many hotel proprietors became practically brothel keepers, the women in some cases becoming boarders in the hotels; and saloons and hotels have entered into a kind of alliance for their mutual benefit, and are sometimes indeed under the same management. when a hotel is thus run in the interests of prostitution it has what may be regarded as a staff of women in the neighbouring streets. in some districts of new york it is found that practically all the prostitutes on the street are connected with some raines law hotel. these wise moral legislators of new york thought they were placing a penalty on sunday drinking; what they have really done is to place a premium on prostitution[ ]. an attempt of a different kind to strike a blow at once at alcohol and at prostitution has been made in chicago, with equally unsatisfactory results. drink and prostitution are connected, so intimately connected, indeed, that no attempt to separate them can ever be more than superficially successful even with the most minute inquisition by the police, least of all by police officers, who, in chicago, we are officially told, are themselves sometimes found, when in uniform and on duty, drinking among prostitutes in "saloons." on may , , the chicago general superintendent of police made a rule prohibiting the sale of liquor in houses of prostitution. on the surface this rule has in most cases been observed (though only on the surface, as the field-workers of the chicago vice commission easily discovered), and a blow was thus dealt to those houses which derive a large profit from the sale of drinks on account of the high price at which they retail them. yet even so far as the rule has been obeyed, and not evaded, has it effected any good? on this point we may trust the evidence of the vice commissioners of chicago, a municipal body appointed by the mayor and city council, and not anxious to discredit the actions of their police superintendent. "as to the benefits derived from this order, either to the inmates or the public, opinions differ," they write. "it is undoubtedly true that the result of the order has been to scatter the prostitutes over a wide territory and to transfer the sale of liquor carried on heretofore in houses to the near-by saloon-keepers, and to flats and residential sections, but it is an open question whether it has resulted in the lessening of either of the two evils of prostitution and drink."[ ] that is a mild statement of the results. it may be noted that there are over seven thousand drinking saloons in chicago, so that the transfer is not difficult, while the migration to flats--of which an enormous number have been taken for purposes of prostitution (five hundred in one district alone) since this rule came into force--may indeed enable the prostitute to live a freer and more humanizing life, but in no faintest degree diminishes the prevalence of prostitution. from the narrow police standpoint, indeed, the change is a disadvantage, for it shelters the prostitute from observation, and involves an entirely new readjustment to new conditions. it cannot be said that either the state of new york or the city of chicago has been in any degree more fortunate in its attempts at moral legislation against prostitution than against drinking. as we should expect, the laws of new york regard prostitution and the prostitute with an eye of extreme severity. every prostitute in new york, by virtue of the mere fact that she is a prostitute, is technically termed a "vagrant." as such she is liable to be committed to the workhouse for a term not exceeding six months; the owner of houses where she lives may be heavily fined, as she herself may be for living in them, and the keeper of a disorderly house may be imprisoned and the disorderly house suppressed. it is not clear that the large number of prostitutes in new york have been diminished by so much as a single unit, but from time to time attempts are made in some district or another by an unusually energetic official to put the laws into execution, and it is then possible to study the results. when disorderly houses are suppressed on a large scale, there are naturally a great number of prostitutes who have to find homes elsewhere in order to carry on their business. on one occasion, under the auspices of district-attorney jerome, it is stated by the committee of fourteen that eight hundred women were reported to be turned out into the street in a single night. for many there are the raines law hotels. a great many others take refuge in tenement houses. such houses in congested districts are crowded with families, and with these the prostitute is necessarily brought into close contact. consequently the seeds of physical and mental disorder which she may bear about her are disseminated in a much more fruitful soil than they were before. moreover, she is compelled by the laws to exert very great energy in the pursuit of her profession. as it is an offence to harbour her she has to pay twice as high a rent as other people would have to pay for the same rooms. she may have to pay the police to refrain from molesting her, as well as others to protect her from molestation. she is surrounded by people whom the law encourages to prey upon her. she is compelled to exert her energies at highest tension to earn the very large sums which are necessary, not to gain profits for herself, but to feed all the sharks who are eager to grab what is given to her. the blind or perverse zeal of the moral legislators not only intensifies the evils it aims at curing, but it introduces a whole crop of new evils. how large these sums are we may estimate by the investigation made by the vice commissioners of chicago. they conclude after careful inquiry that the annual profits of prostitution in the city of chicago alone amount to between fifteen to sixteen million dollars, and they regard this as "an ultra-conservative estimate." it is true that not all this actually passes through the women's hands and it includes the sales of drinks. if we confine ourselves strictly to the earnings of the girls themselves it is found to work out at an average for each girl of thirteen hundred dollars per annum. this is more than four times as much as the ordinary shop-girl can earn in chicago by her brains, virtue, and other good qualities. but it is not too much for the prostitute's needs; she is compelled to earn so large an income because the active hostility of society, the law, and the police facilitates the task of all those persons--and they are many--who desire to prey upon her. thus society, the law, and the police gain nothing for morals by their hostility to the prostitute. on the contrary, they give strength and stability to the very vice they nominally profess to fight against. this is shown in the vital matter of the high rents which it is possible to obtain where prostitution is concerned. these high rents are the direct result of legal and police enactments against the prostitute. remove these enactments and the rents would automatically fall. the enactments maintain the high rents and so ensure that the mighty protection of capital is on the side of prostitution; the property brings in an exorbitant rate of interest on the capital invested, and all the forces of sound business are concerned in maintaining rents. so gross is the ignorance of the would-be moral legislators--or, some may think, so skilful their duplicity--that the methods by which they profess to fight against immorality are the surest methods for enabling immorality not merely to exist--which it would in any case--but to flourish. a vigorous campaign is initiated against immorality. on the surface it is successful. morality triumphs. but, it may be, in the end we are reminded of the saying of m. desmaisons in one of remy de gourmont's witty and profound _dialogues des amateurs_: "quand la morale triomphe il se passe des choses très vilaines." the reason why the "triumphs" of legislative and administrative morality are really such ignominious failures must now be clear, but may again be repeated. it is because on matters of morals there is no unanimity of opinion as there is in regard to crime. there is always a large section of the community which feels tolerant towards, and even practises, acts which another section, it may be quite reasonably, stigmatizes as "immoral." such conditions are highly favourable for the exercise of moral influence; they are quite unsuitable for legislative action, which cannot possibly be brought to bear against a large minority, perhaps even majority, of otherwise law-abiding citizens. in the matter of prostitution, for instance, the vice commissioners of chicago state emphatically the need for "constant and persistent repression" leading on to "absolute annihilation of prostitution." they recommend the appointment of a "morals commission" to suppress disorderly houses, and to prosecute their keepers, their inmates, and their patrons; they further recommend the establishment of a "morals court" of vaguely large scope. among the other recommendations of the commissioners--and there are ninety-seven such recommendations--we find the establishment of a municipal farm, to which prostitutes can be "committed on an indeterminate sentence"; a "special morals police squad"; instructions to the police to send home all unattended boys and girls under sixteen at p.m.; no seats in the parks to be in shade; searchlights to be set up at night to enable the police to see what the public are doing, and so on. the scheme, it will be seen, combines the methods of calvin in geneva with those of maria theresa in vienna.[ ] the reason why any such high-handed repression of immorality by force is as impracticable in chicago as elsewhere is revealed in the excellent picture of the conditions furnished by the vice commissioners themselves. they estimate that the prostitutes in disorderly houses known to the police--leaving out of account all prostitutes in flats, rooms, hotels and houses of assignation, and also taking no note of clandestine prostitutes--receive , visits from men daily, or , , per annum. they consider further that the men in question may be one-fourth of the adult male population ( , in the city itself, leaving the surrounding district out of the reckoning), and they rightly insist that this estimate cannot possibly cover all the facts. yet it never occurs to the vice commissioners that in thus proposing to brand one-third or even only one quarter of the adult male population as criminals, and as such to prosecute them actively, is to propose an absurd impossibility. it is not by any means only in the united states that an object lesson in the foolishness of attempting to make people moral by force is set up before the world. it has often been set up before, and at the present day it is illustrated in exactly the same way in germany. unlike as are the police systems and the national temperaments of germany and the united states, in this matter social reformers tell exactly the same story. they report that the german laws and ordinances against immorality increase and support the very evil they profess to attack. thus by making it criminal to shelter, even though not for purposes of gain, unmarried lovers, even when they intend to marry, the respectable girl is forced into the position of the prostitute, and as such she becomes subject to an endless amount of police regulation and police control. landlords are encouraged to live on her activities, charging very high rates to indemnify themselves for the risks they run by harbouring her. she, in her turn, to meet the exorbitant demands which the law and the police encourage the whole environment to make upon her, is forced to exercise her profession with the greatest activity, and to acquire the maximum of profit. law and the police have forged the same vicious circle.[ ] the illustrations thus furnished by germany, holland, england, and the united states, will probably suffice to show that there really is at the present time a wave of feeling in favour of the notion that it is possible to promote public morals by force of law. it only remains to observe that the recognition of the futility of such attempts by no means necessarily involves a pessimistic conservatism. to point out that prostitution never has been, and never can be, abolished by law, is by no means to affirm that it is an evil which must endure for ever and that no influence can affect it. but we have to realize, in the first place, that prostitution belongs to that sphere of human impulses in which mere external police ordinances count for comparatively little, and that, in the second place, even in the more potent field of true morals, which has nothing to do with moral legislation, prostitution is so subtly and deeply rooted that it can only be affected by influences which bear on all our methods of thought and feeling and all our social custom. it is far from being an isolated manifestation; it is, for instance, closely related to marriage; any reforms in prostitution, therefore, can only follow a reform in our marriage system. but prostitution is also related to economics, and when it is realized how much has to be altogether changed in our whole social system to secure even an approximate abolition of prostitution it becomes doubtful whether many people are willing to pay the price of removing the "social evil" they find it so easy to deplore. they are prepared to appoint commissions; they have no objection to offer up a prayer; they are willing to pass laws and issue police regulations which are known to be useless. at that point their ardour ends. if it is impossible to guard the community by statute against the central evil of prostitution, still more hopeless is it to attempt the legal suppression of all the multitudinous minor provocations of the sexual impulse offered by civilization. let it be assumed that only by such suppression, and not by frankly meeting and fighting temptations, can character be formed, yet it would be absolutely impossible to suppress more than a fraction of the things that would need to be suppressed. "there is almost no feature, article of dress, attitude, act," dr. stanley hall has truly remarked, "or even animal, or perhaps object in nature, that may not have to some morbid soul specialized erogenic and erethic power." if, therefore, we wish to suppress the sexually suggestive and the possibly obscene we are bound to suppress the whole world, beginning with the human race, for if we once enter on that path there is no definite point at which we can logically stop. the truth is, as mr. theodore schroeder has so repeatedly insisted,[ ] that "obscenity" is subjective; it cannot reside in an object, but only in the impure mind which is influenced by the object. in this matter mr. schroeder is simply the follower, at an interval, of st. paul. we must work not on the object, but on the impure mind affected by the object. if the impure heart is not suppressed it is useless to suppress the impure object, while if the heart is renewed the whole task is achieved. certainly there are books, pictures, and other things in life so unclean that they can never be pure even to the purest, but these things by their loathsomeness are harmless to all healthy minds; they can only corrupt minds which are corrupt already. unfortunately, when ignorant police officials and custom-house officers are entrusted with the task of searching for the obscene, it is not to these things that their attention is exclusively directed. such persons, it seems, cannot distinguish between these things and the noblest productions of human art and intellect, and the law has proved powerless to set them right; in all civilized countries the list is indeed formidable of the splendid and inspiring productions, from the bible downwards, which officials or the law courts have been pleased to declare "obscene." so that while the task of moralizing the community by force must absolutely fail of its object, it may at the same time suffice to effect much mischief. it is one of the ironies of history that the passion for extinguishing immorality by law and administration should have arisen in what used to be called christendom. for christianity is precisely the most brilliant proof the world has ever seen of the truth that immorality cannot so be suppressed. from the standpoint of classic rome christianity was an aggressive attack on roman morality from every side. it was not so only in appearance, but in reality, as modern historians fully recognize.[ ] merely as a new religion christianity would have been received with calm indifference, even with a certain welcome, as other new religions were received. but christianity denied the supremacy of the state, carried on an anti-military propaganda in the army, openly flouted established social conventions, loosened family life, preached and practised asceticism to an age that was already painfully aware that, above all things, it needed men. the fatal though doubtless inevitable step was taken of attempting to suppress the potent poison of this manifold immorality by force. the triumph of christianity was largely due to the fine qualities which were brought out by that annealing process, and the splendid prestige which the process itself assured. yet the method of warfare which it had so brilliantly proved to be worthless was speedily adopted by christianity itself, and is even yet, at intervals, spasmodically applied. that these attempts should have such results as we see is not surprising when we remember that even movements, at the outset, mainly inspired by moral energy, rather than by faith in moral legislation, when that energy becomes reckless, violent and intolerant, lead in the end to results altogether opposed to the aims of those who initiated them. it was thus that luther has permanently fortified the position of the popes whom he assailed, and that the reformation produced the counter-reformation, a movement as formidable and as enduring as that which it countered. when luther appeared all that was rigid and inhuman in the church was slowly dissolving, certainly not without an inevitable sediment of immorality, yet the solution was in the highest degree favourable to the development of the freer and larger conceptions of life, the expansion of science and art and philosophy, which at that moment was pre-eminently necessary for the progress of civilisation, and, indirectly, therefore, for the progress of morals.[ ] the violence of the reformation not only resulted in a new tyranny for its own adherents--calling in turn for fresh reformations by puritans, quakers, deists, and freethinkers--but it re-established, and even to-day continues to support, that very tyranny of the old church against which it was a protest. when we try to regulate the morals of men on the same uniform pattern we have to remember that we are touching the most subtle, intimate, and incalculable springs of action. it is useless to apply the crude methods of "suppression" and "annihilation" to these complex and indestructible forces. when charles v retired in weariness from the greatest throne in the world to the solitude of the monastery at yuste, he occupied his leisure for some weeks in trying to regulate two clocks. it proved very difficult. one day, it is recorded, he turned to his assistant and said: "to think that i attempted to force the reason and conscience of thousands of men into one mould, and i cannot make two clocks agree!" wisdom comes to the rulers of men, sometimes, usually when they have ceased to be rulers. it comes to the moral legislators not otherwise than it comes to the immoral persons they legislate against. "i act first," the french thief said; "then i think." it seems to some people almost a paradox to assert that immorality should not be encountered by physical force. the same people would willingly admit that it is hopeless to rout a modern army with bows and arrows, even with the support of a fanfare of trumpets. yet that metaphor, as we have seen, altogether fails to represent the inadequacy of law in the face of immorality. we are concerned with a method of fighting which is not merely inadequate, but, as has been demonstrated many times during the last two thousand years, actually fortifies and even dignifies the foe it professes to attack. but the failure of physical force to suppress the spiritual evil of immorality by no means indicates that a like failure would attend the more rational tactics of opposing a spiritual force by spiritual force. the virility of our morals is not proved by any weak attempt to call in the aid of the secular arm of law or the ecclesiastical arm of theology. if a morality cannot by its own proper virtue hold its opposing immorality in check then there is something wrong with that morality. it runs the risk of encountering a fresh and more vigorous movement of morality. men begin to think that, if not the whole truth, there is yet a real element of truth in the assertion of nietzsche: "we believe that severity, violence, slavery, danger in the street and in the heart, secrecy, stoicism, tempter's art and devilry of every kind, everything wicked, tyrannical, predatory and serpentine in man, serves as well for the elevation of the human species as its opposite."[ ] to ignore altogether the affirmation of that opposing morality, it may be, would be to breed a race of weaklings, fatally doomed to succumb helplessly to the first breath of temptation. although we are passing through a wave of moral legislation, there are yet indications that a sounder movement is coming into action. the demand for the teaching of sexual hygiene which parents, teachers, and physicians in germany, the united states and elsewhere, are now striving to formulate and to supply will, if it is wisely carried out, effect far more for public morals than all the legislation in the world. inconsistently enough, some of those who clamour for moral legislation also advocate the teaching of sexual hygiene. but there is no room for compromise or combination here. a training in sexual hygiene has no meaning if it is not a training, for men and women alike, in personal and social responsibility, in the right to know and to discriminate, and in so doing to attain self-conquest. a generation thus trained to self-respect and to respect for others has no use for a web of official regulations to protect its feeble and cloistered virtues from possible visions of evil, and an army of police to conduct it homewards at p.m. nor, on the other hand, can any reliable sense of social responsibility ever be developed in such an unwholesome atmosphere of petty moral officialdom. the two methods of moralization are radically antagonistic. there can be no doubt which of them we ought to pursue if we really desire to breed a firmly-fibred, clean-minded, and self-reliant race of manly men and womanly women. footnotes: [ ] westermarck, _origin and development of the moral ideas_, vol. i, p. ; see also chapter on sexual morality in havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society," chap. ix. [ ] it must be remembered that in medieval days not only adultery but the smallest infraction of what the church regarded as morality could be punished in the archdeacon's court; this continued to be the case in england even after the reformation. see archdeacon w.w. hales' interesting work, _precedents and proceedings in criminal causes_ ( ), which is, as the author states, "a history of the moral police of the church." [ ] _the social evil in new york city_, p. . [ ] this has been emphasized in an able and lucid discussion of this question by dr. hans hagen, "sittliche werturteile," _mutterschutz_, heft i and ii, . such recognition of popular morals, he justly remarks, is needed not only for the sake of the people, but for the sake of law itself. [ ] grabowsky, in criticizing hiller's book, _das recht über sich selbst_ (_archiv für kriminalanthropologie und kriminalistik_, bd. , ), argues that in some cases immorality injures rights which need legal protection, but he admits it is difficult to decide when this is the case. he does not think that the law should interfere with homosexuality in adults, but he does consider it should interfere with incest, on the ground that in-breeding is not good for the race. but it is the view of most authorities nowadays that in-breeding is only injurious to the race in the case of an unsound stock, when the defect being in both partners of the same kind would probably be intensified by heredity. [ ] the occurrence of, for instance, incestuous, bestial, and homosexual acts--which are generally abhorrent, but not necessarily anti-social--makes it necessary to exercise some caution here. [ ] i quote from a valuable and interesting study by dr. eugen wilhelm, "die volkspsychologischen unterschiede in der französischen und deustchen sittlichkeits-gesetzgebung und rechtsprechung," _sexual-probleme_, october, . it may be added that in switzerland, also, the tyranny of the police is carried to an extreme. edith sellers gives some extraordinary examples, _cornhill_, august, . [ ] the absurdities and injustice of the german law, and its interference with purely private interests in these matters, have often been pointed out, as by dr. kurt hiller ("ist kuppelei strafwürdig?" _die neue generation_, november, ). as to what is possible under german law by judicial decision since , hagen takes the case of a widow who has living with her a daughter, aged twenty-five or thirty, engaged to marry an artisan now living at a distance for the sake of his work; he comes to see her when he can; she is already pregnant; they will marry soon; one evening, with the consent of the widow, who looks on the couple as practically married, he stays over-night, sharing his betrothed's room, the only room available. result: the old woman becomes liable to four years' penal servitude, a fine of six thousand marks, loss of civil rights, and police supervision. [ ] in another respect the french code carries private rights to an excess by forbidding the unmarried mother to make any claim on the father of her child. in most countries such a prohibition is regarded as unreasonable and unjust. there is even a tendency (as by a recent dutch law) to compel the father to provide for his illegitimate child not on the scale of the mother's social position but on the scale of his own social position. this is, possibly, an undue assertion of the superiority of man. [ ] the same point has lately been illustrated in holland, where a recent modification in the law is held to press harshly on homosexual persons. at once a vigorous propaganda on behalf of the homosexual has sprung into existence. we see here the difference between moral enactments and criminal enactments. supposing that a change in the law had placed, for instance, increased difficulties in the way of burglary. we should not witness any outburst of literary activity on behalf of burglars, because the community, as a whole, is thoroughly convinced that burglary ought to be penalized. [ ] apart from the attitude towards immorality, we have an illustration of the peculiarly english tendency to unite religious fervour with individualism in quakerism. in no other european country has any similar movement--that is, a popular movement of individualistic mysticism--ever appeared on the same scale. [ ] e.f. fuld, ph.d., _police administration_, . [ ] ex-police commissioner bingham, of new york, estimated (_hampton's magazine_, september, ) that "fifteen per cent. or from to members of the police force are unscrupulous 'grafters' whose hands are always out for easy money." see also report of the committee of fourteen on _the social evil in new york city_, p. . [ ] fuld, _op. cit._, pp. _et seq._ this last opinion by no means stands alone. thus it is asserted by the committee of fourteen in their report on the _social evil in new york city_ ( , p. xxxiv) that "some laws exist to-day because an unintelligent, cowardly public puts unenforceable statutes on the book, being content with registering their hypocrisy." [ ] it is also a blundering policy. its blind anathema is as likely as not to fall on its own allies. thus the report of the municipally appointed and municipally financed vice commission of chicago is not only an official but a highly moral document, advocating increased suppression of immoral literature, and erring, if it errs, on the side of over-severity. it has been suppressed by the united states post office! [ ] this system applies only to spirits, not to beer and wine, but it has proved very effective in diminishing drunkenness, as is admitted by those who are opposed to the system. a somewhat similar system exists in england under the name of the trust system, but its extension appears unfortunately to be much impeded by english laws and customs. [ ] jacques bertillon, in a paper read to the académie des sciences morales et politiques, th september, . [ ] during the present century a great wave of immorality and sexual crime has been passing over russia. this is not attributable to the laws, old or new, but is due in part to the russo-japanese war, and in part to the relaxed tension consequent on the collapse of the movement for political reform. (see an article by professor asnurof, "la crise sexuelle en russie," _archives d'anthropologie criminelle_, april, .) [ ] it was by this indirect influence that i was induced to write the present chapter. the editor of a prominent german review wrote to me for my opinion regarding a bill dealing with the prevention of immorality which had been introduced into the english parliament and had aroused much interest and anxiety in germany, where it had been discussed in all its details. but i had never so much as heard of the bill, nor could i find any one else who had heard of it, until i consulted a member of parliament who happened to have been instrumental in causing its rejection. [ ] j. schrank, _die prostitution in wien_, bd. i, pp. - . [ ] the history of this movement in germany may be followed in the _vierteljahrsberichte des wissenschaftlich-humanitären komitees_, edited by dr. magnus hirschfeld, a great authority on the matter. [ ] report on _the social evil in new york city_, p. ; see also rev dr. j.p. peters, "suppression of the 'raines law hotels,'" _american academy of political and social science_, november, . [ ] it is probably needless to add that the specific object of the act--the puritanic observance of sunday--was by no means attained. on sunday, the th december, , the police made a desperate attempt to enforce the law; every place of amusement was shut up; lectures, religious concerts, even the social meetings of the young men's christian association, were rigorously put a stop to. there was, of course, great popular indignation and uproar, and the impromptu performances got up in the streets, while the police looked on sympathetically, are said to have been far more outrageous than any entertainment indoors could possibly have been. [ ] _the social evil in chicago_, p. . [ ] the methods of maria theresa never had any success; the methods of calvin at geneva had, however, a certain superficial success, because the right conditions existed for their exercise. that is to say, that a theocratic basis of society was generally accepted, and that the suppression of immorality was regarded by the great mass of the population, including in most cases, no doubt, even the offenders themselves, as a religious duty. it is, however, interesting to note that, even at geneva, these "triumphs of morality" have met the usual fate. at the present day, it appears (edith sellers, _cornhill_, august, ), there are more disorderly houses in geneva, in proportion to the population, than in any other town in europe. [ ] see e.g. p. hausmeister, "zur analyse der prostitution," _geschlect und gesellschaft_, , p. . [ ] theodore schroeder, _"obscene" literature and constitutional law_, new york, . [ ] thus sir samuel dill (_roman society_, p. ) calls attention to the letter of st. paulinus who, when the empire was threatened by barbarians, wrote to a roman soldier that christianity is incompatible with family life, with citizenship, with patriotism, and that soldiers are doomed to eternal torment. christians frequently showed no respect for law or its representatives. "many christian confessors," says sir w.m. ramsay (_the church in the roman empire_, chap. xv), "went to extremes in showing their contempt and hatred for their judges. their answers to plain questions were evasive and indirect; they lectured roman dignitaries as if the latter were the criminals and they themselves the judges; and they even used violent reproaches and coarse, insulting gestures." bouché-leclercq (_l'intolérance religieuse et le politique_, , especially chap. x) shows how the early christians insisted on being persecuted. we see much the same attitude to-day among anarchists of the lower class (and also, it may be added, sometimes among suffragettes), who may be regarded as the modern analogues of the early christians. [ ] it may well be, indeed, that in all ages the actual sum of immorality, broadly considered--in public and in private, in thought and in act--undergoes but slight oscillations. but in the nature of its manifestations and in the nature of the manifestations that accompany it, there may be immense fluctuations. tarde, the distinguished thinker, referring to the "delicious catholicism" of the days before luther, asks: "if that amiable christian evolution had peacefully continued to our days, should we be still more immoral than we are? it is doubtful, but in all probability we should be enjoying the most æsthetic and the least vexatious religion in the world, in which all our science, all our civilization, would have been free to progress" (tarde, _la logique sociale_, p. ). as has often been pointed out, it was along the lines indicated by erasmus, rather than along the lines pursued by luther, that the progress of civilization lay. [ ] nietzsche, _beyond good and evil_, chap. ii. a century earlier godwin had written in his _political justice_ (book vii, chap. viii): "men are weak at present because they have always been told they are weak and must not be trusted with themselves. take them out of their shackles, bid them enquire, reason, and judge, and you will soon find them very different beings. tell them that they have passions, are occasionally hasty, intemperate, and injurious, but that they must be trusted with themselves. tell them that the mountains of parchment in which they have been hitherto entrenched, are fit only to impose upon ages of superstition and ignorance, that henceforth we will have no dependence but upon their spontaneous justice; that, if their passions be gigantic, they must rise with gigantic energy to subdue them; that if their decrees be iniquitous, the iniquity shall be all their own." x the war against war why the problem of war is specially urgent to-day--the beneficial effects of war in barbarous ages--civilization renders the ultimate disappearance of war inevitable--the introduction of law in disputes between individuals involves the introduction of law in disputes between nations--but there must be force behind law--henry iv's attempt to confederate europe--every international tribunal of arbitration must be able to enforce its decisions--the influences making for the abolition of warfare--( ) growth of international opinion--( ) international financial development--( ) the decreasing pressure of population--( ) the natural exhaustion of the warlike spirit--( ) the spread of anti-military doctrines--( ) the overgrowth of armaments--( ) the dominance of social reform--war incompatible with an advanced civilization--nations as trustees for humanity--the impossibility of disarmament--the necessity of force to ensure peace--the federated state of the future--the decay of war still leaves the possibilities of daring and heroism. there are, no doubt, special reasons why at the present time war and the armaments of war should appear an intolerable burden which must be thrown off as soon as possible if the task of social hygiene is not to be seriously impeded. but the abolition of the ancient method of settling international disputes by warfare is not a problem which depends for its solution on the conditions of the moment. it is implicit in the natural development of the process of civilization. at one stage, no doubt, warfare plays an important part in constituting states and so, indirectly, in promoting civilization. but civilization tends slowly but surely to substitute for war in the later stages of this process the methods of law, or, in any case, methods which, while not always unobjectionable, avoid the necessity for any breach of the peace.[ ] as soon, indeed, as in primitive society two individuals engage in a dispute which they are compelled to settle not by physical force but by a resort to an impartial tribunal, the thin end of the wedge is introduced, and the ultimate destruction of war becomes merely a matter of time. if it is unreasonable for two individuals to fight it is unreasonable for two groups of individuals to fight.[ ] the difficulty has been that while it is quite easy for an ordered society to compel two individuals to settle their differences before a tribunal, in accordance with abstractly determined principles of law and reason, it is a vastly more difficult matter to compel two groups of individuals so to settle their differences. a large part of the history of all the great european countries has consisted in the progressive conquest and pacification of small but often bellicose states outside, and even inside, their own borders.[ ] this is the case even within a community. hobbes, writing in the midst of a civil war, went so far as to lay down that the "final cause" of a commonwealth is nothing else but the abolition of "that miserable condition of war which is necessarily consequent to the natural passions of men when there is no visible power to keep them in awe." yet we see to-day that even within our highly civilized communities there is not always any adequately awful power to prevent employers and employed from engaging in what is little better than a civil war, nor even to bind them to accept the decision of an impartial tribunal they may have been persuaded to appeal to. the smallest state can compel its individual citizens to keep the peace; a large state can compel a small state to do so; but hitherto there has been no guarantee possible that large states, or even large compact groups within the state, should themselves keep the peace. they commit what injustice they please, for there is no visible power to keep them in awe. we have attained a condition in which a state is able to enforce a legal and peaceful attitude in its own individual citizens towards each other. the state is the guardian of its citizens' peace, but the old problem recurs: _quis custodiet ipsos custodes?_ it is obvious that this difficulty increases as the size of states increases. to compel a small state to keep the peace by absorbing it if it fails to do so is always an easy and even tempting process to a neighbouring larger state. this process was once carried out on a complete scale, when practically the whole known world was brought under the sway of rome. "war has ceased," plutarch was able to declare in the days of the roman empire, and, though himself an enthusiastic greek, he was unbounded in his admiration of the beneficence of the majestic _pax romana_, and never tempted by any narrow spirit of patriotism to desire the restoration of his own country's glories. but the roman organization broke up, and no single state will ever be strong enough to restore it. any attempt to establish orderly legal relationships between states must, therefore, be carried out by the harmonious co-operation of those states. at the end of the sixteenth century a great french statesman, sully, inspired henry iv with a scheme of a council of confederated european christian states; each of these states, fifteen in number, was to send four representatives to the council, which was to sit at metz or cologne and regulate the differences between the constituent states of the confederation. the army of the confederation was to be maintained in common, and used chiefly to keep the peace, to prevent one sovereign from interfering with any other, and also, if necessary, to repel invasion of barbarians from without. the scheme was arranged in concert with queen elizabeth, and twelve of the fifteen powers had already promised their active co-operation when the assassination of henry destroyed the whole plan. such a confederation was easier to arrange then than it is now, but probably it was more difficult to maintain, and it can scarcely be said that at that date the times were ripe for so advanced a scheme.[ ] to-day the interests of small states are so closely identified with peace that it is seldom difficult to exert pressure on them to maintain it. it is quite another matter with the large states. the fact that during the past half century so much has been done by the larger states to aid the cause of international arbitration, and to submit disputes to international tribunals, shows how powerful the motives for avoiding war are nowadays becoming. but the fact, also, that no country hitherto has abandoned its liberty of withdrawing from peaceful arbitration any question involving "national honour" shows that there is no constituted power strong enough to control large states. for the reservation of questions of national honour from the sphere of law is as absurd as would be any corresponding limitation by individuals of their liability for their acts before the law; it is as though a man were to say: "if i commit a theft i am willing to appear before the court, and will probably pay the penalty demanded; but if it is a question of murder, then my vital interests are at stake, and i deny altogether the right of the court to intervene." it is a reservation fatal to peace, and could not be accepted if pleaded at the bar of any international tribunal with the power to enforce its decisions. "imagine," says edward jenks, in his _history of politics_, "a modern judge 'persuading' mr. william sikes to 'make it up' with the relatives of his victim, and, on his remaining obdurate, leaving the two families to fight the matter out." yet that is what was in some degree done in england until medieval times as regards individual crimes, and it is what is still done as regards national crimes, in so far as the appeal to arbitration is limited and voluntary. the proposals, therefore--though not yet accepted by any government--lately mooted in the united states, in england, and in france, to submit international disputes, without reservation, to an impartial tribunal represent an advance of peculiar significance. the abolition of collective fighting is so desirable an extension of the abolition of individual fighting, and its introduction has waited so long the establishment of some high compelling power--for the influence of the religion of peace has in this matter been less than nil--that it is evident that only the coincidence of very powerful and peculiar factors could have brought the question into the region of practical politics in our own time. there are several such factors, most of which have been developing during a long period, but none have been clearly recognized until recent years. it may be worth while to indicate the great forces now warring against war. ( ) _growth of international opinion._ there can be no doubt whatever that during recent years, and especially in the more democratic countries, an international consensus of public opinion has gradually grown up, making itself the voice, like a greek chorus, of an abstract justice. it is quite true that of this justice, as of justice generally, it may be said that it has wide limits. renan declared once, in a famous allocution, that "what is called indulgence is, most often, only justice," and, at the other extreme, remy de gourmont has said that "injustice is sometimes a part of justice;" in other words, there are varying circumstances in which justice may properly be tempered either with mercy or with severity. in any case, and however it may be qualified; a popular international voice generously pronouncing itself in favour of justice, and resonantly condemning any government which clashes against justice, is now a factor of the international situation. it is, moreover, tending to become a factor having a certain influence on affairs. this was the case during the south african war, when england, by offending this international sense of justice, fell into a discredit which had many actual unpleasant results and narrowly escaped, there is some reason to believe, proving still more serious. the same voice was heard with dramatically sudden and startling effect when ferrer was shot at barcelona. ferrer was a person absolutely unknown to the man in the street; he was indeed little more than a name even to those who knew spain; few could be sure, except by a kind of intuition, that he was the innocent victim of a judicial murder, for it is only now that the fact is being slowly placed beyond dispute. yet immediately after ferrer was shot within the walls of monjuich a great shout of indignation was raised, with almost magical suddenness and harmony, throughout the civilized world, from italy to belgium, from england to argentina. moreover, this voice was so decisive and so loud that it acted like those legendary trumpet-blasts which shattered the walls of jericho; in a few days the spanish government, with a powerful minister at its head, had fallen. the significance of this event we cannot easily overestimate. for the first time in history, the voice of international public opinion, unsupported by pressure, political, social, or diplomatic, proved potent enough to avenge an act of injustice by destroying a government. a new force has appeared in the world, and it tends to operate against those countries which are guilty of injustice, whether that injustice is exerted against a state or even only against a single obscure individual. the modern developments of telegraphy and the press--unfavourable as the press is in many respects to the cause of international harmony--have placed in the hands of peace this new weapon against war. ( ) _international financial development._ there is another international force which expresses itself in the same sense. the voice of abstract justice raised against war is fortified by the voice of concrete self-interest. the interests of the propertied classes, and therefore of the masses dependent upon them, are to-day so widely distributed throughout the world that whenever any country is plunged into a disastrous war there arises in every other country, especially in rich and prosperous lands with most at stake, a voice of self-interest in harmony with the voice of justice. it is sometimes said that wars are in the interest of capital, and of capital alone, and that they are engineered by capitalists masquerading under imposing humanitarian disguises. that is doubtless true to the extent that every war cannot fail to benefit some section of the capitalistic world, which will therefore favour it, but it is true to that extent only. the old notion that war and the acquisition of territories encouraged trade by opening up new markets has proved fallacious. the extension of trade is a matter of tariffs rather than of war, and in any case the trade of a country with its own acquisitions by conquest is a comparatively insignificant portion of its total trade. but even if the financial advantages of war were much greater than they are, they would be more than compensated by the disadvantages which nowadays attend war. international financial relationships have come to constitute a network of interests so vast, so complicated, so sensitive, that the whole thrills responsively to any disturbing touch, and no one can say beforehand what widespread damage may not be done by shock even at a single point. when a country is at war its commerce is at once disorganized, that is to say that its shipping, and the shipping of all the countries that carry its freights, is thrown out of gear to a degree that often cannot fail to be internationally disastrous. foreign countries cannot send in the imports that lie on their wharves for the belligerent country, nor can they get out of it the exports they need for their own maintenance or luxury. moreover, all the foreign money invested in the belligerent country is depreciated and imperilled. the international voice of trade and finance is, therefore, to-day mainly on the side of peace. it must be added that this voice is not, as it might seem, a selfish voice only. it is justifiable not only in immediate international interests, but even in the ultimate interests of the belligerent country, and not less so if that country should prove victorious. so far as business and money are concerned, a country gains nothing by a successful war, even though that war involves the acquisition of immense new provinces; after a great war a conquered country may possess more financial stability than its conqueror, and both may stand lower in this respect than some other country which is internationally guaranteed against war. such points as these have of late been ably argued by norman angell in his remarkable book, _the great illusion_, and for the most part convincingly illustrated.[ ] as was long since said, the ancients cried, _væ victis_! we have learnt to cry, _væ victoribus_! it may, indeed, be added that the general tendency of war--putting aside peoples altogether lacking in stamina--is to moralize the conquered and to demoralise the conquerors. this effect is seen alike on the material and the spiritual sides. conquest brings self-conceit and intolerance, the reckless inflation and dissipation of energies. defeat brings prudence and concentration; it ennobles and fortifies. all the glorious victories of the first napoleon achieved less for france than the crushing defeat of the third napoleon. the triumphs left enfeeblement; the defeat acted as a strong tonic which is still working beneficently to-day. the corresponding reverse process has been at work in germany: the german soil that napoleon ploughed yielded a moltke and a bismarck,[ ] while to-day, however mistakenly, the german press is crying out that only another war--it ought in honesty to say an unsuccessful war--can restore the nation's flaccid muscle. it is yet too early to see the results of the russo-japanese war, but already there are signs that by industrial overstrain and the repression of individual thought japan is threatening to enfeeble the physique and to destroy the high spirit of the indomitable men to whom she owed her triumph. ( ) _the decreasing pressure of population._ it was at one time commonly said, and is still sometimes repeated, that the pressure of over-population is the chief cause of wars. that is a statement which requires a very great deal of qualification. it is, indeed, possible that the great hordes of warlike barbarians from the north and the east which invaded europe in early times, sometimes more or less overwhelming the civilized world, were the result of a rise in the birth-rate and an excess of population beyond the means of subsistence. but this is far from certain, for we know absolutely nothing concerning the birth-rate of these invading peoples either before or during the period of their incursions. again, it is certain that, in modern times, a high and rising birth-rate presents a favourable condition for war. a war distracts attention from the domestic disturbances and economic wretchedness which a too rapid growth of population necessarily produces, while at the same time tending to draw away and destroy the surplus population which causes this disturbance and wretchedness. yet there are other ways of meeting this over-population beside the crude method of war. social reform and emigration furnish equally effective and much more humane methods of counteracting such pressure. no doubt the over-population resulting from an excessively high birth-rate, when not met, as it tends to be, by a correspondingly high death-rate from disease, may be regarded as a predisposing cause of war, but to assert that it is the pre-eminent cause is to go far beyond the evidence at present available. to whatever degree, however, it may have been potent in causing war in the past, it is certain that the pressure of population as a cause of war will be eliminated in the future. the only nations nowadays that can afford to make war on the grand scale are the wealthy and civilized nations. but civilization excludes a high birth-rate: there has never been any exception to that law, nor can we conceive any exceptions, for it is more than a social law; it is a biological law. russia, a still imperfectly civilized country, stands apart in having a very high birth-rate, but it also has a very high death-rate, and even should it happen that in russia improved social conditions lower the death-rate before affecting the birth-rate, there is still ample room within russian territory for the consequent increase of population. among all the other nations which are considered to threaten the world's peace, the birth-rate is rapidly falling. this is so, for instance, as regards england and germany. germany, especially, it was once thought--though in actual fact germany has not fought for over forty years--had an interest in going to war in order to find an outlet for her surplus population, compelled, in the absence of suitable german colonies, to sacrifice its patriotism and lose its nationality by emigrating to foreign countries. but the german birth-rate is falling, german emigration is decreasing, and the immense growth of german industry is easily able to absorb the new generation. thus the declining birth-rate of civilized lands will alone largely serve in the end to eliminate warfare, partly by removing one of its causes, partly because the increased value of human life will make war too costly. ( ) _the natural exhaustion of the warlike spirit._ it is a remarkable tendency of the warlike spirit--frequently emphasized in recent years by the distinguished zoologist, president d.s. jordan, who here follows novikov[ ]--that it tends to exterminate itself. fighting stocks, and peoples largely made up of fighting stocks, are naturally killed out, and the field is left to the unwarlike. it is only the prudent, those who fight and run away, who live to fight another day; and they transmit their prudence to their offspring. great britain is a conspicuous example of a land which, being an island, was necessarily peopled by predatory and piratical invaders. a long series of warlike and adventurous peoples--celts, romans, anglo-saxons, danes, normans--built up england and imparted to it their spirit. the english were, it was said, "a people for whom pain and death are nothing, and who only fear hunger and boredom." but for over eight hundred years they have never been reinforced by new invaders, and the inevitable consequences have followed. there has been a gradual killing out of the warlike stocks, a process immensely accelerated during the nineteenth century by a vast emigration of the more adventurous elements in the population, pressed out of the overcrowded country by the reckless and unchecked increase of the population which occurred during the first three-quarters of that century. the result is that the english (except sometimes when they happen to be journalists) cannot now be described as a warlike people. old legends tell of british heroes who, when their legs were hacked away, still fought upon the stumps. modern poets feel that to picture a british warrior of to-day in this attitude would be somewhat far-fetched. the historian of the south african war points out, again and again, that the british leaders showed a singular lack of the fighting spirit. during that war english generals seldom cared to engage the enemy's forces except when their own forces greatly outnumbered them, and on many occasions they surrendered immediately they realized that they were themselves outnumbered. those reckless englishmen who boldly sailed out from their little island to face the spanish armada were long ago exterminated; an admirably prudent and cautious race has been left alive. it is the same story elsewhere. the french long cherished the tradition of military glory, and no country has fought so much. we see the result to-day. in no country is the attitude of the intellectual classes so calm and so reasonable on the subject of war, and nowhere is the popular hostility to war so strongly marked.[ ] spain furnishes another instance which is even still more decisive. the spanish were of old a pre-eminently warlike people, capable of enduring all hardships, never fearing to face death. their aggressively warlike and adventurous spirit sent them to death all over the world. it cannot be said, even to-day, that the spaniards have lost their old tenacity and hardness of fibre, but their passion for war and adventure was killed out three centuries ago. in all these and the like cases there has been a process of selective breeding, eliminating the soldierly stocks and leaving the others to breed the race. the men who so loved fighting that they fought till they died had few chances of propagating their own warlike impulses. the men who fought and ran away, the men who never fought at all, were the men who created the new generation and transmitted to it their own traditions. this selective process, moreover, has not merely acted automatically; it has been furthered by social opinion and social pressure, sometimes very drastically expressed. thus in the england of the plantagenets there grew up a class called "gentlemen"--not, as has sometimes been supposed, a definitely defined class, though they were originally of good birth--whose chief characteristic was that they were good fighting men, and sought fortune by fighting. the "premier gentleman" of england, according to sir george sitwell, and an entirely typical representative of his class, was a certain glorious hero who fought with talbot at agincourt, and also, as the unearthing of obscure documents shows, at other times indulged in housebreaking, and in wounding with intent to kill, and in "procuring the murder of one thomas page, who was cut to pieces while on his knees begging for his life." there, evidently, was a state of society highly favourable to the warlike man, highly unfavourable to the unwarlike man whom he slew in his wrath. nowadays, however, there has been a revaluation of these old values. the cowardly and no doubt plebeian thomas page, multiplied by the million, has succeeded in hoisting himself into the saddle, and he revenges himself by discrediting, hunting into the slums, and finally hanging, every descendant he can find of the premier gentleman of agincourt. it must be added that the advocates of the advantages of war are not entitled to claim this process of selective breeding as one of the advantages of war. it is quite true that war is incompatible with a high civilization, and must in the end be superseded. but this method of suppressing it is too thorough. it involves not merely the extermination of the fighting spirit, but of many excellent qualities, physical and moral, which are associated with the fighting spirit. benjamin franklin seems to have been the first to point out that "a standing army diminishes the size and breed of the human species." almost in franklin's lifetime that was demonstrated on a wholesale scale, for there seems little reason to doubt that the size and stature of the french nation have been permanently diminished by the constant levies of young recruits, the flower of the population, whom napoleon sent out to death in their first manhood and still childless. fine physical breed involves also fine qualities of virility and daring which are needed for other purposes than fighting. in so far as the selective breeding of war kills these out, its results are imperfect, and could be better attained by less radical methods. ( ) _the growth of the anti-military spirit._ the decay of the warlike spirit by the breeding out of fighting stocks has in recent years been reinforced by a more acute influence of which in the near future we shall certainly hear more. this is the spirit of anti-militarism. this spirit is an inevitable result of the decay of the fighting spirit. in a certain sense it is also complementary to it. the survival of non-fighting stocks by the destruction of the fighting stocks works most effectually in countries having a professional army. the anti-military spirit, on the contrary, works effectually in countries having a national army in which it is compulsory for all young citizens to serve, for it is only in such countries that the anti-militarist can, by refusing to serve, take an influential position as a martyr in the cause of peace. among the leading nations, it is in france that the spirit of anti-militarism has taken the deepest hold of the people, though in some smaller lands, notably among the obstinately peaceable inhabitants of holland, the same spirit also flourishes. hervé, who is a leader of the insurrectional socialists, as they are commonly called in opposition to the purely parliamentary socialists led by jaurès,--though the insurrectional socialists also use parliamentary methods,--may be regarded as the most conspicuous champion of anti-militarism, and many of his followers have suffered imprisonment as the penalty of their convictions. in france the peasant proprietors in the country and the organized workers in the town are alike sympathetic to anti-militarism. the syndicalists, or labour unionists with the confédération générale du travail as their central organization, are not usually anxious to imitate what they consider the unduly timid methods of english trade unionists;[ ] they tend to be revolutionary and anti-military. the congress of delegates of french trade unions, held at toulouse in , passed the significant resolution that "a declaration of war should be followed by the declaration of a general revolutionary strike." the same tendency, though in a less radical form, is becoming international, and the great international socialist congress at copenhagen has passed a resolution instructing the international bureau to "take the opinion of the organized workers of the world on the utility of a general strike in preventing war."[ ] even the english working classes are slowly coming into line. at a conference of labour delegates, held at leicester in , to consider the copenhagen resolution, the policy of the anti-military general strike was defeated by only a narrow majority, on the ground that it required further consideration, and might be detrimental to political action; but as most of the leaders are in favour of the strike policy there can be no doubt that this method of combating war will shortly be the accepted policy of the english labour movement. in carrying out such a policy the labour party expects much help from the growing social and political power of women. the most influential literary advocate of the peace movement, and one of the earliest, has been a woman, the baroness bertha von suttner, and it is held to be incredible that the wives and mothers of the people will use their power to support an institution which represents the most brutal method of destroying their husbands and sons. "the cause of woman," says novikov, "is the cause of peace." "we pay the first cost on all human life," says olive schreiner.[ ] the anti-militarist, as things are at present, exposes himself not only to the penalty of imprisonment, but also to obloquy. he has virtually refused to take up arms in defence of his country; he has sinned against patriotism. this accusation has led to a counter-accusation directed against the very idea of patriotism. here the writings of tolstoy, with their poignant and searching appeals for the cause of humanity as against the cause of patriotism, have undoubtedly served the anti-militarists well, and wherever the war against war is being urged, even so far as japan, tolstoy has furnished some of its keenest weapons. moreover, in so far as anti-militarism is advocated by the workers, they claim that international interests have already effaced and superseded the narrower interests of patriotism. in refusing to fight, the workers of a country are simply declaring their loyalty to fellow-workers on the other side of the frontier, a loyalty which has stronger claims on them, they hold, than any patriotism which simply means loyalty to capitalists; geographical frontiers are giving place to economic frontiers, which now alone serve to separate enemies. and if, as seems probable, when the next attempt is made at a great european war, the order for mobilization is immediately followed in both countries by the declaration of a general strike, there will be nothing to say against such a declaration even from the standpoint of the narrowest patriotism, although there may be much to say on other grounds against the policy of the general strike.[ ] if we realize what is going on around us, it is easy to see that the anti-militarist movement is rapidly reaching a stage when it will be easily able, even unaided, to paralyse any war immediately and automatically. the pioneers in the movement have played the same part as was played in the seventeenth century by the quakers. in the name of the bible and their own consciences, the quakers refused to recognize the right of any secular authority to compel them to worship or to fight; they gained what they struggled for, and now all men honour their memories. in the name of justice and human fraternity, the anti-militarists are to-day taking the like course and suffering the like penalties. to-morrow, they also will be revered as heroes and martyrs. ( ) _the over-growth of armaments._ the hostile forces so far enumerated have converged slowly on to war from such various directions that they may be said to have surrounded and isolated it; its ultimate surrender can only be a matter of time. of late, however, a new factor has appeared, of so urgent a character that it is fast rendering the question of the abolition of war acute: the over-growth of armaments. this is, practically, a modern factor in the situation, and while it is, on the surface, a luxury due to the large surplus of wealth in great modern states, it is also, if we look a little deeper, intimately connected with that decay of the warlike spirit due to selective breeding. it is the weak and timid woman who looks nervously under the bed for the burglar who is the last person she really desires to meet, and it is old, rich, and unwarlike nations which take the lead in laboriously protecting themselves against enemies of whom there is no sign in any quarter. within the last half-century only have the nations of the world begun to compete with each other in this timorous and costly rivalry. in the warlike days of old, armaments in time of peace consisted in little more than solid walls for defence, a supply of weapons stored away here and there, sometimes in a room attached to the parish church, and occasional martial exercises with the sword or the bow, which were little more than an amusement. the true fighting man trusted to his own strong right arm rather than to armaments, and considered that he was himself a match for any half-dozen of the enemy. even in actual time of war it was often difficult to find either zeal or money to supply the munitions of war. the _diary_ of the industrious pepys, who achieved so much for the english navy, shows that the care of the country's ships mainly depended on a few unimportant officials who had the greatest trouble in the world to secure attention to the most urgent and immediate needs. a very difficult state of things prevails to-day. the existence of a party having for its watchword the cry for retrenchment and economy is scarcely possible in a modern state. all the leading political parties in every great state--if we leave aside the party of labour--are equally eager to pile up the expenditure on armaments. it is the boast of each party, not that it spends less, but more, than its rivals on this source of expenditure, now the chief in every large state. moreover, every new step in expenditure involves a still further step; each new improvement in attack or defence must immediately be answered by corresponding or better improvements on the part of rival powers, if they are not to be outclassed. every year these moves and counter-moves necessarily become more extensive, more complex, more costly; while each counter-move involves the obsolescence of the improvements achieved by the previous move, so that the waste of energy and money keeps pace with the expenditure. it is well recognized that there is absolutely no possible limit to this process and its constantly increasing acceleration. there is no need to illustrate this point, for it is familiar to all. any newspaper will furnish facts and figures vividly exemplifying some aspect of the matter. for while only a handful of persons in any country are sincerely anxious under present conditions to reduce the colossal sums every year wasted on the unproductive work of armament; an increasing interest in the matter testifies to a vague alarm and anxiety concerning the ultimate issue. for it is felt that an inevitable crisis lies at the end of the path down which the nations are now moving. thus, from this point of view, the end of war is being attained by a process radically opposite to that by which in the social as well as in the physical organism ancient structures and functions are outgrown. the usual process is a gradual recession to a merely vestigial state. but here what may perhaps be the same ultimate result is being reached by the more alarming method of over-inflation and threatening collapse. it is an alarming process because those huge and heavily armed monsters of primeval days who furnish the zoological types corresponding to our modern over-armed states, themselves died out from the world when their unwieldy armament had reached its final point of expansion. will our own modern states, one wonders, more fortunately succeed in escaping from the tough hides that ever more closely constrict them, and finally save their souls alive? ( ) _the dominance of social reform._ the final factor in the situation is the growing dominance of the process of social reform. on the one hand, the increasing complexity of social organisation renders necessary a correspondingly increasing expenditure of money in diminishing its friction and aiding its elaboration; on the other hand, the still more rapidly increasing demands of armament render it ever more difficult to devote money to such social purposes. everywhere even the most elementary provision for the finer breeding and higher well-being of a country's citizens is postponed to the clamour for ever new armaments. the situation thus created is rapidly becoming intolerable. it is not alone the future of civilization which is for ever menaced by the possibility of war; the past of civilization, with all the precious embodiments of its traditions, is even more fatally imperilled. as the world grows older and the ages recede, the richer, the more precious, the more fragile, become the ancient heirlooms of humanity. they constitute the final symbols of human glory; they cannot be too carefully guarded, too highly valued. but all the other dangers that threaten their integrity and safety, if put together, do not equal war. no land that has ever been a cradle of civilization but bears witness to this sad truth. all the sacred citadels, the glories of humanity,--jerusalem and athens, rome and constantinople,--have been ravaged by war, and, in every case, their ruin has been a disaster that can never be repaired. if we turn to the minor glories of more modern ages, the special treasure of england has been its parish churches, a treasure of unique charm in the world and the embodiment of the people's spirit: to-day in their battered and irreparable condition they are the monuments of a civil war waged all over the country with ruthless religious ferocity. spain, again, was a land which had stored up, during long centuries, nearly the whole of its accumulated possessions in every art, sacred and secular, of fabulous value, within the walls of its great fortress-like cathedrals; napoleon's soldiers over-ran the land, and brought with them rapine and destruction; so that in many a shrine, as at montserrat, we still can see how in a few days they turned a paradise into a desert. it is not only the west that has suffered. in china the rarest and loveliest wares and fabrics that the hand of man has wrought were stored in the imperial palace of pekin; the savage military hordes of the west broke in less than a century ago and recklessly trampled down and fired all that they could not loot. in every such case the loss is final; the exquisite incarnation of some stage in the soul of man that is for ever gone is permanently diminished, deformed, or annihilated. at the present time all civilized countries are becoming keenly aware of the value of their embodied artistic possessions. this is shown, in the most decisive manner possible, by the enormous prices placed upon them. their pecuniary value enables even the stupidest and most unimaginative to realize the crime that is committed when they are ruthlessly and wantonly destroyed. nor is it only the products of ancient art which have to-day become so peculiarly valuable. the products of modern science are only less valuable. so highly complex and elaborate is the mechanism now required to ensure progress in some of the sciences that enormous sums of money, the most delicate skill, long periods of time, are necessary to produce it. galileo could replace his telescope with but little trouble; the destruction of a single modern observatory would be almost a calamity to the human race. such considerations as these are, indeed, at last recognized in all civilized countries. the engines of destruction now placed at the service of war are vastly more potent than any used in the wars of the past. on the other hand, the value of the products they can destroy is raised in a correspondingly high degree. but a third factor is now intervening. and if the museums of paris or the laboratories of berlin were threatened by a hostile army it would certainly be felt that an international power, if it existed, should be empowered to intervene, at whatever cost to national susceptibilities, in order to keep the peace. civilization, we now realize, is wrought out of inspirations and discoveries which are for ever passed and repassed from land to land; it cannot be claimed by any individual land. a nation's art-products and its scientific activities are not mere national property; they are international possessions, for the joy and service of the whole world. the nations hold them in trust for humanity. the international force which will inspire respect for that truth it is our business to create. the only question that remains--and it is a question the future alone will solve--is the particular point at which this ancient and overgrown stronghold of war, now being invested so vigorously from so many sides, will finally be overthrown, whether from within or from without, whether by its own inherent weakness, by the persuasive reasonableness of developing civilization, by the self-interest of the commercial and financial classes, or by the ruthless indignation of the proletariat. that is a problem still insoluble, but it is not impossible that some already living may witness its solution. two centuries ago the abbé de saint-pierre set forth his scheme for a federation of the states of europe, which meant, at that time, a federation of all the civilised states of the world. it was the age of great ideas, scattered abroad to germinate in more practical ages to come. the amiable abbé enjoyed all the credit of his large and philanthropic conceptions. but no one dreamed of realizing them, and the forces which alone could realize them had not yet appeared above the horizon.[ ] in this matter, at all events, the world has progressed, and a federation of the states of the world is no longer the mere conception of a philosophic dreamer. the first step will be taken when two of the leading countries of the world--and it would be most reasonable for the states having the closest community of origin and language to take the initiative--resolve to submit all their differences without reserve to arbitration. as soon as a third power of magnitude joined this federation the nucleus would be constituted of a world state. such a state would be able to impose peace on even the most recalcitrant outside states, for it would furnish that "visible power to keep them in awe," which hobbes rightly declared to be indispensable; it could even, in the last resort, if necessary, enforce peace by war. thus there might still be war in the world. but there would be no wars that were not holy wars. there are other methods than war of enforcing peace, and these such a federation of great states would be easily able to bring to bear on even the most warlike of states, but the necessity of a mighty armed international force would remain for a long time to come. to suppose, as some seem to suppose, that the establishment of arbitration in place of war means immediate disarmament is an idle dream. at conferences of the english labour party on this question, the most active opposition to the proposed strike method for rendering war impossible comes from the delegates representing the workers in arsenals and dockyards. but there is no likelihood of arsenals and dockyards closing in the lifetime of the present workers, and though the establishment of peaceful methods of settling international disputes cannot fail to diminish the number of the workers who live by armament, it will be long before they can be dispensed with altogether. [ ] the abbé de saint-pierre ( - ), a churchman without vocation, was a norman of noble family, and first published his _mémoires pour rendre la paix perpetuelle à l'europe_ in . as siégler-pascal well shows (_les projets de l'abbé dé saint-pierre_, ) he was not a mere visionary utopian, but an acute and far-seeing thinker, practical in his methods, a close observer, an experimentalist, and one of the first to attempt the employment of statistics. he was secretary to the french plenipotentiaries who negotiated the treaty of utrecht, and was thus probably put on the track of his scheme. he proposed that the various european states should name plenipotentiaries to form a permanent tribunal of compulsory arbitration for the settlement of all differences. if any state took up arms against one of the allies, the whole confederation would conjointly enter the field, at their conjoint expense, against the offending state. he was opposed to absolute disarmament, an army being necessary to ensure peace, but it must be a joint army composed of contingents from each power in the confederation. saint-pierre, it will be seen, had clearly grasped the essential facts of the situation as we see them to-day. "the author of _the project of perpetual peace_" concludes prof. pierre robert in a sympathetic summary of his career (petit de julleville, _histoire de la langue et de la littérature française_, vol. vi), "is the precursor of the twentieth century." his statue, we cannot doubt, will be a conspicuous object, beside sully's, on the future palace of any international tribunal. it is, indeed, so common to regard the person who points out the inevitable bankruptcy of war under highly civilized conditions as a mere utopian dreamer, that it becomes necessary to repeat, with all the emphasis necessary, that the settlement of international disputes by law cannot be achieved by disarmament, or by any method not involving force. all law, even the law that settles the disputes of individuals, has force behind it, and the law that is to settle the disputes between nations cannot possibly be effective unless it has behind it a mighty force. i have assumed this from the outset in quoting the dictum of hobbes, but the point seems to be so easily overlooked by the loose thinker that it is necessary to reiterate it. the necessity of force behind the law ordering international relations has, indeed, never been disputed by any sagacious person who has occupied himself with the matter. even william penn, who, though a quaker, was a practical man of affairs, when in he put forward his _essay towards the present and future peace of europe by the establishment of a european diet, parliament or estate_, proposed that if any imperial state refused to submit its pretensions to the sovereign assembly and to abide by its decisions, or took up arms on its own behalf, "all the other sovereignties, united as one strength, shall compel the submission and performance of the sentence, with damages to the suffering party, and charges to the sovereignties that obliged their submission." in repudiating some injudicious and hazardous pacificist considerations put forth by novikov, the distinguished french philosopher, jules de gaultier, points out that law has no rights against war save in force, on which war itself bases its rights. "force _in abstracto_ creates right. it is quite unimaginable that a right should exist which has not been affirmed at some moment as a reality, that is to say a force.... what we glorify under the name of right is only a more intense and habitual state of force which we oppose to a less frequent form of force."[ ] the old quaker and the modern philosopher are thus at one with the practical man in rejecting any form of pacification which rests on a mere appeal to reason and justice. [ ] jules de gaultier, "comment naissent les dogmes," _mercure de france_, st sept., . jules de gaultier also observes that "conflict is the law and condition of all existence." that may be admitted, but it ceases to be true if we assume, as the same thinker assumes, that "conflict" necessarily involves "war." the establishment of law to regulate the disputes between individuals by no means suppresses conflict, but it suppresses fighting, and it ensures that if any fighting occur the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression. in the same way the existence of a tribunal to regulate the disputes between national communities of individuals can by no means suppress conflict; but unless it suppresses fighting, and unless it ensures that if fighting occurs the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression, it will have effected nothing. it cannot be said that the progress of civilization has so far had any tendency to render unnecessary the point of view adopted by penn and jules de gaultier. the acts of states to-day are apt to be just as wantonly aggressive as they ever were, as reckless of reason and of justice. there is no country, however high it may stand in the comity of nations, which is not sometimes carried away by the blind fever of war. france, the land of reason, echoed, only forty years ago, with the mad cry, "À berlin!" england, the friend of the small nationalities, jubilantly, with even an air of heroism, crushed under foot the little south african republics, and hounded down every englishman who withstood the madness of the crowd. the great, free intelligent people of the united states went to war against spain with a childlike faith in the preposterous legend of the blowing up of the _maine_. there is no country which has not some such shameful page in its history, the record of some moment when its moral and intellectual prestige was besmirched in the eyes of the whole world. it pays for its momentary madness, it may valiantly strive to atone for its injustice, but the damaging record remains. the supersession of war is needed not merely in the interests of the victims of aggression; it is needed fully as much in the interests of the aggressors, driven by their own momentary passions, or by the ambitious follies of their rulers, towards crimes for which a terrible penalty is exacted. there has never been any country at every moment so virtuous and so wise that it has not sometimes needed to be saved from itself. for every country has sometimes gone mad, while every other country has looked on its madness with the mocking calm of clear-sighted intelligence, and perhaps with a pharisaical air of virtuous indignation. during the single year of the process was unrolled in its most complete form. the first bad move--though it was a relatively small and inoffensive move--was made by france. the powers, after much deliberation, had come to certain conclusions concerning morocco, and while giving france a predominant influence in that country, had carefully limited her power of action. but france, anxious to increase her hold on the land, sent out, with the usual pretexts, an unnecessary expedition to fez. had an international tribunal with an adequate force behind it been in existence, france would have been called upon to justify her action, and whether she succeeded or failed in such justification, no further evils would have occurred. but there was no force able or willing to call france to account, and the other powers found it a simpler plan to follow her example than to check it. in pursuance of this policy, germany sent a warship to the moroccan port of agadir, using the same pretext as the french, with even less justification. when the supreme military power of the world wags even a finger the whole world is thrown into a state of consternation. that happened on the present occasion, though, as a matter of fact, giants are not given to reckless violence, and germany, far from intending to break the world's peace, merely used her power to take advantage of france's bad move. she agreed to condone france's mistake, and to resign to her the moroccan rights to which neither country had the slightest legitimate claim, in return for an enormous tract of land in another part of africa. now, so far, the game had been played in accordance with rules which, though by no means those of abstract justice, were fairly in accordance with the recognized practices of nations. but now another power was moved to far more openly unscrupulous action. it has long been recognized that if there must be a partition of north africa, italy's share is certainly tripoli. the action of france and of germany stirred up in italy the feeling that now or never was the moment for action, and with brutal recklessness, and the usual pretexts, now flimsier than ever, italy made war on turkey, without offer of mediation, in flagrant violation of her own undertakings at the hague peace convention of . there was now only one mohammedan country left to attack, and it was russia's turn to make the attack. northern persia--the most civilized and fruitful half of persia--had been placed under the protection of russia, and russia, after cynically doing her best to make good government in persia impossible, seized on the pretext of the bad government to invade the country. if the powers of europe had wished to demonstrate the necessity for a great international tribunal, with a mighty force behind it to ensure the observance of its decisions, they could not have devised a more effective demonstration. thus it is that there can be no question of disarmament at present, and that there can be no effective international tribunal unless it has behind it an effective army. a great army must continue to exist apart altogether from the question as to whether the army in itself is a school of virtue or of vice. both these views of its influence have been held in extreme forms, and both seem to be without any great justification. on this point we may perhaps accept the conclusion of professor guérard, who can view the matter from a fairly impartial standpoint, having served in the french army, closely studied the life of the people in london, and occupied a professorial chair in california. he denies that an army is a school of all the vices, but he is also unable to see that it exercises an elevating influence on any but the lowest: "a regiment is not much worse than a big factory. factory life in europe is bad enough; military service extends its evils to agricultural labourers, and also to men who would otherwise have escaped these lowering influences. as for traces of moral uplift in the army, i have totally failed to notice any. war may be a stern school of virtue; barrack life is not. honour, duty, patriotism, are feelings instilled at school; they do not develop, but often deteriorate, during the term of compulsory service."[ ] but, as we have seen, and as guérard admits, it is probable that wars will be abolished generations before armies are suppressed. the question arises what we are to do with our armies. there seem to be at least two ways in which armies may be utilized, as we may already see in france, and perhaps to some slight extent in england. in the first place, the army may be made a great educational agency, an academy of arts and sciences, a school of citizenship. in the second place, armies are tending to become, as william james pointed out, the reserve force of peace, great organized unemployed bodies of men which can be brought into use during sudden emergencies and national disasters. thus the french army performed admirable service during the great seine floods a few years ago, and both in france and in england the army has been called upon to help to carry on public duties indispensable to the welfare of the nation during great strikes, though here it would be unfortunate if the army came to be regarded as a mere strike-breaking corps. along these main lines, however, there are, as guérard has pointed out, signs of a transformation which, while preserving armies for international use, yet point to a compromise between the army and modern democracy. it is feared by some that the reign of universal peace will deprive them of the opportunity of exhibiting daring and heroism. without inquiring too carefully what use has been made of their present opportunities by those who express this fear, it must be said that such a fear is altogether groundless. there are an infinite number of positions in life in which courage is needed, as much as on a battlefield, though, for the most part, with less risk of that total annihilation which in the past has done so much to breed out the courageous stocks. moreover, the certain establishment of peace will immensely enlarge the scope for daring and adventure in the social sphere. there are departments in the higher breeding and social evolution of the race--some perhaps even involving questions of life and death--where the highest courage is needed. it would be premature to discuss them, for they can scarcely enter the field of practical politics until war has been abolished. but those persons who are burning to display heroism may rest assured that the course of social evolution will offer them every opportunity. footnotes: [ ] the respective parts of war and law in the constitution of states are clearly and concisely set forth by edward jenks in his little primer, _a history of politics_. steinmetz, who argues in favour of the preservation of the method of war, in his book _die philosophie des krieges_ (p. ) states that "not a single element of the warlike spirit, not one of the psychic conditions of war, is lacking to the civilized european peoples of to-day." that may well be, although there is much reason to believe that they have all very considerably diminished. such warlike spirit as exists to-day must be considerably discounted by the fact that those who manifest it are not usually the people who would actually have to do the fighting. it is more important to point out (as is done in a historical sketch of warfare by a. sutherland, _nineteenth century_, april, ) that, as a matter of fact, war is becoming both less frequent and less ferocious. in england, for instance, where at one period the population spent a great part of their time in fighting, there has practically been no war for two and a half centuries. when the ancient germans swept through spain (as procopius, who was an eye-witness, tells) they slew every human being they met, including women and children, until millions had perished. the laws of war, though not always observed, are constantly growing more humane, and sutherland estimates that warfare is now less than one-hundredth part as destructive as it was in the early middle ages. [ ] this inevitable extension of the sphere of law from the settlement of disputes between individuals to disputes between individual states has been pointed out before, and is fairly obvious. thus mougins-roquefort, a french lawyer, in his book _de la solution juridique des conflits internationaux_ ( ), observes that in the days of the roman empire, when there was only one civilized state, any system of international relationships was impossible, but that as soon as we have a number of states forming units of international society there at once arises the necessity for a system of international relationships, just as some system of social order is necessary to regulate the relations of any community of individuals. [ ] in england, a small and compact country, this process was completed at a comparatively early date. in france it was not until the days of louis xv (in ) that the "last feudal brigand," as taine calls the marquis de pleumartin in poitou, was captured and beheaded. [ ] france, notwithstanding her military aptitude, has always taken the pioneering part in the pacific movement of civilization. even at the beginning of the fourteenth century france produced an advocate of international arbitration, pierre dubois (petrus de bosco), the norman lawyer, a pupil of thomas aquinas. in the seventeenth century emeric crucé proposed, for the first time, to admit all peoples, without distinction of colour or religion, to be represented at some central city where every state would have its perpetual ambassador, these representatives forming an assembly to adjudicate on international differences (dubois and crucé have lately been studied by prof. vesnitch, _revue d'histoire diplomatique_, january, ). the history of the various peace projects generally has been summarily related by lagorgette in _le rôle de la guerre_, , part iv, chap. vi. [ ] the same points had previously been brought forward by others, although not so vigorously enforced. thus the well-known belgian economist and publicist, emile de laveleye, pointed out (_pall mall gazette_, th august, ) that "the happiest countries are incontestably the smallest: switzerland, norway, luxembourg, and still more the republics of san marino and val d'andorre"; and that "countries in general, even when victorious, do not profit by their conquests." [ ] bismarck himself declared that without the deep shame of the german defeat at jena in the revival of german national feeling would have been impossible. [ ] d. starr jordan, the human harvest, ; j. novikov, la guerre et ses prétendus bienfaits, , chap. iv; novikov here argued that the selection of war eliminates not the feeble but the strong, and tends to produce, therefore, a survival of the unfittest. [ ] "the most demoralizing features in french military life," says professor guérard, a highly intelligent observer, "are due to an incontestable progress in the french mind--its gradual loss of faith and interest in military glory. henceforth the army is considered as useless, dangerous, a burden without a compensation. authors of school books may be censured for daring to print such opinions, but the great majority of the french hold them in their hearts. nay, there is a prevailing suspicion among working men that the military establishment is kept up for the sole benefit of the capitalists, and the reckless use of troops in case of labour conflicts gives colour to the contention." it has often happened that what the french think to-day the world generally thinks to-morrow. there is probably a world-wide significance in the fact that french experience is held to show that progress in intelligence means the demoralization of the army. [ ] the influence of syndicalism has, however, already reached the english labour movement, and an ill-advised prosecution by the english government must have immensely aided in extending and fortifying that influence. [ ] some small beginnings have already been made. "the greatest gain ever yet won for the cause of peace," writes mr. h.w. nevinson, the well-known war correspondent (_peace and war in the balance_, p. ), "was the refusal of the catalonian reservists to serve in the war against the riff mountaineers of morocco in july, .... so barcelona flared to heaven, and for nearly a week the people held the vast city. i have seen many noble, as well as many terrible, events, but none more noble or of finer promise than the sudden uprising of the catalan working people against a dastardly and inglorious war, waged for the benefit of a few speculators in paris and madrid." [ ] j. novikov, _le fédération de l'europe_, chap. iv. olive schreiner, _woman and labour_, chap. iv. while this is the fundamental fact, we must remember that we cannot generalize about the ideas or the feelings of a whole sex, and that the biological traditions of women have been associated with a primitive period when they were the delighted spectators of combats. "woman," thought nietzsche, "is essentially unpeaceable, like the cat, however well she may have assumed the peaceable demeanour." steinmetz (_philosophie des krieges_, p. ), remarking that women are opposed to war in the abstract, adds: "in practice, however, it happens that women regard a particular war--and all wars are particular wars--with special favour"; he remarks that the majority of englishwomen fully shared the war fever against the boers, and that, on the other side, he knew dutch ladies in holland, very opposed to war, who would yet have danced with joy at that time on the news of a declaration of war against england. [ ] the general strike, which has been especially developed by the syndicalist labour movement, and is now tending to spread to various countries, is a highly powerful weapon, so powerful that its results are not less serious than those of war. to use it against war seems to be to cast out beelzebub by beelzebub. even in labour disputes the modern strike threatens to become as serious and, indeed, almost as sanguinary as the civil wars of ancient times. the tendency is, therefore, in progressive countries, as we see in australia, to supersede strikes by conciliation and arbitration, just as war is tending to be superseded by international tribunals. these two aims are, however, absolutely distinct, and the introduction of law into the disputes between nations can have no direct effect on the disputes between social classes. it is quite possible, however, that it may have an indirect effect, and that when disputes between nations are settled in an orderly manner, social feeling will forbid disputes between classes to be settled in a disorderly manner. [ ] the abbé de saint-pierre ( - ), a churchman without vocation, was a norman of noble family, and first published his mémoires pour rendre la paix perpetuelle à l'europe in . as siégler-pascal well shows (les projets de l'abbé dé saint-pierre, ) he was not a mere visionary utopian, but an acute and far-seeing thinker, practical in his methods, a close observer, an experimentalist, and one of the first to attempt the employment of statistics. he was secretary to the french plenipotentiaries who negotiated the treaty of utrecht, and was thus probably put on the track of his scheme. he proposed that the various european states should name plenipotentiaries to form a permanent tribunal of compulsory arbitration for the settlement of all differences. if any state took up arms against one of the allies, the whole confederation would conjointly enter the field, at their conjoint expense, against the offending state. he was opposed to absolute disarmament, an army being necessary to ensure peace, but it must be a joint army composed of contingents from each power in the confederation. saint-pierre, it will be seen, had clearly grasped the essential facts of the situation as we see them to-day. "the author of the project of perpetual peace" concludes prof. pierre robert in a sympathetic summary of his career (petit de julleville, histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, vol. vi), "is the precursor of the twentieth century." his statue, we cannot doubt, will be a conspicuous object, beside sully's, on the future palace of any international tribunal. [ ] jules de gaultier, "comment naissent les dogmes," mercure de france, st sept., . jules de gaultier also observes that "conflict is the law and condition of all existence." that may be admitted, but it ceases to be true if we assume, as the same thinker assumes, that "conflict" necessarily involves "war." the establishment of law to regulate the disputes between individuals by no means suppresses conflict, but it suppresses fighting, and it ensures that if any fighting occur the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression. in the same way the existence of a tribunal to regulate the disputes between national communities of individuals can by no means suppress conflict; but unless it suppresses fighting, and unless it ensures that if fighting occurs the aggressor shall not profit by his aggression, it will have effected nothing. [ ] a.l. guérard, "impressions of military life in france," _popular science monthly_, april, . xi the problem of an international language early attempts to construct an international language--the urgent need of an auxiliary language to-day--volapük--the claims of spanish--latin--the claims of english--its disadvantages--the claims of french--its disadvantages--the modern growth of national feeling opposed to selection of a natural language--advantages of an artificial language--demands it must fulfil--esperanto--its threatened disruption--the international association for the adoption of an auxiliary international language--the first step to take. ever since the decay of latin as the universal language of educated people, there have been attempts to replace it by some other medium of international communication. that decay was inevitable; it was the outward manifestation of a movement of individualism which developed national languages and national literatures, and burst through the restraining envelope of an authoritarian system expounded in an official language. this individualism has had the freest play, and we are not likely to lose all that it has given us. yet as soon as it was achieved the more distinguished spirits in every country began to feel the need of counterbalancing it. the history of the movement may be said to begin with descartes, who in wrote to his friend mersenne that it would be possible to construct an artificial language which could be used as an international medium of communication. leibnitz, though he had solved the question for himself, writing some of his works in latin and others in french, was yet all his life more or less occupied with the question of a universal language. other men of the highest distinction--pascal, condillac, voltaire, diderot, ampère, jacob grimm--have sought or desired a solution to this problem.[ ] none of these great men, however, succeeded even in beginning an attempt to solve the problem they were concerned with. some forty years ago, however, the difficulty began again to be felt, this time much more keenly and more widely than before. the spread of commerce, the facility of travel, the ramifications of the postal service, the development of new nationalities and new literatures, have laid upon civilized peoples a sense of burden and restriction which could never have been felt by their forefathers in the previous century. added to this, a new sense of solidarity had been growing up in the world; the financial and commercial solidarity, by which any disaster or disturbance in one country causes a wave of disaster or disturbance to pass over the whole civilized globe, was being supplemented by a sense of spiritual solidarity. men began to realize that the tasks of civilization cannot be carried out except by mutual understanding and mutual sympathy among the more civilized nations, that every nation has something to learn from other nations, and that the bonds of international intercourse must thus be drawn closer. this feeling of the need of an international language led in america to several serious attempts to obtain a consensus of opinion among scientific men regarding an international language. thus in the philosophical society of philadelphia, the oldest of american learned societies, unanimously resolved, on the initiative of brinton, to address a letter to learned societies throughout the world, asking for their co-operation in perfecting a language for commercial and learned purposes, based on the aryan vocabulary and grammar in their simplest forms, and to that end proposing an international congress, the first meeting of which should be held in paris or london. in the same year horatio hale read a paper on the same subject before the american association for the advancement of science. a little later, in , it was again proposed at a meeting of the same association that, in order to consider the question of the construction and adoption of a symmetrical and scientific language, a congress should be held, delegates being in proportion to the number of persons speaking each language. these excellent proposals seem, however, to have borne little fruit. it is always an exceedingly difficult matter to produce combined action among scientific societies even of the same nation. thus the way has been left open for individuals to adopt the easier but far less decisive or satisfactory method of inventing a new language by their own unaided exertions. certainly over a hundred such languages have been proposed during the past century. the most famous of these was undoubtedly volapük, which was invented in by schleyer, a german-swiss priest who knew many languages and had long pondered over this problem, but who was not a scientific philologist; the actual inception of the language occurred in a dream. volapük was almost the first real attempt at an organic language capable of being used for the oral transmission of thought. on this account, no doubt, it met with great and widespread success; it was actively taken up by a professor at paris, societies were formed for its propagation, journals and hundreds of books were published in it; its adherents were estimated at a million. but its success, though brilliant, was short-lived. in , when the third volapük congress was held, it was at the height of its success, but thereafter dissension arose, and its reputation suddenly collapsed. no one now speaks volapük; it is regarded as a hideous monstrosity, even by those who have the most lively faith in artificial languages. its inventor has outlived his language, and, like it, has been forgotten by the world, though his achievement was a real step towards the solution of the problem. the collapse of volapük discouraged thoughtful persons from expecting any solution of the problem in an artificial language. it seemed extremely improbable that any invented language, least of all the unaided product of a single mind, could ever be generally accepted, or be worthy of general acceptance, as an international mode of communication. such a language failed to carry the prestige necessary to overcome the immense inertia which any attempt to adopt it would meet with. invented languages, the visionary schemes of idealists, apparently received no support from practical men of affairs. it seemed to be among actual languages, living or dead, that we might most reasonably expect to find a medium of communication likely to receive wide support. the difficulty then lay in deciding which language should be selected. russian had sometimes been advocated as the universal language for international purposes, and it is possible to point to the enormous territory of russia, its growing power and the fact that russian is the real or official language of a larger number of people than any other language except english. but russian is so unlike the latin and teutonic tongues, used by the majority of european peoples; it is so complicated, so difficult to acquire, and, moreover, so lacking in concision that it has never had many enthusiastic advocates. the virtues and defects of spanish, which has found many enthusiastic supporters, are of an opposite character. it is an admirably vigorous and euphonious language, on a sound phonetic basis, every letter always standing for a definite sound; the grammar is simple and exceptionally free from irregularities, and it is the key to a great literature. billroth, the distinguished austrian surgeon, advocated the adoption of spanish; he regarded english as really more suitable, but, he pointed out, it is so difficult for the latin races to speak non-latin tongues that a romance language is essential, and spanish is the simplest and most logical of the romance tongues.[ ] it is, moreover, spoken by a vast number of people in south america and elsewhere. a few enthusiasts have advocated greek, and have supported their claim with the argument that it is still a living language. but although greek is the key to a small but precious literature, and is one of the sources of latter-day speech and scientific terminology, it is difficult, it is without special adaptation to modern uses, and there are no adequate reasons why it should be made an international language. latin cannot be dismissed quite so hastily. it has in its favour the powerful argument that it has once already been found adequate to serve as the universal language. there is a widespread opinion to-day among the medical profession--the profession most actively interested in the establishment of a universal language--that latin should be adopted, and before the international medical congress at rome in , a petition to this effect was presented by some eight hundred doctors in india.[ ] it is undoubtedly an admirable language, expressive, concentrated, precise. but the objections are serious. the relative importance of latin to-day is very far from what it was a thousand years ago, for conditions have wholly changed. there is now no great influence, such as the catholic church was of old, to enforce latin, even if it possessed greater advantages. and the advantages are very mixed. latin is a wholly dead tongue, and except in a degenerate form not by any means an easy one to learn, for its genius is wholly opposed to the genius even of those modern languages which are most closely allied to it. the world never returns on its own path. although the prestige of latin is still enormous, a language could only be brought from death to life by some widespread motor force; such a force no longer exists behind latin. there remain english and french, and these are undoubtedly the two natural languages most often put forward--even outside england and france--as possessing the best claims for adoption as auxiliary international mediums of communication. english, especially, was claimed by many, some twenty years ago, to be not merely the auxiliary language of the future, but the universal language which must spread all over the world and supersede and drive out all others by a kind of survival of the fittest. this notion of a universal language is now everywhere regarded as a delusion, but at that time there was still thought by many to be a kind of special procreative activity in the communities of anglo-saxon origin which would naturally tend to replace all other peoples, both the people and the language being regarded as the fittest to survive.[ ] english was, however, rightly felt to be a language with very great force behind it, being spoken by vast communities possessing a peculiarly energetic and progressive temperament, and with much power of peaceful penetration in other lands. it is generally acknowledged also that english fully deserves to be ranked as one of the first of languages by its fine aptitude for powerful expression, while at the same time it is equally fitted for routine commercial purposes. the wide extension of english and its fine qualities have often been emphasized, and it is unnecessary to dwell on them here. the decision of the scientific societies of the world to use english for bibliographical purposes is not entirely a tribute to english energy in organization, but to the quality of the language. one finds, indeed, that these facts are widely recognized abroad, in france and elsewhere, though i have noted that those who foretell the conquest of english, even when they are men of intellectual distinction and able to read english, are often quite unable to speak it or to understand it when spoken. that brings us to a point which is overlooked by those who triumphantly pointed to the natural settlement of this question by the swamping of other tongues in the overflowing tide of english speech. english is the most concise and laconic of the great languages. greek, french and german are all more expansive, more syllabically copious. latin alone may be said to equal, or surpass english in concentration, because, although latin words are longer on the average, by their greater inflection they cover a larger number of english words. this power of english to attain expression with a minimum expenditure of energy in written speech is one of its chief claims to succeed latin as the auxiliary international language. but it furnishes no claim to preference for actual speaking, in which this economy of energy ceases to be a supreme virtue, since here we have also to admit the virtues of easy intelligibility and of persuasiveness. greek largely owed its admirable fitness for speech to the natural richness and prolongation of its euphonious words, which allowed the speaker to attain the legitimate utterance of his thought without pauses or superfluous repetition. french, again, while by no means inapt for concentration, as the _pensée_ writers show, most easily lends itself to effects that are meant for speech, as in bossuet, or that recall speech, as in mme de sevigné in one order of literature, or renan in another. but at rome, we feel, the spoken tongue had a difficulty to overcome, and the mellifluously prolonged rhetoric of cicero, delightful as it may be, scarcely seems to reveal to us the genius of the latin tongue. the inaptitude of english for the purposes of speech is even more conspicuous, and is again well illustrated in our oratory. gladstone was an orator of acknowledged eloquence, but the extreme looseness and redundancy into which his language was apt to fall in the effort to attain the verbose richness required for the ends of spoken speech, reveals too clearly the poverty of english from this point of view. the same tendency is also illustrated by the vain re-iterations of ordinary speakers. the english intellect, with all its fine qualities, is not sufficiently nimble for either speaker or hearer to keep up with the swift brevity of the english tongue. it is a curious fact that great britain takes the lead in europe in the prevalence of stuttering; the language is probably a factor in this evil pre-eminence, for it appears that the chinese, whose language is powerfully rhythmic, never stutter. one authority has declared that "no nation in the civilized world speaks its language so abominably as the english." we can scarcely admit that this english difficulty of speech is the result of some organic defect in english nervous systems; the language itself must be a factor in the matter. i have found, when discussing the point with scientific men and others abroad, that the opinion prevails that it is usually difficult to follow a speaker in english. this experience may, indeed, be considered general. while an admirably strong and concise language, english is by no means so adequate in actual speech; it is not one of the languages which can be heard at a long distance, and, moreover, it lends itself in speaking to so many contractions that are not used in writing--so many "can'ts" and "won'ts" and "don'ts," which suit english taciturnity, but slur and ruin english speech--that english, as spoken, is almost a different language from that which excites admiration when written. so that the exclusive use of english for international purposes would not be the survival of the fittest so far as a language for speaking purposes is concerned. moreover, it must be remembered that english is not a democratic language. it is not, like the chief romance languages and the chief teutonic languages, practically homogeneous, made out of one block. it is formed by the mixture of two utterly unlike elements, one aristocratic, the other plebeian. ever since the norman lord came over to england a profound social inequality has become rooted in the very language. in french, _boeuf_ and _mouton_ and _veau_ and _porc_ have always been the same for master and for man, in the field and on the table; the animal has never changed its plebeian name for an aristocratic name as it passed through the cook's hands. that example is typical of the curious mark which the norman conquest left on our speech, rendering it so much more difficult for us than for the french to attain equality of social intercourse. inequality is stamped indelibly into our language as into no other great language. of course, from the literary point of view, that is all gain, and has been of incomparable aid to our poets in helping them to reach their most magnificent effects, as we may see conspicuously in shakespeare's enormous vocabulary. but from the point of view of equal social intercourse, this wealth of language is worse than lost, it is disastrous. the old feudal distinctions are still perpetuated; the "man" still speaks his "plain anglo-saxon," and the "gentleman" still speaks his refined latinized speech. in every language, it is true, there are social distinctions in speech, and every language has its slang. but in english these distinctions are perpetuated in the very structure of the language. elsewhere the working-class speak--with a little difference in the quality--a language needing no substantial transformation to become the language of society, which differs from it in quality rather than in kind. but the english working man feels the need to translate his common anglo-saxon speech into foreign words of latin origin. it is difficult for the educated person in england to understand the struggle which the uneducated person goes through to speak the language of the educated, although the unsatisfactory result is sufficiently conspicuous. but we can trace the operation of a similar cause in the hesitancy of the educated man himself when he attempts to speak in public and is embarrassed by the search for the set of words most suited for dignified purposes. most of those who regarded english as the coming world-language admitted that it would require improvement for general use. the extensive and fundamental character of the necessary changes is not, however, realized. the difficulties of english are of four kinds: ( ) its special sounds, very troublesome for foreigners to learn to pronounce, and the uncertainty of its accentuation; ( ) its illogical and chaotic spelling, inevitably leading to confusions in pronunciation; ( ) the grammatical irregularities in its verbs and plural nouns; and ( ) the great number of widely different words which are almost or quite similar in pronunciation. a vast number of absurd pitfalls are thus prepared for the unwary user of english. he must remember that the plural of "mouse" is "mice," but that the plural of "house" is not "hice," that he may speak of his two "sons," but not of his two "childs"; he will indistinguishably refer to "sheeps" and "ships"; and like the preacher a little unfamiliar with english who had chosen a well-known text to preach on, he will not remember whether "plough" is pronounced "pluff" or "plo,"[ ] and even a phonetic spelling system would render still more confusing the confusion between such a series of words as "hair," "hare," "heir," "are," "ere" and "eyre." many of these irregularities are deeply rooted in the structure of the language; it would be an extremely difficult as well as extensive task to remove them, and when the task was achieved the language would have lost much of its character and savour; it would clash painfully with literary english. thus even if we admitted that english ought to be the international language of the future, the result is not so satisfactory from a british point of view as is usually taken for granted. all other civilized nations would be bilingual; they would possess the key not only to their own literature, but to a great foreign literature with all the new horizons that a foreign literature opens out. the english-speaking countries alone would be furnished with only one language, and would have no stimulus to acquire any other language, for no other language would be of any practical use to them. all foreigners would be in a position to bring to the english-speaking man whatever information they considered good for him. at first sight this seems a gain for the english-speaking peoples, because they would thus be spared a certain expenditure of energy; but a very little reflection shows that such a saving of energy is like that effected by the intestinal parasitic worm who has digested food brought ready to his mouth. it leads to degeneracy. not the people whose language is learnt, but the people who learn a language reap the benefit, spiritual and material. it is now admitted in the commercial world that the ardour of the germans in learning english has brought more advantage to the germans than to the english. moreover, the high intellectual level of small nations at the present time is due largely to the fact that all their educated members must be familiar with one or two languages besides their own. the great defect of the english mind is insularity; the virtue of its boisterous energy is accompanied by lack of insight into the differing virtues of other peoples. if the natural course of events led to the exclusive use of english for international communication, this defect would be still more accentuated. the immense value of becoming acquainted with a foreign language is that we are thereby led into a new world of tradition and thought and feeling. before we know a new language truly, we have to realize that the words which at first seem equivalent to words in our own language often have a totally different atmosphere, a different rank or dignity from that which they occupy in our own language. it is in learning this difference in the moral connotation of a language and its expression in literature that we reap the real benefit of knowing a foreign tongue. there is no other way--not even residence in a foreign land if we are ignorant of the language--to take us out of the customary circle of our own traditions. it imparts a mental flexibility and emotional sympathy which no other discipline can yield. to ordain that all non-english-speaking peoples should learn english in addition to their mother tongue, and to render it practically unnecessary for english-speakers (except the small class of students) to learn any other language, would be to confer an immense boon on the first group of peoples, doubling their mental and emotional capacity; it is to render the second group hidebound. when we take a broad and impartial survey of the question we thus see that there is reason to believe that, while english is an admirable literary language (this is the ground that its eulogists always take), and sufficiently concise for commercial purposes, it is by no means an adequate international tongue, especially for purposes of oral speech, and, moreover, its exclusive use for this purpose would be a misfortune for the nations already using it, since they would be deprived of that mental flexibility and emotional sympathy which no discipline can give so well as knowledge of a living foreign tongue. many who realized these difficulties put forward french as the auxiliary international language. it is quite true that the power behind french is now relatively less than it was two centuries ago.[ ] at that time france by its relatively large population, the tradition of its military greatness, and its influential political position, was able to exert an immense influence; french was the language of intellect and society in germany, in england, in russia, everywhere in fact. during the eighteenth century internal maladministration, the cataclysm of the revolution, and finally the fatal influence of napoleon alienated foreign sympathy, and france lost her commanding position. yet it was reasonably felt that, if a natural language is to be used for international purposes, after english there is no practicable alternative to french. french is the language not indeed in any special sense of science or of commerce, but of the finest human culture. it is a well-organized tongue, capable of the finest shades of expression, and it is the key to a great literature. in most respects it is the best favoured child of latin; it commends itself to all who speak romance languages, and, as alphonse de candolle has remarked, a spaniard and an italian know three-quarters of french beforehand, and every one who has learnt latin knows half of french already. it is more admirably adapted for speaking purposes than perhaps any other language which has any claim to be used for international purposes, as we should expect of the tongue spoken by a people who have excelled in oratory, who possess such widely diffused dramatic ability, and who have carried the arts of social intercourse to the highest point. paris remains for most people the intellectual capital of europe; french is still very generally used for purposes of intercommunication throughout europe, while the difficulty experienced by all but germans and russians in learning english is well known. li hung chang is reported to have said that, while for commercial reasons english is far more widely used in china than french, the chinese find french a much easier language to learn to speak, and the preferences of the chinese may one day count for a good deal--in one direction or another--in the world's progress. one frequently hears that the use of french for international purposes is decaying; this is a delusion probably due to the relatively slow growth of the french-speaking races and to various temporary political causes. it is only necessary to look at the large international medical congresses. thus at one such congress at rome, at which i was present, over six thousand members came from forty-two countries of the globe, and over two thousand of them took part in the proceedings. four languages (italian, french, german and english) were used at this congress. going over the seven large volumes of transactions, i find that fifty-nine communications were presented in english, one hundred and seventy-one in german, three hundred and one in french, the rest in italian. the proportion of english communications to german is thus a little more than one to three, and the proportion of english to french less than one to six. moreover, the english-speaking members invariably (i believe) used their own language, so that these fifty-nine communications represent the whole contribution of the english-speaking world. and they represent nothing more than that; notwithstanding the enormous spread of english, of which we hear so much, not a single non-english speaker seems to have used english. it might be supposed that this preponderance of french was due to a preponderance of the french element, but this was by no means the case; the members of english-speaking race greatly exceeded those of french-speaking race. but, while the english communications represented the english-speaking countries only, and the german communications were chiefly by german speakers, french was spoken not only by members belonging to the smaller nations of europe, from the north and from the south, by the russians, by most of the turkish and asiatic members, but also by all the mexicans and south americans. these figures may not be absolutely free from fallacy, due to temporary causes of fluctuation. but that they are fairly exact is shown by the results of the following congress, held at moscow. if i take up the programme for the department of psychiatry and nervous disease, in which i was myself chiefly interested, i find that of communications, were in french, in german and in english. this shows that french, german and english bear almost exactly the same relation to one another as at rome. in other words, per cent of the speakers used french, per cent german, and only per cent english. if we come down to one of the most recent international medical congresses, that of lisbon in , we find that the supremacy of french, far from weakening, is more emphatically affirmed. the language of the country in which the congress was held was ruled out, and i find that of contributions to the proceedings of the congress, over per cent were in french, scarcely more than per cent in english, and less than per cent in german. at the subsequent congress at budapesth in , the french contributions were to the english as three to one. similar results are shown by other international congresses. thus at the third international congress of psychology, held at munich, there were four official languages, and on grounds of locality the majority of communications were in german; french followed with , italian with , and english brought up the rear with . dr. westermarck, who is the stock example of the spread of english for international purposes, spoke in german. it is clearly futile to point to figures showing the prolific qualities of english races; the moral quality of a race and its language counts, as well as mere physical capacity for breeding, and the moral influence of french to-day is immensely greater than that of english. that is, indeed, scarcely a fair statement of the matter in view of the typical cases just quoted; one should rather say that, as a means of spoken international communication for other than commercial purposes, english is nowhere. there is one other point which serves to give prestige to french: its literary supremacy in the modern world. while some would claim for the english the supreme poetic literature, there can be no doubt that the french own the supreme prose literature of modern europe. it was felt by those who advocated the adoption of english or french that it would surely be a gain for human progress if the auxiliary international languages of the future should be one, if not both, of two that possess great literatures, and which embody cultures in some respects allied, but in most respects admirably supplementing each other.[ ] the collapse of volapük stimulated the energy of those who believed that the solution of the question lay in the adoption of a natural language. to-day, however, there are few persons who, after carefully considering the matter, regard this solution as probable or practicable.[ ] considerations of two orders seem now to be decisive in rejecting the claims of english and french, or, indeed, any other natural language, to be accepted as an international language: ( ) the vast number of peculiarities, difficulties, and irregularities, rendering necessary so revolutionary a change for international purposes that the language would be almost transformed into an artificial language, and perhaps not even then an entirely satisfactory one. ( ) the extraordinary development during recent years of the minor national languages, and the jealousy of foreign languages which this revival has caused. this latter factor is probably alone fatal to the adoption of any living language. it can scarcely be disputed that neither english nor french occupies to-day so relatively influential a position as it once occupied. the movement against the use of french in roumania, as detrimental to the national language, is significant of a widespread feeling, while, as regards english, the introduction by the germans into commerce of the method of approaching customers in their own tongue, has rendered impossible the previous english custom of treating english as the general language of commerce. the natural languages, it became realized, fail to answer to the requirements which must be made of an auxiliary international language. the conditions which have to be fulfilled are thus formulated by anna roberts:[ ] "_first_, a vocabulary having a maximum of internationality in its root-words for at least the indo-european races, living or bordering on the confines of the old roman empire, whose vocabularies are already saturated with greek and latin roots, absorbed during the long centuries of contact with greek and roman civilization. as the centre of gravity of the world's civilization now stands, this seems the most rational beginning. such a language shall then have: "_second_, a grammatical structure stripped of all the irregularities found in every existing tongue, and that shall be simpler than any of them. it shall have: "_third_, a single, unalterable sound for each letter, no silent letters, no difficult, complex, shaded sounds, but simple primary sounds, capable of being combined into harmonious words, which latter shall have but a single stress accent that never shifts. "_fourth_, mobility of structure, aptness for the expression of complex ideas, but in ways that are grammatically simple, and by means of words that can easily be analysed without a dictionary. "_fifth_, it must be capable of being, not merely a literary language,[ ] but a spoken tongue, having a pronunciation that can be perfectly mastered by adults through the use of manuals, and in the absence of oral teachers. "_finally_, and as a necessary corollary and complement to all of the above, this international auxiliary language must, to be of general utility, be exceedingly easy of acquisition by persons of but moderate education, and hitherto conversant with no language but their own." thus the way was prepared for the favourable reception of a new artificial language, which had in the meanwhile been elaborated. dr. zamenhof, a russian physician living at warsaw, had been from youth occupied with the project of an international language, and in he put forth in french his scheme for a new language to be called esperanto. the scheme attracted little notice; volapük was then at the zenith of its career, and when it fell, its fall discredited all attempts at an artificial language. but, like volapük, esperanto found its great apostle in france. m. louis de beaufront brought his high ability and immense enthusiasm to the work of propaganda, and the success of esperanto in the world is attributed in large measure to him. the extension of esperanto is now threatening to rival that of volapük. many years ago max müller, and subsequently skeat, notwithstanding the philologist's prejudice in favour of natural languages, expressed their approval of esperanto, and many persons of distinction, moving in such widely remote spheres as tolstoy and sir william ramsay, have since signified their acceptance and their sympathy. esperanto congresses are regularly held, esperanto societies and esperanto consulates are established in many parts of the world, a great number of books and journals are published in esperanto, and some of the world's classics have been translated into it. it is generally recognized that esperanto represents a great advance on volapük. yet there are already signs that esperanto is approaching the climax of its reputation, and that possibly its inventor may share the fate of the inventor of volapük and outlive his own language. the most serious attack on esperanto has come from within. the most intelligent esperantists have realized the weakness and defects of their language (in some measure due to the inevitable slavonic prepossessions of its inventor) and demand radical reforms, which the conservative party resist. even m. de beaufront, to whom its success was largely due, has abandoned primitive esperanto, and various scientific men of high distinction in several countries now advocate the supersession of esperanto by an improved language based upon it and called ido. professor lorenz, who is among the advocates of ido, admits that esperanto has shown the possibility of a synthetic language, but states definitely that "according to the concordant testimony of all unbiased opinions" esperanto in no wise represents the final solution of the problem. this new movement is embodied in the délégation pour l'adoption d'une langue auxiliaire internationale, founded in paris during the international exhibition in by various eminent literary and scientific men, and having its head-quarters in paris. the délégation consider that the problem demands a purely scientific and technical solution, and it is claimed that per cent of the stems of ido are common to six languages: german, english, french, italian, russian and spanish. the délégation appear to have approached the question with a fairly open mind, and it was only after study of the subject that they finally reached the conclusion that esperanto contained a sufficient number of good qualities to furnish a basis on which to work.[ ] the general programme of the délégation is that ( ) an auxiliary international language is required, adapted to written and oral language between persons of different mother tongues; ( ) such language must be capable of serving the needs of science, daily life, commerce, and general intercourse, and must be of such a character that it may easily be learnt by persons of average elementary education, especially those of civilized european nationality; ( ) the decision to rest with the international association of academies, and, in case of their refusal, with the committee of the délégation.[ ] the délégation is seeking to bring about an official international congress which would either itself or through properly appointed experts establish an internationally and officially recognized auxiliary language. the chief step made in this direction has been the formation at berne in of an international association whose object is to take immediate steps towards bringing the question before the governments of europe. the association is pledged to observe a strict neutrality in regard to the language to be chosen. the whole question seems thus to have been placed on a sounder basis than hitherto. the international language of the future cannot be, and ought not to be, settled by a single individual seeking to impose his own invention on the world. this is not a matter for zealous propaganda of an almost religious character. the hasty and premature adoption of some privately invented language merely retards progress. no individual can settle the question by himself. what we need is calm study and deliberation between the nations and the classes chiefly concerned, acting through the accredited representatives of their governments and other professional bodies. nothing effective can be done until the pressure of popular opinion has awakened governments and scientific societies to the need for action. the question of international arbitration has become practical; the question of the international language ought to go hand in hand with that of international arbitration. they are closely allied and both equally necessary. while the educational, commercial, and official advantages of an auxiliary international language are obvious, it seems to me that from the standpoint of social hygiene there are at least three interests which are especially and deeply concerned in the settlement of this question. the first and chief is that of international democracy in its efforts to attain an understanding on labour questions. there can be no solution of this question until a simpler mode of personal communication has become widely prevalent. this matter has from time to time already been brought before international labour congresses, and those who attend such congresses have doubtless had occasion to realize how essential it is. perhaps it is a chief factor in the comparative failure of such congresses hitherto. science represents the second great interest which has shown an active concern in the settlement of this question. to follow up any line of scientific research is already a sufficiently gigantic work, on account of the absence of proper bibliographical organization; it becomes almost overwhelming now that the search has to extend over at least half a dozen languages, and still leaves the searcher a stranger to the important investigations which are appearing in russian and in japanese, and will before long appear in other languages. sir michael foster once drew a humorous picture of the woes of the physiologist owing to these causes. in other fields--especially in the numerous branches of anthropological research, as i can myself bear witness--the worker is even worse off than the physiologist. just now science is concentrating its energies on the organization of bibliography, but much attention has been given to this question of an international language from time to time, and it is likely before long to come pressingly to the front. the medical profession is also practically concerned in this question; hitherto it has, indeed, taken a more lively interest in the effort to secure an international language than has pure science. it is of the first importance that new discoveries and methods in medicine and hygiene should be rendered immediately accessible; while the now enormously extended domain of medicine is full of great questions which can only be solved by international co-operation on an international basis. the responsibility of advocating a number of measures affecting the well-being of communities lies, in the first place, with the medical profession; but no general agreement is possible without full facilities for discussion in international session. this has been generally recognized; hence the numerous attempts to urge a single language on the organizers of the international medical congresses. i have already observed how large and active these congresses were. yet it cannot be said that any results are achieved commensurate with the world-wide character of such congresses. partly this is due to the fact that the organizers of international congresses have not yet learnt what should be the scope of such conferences, and what they may legitimately hope to perform; but very largely because there is no international method of communication; and, except for a few seasoned cosmopolitans, no truly international exchange of opinions takes place. this can only be possible when we have a really common and familiar method of intercommunication. these three interests--democratic, scientific, medical--seem at present those chiefly concerned in the task of putting this matter on a definite basis, and it is much to be desired that they should come to some common agreement. they represent three immensely important modes of social and intellectual activity, and the progress of every nation is bound up with an international progress of which they are now the natural pioneers. it cannot be too often repeated that the day has gone by when any progress worthy of the name can be purely national. all the most vital questions of national progress tend to merge themselves into international questions. but before any question of international progress can result in anything but noisy confusion, we need a recognized mode of international intelligence and communication. that is why the question of the auxiliary international language is of actual and vital interest to all who are concerned with the tasks of social hygiene. the question on international coinage it must be remembered that the international auxiliary language is an organic part of a larger internationalization which must inevitably be effected, and is indeed already coming into being. two related measures of intercommunication are an international system of postage stamps, and an international coinage, to which may be added an international system of weights and measures, which seems to be already in course of settlement by the increasingly general adoption of the metric system. the introduction of the exchangeable international stamp coupon represents the beginning of a truly international postal system; but it is only a beginning. if a completely developed international postal system were incidentally to deliver some nations, and especially the english, from the depressingly ugly postage stamps they are now condemned to use, this reform would possess a further advantage almost as great as its practical utility. an international coinage is, again, a prime necessity, which would possess immense commercial advantages in addition to the great saving of trouble it would effect. the progress of civilization is already working towards an international coinage. in an interesting paper on this subject ("international coinage," _popular science monthly_, march, ) t.f. van wagenen writes; "each in its way, the great commercial nations of the day are unconsciously engaged in the task. the english shilling is working northwards from the cape of good hope, has already come in touch with the german mark and the portuguese peseta which have been introduced on both the east and west sides of the continent, and will in due time meet the french franc and italian lira coming south from the shores of the mediterranean. in asia, the indian rupee, the russian rouble, the japanese yen, and the american-philippine coins are already competing for the patronage of the malay and the chinaman. in south america neither american nor european coins have any foot-hold, the latin-american nations being well supplied by systems of their own, all related more or less closely to the coinage of mexico or portugal. thus the plainly evolutionary task of pushing civilization into the uneducated parts of the world through commerce is as badly hampered by the different coins offered to the barbarian as are the efforts of the evangelists to introduce christianity by the existence of the various denominations and creeds. the church is beginning to appreciate the wastage in its efforts, and is trying to minimize it by combinations among the denominations having for their object to standardize christianity, so to speak, by reducing tenet and dogma to the lowest possible terms. commerce must do the same. the white man's coins must be standardized and simplified.... the international coin will come in a comparatively short time, just as will arrive the international postage stamp, which, by the way, is very badly needed. for the upper classes of all countries, the people who travel, and have to stand the nuisance and loss of changing their money at every frontier, the bankers and international merchants who have to cumber their accounts with the fluctuating item of exchange between commercial centres will insist upon it. all the european nations, with the exception of russia and turkey, are ready for the change, and when these reach the stage of real constitutionalism in their progress upward, they will be compelled to follow, being already deeply in debt to the french, english, and germans. japan may be counted upon to acquiesce instantly in any unit agreed upon by the rest of the civilized world." this writer points out that the opening out of the uncivilized parts of the world to commerce will alone serve to make an international coinage absolutely indispensable. without, however, introducing a really new system, an auxiliary international money system (corresponding to an auxiliary international language) could be introduced as a medium of exchange without interfering with the existing coinages of the various nations. réné de saussure (writing in the _journal de genève_, in ) has insisted on the immense benefit such a system of "monnaie de compte" would be in removing the burden imposed upon all international financial relations by the diversity of money values. he argues that the best point of union would be a gold piece of eight grammes--almost exactly equivalent to one pound, twenty marks, five dollars, and twenty-five francs--being, in fact, but one-third of a penny different from the value of a pound sterling. for the subdivisions the point of union must be decimally divided, and m. de saussure would give the name of speso to a ten-thousandth part of the gold coin. footnotes: [ ] the history of the efforts to attain a universal language has been written by couturat and leau, _histoire de la langue universelle_, . [ ] the distinguished french physician, dr. sollier, also, in an address to the lisbon international medical congress, on "la question de la langue auxiliaire internationale," in , advocating the adoption of one of the existing romance tongues, said: "spanish is the simplest of all and the easiest, and if it were chosen for this purpose i should be the first to accept it." [ ] it has even been stated by a distinguished english man of science that latin is sometimes easier for the english to use than is their own language. "i have known englishmen who could be trusted to write a more intelligible treatise, possibly even to make a more lucid speech, in latin than in english," says dr. miers, the principal of london university (_lancet_, th october, ), and he adds: "quite seriously, i think some part of the cause is to be sought in the difficulty of our language, and many educated persons get lost in its intricacies, just as they get lost in its spelling." without questioning the fact, however, i would venture to question this explanation of it. [ ] thus in one article on the growing extension of the english language throughout the world (_macmillan's magazine_, march, ) we read: "english is practically certain to become the language of the world.... the speech of shakespeare and milton, of dryden and swift, of byron and wordsworth, will be, in a sense in which no other language has been, the speech of the whole world." we do not nowadays meet with these wild statements. [ ] the stumbling-stones for the foreigner presented by english words in "ough" have often been referred to, and are clearly set forth in the verses in which mr. c.b. loomis has sought to represent a french learner's experiences--and the same time to show the criminal impulses which these irregularities arouse in the pupil. "i'm taught p-l-o-u-g-h shall be pronouncèd 'plow,' 'zat's easy when you know,' i say, 'mon anglais i'll get through.' "my teacher say zat in zat case o-u-g-h is 'oo,' and zen i laugh and say to him 'zees anglais make me cough.' "he say, 'not coo, but in zat word o-u-g-h is "off,"' oh, _sacre bleu_! such varied sounds of words make me hiccough! "he say, 'again, mon friend ees wrong! o-u-g-h is "up," in hiccough,' zen i cry, 'no more, you make my throat feel rough,' "'non! non!' he cry, 'you are not right-- o-u-g-h is "uff."' i say, 'i try to speak your words, i can't prononz zem though,' "'in time you'll learn, but now you're wrong, o-u-g-h is "owe."' 'i'll try no more. i sall go mad, i'll drown me in ze lough!' "'but ere you drown yourself,' said he, 'o-u-g-h is "ock."' he taught no more! i held him fast, and killed him wiz a rough!" [ ] it is interesting to remember that at one period in european history, french seemed likely to absorb english, and thus to acquire, in addition to its own motor force, all the motor force which now lies behind english. when the normans--a vigorous people of scandinavian origin, speaking a romance tongue, and therefore well fitted to accomplish a harmonizing task of this kind--occupied both sides of the english channel, it seemed probable that they would dominate the speech of england as well as of france. "at that time," says méray (_la vie aux temps des cours d'amour_, p. ), who puts forward this view, "the people of the two coasts of the channel were closer in customs and in speech than were for a long time the french on the opposite banks of the loire.... the influential part of the english nation and all the people of its southern regions spoke the _romance_ of the north of france. in the crusades the knights of the two peoples often mixed, and were greeted as franks wherever their adventurous spirit led them. if edward iii, with the object of envenoming an antagonism which served his own ends, had not broken this link of language, the two peoples would perhaps have been united to-day in the same efforts of progress and of liberty.... of what a fine instrument of culture and of progress has not that fatal decree of edward iii deprived civilization!" [ ] i was at one time (_progressive review_, april, ) inclined to think that the adoption of both english and french, as joint auxiliary international languages--the first for writing and the second for speaking--might solve the problem. i have since recognized that such a solution, however advantageous it might be for human culture, would present many difficulties, and is quite impracticable. [ ] i may refer to three able papers which have appeared in recent years in the _popular science monthly_: anna monsch roberts, "the problem of international speech" (february, ); ivy kellerman, "the necessity for an international language," (september, ); albert léon guérard, "english as an international language" (october, ). all these writers reject as impracticable the adoption of either english or french as the auxiliary international language, and view with more favour the adoption of an artificial language such as esperanto. [ ] a.m. roberts, _op. cit._ [ ] it should be added, however, that the auxiliary language need not be used as a medium for literary art, and it is a mistake, as pfaundler points out, to translate poems into such a language. [ ] see _international language and science_, , by couturat, jespersen, lorenz, ostwald, pfaundler, and donnan, five professors living in five different countries. [ ] the progress of the movement is recorded in its official journal, _progreso_, edited by couturat, and in de beaufront's journal, _la langue auxiliaire_. xii individualism and socialism social hygiene in relation to the alleged opposition between socialism and individualism--the two parties in politics--the relation of conservatism and radicalism to socialism and individualism--the basis of socialism--the basis of individualism--the seeming opposition between socialism and individualism merely a division of labour--both socialism and individualism equally necessary--not only necessary but indispensable to each other--the conflict between the advocates of environment and heredity--a new embodiment of the supposed conflict between socialism and individualism--the place of eugenics--social hygiene ultimately one with the hygiene of the soul--the function of utopias. the controversy between individualism and socialism, the claim of the personal unit as against the claim of the collective community, is of ancient date. yet it is ever new and constantly presented afresh. it even seems to become more acute as civilization progresses. every scheme of social reform, every powerful manifestation of individual energy, raise anew a problem that is never out of date. it is inevitable, indeed, that with the development of social hygiene during the past hundred years there should also develop a radical opposition of opinion as to the methods by which such hygiene ought to be accomplished. there has always been this opposition in the political sphere; it is natural to find it also in the social sphere. the very fact that old-fashioned politics are becoming more and more transformed into questions of social hygiene itself ensures the continuance of such an opposition. in politics, and especially in the politics of constitutional countries of which england is the type, there are normally two parties. there is the party that holds by tradition, by established order and solidarity, the maintenance of the ancient hierarchical constitution of society, and in general distinguishes itself by a preference for the old over the new. there is, on the other side, the party that insists on progress, on freedom, on the reasonable demands of the individual, on the adaptation of the accepted order to changing conditions, and in general distinguishes itself by a preference for the new over the old. the first may be called the party of structure, and the second the party of function. in england we know the adherents of one party as conservatives and those of the other party as liberals or radicals. in time, it is true, these normal distinctions between the party of structure and the party of function tend to become somewhat confused; and it is precisely the transition of politics into the social sphere which tends to introduce confusion. with a political system which proceeds ultimately out of a society with a feudalistic basis, the normal attitude of political parties is long maintained. the party of structure, the conservative party, holds by the ancient feudalistic ideals which are really, in the large sense, socialistic, though a socialism based on a foundation of established inequality, and so altogether unlike the democratic socialism promulgated to-day. the party of function, the liberal party, insists on the break-up of this structural socialism to meet the new needs of progressive civilization. but when feudalism has been left far behind, and many of the changes introduced by liberalism have become part of the social structure, they fall under the protection of conservatives who are fighting against new liberal innovations. thus the lines of delimitation tend to become indistinct. in the politics of social hygiene there are the same two factors: the party of structure and the party of function. in their nature and in their opposition to each other they correspond to the two parties in the old political field. but they have changed their character and their names: the party of structure is here socialism or collectivism,[ ] the party of function is individualism.[ ] and while the tory, the conservative of early days, was allied to collectivism, and the whig, the liberal of early days, to individualism, that correspondence has ceased to be invariable owing to the confused manner in which the old political parties have nowadays shifted their ground. we may thus see a liberal who is a collectivist when a collectivist measure may involve that innovation to secure adjustment to new needs which is of the essence of liberalism, and we may see a conservative who is an individualist when individualism involves that maintenance of the existing order which is of the essence of conservatism. whether a man is a conservative or a liberal, he may incline either to socialism or to individualism without breaking with his political tradition. it is, therefore, impossible to import any political animus into the fundamental antagonism between individualism and socialism, which prevails in the sphere of social hygiene. we cannot hope to see clearly the grave problems involved by the fundamental antagonism between socialism and individualism unless we understand what each is founded on and what it is aiming at. when we seek to inquire how it is that the socialist ideal exerts so powerful an attraction on the human mind, and why it is ever seeking new modes of practical realization, we cannot fail to perceive that it ultimately proceeds from the primitive need of mutual help, a need which was felt long before the appearance of humanity.[ ] if, however, we keep strictly to our immediate mammalian traditions it may be said that the earliest socialist community is the family, with its trinity of father, mother, and child. the primitive family constitutes a group which is conditioned by the needs of each member. each individual is subordinated to the whole. the infant needs the mother and the mother needs the infant; they both need the father and the father needs both for the complete satisfaction of his own activities. socially and economically this primitive group is a unit, and if broken up into its individual parts these would be liable to perish. however we may multiply our social unit, however we may enlarge and elaborate it, however we may juggle with the results, we cannot disguise the essential fact. at the centre of every social agglomeration, however vast, however small, lies the social unit of the family of which each individual is by himself either unable to live or unable to reproduce, unable, that is to say, to gratify the two fundamental needs of hunger and love. there are many people who, while willing to admit that the family is, in a sense, a composite social unit to which each part has need of the other parts, so that all are mutually bound together, seek to draw a firm line of distinction between the family and society. family life, they declare, is not irreconcilable with individualism; it is merely _un égoïsme à trois_. it is, however, difficult to see how such a distinction can be maintained, whether we look at the matter theoretically or practically. in a small country like great britain, for instance, every englishman (excluding new immigrants) is related by blood to every other englishman, as would become clearer if every man possessed his pedigree for a thousand years back. when we remember, further, also, that every nation has been overlaid by invasions, warlike or peaceful, from neighbouring lands, and has, indeed, been originally formed in this way since no people has sprung up out of the soil of its own land, we must further admit that the nations themselves form one family related by blood. our genealogical relation to our fellows is too remote and extensive to concern us much practically and sentimentally, though it is well that we should realize it. if we put it aside, we have still to remember that our actual need of our fellows is not definitely to be distinguished from the mutual needs of the members of the smallest social unit, the family. in practice the individual is helpless. of all animals, indeed, man is the most helpless when left to himself. he must be cared for by others at every moment during his long infancy. he is dependent on the exertions of others for shelter and clothes, while others are occupied in preparing his food and conveying it from the ends of the world. even if we confine ourselves to the most elementary needs of a moderately civilized existence, or even if our requirements are only those of an idiot in an asylum, yet, for every one of us, there are literally millions of people spending the best of their lives from morning to night and perhaps receiving but little in return. the very elementary need of the individual in an urban civilization for pure water to drink can only be attained by organized social effort. the gigantic aqueducts constructed by the romans are early monuments of social activity typical of all the rest. the primary needs of the individual can only be supplied by an immense and highly organized social effort. the more complex civilization becomes, and the more numerous individual needs become, so much the more elaborate and highly organized becomes the social response to those needs. the individual is so dependent on society that he needs not only the active work of others, but even their mere passive good opinion, and if he loses that he is a failure, bankrupt, a pauper, a lunatic, a criminal, and the social reaction against him may suffice to isolate him, even to put him out of life altogether. so dependent indeed on society is the individual that there has always been a certain plausibility in the old idea of the stoics, countenanced by st. paul, and so often revived in later days (as by schäffle, lilienfeld, and rené worms), that society is an organism in which the individuals are merely cells depending for their significance on the whole to which they belong. just as the animal is, as hegel, the metaphysician, called it, a "nation," and dareste, the physiologist, a "city," made up of cells which are individuals having a common ancestor, so the actual nation, the real city, is an animal made up of individuals which are cells having a common ancestor, or, as oken long ago put it, individuals are the organs of the whole.[ ] man is a social animal in constant action and reaction with all his fellows of the same group--a group which becomes ever greater as civilization advances--and socialism is merely the formal statement of this ultimate social fact.[ ] there is a divinity that hedges certain words. a sacred terror warns the profane off them as off something that might blast the beholder's sight. in fact it is so, and even a clear-sighted person may be blinded by such a word. of these words none is more typical than the word "socialism." not so very long ago a prominent public man, of high intelligence, but evidently susceptible to the terror-striking influence of words, went to glasgow to deliver an address on social reform. he warned his hearers against socialism, and told them that, though so much talked about, it had not made one inch of progress; of practical socialism or collectivism there were no signs at all. yet, as some of his hearers pointed out, he gave his address in a municipally owned hall, illuminated by municipal lights, to an audience which had largely arrived in municipal tramcars travelling through streets owned, maintained, and guarded by the municipality. this audience was largely educated in state schools, in which their children nowadays can receive not only free education and free books, but, if necessary, free food and free medical inspection and treatment. moreover, the members of this same audience thus assured of the non-existence of socialism, are entitled to free treatment in the municipal hospital, should an infective disease overtake them; the municipality provides them freely with concerts and picture galleries, golf courses and swimming ponds; and in old age, finally, if duly qualified, they receive a state pension. now all these measures are socialistic, and socialism is nothing more or less than a complicated web of such measures; the socialistic state, as some have put it, is simply a great national co-operative association of which the government is the board of managers. it is said by some who disclaim any tendency to socialism, that what they desire is not the state-ownership of the means of production, but state-regulation. let the state, in the interests of the community, keep a firm control over the individualistic exploitation of capital, let it tax capital as far as may be desirable in the interests of the community. but beyond this, capital, as well as land, is sacred. the distinction thus assumed is not, however, valid. the very people who make this distinction are often enthusiastic advocates of an enlarged navy and a more powerful army. yet these can only be provided by taxation, and every tax in a democratic state is a socialistic measure, and involves collective ownership of the proceeds, whether they are applied to making guns or swimming-baths. every step in the regulation of industry assumes the rights of society over individualistic production, and is therefore socialistic. it is a question of less or more, but except along those two lines, there is no socialism at all to be reckoned with in the practical affairs of the world. that revolutionary socialism of the dogmatically systematic school of karl marx which desired to transfer society at a single stroke by taking over and centralizing all the means of production may now be regarded as a dream. it never at any time took root in the english-speaking lands, though it was advocated with unwearying patience by men of such force of intellect and of character as mr. hyndman and william morris. even in germany, the land of its origin, nearly all its old irreconcilable leaders are dead, and it is now slowly but steadily losing influence, to give place to a more modern and practical socialism. as we are concerned with it to-day and in the future, socialism is not a rigid economic theory, nor is it the creed of a narrow sect. in its wide sense it is a name that covers all the activities--first instinctive, then organized--which arise out of the fundamental fact that man is a social animal. in its more precise sense it indicates the various orderly measures that are taken by groups of individuals--whether states or municipalities--to provide collectively for the definite needs of the individuals composing the group. so much for socialism. the individualist has a very different story to tell. from the point of view of individualism, however elaborate the structure of the society you erect, it can only, after all, be built up of individuals, and its whole worth must depend on the quality of those individuals. if they are not fully developed and finely tempered by high responsibilities and perpetual struggles, all social effort is fruitless, it will merely degrade the individual to the helpless position of a parasite. the individual is born alone; he must die alone; his deepest passions, his most exquisite tastes, are personal; in this world, or in any other world, all the activities of society cannot suffice to save his soul. thus it is that the individual must bear his own burdens, for it is only in so doing that the muscles of his body grow strong and that the energies of his spirit become keen. it is by the qualities of the individual alone that work is sound and that initiative is possible. all trade and commerce, every practical affair of life, depend for success on the personal ability of individuals.[ ] it is not only so in the everyday affairs of life, it is even more so on the highest planes of intellectual and spiritual life. the supreme great men of the race were termed by carlyle its "heroes," by emerson its "representative men," but, equally by the less and by the more democratic term, they are always individuals standing apart from society, often in violent opposition to it, though they have always conquered in the end. when any great person has stood alone against the world it has always been the world that lost. the strongest man, as ibsen argued in his _enemy of the people_, is the man who stands most alone. "he will be the greatest," says nietzsche in _beyond good and evil_, "who can be the most solitary, the most concealed, the most divergent." every great and vitally organized person is hostile to the rigid and narrow routine of social conventions, whether established by law or by opinion; they must ever be broken to suit his vital needs. therefore the more we multiply these social routines, the more strands we weave into the social web, the more closely we draw them, by so much the more we are discouraging the production of great and vitally organized persons, and by so much the more we are exposing society to destruction at the hands of such persons. beneath socialism lies the assertion that society came first and that individuals are indefinitely apt for education into their place in society. socialism has inherited the maxim, which rousseau, the uncompromising individualist, placed at the front of his _social contract_: "man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." there is nothing to be done but to strike off the chains and organize society on a social basis. men are not this or that; they are what they have been made. make the social conditions right, says the thorough-going socialist, and individuals will be all that we could desire them to be. not poverty alone, but disease, lunacy, prostitution, criminality are all the results of bad social and economic conditions. create the right environment and you have done all that is necessary. to some extent that is clearly true. but the individualist insists that there are definite limits to its truth. even in the most favourable environment nearly every ill that the socialist seeks to remove is found. inevitably, the individualist declares, because we do not spring out of our environment, but out of our ancestral stocks. against the stress on environment, the individualist lays the stress on the ascertained facts of heredity. it is the individual that counts, and for good or for ill the individual brought his fate with him at birth. ensure the production of sound individuals, and you may set at naught the environment. you will, indeed, secure results incomparably better than even the most anxious care expended on environment alone can ever hope to secure. such are the respective attitudes of socialism and individualism. so far as i can see, they are both absolutely right. nor is it even clear that they are really opposed; for, as happens in every field, while the affirmations of each are sound, their denials are unsound. certainly, along each line we may be carried to absurdity. the individualism of max stirner is not far from the ultimate frontier of sanity, and possibly even on the other side of it;[ ] while the socialism of the oneida community involved a self-subordination which it would be idle to expect from the majority of men and women. but there is a perfect division of labour between socialism and individualism. we cannot have too much of either of them. we have only to remember that the field of each is distinct. no one needs individualism in his water supply, and no one needs socialism in his religion. all human affairs sort themselves out as coming within the province of socialism or of individualism, and each may be pushed to its furthest extreme.[ ] it so happens, however, that the capacity of the human brain is limited, and a single brain is not made to hold together the idea of socialism and the idea of individualism. ordinary people have, it is true, no practical difficulty whatever in acting concurrently in accordance with the ideas of socialism and of individualism. but it is different with the men of ideas; they must either be socialists or individualists; they cannot be both. the tendency in one or the other direction is probably inborn in these men of ideas. we need not regret this inevitable division of labour. on the contrary, it is difficult to see how the right result could otherwise be brought about. people without ideas experience no difficulty in harmonizing the two tendencies. but if the ideas of socialism and individualism tended to appear in the same brain they would neutralize each other or lead action into an unprofitable _via media_. the separate initiative and promulgation of the two tendencies encourages a much more effective action, and best promotes that final harmony of the two extremes which the finest human development needs. there is more to be said. not only are both alike indispensable, and both too profoundly rooted in human nature to be abolished or abridged, but each is indispensable to the other. there can be no socialism without individualism; there can be no individualism without socialism. only a very fine development of personal character and individual responsibility can bear up any highly elaborated social organization, which is why small socialist communities have only attained success by enlisting finely selected persons; only a highly organized social structure can afford scope for the play of individuality. the enlightened socialist nowadays often realizes something of the relationship of socialism to individualism, and the individualist--if he were not in recent times, for all his excellent qualities, sometimes lacking in mental flexibility and alertness--would be prepared to admit his own relationship to socialism. "the organization of the whole is dominated by the necessities of cellular life," as dareste says. that truth is well recognized by the physiologists since the days of claude bernard. it is absolutely true of the physiology of society. social organization is not for the purpose of subordinating the individual to society; it is as much for the purpose of subordinating society to the individual. between individuals, even the greatest, and society there is perpetual action and reaction. while the individual powerfully acts on society, he can only so act in so far as he is himself the instrument and organ of society. the individual leads society, but only in that direction whither society wishes to go. every man of science merely carries knowledge or invention one further step, a needed and desired step, beyond the stage reached by his immediate predecessors. every poet and artist is only giving expression to the secret feelings and impulses of his fellows. he has the courage to utter for the first time the intimate emotion and aspiration which he finds in the depth of his own soul, and he has the skill to express them in forms of radiant beauty. but all these secret feelings and desires are in the hearts of other men, who have not the boldness to tell them nor the ability to embody them exquisitely. in the life of man, as in nature generally, there is a perpetual process of exfoliation, as edward carpenter calls it, whereby a latent but striving desire is revealed, and the man of genius is the stimulus and the incarnation of this exfoliating movement. that is why every great poet and artist when once his message becomes intelligible, is acclaimed and adored by the crowd for whom he would only have been an object of idle wonderment if he had not expressed and glorified themselves. when the man of genius is too far ahead of his time, he is rejected, however great his genius may be, because he represents the individual out of vital relation to his time. a roger bacon, for all his stupendous intellect, is deprived of pen and paper and shut up in a monastery, because he is undertaking to answer questions which will not be asked until five centuries after his death. perhaps the supreme man of genius is he who, like virgil, leonardo, or shakespeare, has a message for his own time and a message for all times, a message which is for ever renewed for every new generation. the need for insisting on the intimate relations between socialism and individualism has become the more urgent to-day because we are reaching a stage of civilization in which each tendency is inevitably so pushed to its full development that a clash is only prevented by the realization that here we have truly a harmony. sometimes a matter that belongs to one sphere is so closely intertwined with a matter that belongs to the other that it is a very difficult problem how to hold them separate and allow each its due value.[ ] at times, indeed, it is really very difficult to determine to which sphere a particular kind of human activity belongs. this is notably the case as regards education. "render unto cæsar the things that be cæsar's, and unto god the things that be god's." but is education among the things that belong to cæsar, to social organization, or among the things that belong to god, to the province of the individual's soul? there is much to be said on both sides. of late the socialist tendency prevails here, and there is a disposition to standardize rigidly an education so superficial, so platitudinous, so uniform, so unprofitable--so fatally oblivious of what even the word _education_ means[ ]--that some day, perhaps, the revolted individualist spirit will arise in irresistible might to sweep away the whole worthless structure from top to bottom, with even such possibilities of good as it may conceal. the educationalists of to-day may do well to remember that it is wise to be generous to your enemies even in the interests of your own preservation. in every age the question of individualism and socialism takes on a different form. in our own age it has become acute under the form of a conflict between the advocates of good heredity and the advocates of good environment. on the one hand there is the desire to breed the individual to a high degree of efficiency by eugenic selection, favouring good stocks and making the procreation of bad stocks more difficult. on the other hand there is the effort so to organize the environment by collectivist methods that life for all may become easy and wholesome. as usual, those who insist on the importance of good environment are inclined to consider that the question of heredity may be left to itself, and those who insist on the importance of good heredity are indifferent to environment. as usual, also, there is a real underlying harmony of those two demands. there is, however, here more than this. in this most modern of their embodiments, socialism and individualism are not merely harmonious, each is the key to the other, which remains unattainable without it. however carefully we improve our breed, however anxiously we guard the entrance to life, our labour will be in vain if we neglect to adapt the environment to the fine race we are breeding. the best individuals are not the toughest, any more than the highest species are the toughest, but rather, indeed, the reverse, and no creature needs so much and so prolonged an environing care as man, to ensure his survival. on the other hand, an elaborate attention to the environment, combined with a reckless inattention to the quality of the individuals born to live in that environment can only lead to an overburdened social organization which will speedily fall by its own weight. during the past century the socialists of the school for bettering the environment have for the most part had the game in their own hands. they founded themselves on the very reasonable basis of sympathy, a basis which the eighteenth-century moralists had prepared, which schopenhauer had formulated, which george eliot had passionately preached, which had around its operations the immense prestige of the gospel of jesus. the environmental socialists--always quite reasonably--set themselves to improve the conditions of labour; they provided local relief for the poor; they built hospitals for the free treatment of the sick. they are proceeding to feed school children, to segregate and protect the feeble-minded, to insure the unemployed, to give state pensions to the aged, and they are even asked to guarantee work for all. now these things, and the likes of them, are not only in accordance with natural human impulses, but for the most part they are reasonable, and in protecting the weak the strong are, in a certain sense, protecting themselves. no one nowadays wants the hungry to hunger or the suffering to suffer. indeed, in that sense, there never has been any _laissez-faire_ school.[ ] but as the movement of environmental socialism realizes itself, it becomes increasingly clear that it is itself multiplying the work which it sets itself to do. in enabling the weak, the incompetent, and the defective to live and to live comfortably, it makes it easier for those on the borderland of these classes to fall into them, and it furnishes the conditions which enable them to propagate their like, and to do this, moreover, without that prudent limitation which is now becoming universal in all classes above those of the weak, the incompetent, and the defective. thus unchecked environmental socialism, obeying natural impulses and seeking legitimate ends, would be drawn into courses at the end of which only social enfeeblement, perhaps even dissolution, could be seen. the key to the situation, it is now beginning to be more and more widely felt, is to be found in the counterbalancing tendency of individualism, and the eugenic guardianship of the race. not, rightly understood, as a method of arresting environmental socialism, nor even as a counterblast to its gospel of sympathy. nietzsche, indeed, has made a famous assault on sympathy, as he has on conventional morality generally, but his "immoralism" in general and his "hardness" in particular are but new and finer manifestations of those faded virtues he was really seeking to revive. the superficially sympathetic man flings a coin to the beggar; the more deeply sympathetic man builds an almshouse for him so that he need no longer beg; but perhaps the most radically sympathetic of all is the man who arranges that the beggar shall not be born. so it is that the question of breed, the production of fine individuals, the elevation of the ideal of quality in human production over that of mere quantity, begins to be seen, not merely as a noble ideal in itself, but as the only method by which socialism can be enabled to continue on its present path. if the entry into life is conceded more freely to the weak, the incompetent, and the defective than to the strong, the efficient, and the sane, then a sisyphean task is imposed on society; for every burden lifted two more burdens appear. but as individual responsibility becomes developed, as we approach the time to which galton looked forward, when the eugenic care for the race may become a religion, then social control over the facts of life becomes possible. through the slow growth of knowledge concerning hereditary conditions, by voluntary self-restraint, by the final disappearance of the lingering prejudice against the control of procreation, by sterilization in special cases, by methods of pressure which need not amount to actual compulsion,[ ] it will be possible to attain an increasingly firm grip on the evil elements of heredity. not until such measures as these, under the controlling influence of a sense of personal responsibility extending to every member of the community, have long been put into practice, can we hope to see man on the earth risen to his full stature, healthy in body, noble in spirit, beautiful in both alike, moving spaciously and harmoniously among his fellows in the great world of nature, to which he is so subtly adapted because he has himself sprung out of it and is its most exquisite flower. at this final point social hygiene becomes one with the hygiene of the soul.[ ] poets and prophets, from jesus and paul to novalis and whitman, have seen the divine possibilities of man. there is no temple in the world, they seem to say, so great as the human body; he comes in contact with heaven, they declare, who touches a human person. but these human things, made to be gods, have spawned like frogs over all the earth. everywhere they have beslimed its purity and befouled its beauty, darkening the very sunshine. heaped upon one another in evil masses, preying upon one another as no other creature has ever preyed upon its kind, they have become a festering heap which all the oceans in vain lave with their antiseptic waters, and all the winds of heaven cannot purify. it is only in the unextinguished spark of reason within him that salvation for man may ever be found, in the realization that he is his own star, and carries in his hands his own fate. the impulses of individualism and of socialism alike prompt us to gain self-control and to learn the vast extent of our responsibility. the whole of humanity is working for each of us; each of us must live worthy of that great responsibility to humanity. by how fine a flash of insight jesus declared that few could enter the kingdom of heaven! not until the earth is purified of untold millions of its population will it ever become the heaven of old dreamers, in which the elect walk spaciously and nobly, loving one another. only in such spacious and pure air is it possible for the individual to perfect himself, as a rose becomes perfect, according to dante's beautiful simile,[ ] in order that he may spread abroad for others the fragrance that has been generated within him. if one thinks of it, that seems a truism, yet, even in this twentieth century, how few, how very few, there are who know it! this is why we cannot have too much individualism, we cannot have too much socialism. they play into each other's hands. to strengthen one is to give force to the other. the greater the vigour of both, the more vitally a society is progressing. "i can no more call myself an individualist or a socialist," said henry george, "than one who considers the forces by which the planets are held to their orbits could call himself a centrifugalist or a centripetalist." to attain a society in which individualism and socialism are each carried to its extreme point would be to attain to the society that lived in the abbey of thelema, in the city of the sun, in utopia, in the land of zarathustra, in the garden of eden, in the kingdom of heaven. it is a kingdom, no doubt, that is, as diderot expressed it, "diablement idéal." but to-day we hold in our hands more certainly than ever before the clues that were imperfectly foreshadowed by plato, and what our fathers sought ignorantly we may attempt by methods according to knowledge. no utopia was ever realized; and the ideal is a mirage that must ever elude us or it would cease to be ideal. yet all our progress, if progress there be, can only lie in setting our faces towards that goal to which utopias and ideals point. footnotes: [ ] in the narrow sense socialism is identical with the definite economic doctrine of the collectivistic organization of the productive and distributive work of society. it also possesses, as bosanquet remarks (in an essay on "individualism and socialism," in _the civilization of christendom_), "a deeper meaning as a name for a human tendency that is operative throughout history." every collectivist is a socialist, but not every socialist would admit that he is a collectivist. "moral socialism," however, though not identical with "economic socialism," tends to involve it. [ ] the term "individualism," like the term "socialism," is used in varying senses, and is not, therefore, satisfactory to everyone. thus e.f.b. fell (_the foundations of liberty_, ), regarding "individualism," as a merely negative term, prefers the term "personalism," to denote a more positive ideal. there is, however, by no means as any necessity to consider "individualism," a more negative term than "socialism." [ ] the inspiring appeal of socialism to ardent minds is no doubt ethical. "the ethics of socialism," says kirkup, "are closely akin to the ethics of christianity, if not identical with them." that, perhaps, is why socialism is so attractive to some minds, so repugnant to others. [ ] this idea was elaborated by eimer in an appendix to his _organic evolution_ on the idea of the individual in the animal kingdom. [ ] the term "socialism" is said to date from about the year . leroux claimed that he invented it, in opposition to the term "individualism," but at that period it had become so necessary and so obvious a term that it is difficult to say positively by whom it was first used. [ ] an important point which the individualist may fairly bring forward in this connection is the tendency of socialism to repress the energy of the best worker among its officials at the expense of the public. alike in government offices at whitehall and in municipal offices in the town halls there is a certain proportion of workers who find pleasure in putting forth their best energies at high pressure. but the majority take care that work shall be carried on at low pressure, and that the output shall not exceed a certain understood minimum. they ensure this by making things uncomfortable for the workers who exceed that minimum. the gravity of this evil is scarcely yet realized. it could probably be counteracted by so organizing promotion that the higher posts really went to the officials distinguished by the quantity and the quality of their work. pensions should also be affected by the same consideration. in any case, the evil is serious, and is becoming more so since the number of public officials is constantly increasing. the council of the law society found some years ago that the cost of civil administration in england had increased between the years and from millions to millions, and, excluding the revenue departments, it is now said to have gone up to millions. it is an evil that will have to be dealt with sooner or later. [ ] max stirner wrote his work, _der einzige und sein eigenthum_ (_the ego and his own_, in the english translation of byington), in . his life has been written by john henry mackay (_max stirner: sein leben und sein werk_), and an interesting study of max stirner (whose real name was schmidt) will be found in james huneker's _egoists_. [ ] in the introduction to my earliest book, _the new spirit_ ( ), i set forth this position, from which i have never departed: "while we are socializing all those things of which all have equal common need, we are more and more tending to leave to the individual the control of those things which in our complex civilization constitute individuality. we socialize what we call our physical life in order that we may attain greater freedom for what we call our spiritual life." no doubt such a point of view was implicit in ruskin and other previous writers, just as it has subsequently been set forth by ellen key and others, while from the economic side it has been well formulated by mr. j.a. hobson in his _evolution of capital_: "the _very raison d'être_ of increased social cohesiveness is to economize and enrich the individual life, and to enable the play of individual energy to assume higher forms out of which more individual satisfaction may accrue." "socialism will be of value," thought oscar wilde in his _soul of man_, "simply because it will lead to individualism." "socialism denies economic individualism for any," says karl nötzel ("zur ethischen begrundung des sozialismus," _sozialistische monatshefte_, , heft ), "in order to make moral intellectual individualism possible for all." and as it has been seen that socialism leads to individualism, so it has also been seen that individualism, even on the ethical plane, leads to socialism. "you must let the individual make his will a reality in the conduct of his life," bosanquet remarks in an essay already quoted, "in order that it may be possible for him consciously to entertain the social purpose as a constituent of his will. without these conditions there is no social organism and no moral socialism.... each unit of the social organism has to embody his relations with the whole in his own particular work and will; and in order to do this the individual must have a strength and depth in himself proportional to and consisting of the relations which he has to embody." grant allen long since clearly set forth the harmony between individualism and socialism in an article published in the _contemporary review_ in . [ ] an instructive illustration is furnished by the question of the relation of the sexes, and elsewhere (_studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi, "sex in relation to society") i have sought to show that we must distinguish between marriage, which is directly the affair of the individuals primarily concerned, and procreation, which is mainly the concern of society. [ ] see, for instance, the opinion of the former chief inspector of elementary schools in england, mr. edmond holmes, _what is and what might be_ ( ). he points out that true education must be "self-realization," and that the present system of "education" is entirely opposed to self-realization. sir john gorst, again, has repeatedly attacked the errors of the english state system of education. [ ] the phrase _laissez faire_ is sometimes used as though it were the watchword of a party which graciously accorded a free hand to the devil to do his worst. as a matter of fact, it was simply a phrase adopted by the french economists of the eighteenth century to summarize the conclusion of their arguments against the antiquated restrictions which were then stifling the trade and commerce of france (see g. weuleresse, _le mouvement physiocratique en france_, , vol. ii, p. ). properly understood, it is not a maxim which any party need be ashamed to own. [ ] i would again repeat that i do not regard legislation as a channel of true eugenic reform. as bateson well says (_op. cit._ p. ); "it is not the tyrannical and capricious interference of a half-informed majority which can safely mould or purify a population, but rather that simplification of instinct for which we ever hope, which fuller knowledge alone can make possible." even the subsidising of unexceptionable parents, as the same writer remarks, cannot be viewed with enthusiasm. "if we picture to ourselves the kind of persons who would infallibly be chosen as examples of 'civic worth' the prospect is not very attractive." [ ] "aristotle, herein the organ and exponent of the greek national mind," remarks gomperz, "understood by the hygiene of the soul the avoidance of all extremes, the equilibrium of the powers, the harmonious development of aptitudes, none of which is allowed to starve or paralyse the others." gomperz points out that this individual morality corresponded to the characteristics of the greek national religion--its inclusiveness and spaciousness, its freedom and serenity, its ennoblement alike of energetic action and passive enjoyment (gomperz, _greek thinkers_, eng. trans., vol. iii, p. ). [ ] _convito_, iv, . the end index (_names of authors quoted are italicized._) abortion, facultative, age of consent, _et seq._ aggeneration, alcohol, legislative control of, _et seq._, _et seq._ alcoholism, , _allen, grant_, _allen, w.h._, ancestry, the study of, _angell, norman_, _anthony, susan_, antimachus of colophon, anti-militarism, _aristotle_, _ashby_, _asnurof_, _aubry_, _augustine_, st., australia, birth-rate in, _et seq._, ; moral legislation in, _azoulay_, bachofen, _baines, sir j.a._, _barnes, earl_, _basedow_, _bateson_, , , beatrice, dante's, beaufront, l. de, , bebel, , _becker, r._, _belbèze_, _benecke, e.f.m._, bergsonian philosophy, _bertillon, g._, _bertillon, j._, _beveridge_, bible in religious education, , _billroth_, _bingham_, birth-rate, in france, , , ; in england, , ; in germany, , ; in russia, ; in united states, ; in canada, ; in australasia, , ; in japan, ; in china, ; among savages, ; significance of a falling, _et seq._; in relation to death-rate, , _blease, w. lyon_, _bloch, iwan_, _boccaccio_, , _bodey_, , _böhmert_, _bonhoeffer_, _booth, c._, , _bosanquet_, , , _bouché-leclercq_, _branthwaite_, _braun, lily_, _brinton_, budin, bund für mutterschutz, _burckhardt_, _burnham_, _bushee, f._, , _byington_, camp, maxime du, campanella, campbell, harry, canada, birth-rate in, _et seq._; sexual hygiene in, _cantlie_, _carpenter, edward_, _casper_, certificates, eugenic, , , _chadwick, sir e._, , _chamfort_, chastity of german women, _cheetham_, chicago vice commission, , , child, psychology of, children, religious education of, china, birth-rate in, christianity in relation to romantic love, chivalrous attitude towards women, civilization, what it consists in, _clayton_, _cobbe, f.p._, co-education, _coghlan, t.a._, , , , coinage, international, concubinage, legalized, _condorcet_, , confirmation, rite of, consent, age of, _et seq._ courts of love, _couturat_, , _creed, j.m._, criminality and feeble-mindedness, crucé, emeric, _dante_, , _dareste_, , _davenport_, , , , death-rate in relation to birth-rate, , degenerate families, _et seq._ degeneration of race, alleged, _et seq._, _de quincey_, descartes, _dickens_, _dill, sir s._, disinfection, origin of, divorce, , _donkin, sir h.b._, _donnan_, drunkenness, decrease of, dubois, p., _dugdale_, _dumont, arsène_, , , economic aspect of woman's movement, , _et seq._ education, , , , , , _et seq._, _ehrenfels_, _eichholz_, _eimer_, _ellis, havelock_, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , enfantin, prosper, _engelmann_, , , english, characteristics of the, ; attitude towards immorality, ; language for international purposes, _et seq._ esperanto, _espinas_, eugenics, , _et seq._, , _et seq._, _et seq._ euthenics, _ewart, r.j._, , factory legislation, _fahlbeck_, fairy tales in education, family, limitation of, , family in relation to degeneracy, ; size of, feeble-minded, problem of the, _et seq._ _fell, e.f.b._, ferrer, fertility in relation to prosperity, _et seq._ _fiedler_, _finlay-johnson, h._, , _firenzuola_, "fit," the term, _flux_, _forel_, france, birth-rate in, , , ; women and love in, ; legal attitude towards immorality in, ; regulation of alcohol in, _franklin, b._, , _fraser, mrs._, french language for international purposes, _et seq._ frenssen, _freud_, s., _fuld, e.f._, , _fürch, henriette_, _galton, sir f._, , , , , , , , , , , , _gaultier, j. de_, _gautier, léon_, _gavin, h._, _gayley, julia_, germany, sex questions in, _et seq._; illegitimacy in, ; sexual hygiene in, ; legal attitude towards immorality in, , _giddings_, _godden_, , _godwin, w._, _goethe_, , _goldscheid_, , _gomperz_, _goncourt_, gouges, olympe de, _gourmont, remy de_, , , _gournay, marie de_, _grabowsky_, _grasset_, _grünspan_, _guérard_, , , _guthrie, l._, _haddon, a.c._, , _hagen_, _hale, horatio_, _hales, w.w._, _hall, g. stanley_, , , , , _hamburger, c._, _hamill, henry_, _hausmeister, p._, _hayllar, f._, health, nationalization of, health visitors, _hearn, lafcadio_, _henry, w.o._, heredity of feeble-mindedness, ; as the hope of the race, ; study of, _heron_, , _hervé_, _hiller_, , _hinton, james_, _hirschfeld, magnus_, , _hobbes_, holland, moral legislation in, _holmes, edmond_, , homosexuality and the law, , _hookey, n.a._, _hughes, r.e._, _humboldt, w. von_, , _huneker_, hungary, birth-rate and death-rate in, _hutchinson, woods_, hygiene, in medieval and modern times, ; of sex, _et seq._ idiocy, _et seq._ ido, illegitimacy, and feeble-mindedness, ; in germany, imbecility, _et seq._ individualism, , _et seq._ industrialism, modern, inebriety and feeble-mindedness, infant consultations, infantile mortality, , , , , _et seq._ initiation of youth, insurance, national, international language of the future, _et seq._ _james, e.c._, james, william, japan, romantic love in, ; birth-rate and death-rate in, ; changed conditions in, , _jenks, e._, , _johannsen_, _johnson, roswell_, _jordan, d.s._, _jörger_, jukes family, _kaan_, _kellerman, ivy_, _key, ellen_, _et seq._, , , _kirkup_, _krafft-ebing_, _krauss, f.s._, _kuczynski_, labour movement and war, _la chapelle, e.p._, _lacour, l._, _lagorgette_, laissez-faire, the maxim of, , _lancaster_, language, international, _et seq._ latin as an international language, _lavelege, e. de_, law, in relation to eugenics, , ; to morals, ; the sphere of, _lea_, _leau_, _leibnitz_, _levy, miriam_, _lewis, c.j. and j.n._, lichtenstein, ulrich von, life-history albums, , _et seq._ _lischnewska, maria_, _lobsien_, _loomis, c.b._, _lorenz_, , love, and the woman's question, , , _et seq._; and eugenics, _et seq._ luther, , , mackay, j.h., _macnamara, n.c._, _macquart_, maine, prohibition in, _mannhardt_, _manouvrier_, _marcuse, max_, marriage, certificates for, , , , ; economics and, ; natural selection and, ; state regulation of, _et seq._; the ideal of, ; in classic times, marriage-rate, , , _matignon_, matriarchal theory, _maurice, sir f._, _mclean_, _meisel-hess, grete_, , _méray_, , _mercier_, c., meredith, george, miele, _miers_, milk depôts, _mill_, j.s., , _moll_, , , _montaigne_, _montesquieu_, _moore, b._, , morals in relation to law, , _et seq._ more, sir t., _morgan, l._, _morse, j._, mortality of infants, , , , , _et seq._ motherhood in relation to eugenics, mothers, schools for, _mougins-roquefort_, municipal authorities to instruct in limitation of offspring, duty of, _muralt_, mysteries, pagan and christian, _näcke_, napoleon, , _nars, l._, national insurance, nationalization of health, natural selection and social reform, _nearing, scott_, neo-malthusianism, , , , _et seq._ _nevinson, h.w._, _newsholme_, , , , , new zealand, birth-rate in, _nietzsche_, , , , _niphus_, norway, infantile mortality in, _nötzel_, r., _novikov_, , , noys, h., _nyström_, obscenity, , oneida, ovid, , owen, robert, pankhurst, mrs., _partridge, g.l._, _paul, eden_, _pearson, karl_, _penn, w._, _perrycoste, f.h._, _peters, j.p._, _pfaundler_, pinard, j., _pinloche_, _plate_, _ploetz_, _ploss_, , police systems, post office, inquisition at the, prohibition of alcohol in maine, prosperity in relation to fertility, _et seq._ prostitution, and feeble-mindedness, ; and sexual selection, ; varying legal attitude towards, , puberty, psychic influence of, _et seq._ puericulture, quakers, quarantine, origin of, race, alleged degeneration of, _et seq._, raines law hotels, _et seq._ _ramsay, sir w.m._, _ranke, karl_, _raschke, marie_, reform, social hygiene as distinct from sexual, ; four stages of social, _et seq._ _reibmayr_, religion, and eugenics, ; and the child, _et seq._ reproduction, control of, _richards, ellen_, _richardson, sir b.w._, _robert, p._, _roberts, a.m._, , roman catholics and neo-malthusianism, roseville, _ross, e.a._, _rousseau_, _rubin_, , _ruediger_, rural life, influence of, _et seq._ _russell, mrs. b._, russia, infantile mortality in, , , ; moral legislation in, _ryle, r.j._, sacraments, origin of christian, saint-pierre, abbé de, saint-simon, , st. valentine and eugenics, sand, george, , sanitation as an element of social reform, _saussure, r. de_, _sayer, e._, _schallmayer_, _schiff, m._, schleyer, _schooling, j.h._, schools for mothers, _schrader, o._, _schreiner, olive_, , _schroeder, t._, , science and social reform, _sellers, e._, , sex questions in germany, _et seq._ sexual hygiene, _et seq._, sexual selection, , _et seq._ shaftesbury, earl of, _sherwell, a._, _shrank, j._, _siégler-pascal_, _sitwell, sir g._, _smith, sir t._, _smith, t.p._, social reform as distinct from social hygiene, ; its four stages, _et seq._ socialism, , , _et seq._ society of the future, _sollier_, _solmi_, _sombart_, spain, legalized concubinage in, ; women in, spanish as an international language, _stanton, e.c._, _starbuck_, _steinmetz_, , _steele_, sterilization, , , sterility and the birth-rate, _stevenson_, _stewart, a._, _stewart, r.s._, _stirner, max_, stirpiculture, _stöcker, h._, _streitberg, countess von_, suffrage, woman's, , , _et seq._ sully, , sun, city of the, _sutherland, a._, _sykes_, syndicalism, syphilis, _taine_, , _takano_, _tarde_, , _thompson, w._, _toulouse_, , tramps and feeble-mindedness, _tredgold_, united states, birth-rate in, _et seq._; sexual hygiene in, ; attitude towards immorality in, _et seq._ urban life, influence of, _et seq._ vasectomy, venereal disease and sexual hygiene, _vesnitch_, vineland, volapük, _wagenen, w.f. van_, war against war, _et seq._ ward, mrs. humphry, _weale, b.l. putnam_, _weatherby_, _webb, sidney_, , _weeks_, , _weinberg, s._, _wentworth, s._, _westergaard_, _westermarck_, _weuleresse_, wheeler, mrs., white slave trade, _whetham, w.c.d. and mrs._, _whitman, walt_, , _wilcox, w.f._, _wilde, o._, _wilhelm, c._, _wollstonecraft, mary_, , , , woman, and eugenics, ; movement, _et seq._; economics, _et seq._; eighteenth century, , ; and the suffrage, , , _et seq._; of the italian renaissance, ; in spanish literature, ; and war, _yule, g. udny_, , zamenhof, zero family, _ziller_, william brendon and son, ltd. printers, plymouth * * * * * transcriber's notes: with the following exceptions spelling and punctuation of the original text have been maintained: . obvious typographical errors and punctuation inconsistencies. . chapter v, par "high death-rate" has been changed to "high birth-rate". . chapter vii par "precocious sexual" has been changed to "precocious scriptural". . ligatured words "mytho-poeic", "oeuvres", and "boef" have been left unligatured. . italicized words have been surrounded with underline "_". inquiries into human faculty and its development by francis galton f-r-s first issue of this edition preface to the second edition after some years had passed subsequent to the publication of this book in , its publishers, messrs. macmillan, informed me that the demand for it just, but only just warranted a revised issue. i shrank from the great trouble of bringing it up to date because it, or rather many of my memoirs out of which it was built up, had become starting-points for elaborate investigations both in england and in america, to which it would be difficult and very laborious to do justice in a brief compass. so the question of a second edition was then entirely dropped. since that time the book has by no means ceased to live, for it continues to be quoted from and sought for, but is obtainable only with difficulty, and at much more than its original cost, at sales of second-hand books. moreover, it became the starting point of that recent movement in favour of national eugenics (see note p. in first edition) which is recognised by the university of london, and has its home in university college. having received a proposal to republish the book in its present convenient and inexpensive form, i gladly accepted it, having first sought and received an obliging assurance from messrs. macmillan that they would waive all their claims to the contrary in my favour. the following small changes are made in this edition. the illustrations are for the most part reduced in size to suit the smaller form of the volume, the lettering of the composites is rearranged, and the coloured illustration is reproduced as closely as circumstances permit. two chapters are omitted, on "theocratic intervention" and on the "objective efficacy of prayer." the earlier part of the latter was too much abbreviated from the original memoir in the _fortnightly review_, , and gives, as i now perceive, a somewhat inexact impression of its object, which was to investigate certain views then thought orthodox, but which are growing obsolete. i could not reinsert these omissions now with advantage, unless considerable additions were made to the references, thus giving more appearance of personal controversy to the memoirs than is desirable. after all, the omission of these two chapters, in which i find nothing to recant, improves, as i am told, the general balance of the book. francis galton. list of works. the teletype: a printing electric telegraph, ; the narrative of an explorer in tropical south africa, , in "minerva library of famous books," ; notes on modern geography (cambridge essays, , etc.); arts of campaigning: an inaugural lecture delivered at aldershot, ; the art of travel, or shifts and contrivances available in wild countries, , , ( ); fourth edition, recast and enlarged, , ; vacation tourists and notes on travel, , , ; meteorographica, or methods of mapping the weather, ; hereditary genius: an enquiry into its laws and consequences, ; english men of science: their nature and nurture, ; address to the anthropological departments of the british association (plymouth, ); generic images: with autotype illustrations (from the proceedings of the royal institution), ; inquiries into human faculty and its development, ; record of family faculties, ; natural inheritance, ; finger-prints, ; decipherments of blurred finger-prints (supplementary chapters to former work), ; finger-print directories, ; introduction to life of w. cotton oswell, ; index to achievements of near kinsfolk of some of the fellows of the royal society, ; eugenics: its definition, scope, and aims (sociological society papers, vols. i. and ii.), ; noteworthy families (modern science); and many papers in the proceedings of the royal society, journals of the geographical society and the anthropological institute, the reports of the british association, the philosophical magazine, and nature. galton also edited: hints to travellers, ; life-history album (british medical association), , second edition, ; biometrika (edited in consultation with f.g. and w.f.r. weldon), , etc.; and under his direction was designed a descriptive list of anthropometric apparatus, etc., . list of memoirs. the following memoirs by the author have been freely made use of in the following pages:-- : the first steps towards the domestication of animals (_journal of ethnological society_); : gregariousness in cattle and in men (_macmillan's magazine_); : statistical inquiries into the efficacy of prayer (_fortnightly review_); : relative supplies from town and country families to the population of future generations (_journal of statistical society_); hereditary improvement (_fraser's magazine_); africa for the chinese (_times_, june ); : statistics by intercomparison (_philosophical magazine_); twins, as a criterion of the relative power of nature and nurture (_fraser's magazine_, and _journal of anthropological institute_); : whistles for determining the upper limits of audible sound (_s. kensington conferences_, in connection with the loan exhibition of scientific instruments, p. ); : presidential address to the anthropological department of the british association at plymouth (_report of british association_); : composite portraits (_nature_, may , and _journal of anthropological institute_); : psychometric experiments (_nineteenth century_, and _brain_, part vi.); generic images (_nineteenth century; proceedings of royal institution_, with plates); geometric mean in vital and social statistics (_proceedings of royal society_); : visualised numerals (_nature_, jan. and march , and _journal of anthropological institute_); mental imagery (_fortnightly review; mind_); : visions of sane persons (_fortnightly review_, and _proceedings of royal institution_); composite portraiture (_journal of photographical society of great britain_, june ); : physiognomy of phthisis (_guy's hospital reports_, vol. xxv.); photographic chronicles from childhood to age (_fortnightly review_); the anthropometric laboratory (_fortnightly review_); : some apparatus for testing the delicacy of the muscular and other senses (_journal of anthropological institute_, , etc.). _memoirs in eugenics_. : huxley lecture, anthropological institute (_nature,_ nov. ); smithsonian report for (_washington_, p. ); : eugenics, its definition, scope and aims (sociological paper, vol. i., _sociological institute_); : restrictions in marriage, studies in national eugenics, eugenics as a factor in religion (sociological papers, vol. ii.); : herbert spencer lecture, university of oxford, on probability the foundation of eugenics. the following books by the author have been referred or alluded to in the following pages:-- : narrative of an explorer in tropical south-western africa (_murray)_; : art of travel (several subsequent editions, the last in , _murray_); : hereditary genius, its laws and consequences (_macmillan_); : english men of science, their nature and their nurture (_macmillan_). contents preface to the second edition introduction origin and object of book. variety of human nature many varieties may each be good of its kind; advantage of variety; some peculiarities are, however, harmful. features large number of elements in the human expression; of touches in a portrait; difficulty of measuring the separate features; or of selecting typical individuals; the typical english face; its change at different historical periods; colour of hair of modern english; caricatures. composite portraiture (see appendix for three memoirs describing successive stages of the method).--object and principle of the process; description of the plate--composites of medals; of family portraits; of the two sexes and of various ages; of royal engineers; the latter gives a clue to one direction in which the english race might be improved; of criminals; of the consumptive; ethnological application of the process. bodily qualities anthropometric committee; statistical anomalies in stature as dependent on age; town and rural population; athletic feats now and formerly; increase of stature of middle classes; large number of weakly persons; some appearances of weakness may be fallacious; a barrel and a wheel; definition of word "eugenic." energy it is the attribute of high races; useful stimuli to activity; fleas, etc.; the preservation of the weakly as exercises for pity; that of foxes for sport. sensitivity sensation and pain; range and grades of sensation; idiots; men and women; the blind; reading by touch; sailors; paucity of words to express gradation. sequence of test weights (see also appendix, p. ).--geometric series of weights; method of using them; the same principle is applicable to other senses; the tests only measure the state of faculties at time of trial; cautions in constructing the test weights; multiplicity of the usual perceptions. whistles for audibility of shrill notes (see also appendix, p. ).--construction of them; loss of power of hearing high notes as age advances; trials upon animals; sensitivity of cats to high notes; of small dogs and ponies. anthropometric registers want of anthropometric laboratories; of family records; opportunities in schools; admiralty records of life of each seaman; family registers (see also ); autotypes; medical value of ancestral life-histories (see also ); of their importance to human eugenics. unconsciousness of peculiarities colour blindness usually unsuspected; unconsciousness of high intellectual gifts; of peculiarities of mental imagery; heredity of colour blindness in quakers; young and dalton. statistical methods objects of statistical science; constancy and continuity of statistical results; groups and sub-groups; augival or ogival curves; wide application of the ogival; method; example; first method of comparing two ogival groups; centesimal grades; example; second method of comparing ogival groups; statistical records easily made with a pricker. character caprice and coyness of females; its cause; observations of character at schools; varieties of likings and antipathies; horror of snakes is by no means universal; the horror of blood among cattle is variable. criminals and the insane peculiarities of criminal character; some of them are normal and not morbid; their inheritance as in the jukes family; epileptics and their nervous instability; insanity; religious rapture; strange views of the insane on individuality; their moody segregation; the religious discipline of celibacy, fasting and solitude (see also ); large field of study among the insane and idiotic. gregarious and slavish instincts most men shrink from responsibility; study of gregarious animals: especially of the cattle of the damaras; fore-oxen to waggon teams; conditions of safety of herds; cow and young calf when approached by lions; the most effective size of herd; corresponding production of leaders; similarly as regards barbarian tribes and their leaders; power of tyranny vested in chiefs; political and religious persecutions; hence human servility; but society may flourish without servility; its corporate actions would then have statistical constancy; nations who are guided by successive orators, etc., must be inconstant; the romantic side of servility; free political life. intellectual differences reference to _hereditary genius_. mental imagery purport of inquiry; circular of questions (see appendix for this); the first answers were from scientific men, and were negative; those from persons in general society were quite the reverse; sources of my materials; they are mutually corroborative. analysis of returns from persons mostly of some eminence; extracts from replies of those in whom the visualising faculty is highest; those in whom it is mediocre; lowest; conformity between these and other sets of haphazard returns; octile, median, etc., values; visualisation of colour; some liability to exaggeration; blindfold chess-players; remarkable instances of visualisation; the faculty is not necessarily connected with keen sight or tendency to dream; comprehensive imagery; the faculty in different sexes and ages; is strongly hereditary; seems notable among the french; bushmen; eskimo; prehistoric men; admits of being educated; imagery usually fails in flexibility; special and generic images (see also appendix); use of the faculty. number-forms general account of the peculiarity; mutually corroborative statements; personal evidence given at the anthropological institute; specimens of a few descriptions and illustrative woodcuts; great variety in the forms; their early origin; directions in which they run; bold conceptions of children concerning height and depth; historical dates, months, etc.; alphabet; derivation of the forms from the spoken names of numerals; fixity of the form compared to that of the handwriting; of animals working in constant patterns; of track of eye when searching for lost objects; occasional origin from figures on clock; from various other sources; the non-decimal nomenclature of numerals; perplexity caused by it. description of figures in plate i.; plate ii.; plate iii.; plate iv. colours assigned to numerals (see ); personal characters; sex; frequency with which the various numerals are used in the talmud. colour associations (description of plate iv. continued) associations with numerals; with words and letters; illustrations by dr. j. key; the scheme of one seer unintelligible to other seers; mental music, etc. visionaries sane persons often see visions; the simpler kinds of visions; unconsciousness of seers, at first, of their peculiarity; subsequent dislike to speak about it; imagery connected with words; that of mrs. haweis; automatic changes in dark field of eye; my own experiences; those of rev. g. henslow; visions frequently unlike vivid visualisations; phantasmagoria; hallucinations; simile of a seal in a pond; dreams and partial sensitiveness of brain; hallucinations and illusions, their causes; "faces in the fire," etc.; sub-conscious picture-drawing; visions based on patched recollections; on blended recollections; hereditary seership; visions caused by fasting, etc.; by spiritual discipline (see also ); star of napoleon i.; hallucinations of great men; seers commoner at some periods than at others; reasons why. nurture and nature their effects are difficult to separate; the same character has many phases; renaissance; changes owing merely to love of change; feminine fashions; periodical sequences of changed character in birds; the interaction of nurture and nature. associations derived from experience; especially from childish recollections (see ); abstract ideas; cumulative ideas, like composite portraits (see also appendix, "generic images," p. ); their resemblance even in details. psychometric experiments difficulty of watching the mind in operation; how it may be overcome; irksomeness of the process; tentative experiments; method used subsequently; the number of recurrent associations; memory; ages at which associations are formed; similarity of the associations in persons of the same country and class of society; different descriptions of associations, classified; their relative frequency; abstract ideas are slowly formed; multifariousness of sub-conscious operations. antechamber of consciousness act of thinking analysed; automatic mental work; fluency of words and of imagery; processes of literary composition; fluency of spiritual ideas; visionary races of men; morbid ideas of inspiration (see enthusiasm). early sentiments accidents of education, religion, country, etc.; deaf-mutes and religious ritual; religion in its essentials; all religious teachers preach faith and instil prejudices; origin of the faculty of conscience; evolution is always behindhand; good men of various faiths; the fear of death; terror is easily taught; gregarious animals (see also ); suspiciousness in the children of criminals; dante and contemporary artists on the terrors of hell; aversion is easily taught, eastern ideas of clean and unclean acts; the foregoing influences affect entire classes. history of twins it supplies means of comparing the effects of nurture and nature; physiological signification of twinship; replies to a circular of inquiries; eighty cases of close resemblance between twins; the points in which their resemblance was closest; extracts from the replies; interchangeableness of likeness; cases of similar forms of insanity in both twins; their tastes and dispositions; causes of growing dissimilarity mainly referred to illness; partly to gradual development of latent elements of dissimilarity; effect of childish illnesses in permanently checking growth of head; parallel lives and deaths among twins; necessitarianism; twenty cases of great dissimilarity; extracts from the replies; evidence of slight exaggeration; education is almost powerless to diminish natural difference of character; simile of sticks floating down a brook; depth of impressions made in childhood; they are partly due to the ease with which parents and children understand one another; cuckoos forget the teachings of their foster-mothers. domestication of animals alternative hypotheses of the prehistoric process of domestication; savages rear captive animals; instances in north america; south america; north africa; equatorial africa; south africa; australia; new guinea group; polynesia; ancient syria. sacred animals; menageries and shows in amphitheatres; instances in ancient egypt; assyria; rome; mexico; peru; syria and greece. domestication is only possible when the species has certain natural faculties, viz.--great hardiness; fondness for man; desire of comfort; usefulness to man; fertility; being easy to tend. habitual selection of the tamest to breed from. exceptions; summary. the observed order of events steady improvement in the birthright of successive generations; our ignorance of the origin and purport of all existence; of the outcome of life on this earth; of the conditions of consciousness; slow progress of evolution and its system of ruthless routine; man is the heir of long bygone ages; has great power in expediting the course of evolution; he might render its progress less slow and painful; does not yet understand that it may be his part to do so. selection and race difference between the best specimens of a poor race and the mediocre ones of a high race; typical centres to which races tend to revert; delicacy of highly-bred animals; their diminished fertility; the misery of rigorous selection; it is preferable to replace poor races by better ones; strains of emigrant blood; of exiles. influence of man upon race conquest, migrations, etc.; sentiment against extinguishing races; is partly unreasonable; the so-called "aborigines"; on the variety and number of different races inhabiting the same country; as in spain; history of the moors; gypsies; the races in damara land; their recent changes; races in siberia; africa; america; west indies; australia and new zealand; wide diffusion of arabs and chinese; power of man to shape future humanity. population over-population; malthus--the danger of applying his prudential check; his originality; his phrase of misery check is in many cases too severe; decaying races and the cause of decay. early and late marriages estimate of their relative effects on a population in a few generations; example. marks for family merit on the demand for definite proposals how to improve race; the demand is not quite fair, and the reasons why; nevertheless attempt is made to suggest the outline of one; on the signs of superior race; importance of giving weight to them when making selections from candidates who are personally equal; on families that have thriven; that are healthy and long-lived; present rarity of our knowledge concerning family antecedents; mr. f.m. hollond on the superior morality of members of large families; sir william gull on their superior vigour; claim for importance of further inquiries into the family antecedents of those who succeed in after life; probable large effect of any system by which marks might be conferred on the ground of family merit. endowments these have frequently been made in order to furnish marriage portions; they, as well as the adoption of gifted children of gifted families, may hereafter become common; college statutes enjoining celibacy on fellows; reverse effect to that for which prizes at races were established; the recent reform of those statutes and numerous marriages in consequence; the english race has yet to be explored for its natural wealth; those who are naturally gifted would be disinclined to squander their patrimony; social consideration; honest pride in goodness of race. conclusion epitome of data; the apparent place of man in nature; he should look upon himself as a freeman; he should assist in furthering evolution; his present ability to do so; the certainty that his ability of doing so will increase; importance of life-histories; brief summary. appendix a. composite portraiture i. extract of memoir read in before the anthropological institute; ii. generic images, extract from lecture in to royal institution; iii. memoir read in before the photographic society. b. the relative supplies from town and country families to the population of future generations memoir read in before the statistical society. c. an apparatus for testing the delicacy with which weights can be discriminated by handling them memoir read in before the anthropological institute. d. whistles for testing the upper limits of audible sound in different individuals read in at the south kensington conferences in connection with the loan exhibition of scientific instruments. e. questions on visualising and other allied faculties circulated in . plates specimens of composite portraiture examples of number-forms examples of number-forms examples of number forms, hereditary colour associations and mental imagery inquiries into human faculty introduction. since the publication of my work on _hereditary genius_ in , i have written numerous memoirs, of which a list is given in an earlier page, and which are scattered in various publications. they may have appeared desultory when read in the order in which they appeared, but as they had an underlying connection it seems worth while to bring their substance together in logical sequence into a single volume. i have revised, condensed, largely re-written, transposed old matter, and interpolated much that is new; but traces of the fragmentary origin of the work still remain, and i do not regret them. they serve to show that the book is intended to be suggestive, and renounces all claim to be encyclopedic. i have indeed, with that object, avoided going into details in not a few cases where i should otherwise have written with fulness, especially in the anthropometric part. my general object has been to take note of the varied hereditary faculties of different men, and of the great differences in different families and races, to learn how far history may have shown the practicability of supplanting inefficient human stock by better strains, and to consider whether it might not be our duty to do so by such efforts as may be reasonable, thus exerting ourselves to further the ends of evolution more rapidly and with less distress than if events were left to their own course. the subject is, however, so entangled with collateral considerations that a straightforward step-by-step inquiry did not seem to be the most suitable course. i thought it safer to proceed like the surveyor of a new country, and endeavour to fix in the first instance as truly as i could the position of several cardinal points. the general outline of the results to which i finally arrived became more coherent and clear as this process went on; they are brieflv summarised in the concluding chapter. variety of human nature. we must free our minds of a great deal of prejudice before we can rightly judge of the direction in which different races need to be improved. we must be on our guard against taking our own instincts of what is best and most seemly, as a criterion for the rest of mankind. the instincts and faculties of different men and races differ in a variety of ways almost as profoundly as those of animals in different cages of the zoological gardens; and however diverse and antagonistic they are, each may be good of its kind. it is obviously so in brutes; the monkey may have a horror at the sight of a snake, and a repugnance to its ways, but a snake is just as perfect an animal as a monkey. the living world does not consist of a repetition of similar elements, but of an endless variety of them, that have grown, body and soul, through selective influences into close adaptation to their contemporaries, and to the physical circumstances of the localities they inhabit. the moral and intellectual wealth of a nation largely consists in the multifarious variety of the gifts of the men who compose it, and it would be the very reverse of improvement to make all its members assimilate to a common type. however, in every race of domesticated animals, and especially in the rapidly-changing race of man, there are elements, some ancestral and others the result of degeneration, that are of little or no value, or are positively harmful. we may, of course, be mistaken about some few of these, and shall find in our fuller knowledge that they subserve the public good in some indirect manner; but, notwithstanding this possibility, we are justified in roundly asserting that the natural characteristics of every human race admit of large improvement in many directions easy to specify. i do not, however, offer a list of these, but shall confine myself to directing attention to a very few hereditary characteristics of a marked kind, some of which are most desirable and others greatly the reverse; i shall also describe new methods of appraising and defining them. later on in the book i shall endeavour to define the place and duty of man in the furtherance of the great scheme of evolution, and i shall show that he has already not only adapted circumstance to race, but also, in some degree and often unconsciously, race to circumstance; and that his unused powers in the latter direction are more considerable than might have been thought. it is with the innate moral and intellectual faculties that the book is chiefly concerned, but they are so closely bound up with the physical ones that these must be considered as well. it is, moreover, convenient to take them the first, so i will begin with the features. features. the differences in human features must be reckoned great, inasmuch as they enable us to distinguish a single known face among those of thousands of strangers, though they are mostly too minute for measurement. at the same time, they are exceedingly numerous. the general expression of a face is the sum of a multitude of small details, which are viewed in such rapid succession that we seem to perceive them all at a single glance. if any one of them disagrees with the recollected traits of a known face, the eye is quick at observing it, and it dwells upon the difference. one small discordance overweighs a multitude of similarities and suggests a general unlikeness; just as a single syllable in a sentence pronounced with a foreign accent makes one cease to look upon the speaker as a countryman. if the first rough sketch of a portrait be correct so far as it goes, it may be pronounced an excellent likeness; but a rough sketch does not go far; it contains but few traits for comparison with the original. it is a suggestion, not a likeness; it must be coloured and shaded with many touches before it can really resemble the face, and whilst this is being done the maintenance of the likeness is imperilled at every step. i lately watched an able artist painting a portrait, and endeavoured to estimate the number of strokes with his brush, every one of which was thoughtfully and firmly given. during fifteen sittings of three working hours each--that is to say, during forty-five hours, or two thousand four hundred minutes--he worked at the average rate of ten strokes of the brush per minute. there were, therefore, twenty-four thousand separate traits in the completed portrait, and in his opinion some, i do not say equal, but comparably large number of units of resemblance with the original. the physiognomical difference between different men being so numerous and small, it is impossible to measure and compare them each to each, and to discover by ordinary statistical methods the true physiognomy of a race. the usual way is to select individuals who are judged to be representatives of the prevalent type, and to photograph them; but this method is not trustworthy, because the judgment itself is fallacious. it is swayed by exceptional and grotesque features more than by ordinary ones, and the portraits supposed to be typical are likely to be caricatures. one fine sunday afternoon i sat with a friend by the walk in kensington gardens that leads to the bridge, and which on such occasions is thronged by promenaders. it was agreed between us that whichever first caught sight of a typical john bull should call the attention of the other. we sat and watched keenly for many minutes, but neither of us found occasion to utter a word. the prevalent type of english face has greatly changed at different periods, for after making large allowance for the fashion in portrait painting of the day, there remains a great difference between the proportion in which certain casts of features are to be met with at different dates. i have spent some time in studying the photographs of the various portraits of english worthies that have been exhibited at successive loan collections, or which are now in the national portrait gallery, and have traced what appear to be indisputable signs of one predominant type of face supplanting another. for instance, the features of the men painted by and about the time of holbein have usually high cheekbones, long upper lips, thin eyebrows, and lank dark hair. it would be impossible, i think, for the majority of modern englishmen so to dress themselves and clip and arrange their hair, as to look like the majority of these portraits. englishmen are now a fair and reddish race, as may be seen from the diagram, taken from the report of the anthropometric committee to the british association in and which gives the proportion in which the various colours of hair are found among our professional classes. [illustration: ] i take the professional classes because they correspond with the class of english worthies better than any of the others from which returns have been collected. the diagram, however, gives a fair representation of other classes of the community. for instance, i have analysed the official records of the very carefully-selected crews of h.m. s. _alert_ and _discovery_ in the arctic expedition of - , and find the proportion of various shades of hair to be the same among them as is shown in the diagram. seven-tenths of the crews had complexions described as light, fair, fresh, ruddy or freckled, and the same proportion had blue or gray eyes. they would have contrasted strongly with cromwell's regiment of ironsides, who were recruited from the dark-haired men of the fen districts, and who are said to have left the impression on contemporary observers as being men of a peculiar breed. they would also probably have contrasted with any body of thoroughgoing puritan soldiers taken at haphazard; for there is a prevalence of dark hair among men of atrabilious and sour temperament. if we may believe caricaturists, the fleshiness and obesity of many english men and women in the earlier years of this century must have been prodigious. it testifies to the grosser conditions of life in those days, and makes it improbable that the types best adapted to prevail then would be the best adapted to prevail now. composite portraiture. as a means of getting over the difficulty of procuring really representative faces, i contrived the method of composite portraiture, which has been explained of late on many occasions, and of which a full account will be found in appendix a. the principle on which the composites are made will best be understood by a description of my earlier and now discarded method; it was this--( ) i collected photographic portraits of different persons, all of whom had been photographed in the same aspect (say full face), and under the same conditions of light and shade (say with the light coming from the right side). ( ) i reduced their portraits photographically to the same size, being guided as to scale by the distance between any two convenient points of reference in the features; for example, by the vertical distance between two parallel lines, one of which passed through the middle of the pupils of the eyes and the other between the lips. ( ) i superimposed the portraits like the successive leaves of a book, so that the features of each portrait lay as exactly as the case admitted, in front of those of the one behind it, eye in front of eye and mouth in front of mouth. this i did by holding them successively to the light and adjusting them, then by fastening each to the preceding one with a strip of gummed paper along one of the edges. thus i obtained a book, each page of which contained a separate portrait, and all the portraits lay exactly in front of one another. ( ) i fastened the book against the wall in such a way that i could turn over the pages in succession, leaving in turn each portrait flat and fully exposed. ( ) i focused my camera on the book fixed it firmly, and put a sensitive plate inside it. ( ) i began photographing, taking one page after the other in succession without moving the camera, but putting on the cap whilst i was turning over the pages, so that an image of each of the portraits in succession was thrown on the same part of the sensitised plate. only a fraction of the exposure required to make a good picture was allowed to each portrait. suppose that period was twenty seconds, and that there were ten portraits, then an exposure of two seconds would be allowed for each portrait, making twenty seconds in all. this is the principle of the process, the details of that which i now use are different and complex. they are fully explained in the appendix for the use of those who may care to know about them. the effect of composite portraiture is to bring into evidence all the traits in which there is agreement, and to leave but a ghost of a trace of individual peculiarities. there are so many traits in common in all faces that the composite picture when made from many components is far from being a blur; it has altogether the look of an ideal composition. it may be worth mentioning that when i take any small bundle of portraits, selected at hazard, i have generally found it easy to sort them into about five groups, four of which have enough resemblance among themselves to make as many fairly clear composites, while the fifth consists of faces that are too incongruous to be grouped in a single class. in dealing with portraits of brothers and sisters, i can generally throw most of them into a single group, with success. in the small collection of composites given in the plate facing p. , i have purposely selected many of those that i have previously published, and whose originals, on a larger scale, i have at various times exhibited, together with their components, in order to put the genuineness of the results beyond doubt. those who see them for the first time can hardly believe but that one dominant face has overpowered the rest, and that they are composites only in name. when, however, the details are examined, this objection disappears. it is true that with careless photography one face may be allowed to dominate, but with the care that ought to be taken, and with the precautions described in the appendix, that does not occur. i have often been amused when showing composites and their components to friends, to hear a strong expression of opinion that the predominance of one face was evident, and then on asking which face it was, to discover that they disagreed. i have even known a composite in which one portrait seemed unduly to prevail, to be remade without the component in question, and the result to be much the same as before, showing that the reason of the resemblance was that the rejected portrait had a close approximation to the ideal average picture of the rest. these small composites give a better notion of the utmost capacity of the process than the larger ones, from which they are reduced. in the latter, the ghosts of individual peculiarities are more visible, and usually the equal traces left by every member of a moderately-sized group can be made out by careful inspection; but it is hardly possible to do this in the pictures in the plate, except in a good light and in a very few of the cases. on the other hand, the larger pictures do not contain more detail of value than the smaller ones. description of the composites. the medallion of alexander the great was made by combining the images of six different medals, with a view of obtaining the type of features that the makers of those medals concurred in desiring to ascribe to him. the originals were kindly selected for me by mr. r. stuart poole from the collection in the british museum. this composite was one of the first i ever made, and is printed together with its six components in the _journal of the royal institution_, in illustration of a lecture i gave there in april . it seems to me that it is possible on this principle to obtain a truer likeness of a man than in any other way. every artist makes mistakes; but by combining the conscientious works of many artists, their separate mistakes disappear, and what is common to all of their works remains. so as regards different photographs of the same person, those accidental momentary expressions are got rid of, which an ordinary photograph made by a brief exposure cannot help recording. on the other hand, any happy sudden trait of expression is lost. the composite gives the features in repose. the next pair of composites (full face and profile) on the plate has not been published before. the interest of the pair lies chiefly in their having been made from only two components, and they show how curiously even two faces that have a moderate family likeness will blend into a single one. that neither of these predominated in the present case will be learned from the following letter by the father of the ladies, who is himself a photographer:-- "i am exceedingly obliged for the very curious and interesting composite portraits of my two children. knowing the faces so well, it caused me quite a surprise when i opened your letter. i put one of the full faces on the table for the mother to pick up casually. she said, 'when did you do this portrait of a? how _like_ she is to b! or _is_ it b? i never thought they were so like before.' it has puzzled several people to say whether the profile was intended for a or b. then i tried one of them on a friend who has not seen the girls for years. he said, 'well, it is one of the family for certain, but i don't know which.'" [illustration: ] i have made several other family portraits, which to my eye seem great successes, but must candidly own that the persons whose portraits are blended together seldom seem to care much for the result, except as a curiosity. we are all inclined to assert our individuality, and to stand on our own basis, and to object to being mixed up indiscriminately with others. the same feeling finds expression when the resident in a suburban street insists on calling his house a villa with some fantastic name, and refuses, so long as he can, to call it simply number so and so in the street. the last picture in the upper row shows the easy way in which young and old, male and female, combine to form an effective picture. the components consist in this case of the father and mother, two sons, and two daughters. i exhibited the original of this, together with the portraits from which it was taken, at the loan photographic exhibition at the society of arts in february . i also sent copies of the original of this same composite to several amateur photographers, with a circular letter asking them to get from me family groups for the purpose of experiments, to see how far the process was suitable for family portraiture. the middle row of portraits illustrates health, disease, and criminality. for health, i have combined the portraits of twelve officers of the royal engineers with about an equal number of privates, which were taken for me by lieutenant darwin, r.e. the individuals from whom this composite was made, which has not come out as clearly as i should have liked, differed considerably in feature, and they came from various parts of england. the points they had in common were the bodily and mental qualifications required for admission into their select corps, and their generally british descent. the result is a composite having an expression of considerable vigour, resolution, intelligence, and frankness. i have exhibited both this and others that were made respectively from the officers, from the whole collection of privates--thirty-six in number--and from that selected portion of them that is utilised in the present instance. this face and the qualities it connotes probably gives a clue to the direction in which the stock of the english race might most easily be improved. it is the essential notion of a race that there should be some ideal typical form from which the individuals may deviate in all directions, but about which they chiefly cluster, and towards which their descendants will continue to cluster. the easiest direction in which a race can be improved is towards that central type, because nothing new has to be sought out. it is only necessary to encourage as far as practicable the breed of those who conform most nearly to the central type, and to restrain as far as may be the breed of those who deviate widely from it. now there can hardly be a more appropriate method of discovering the central physiognomical type of any race or group than that of composite portraiture. as a contrast to the composite of the royal engineers, i give those of two of the coarse and low types of face found among the criminal classes. the photographs from which they were made are taken from two large groups. one are those of men undergoing severe sentences for murder and other crimes connected with violence; the other of thieves. they were reprints from those taken by order of the prison authorities for purposes of identification. i was allowed to obtain copies for use in my inquiries by the kind permission of sir edmund du cane, h.m. director of prisons. the originals of these and their components have frequently been exhibited. it is unhappily a fact that fairly distinct types of criminals breeding true to their kind have become established, and are one of the saddest disfigurements of modern civilisation. to this subject i shall recur. i have made numerous composites of various groups of convicts, which are interesting negatively rather than positively. they produce faces of a mean description, with no villainy written on them. the individual faces are villainous enough, but they are villainous in different ways, and when they are combined, the individual peculiarities disappear, and the common humanity of a low type is all that is left. the remaining portraits are illustrations of the application of the process to the study of the physiognomy of disease. they were published a year ago with many others, together with several of the portraits from which they were derived, in a joint memoir by dr. mahomed and myself, in vol. xxv. of the _guy's hospital reports_. the originals and all the components have been exhibited on several occasions. in the lower division of the plate will be found three composites, each made from a large number of faces, unselected, except on the ground of the disease under which they were suffering. when only few portraits are used, there must be some moderate resemblance between them, or the result would be blurred; but here, dealing with as many as , , and cases respectively, the combination of any medley group results in an ideal expression. it will be observed that the composite of female faces is made by the blending of two other composites, both of which are given. the history was this--i took the portraits and sorted them into two groups; in the first of these were portraits that showed a tendency to thin features, in the other group there were that showed a tendency to thickened features. i made composites of each of them as shown in the plate. now it will be remarked that, notwithstanding the attempt to make two contrasted groups, the number of mediocre cases was so great that the composities of the two groups are much alike. if i had divided the into two haphazard groups, the results would have been closely alike, as i know from abundant experience of the kind. the co-composite of the two will be observed to have an intermediate expression. the test and measure of statistical truth lies in the degree of accordance between results obtained from different batches of instances of the same generic class. it will be gathered from these instances that composite portraiture may attain statistical constancy, within limits not easily distinguished by the eye, after some haphazard portraits of the same class have been combined. this at least has been my experience thus far. the two faces illustrative of the same type of tubercular disease are very striking; the uppermost is photographically interesting as a case of predominance of one peculiarity, happily of no harm to the effect of the ideal wan face. it is that one of the patients had a sharply-checked black and white scarf, whose pattern has asserted itself unduly in the composite. in such cases i ought to throw the too clearly defined picture a little out of focus. the way in which the varying brightness of different pictures is reduced to a uniform standard of illumination is described in the appendix. it must be clearly understood that these portraits do not profess to give the whole story of the physiognomy of phthisis. i have not room to give illustrations of other types--namely, that with coarse and blunted features, or the strumous one, nor any of the intermediates. these have been discussed chiefly by dr. mahomed in the memoir alluded to above. in the large experience i have had of sorting photographs, literally by the thousand, while making experiments with composites, i have been struck by certain general impressions. the consumptive patients consisted of many hundred cases, including a considerable proportion of very ignoble specimens of humanity. some were scrofulous and misshapen, or suffered from various loathsome forms of inherited disease; most were ill nourished. nevertheless, in studying their portraits the pathetic interest prevailed, and i returned day after day to my tedious work of classification, with a liking for my materials. it was quite otherwise with the criminals. i did not adequately appreciate the degradation of their expressions for some time; at last the sense of it took firm hold of me, and i cannot now handle the portraits without overcoming by an effort the aversion they suggest. i am sure that the method of composite portraiture opens a fertile field of research to ethnologists, but i find it very difficult to do much single-handed, on account of the difficulty of obtaining the necessary materials. as a rule, the individuals must be specially photographed. the portraits made by artists are taken in every conceivable aspect and variety of light and shade, but for the purpose in question the aspect and the shade must be the same throughout. group portraits would do to work from, were it not for the strong out-of-door light under which they are necessarily taken, which gives an unwonted effect to the expression of the faces. their scale also is too small to give a sufficiently clear picture when enlarged. i may say that the scale of the portraits need not be uniform, as my apparatus enlarges or reduces as required, at the same time that it superposes the images; but the portraits of the heads should never be less than twice the size of that of the queen on a halfpenny piece. i heartily wish that amateur photographers would seriously take up the subject of composite portraiture as applied to different sub-types of the varying races of men. i have already given more time to perfecting the process and experimenting with it than i can well spare. bodily qualities. the differences in the bodily qualities that are the usual subjects of anthropometry are easily dealt with, and are becoming widely registered in many countries. we are unfortunately destitute of trustworthy measurements of englishmen of past generations to enable us to compare class with class, and to learn how far the several sections of the english nation may be improving or deteriorating. we shall, however, hand useful information concerning our own times to our successors, thanks principally to the exertions of an anthropometric committee established five years ago by the british association, who have collected and partly classified and published a large amount of facts, besides having induced several institutions, such as marlborough college, to undertake a regular system of anthropometric record. i am not, however, concerned here with the labours of this committee, nor with the separate valuable publications of some of its members, otherwise than in one small particular which appears to show that the english population as a whole, or perhaps i should say the urban portion of it, is in some sense deteriorating. it is that the average stature of the older persons measured by or for the committee has not been found to decrease steadily with their age, but sometimes the reverse.[ ] this contradicts observations made on the heights of the same men at different periods, whose stature after middle age is invariably reduced by the shrinking of the cartilages. the explanation offered was that the statistical increase of stature with age should be ascribed to the survival of the more stalwart. on reconsideration, i am inclined to doubt the adequacy of the explanation, and partly to account for the fact by a steady, slight deterioration of stature in successive years; in the urban population owing to the conditions of their lives, and in the rural population owing to the continual draining away of the more stalwart of them to the towns. it cannot be doubted that town life is harmful to the town population. i have myself investigated its effect on fertility (see appendix b), and found that taking on the one hand a number of rural parishes, and on the other hand the inhabitants of a medium town, the former reared, nearly twice as many adult grandchildren as the latter. the vital functions are so closely related that an inferiority in the production of healthy children very probably implies a loss of vigour generally, one sign of which is a diminution of stature. though the bulk of the population may deteriorate, there are many signs that the better housed and fed portion of it improves. in the earlier years of this century the so-called manly sports of boxing and other feats of strength ranked high among the national amusements. a man who was [ ] successful in these became the hero of a large and demonstrative circle of admirers, and it is to be presumed that the best boxer, the best pedestrian, and so forth, was the best adapted to succeed, through his natural physical gifts. if he was not the most gifted man in those respects in the whole kingdom, he was certainly one of the most gifted of them. it therefore does no injustice to the men of that generation to compare the feats of their foremost athletes with those of ours who occupy themselves in the same way. the comparison would probably err in their favour, because the interest in the particular feats in which our grandfathers and great-grandfathers delighted are not those that chiefly interest the present generation, and notwithstanding our increased population, there are fewer men now who attempt them. in the beginning of this century there were many famous walking matches, and incomparably the best walker was captain barclay of ury. his paramount feat, which was once very familiar to the elderly men of the present time, was that of walking a thousand miles in a thousand hours, but of late years that feat has been frequently equalled and overpassed. i am willing to allow much influence to the modern conditions of walking under shelter and subject to improved methods of training (captain barclay himself originated the first method, which has been greatly improved since his time); still the fact remains that in executing this particular feat, the athletes of the present day are more successful than those who lived some eighty years ago. i may be permitted to give an example bearing on the increased stature of the better housed and fed portion of the nation, in a recollection of my own as to the difference in height between myself and my fellow-collegians at trinity college, cambridge, in - . my height is feet - / inches, and i recollect perfectly that among the crowd of undergraduates i stood somewhat taller than the majority. i generally looked a little downward when i met their eyes. in later years, whenever i have visited cambridge, i have lingered in the ante-chapel and repeated the comparison, and now i find myself decidedly shorter than the average of the students. i have precisely the same kind of recollection and the same present experience of the height of crowds of well-dressed persons. i used always to get a fair view of what was going on over or between their heads; i rarely can do so now. [footnote : _trans. brit. assoc_., , table v., p. ; and remarks by mr. roberts, p. .] the athletic achievements at school and college are much superior to what they used to be. part is no doubt due to more skilful methods of execution, but not all. i cannot doubt that the more wholesome and abundant food, the moderation in drink, the better cooking, the warmer wearing apparel, the airier sleeping rooms, the greater cleanliness, the more complete change in holidays, and the healthier lives led by the women in their girlhood, who become mothers afterwards, have a great influence for good on the favoured portion of our race. the proportion of weakly and misshapen individuals is not to be estimated by those whom we meet in the streets; the worst cases are out of sight. we should parade before our mind's eye the inmates of the lunatic, idiot, and pauper asylums, the prisoners, the patients in hospitals, the sufferers at home, the crippled, and the congenitally blind, and that large class of more or less wealthy persons who flee to the sunnier coasts of england, or expatriate themselves for the chance of life. there can hardly be a sadder sight than the crowd of delicate english men and women with narrow chests and weak chins, scrofulous, and otherwise gravely affected, who are to be found in some of these places. even this does not tell the whole of the story; if there were a conscription in england, we should find, as in other countries, that a large fraction of the men who earn their living by sedentary occupations are unfit for military service. our human civilised stock is far more weakly through congenital imperfection than that of any other species of animals, whether wild or domestic. it is, however, by no means the most shapely or the biggest personages who endure hardship the best. some very shabby-looking men have extraordinary stamina. sickly-looking and puny residents in towns may have a more suitable constitution for the special conditions of their lives, and may in some sense be better knit and do more work and live longer than much haler men imported to the same locality from elsewhere. a wheel and a barrel seem to have the flimsiest possible constitutions; they consist of numerous separate pieces all oddly shaped, which, when lying in a heap, look hopelessly unfitted for union; but put them properly together, compress them with a tire in the one case and with hoops in the other, and a remarkably enduring organisation will result. a wheel with a ton weight on the top of it in the waggons of south africa will jolt for thousands of miles over stony, roadless country without suffering harm; a keg of water may be strapped on the back of a pack-ox or a mule, and be kicked off and trampled on, and be otherwise misused for years, without giving way. i do not propose to enter further into the anthropometric differences of race, for the subject is a very large one, and this book does not profess to go into detail. its intention is to touch on various topics more or less connected with that of the cultivation of race, or, as we might call it, with "eugenic" [ ] questions, and to present the results of several of my own separate investigations. energy. energy is the capacity for labour. it is consistent with all the robust virtues, and makes a large practice of them possible. it is the measure of fulness of life; the more energy the more abundance of it; no energy at all is death; idiots are feeble and listless. in the inquiries i made on the antecedents of men of science no points came out more strongly than that the leaders of scientific thought were generally gifted with remarkable energy, and that they had [ ] inherited the gift of it from their parents and grandparents. i have since found the same to be the case in other careers. [footnote : that is, with questions bearing on what is termed in greek, _eugenes_, namely, good in stock, hereditarily endowed with noble qualities. this, and the allied words, _eugeneia_, etc., are equally applicable to men, brutes, and plants. we greatly want a brief word to express the science of improving stock, which is by no means confined to questions of judicious mating, but which, especially in the case of man, takes cognisance of all influences that tend in however remote a degree to give to the more suitable races or strains of blood a better chance of prevailing speedily over the less suitable than they otherwise would have had. the word _eugenics_ would sufficiently express the idea; it is at least a neater word and a more generalised one than _viriculture_, which i once ventured to use.] energy is an attribute of the higher races, being favoured beyond all other qualities by natural selection. we are goaded into activity by the conditions and struggles of life. they afford stimuli that oppress and worry the weakly, who complain and bewail, and it may be succumb to them, but which the energetic man welcomes with a good-humoured shrug, and is the better for in the end. the stimuli may be of any description: the only important matter is that all the faculties should be kept working to prevent their perishing by disuse. if the faculties are few, very simple stimuli will suffice. even that of fleas will go a long way. a dog is continually scratching himself, and a bird pluming itself, whenever they are not occupied with food, hunting, fighting, or love. in those blank times there is very little for them to attend to besides their varied cutaneous irritations. it is a matter of observation that well washed and combed domestic pets grow dull; they miss the stimulus of fleas. if animals did not prosper through the agency of their insect plagues, it seems probable that their races would long since have been so modified that their bodies should have ceased to afford a pasture-ground for parasites. it does not seem to follow that because men are capable of doing hard work they like it. some, indeed, fidget and fret if they cannot otherwise work off their superfluous steam; but on the other hand there are many big lazy fellows who will not get up their steam to full pressure except under compulsion. again, the character of the stimulus that induces hard work differs greatly in different persons; it may be wealth, ambition, or other object of passion. the solitary hard workers, under no encouragement or compulsion except their sense of duty to their generation, are unfortunately still rare among us. it may be objected that if the race were too healthy and energetic there would be insufficient call for the exercise of the pitying and self-denying virtues, and the character of men would grow harder in consequence. but it does not seem reasonable to preserve sickly breeds for the sole purpose of tending them, as the breed of foxes is preserved solely for sport and its attendant advantages. there is little fear that misery will ever cease from the land, or that the compassionate will fail to find objects for their compassion; but at present the supply vastly exceeds the demand: the land is overstocked and overburdened with the listless and the incapable. in any scheme of eugenics, energy is the most important quality to favour; it is, as we have seen, the basis of living action, and it is eminently transmissible by descent. sensitivity. the only information that reaches us concerning outward events appears to pass through the avenue of our senses; and the more perceptive the senses are of difference, the larger is the field upon which our judgment and intelligence can act. sensation mounts through a series of grades of "just perceptible differences." it starts from the zero of consciousness, and it becomes more intense as the stimulus increases (though at a slower rate) up to the point when the stimulus is so strong as to begin to damage the nerve apparatus. it then yields place to pain, which is another form of sensation, and which continues until the nerve apparatus is destroyed. two persons may be equally able just to hear the same faint sound, and they may equally begin to be pained by the same loud sound, and yet they may differ as to the number of intermediate grades of sensation. the grades will be less numerous as the organisation is of a lower order, and the keenest sensation possible to it will in consequence be less intense. an artist who is capable of discriminating more differences of tint than another man is not necessarily more capable of seeing clearly in twilight, or more or less intolerant of sunshine. a musician is not necessarily able to hear very faint sounds, nor to be more startled by loud sounds than others are. a mechanic who works hard with heavy tools and has rough and grimy thumbs, insensible to very slight pressures, may yet have a singularly discriminating power of touch in respect to the pressures that he can feel. the discriminative faculty of idiots is curiously low; they hardly distinguish between heat and cold, and their sense of pain is so obtuse that some of the more idiotic seem hardly to know what it is. in their dull lives, such pain as can be excited in them may literally be accepted with a welcome surprise. during a visit to earlswood asylum i saw two boys whose toe-nails had grown into the flesh and had been excised by the surgeon. this is a horrible torture to ordinary persons, but the idiot lads were said to have shown no distress during the operation; it was not necessary to hold them, and they looked rather interested at what was being done. [ ] i also saw a boy with the scar of a severe wound on his wrist; the story being that he had first burned himself slightly by accident, and, liking the keenness of the new sensation, he took the next opportunity of repeating the experience, but, idiot-like, he overdid it. the trials i have as yet made on the sensitivity of different persons confirms the reasonable expectation that it would on the whole be highest among the intellectually ablest. at first, owing to my confusing the quality of which i am speaking with that of nervous irritability, i fancied that women of delicate nerves who are distressed by noise, sunshine, etc., would have acute powers of discrimination. but this i found not to be the case. in morbidly sensitive persons both pain and sensation are induced by lower stimuli than in the healthy, but the number of just perceptible grades of sensation between them is not necessarily different. i found as a rule that men have more delicate powers of discrimination than women, and the business experience of life seems to confirm this view. the tuners of pianofortes are men, and so i understand are the tasters of tea and wine, the sorters of wool, and the like. these latter occupations are well salaried, because it is of the first moment to the merchant that he should be rightly advised on the real value of what he is about to purchase or to sell. if the sensitivity of women were superior to that of men, the self-interest of merchants would lead to their being [ ] always employed; but as the reverse is the case, the opposite supposition is likely to be the true one. [footnote : see "remarks on idiocy," by e.w. graham, m. d., _medical journal_, january , .] ladies rarely distinguish the merits of wine at the dinner-table, and though custom allows them to preside at the breakfast-table, men think them on the whole to be far from successful makers of tea and coffee. blind persons are reputed to have acquired in compensation for the loss of their eyesight an increased acuteness in their other senses; i was therefore curious to make some trials with my test apparatus, which i will describe in the next chapter. i was permitted to do so on a number of boys at a large educational blind asylum, but found that, although they were anxious to do their best, their performances were by no means superior to those of other boys. it so happened that the blind lads who showed the most delicacy of touch and won the little prizes i offered to excite emulation, barely reached the mediocrity of the various sighted lads of the same age whom i had previously tested. i have made not a few observations and inquiries, and find that the guidance of the blind depends mainly on the multitude of collateral indications to which they give much heed, and not in their superior sensitivity to any one of them. those who see do not care for so many of these collateral indications, and habitually overlook and neglect several of them. i am convinced also that not a little of the popular belief concerning the sensitivity of the blind is due to exaggerated claims on their part that have not been verified. two instances of this have fallen within my own experience, in both of which the blind persons claimed to have the power of judging by the echo of their voice and by certain other feelings, the one when they were approaching objects, even though the object was so small as a handrail, and the other to tell how far the door of the room in which he was standing was open. i used all the persuasion i could to induce each of these persons to allow me to put their assertions to the test; but it was of no use. the one made excuses, the other positively refused. they had probably the same tendency that others would have who happened to be defective in any faculty that their comrades possessed, to fight bravely against their disadvantage, and at the same time to be betrayed into some overvaunting of their capacities in other directions. they would be a little conscious of this, and would therefore shrink from being tested. the power of reading by touch is not so very wonderful. a former lord chancellor of england, the late lord hatherley, when he was advanced in years, lost his eyesight for some time owing to a cataract, which was not ripe to be operated on. he assured me that he had then learned and practised reading by touch very rapidly. this fact may perhaps also serve as additional evidence of the sensitivity of able men. notwithstanding many travellers' tales, i have thus far been unsuccessful in obtaining satisfactory evidence of any general large superiority of the senses of savages over those of civilised men. my own experience, so far as it goes, of hottentots, damaras, and some other wild races, went to show that their sense discrimination was not superior to those of white men, even as regards keenness of eyesight. an offhand observer is apt to err by assigning to a single cause what is partly due to others as well. thus, as regards eyesight, a savage who is accustomed to watch oxen grazing at a distance becomes so familiar with their appearance and habits that he can identify particular animals and draw conclusions as to what they are doing with an accuracy that may seem to strangers to be wholly dependent on exceptional acuteness of vision. a sailor has the reputation of keen sight because he sees a distant coast when a landsman cannot make it out; the fact being that the landsman usually expects a different appearance to what he has really to look for, such as a very minute and sharp outline instead of a large, faint blur. in a short time a landsman becomes quite as quick as a sailor, and in some test experiments[ ] he was found on the average to be distinctly the superior. it is not surprising that this should be so, as sailors in vessels of moderate size have hardly ever the practice of focussing their eyes sharply upon objects farther off than the length of the vessel or the top of the mast, say at a distance of fifty paces. the horizon itself as seen from the deck, [ ] and under the most favourable circumstances, is barely four miles off, and there is no sharpness of outline in the intervening waves. besides this, the life of a sailor is very unhealthy, as shown by his growing old prematurely, and his eyes must be much tried by foul weather and salt spray. [footnote : gould's _military and anthropological statistics_, p. . new york, .] we inherit our language from barbarous ancestors, and it shows traces of its origin in the imperfect ways by which grades of difference admit of being expressed. suppose a pedestrian is asked whether the knapsack on his back feels heavy. he cannot find a reply in two words that cover more varieties than ( ) very heavy, ( ) rather heavy, ( ) moderate, ( ) rather light, ( ) very light. i once took considerable pains in the attempt to draw up verbal scales of more than five orders of magnitude, using those expressions only that every cultivated person would understand in the same sense; but i did not succeed. a series that satisfied one person was not interpreted in the same sense by another. the general intention of this chapter has been to show that a delicate power of sense discrimination is an attribute of a high race, and that it has not the drawback of being necessarily associated with nervous irritability. sequence of test weights. i will now describe an apparatus i have constructed to test the delicacy with which weights may be discriminated by handling them. i do so because the principle on which it is based may be adopted in apparatus for testing other senses, and its description and the conditions of its use will illustrate the desiderata and difficulties of all such investigations. a series of test weights is a simple enough idea--the difficulty lies in determining the particular sequence of weights that should be employed. mine form a geometric series, for the reason that when stimuli of all kinds increase by geometric grades the sensations they give rise to will increase by arithmetic grades, so long as the stimulus is neither so weak as to be barely felt, nor so strong as to excite fatigue. my apparatus, which is explained more fully in the appendix, consists of a number of common gun cartridge cases filled with alternate layers of shot, wool, and wadding, and then closed in the usual way. they are all identical in appearance, and may be said to differ only in their specific gravities. they are marked in numerical sequence with the register numbers, , , , etc., but their weights are proportioned to the numbers of which , , , etc., are the logarithms, and consequently run in a geometric series. hence the numbers of the weights form a scale of equal degrees of sensitivity. if a person can just distinguish between the weights numbered and , he can also just distinguish between and , and , and any other pair of weights of which the register number of the one exceeds that of the other by . again, his coarseness of discrimination is exactly double of that of another person who can just distinguish pairs of weights differing only by , such as and , and , and , and so on. the testing is performed by handing pairs of weights to the operatee until his power of discrimination is approximately made out, and then to proceed more carefully. it is best now, for reasons stated in the appendix, to hand to the operatee sequences of three weights at a time, after shuffling them. these he has to arrange in their proper order, with his eyes shut, and by the sense of their weight alone. the operator finally records the scale interval that the operatee can just appreciate, as being the true measure of the coarseness (or the inverse measure of the delicacy) of the sensitivity of the operatee. it is somewhat tedious to test many persons in succession, but any one can test his own powers at odd and end times with ease and nicety, if he happens to have ready access to suitable apparatus. the use of tests, which, objectively speaking, run in a geometric series, and subjectively in an arithmetic one, may be applied to touch, by the use of wire-work of various degrees of fineness; to taste, by stock bottles of solutions of salt, etc., of various strengths; to smell, by bottles of attar of rose, etc., in various degrees of dilution. the tests show the sensitivity at the time they are made, and give an approximate measure of the discrimination with which the operatee habitually employs his senses. it does not measure his capacity for discrimination, because the discriminative faculty admits of much education, and the test results always show increased delicacy after a little practice. however, the requirements of everyday life educate all our faculties in some degree, and i have not found the performances with test weights to improve much after a little familiarity with their use. the weights have, as it were, to be played with at first, then they must be tried carefully on three or four separate occasions. i did not at first find it at all an easy matter to make test weights so alike as to differ in no other appreciable respect than in their specific gravity, and if they differ and become known apart, the knowledge so acquired will vitiate future judgments in various indirect ways. similarity in outward shape and touch was ensured by the use of mechanically-made cartridge cases; dissimilarity through any external stain was rendered of no hindrance to the experiment by making the operatee handle them in a bag or with his eyes shut. two bodies may, however, be alike in weight and outward appearance and yet behave differently when otherwise mechanically tested, and, consequently, when they are handled. for example, take two eggs, one raw and the other hard boiled, and spin them on the table; press the finger for a moment upon either of them whilst it is still spinning: if it be the hard-boiled egg it will stop as dead as a stone: if it be the raw egg, after a little apparent hesitation, it will begin again to rotate. the motion of its shell had alone been stopped; the internal part was still rotating and this compelled the shell to follow it. owing to this cause, when we handle the two eggs, the one feels "quick" and the other does not. similarly with the cartridges, when one is rather more loosely packed than the others the difference is perceived on handling them. or it may have one end heavier than the other, or else its weight may not be equally distributed round its axis, causing it to rest on the table with the same part always lowermost; differences due to these causes are also easily perceived when handling the cartridges. again, one of two similar cartridges may balance perfectly in all directions, but the weight of one of them may be disposed too much towards the ends, as in a dumb-bell, or gathered too much towards the centre. the period of oscillation will differ widely in the two cases, as may be shown by suspending the cartridges by strings round their middle so that they shall hang horizontally, and then by a slight tap making them spin to and fro round the string as an axis. the touch is very keen in distinguishing all these peculiarities. i have mentioned them, and might have added more, to show that experiments on sensitivity have to be made in the midst of pitfalls warily to be avoided. our apparently simplest perceptions are very complex. we hardly ever act on the information given by only one element of one sense, and our sensitivity in any desired direction cannot be rightly determined except by carefully-devised apparatus judiciously used. whistles for audibility of shrill notes. i contrived a small whistle for conveniently ascertaining the upper limits of audible sound in different persons, which dr. wollaston had shown to vary considerably. he used small pipes, and found much difficulty in making them. i made a very small whistle from a brass tube whose internal diameter was less than one-tenth of an inch in diameter. a plug was fitted into the lower end of the tube, which could be pulled out or pushed in as much as desired, thereby causing the length of the bore of the whistle to be varied at will. when the bore is long the note is low; when short, it is high. the plug was graduated, so that the precise note produced by the whistle could be determined by reading off the graduations and referring to a table. (see appendix.) on testing different persons, i found there was a remarkable falling off in the power of hearing high notes as age advanced. the persons themselves were quite unconscious of their deficiency so long as their sense of hearing low notes remained unimpaired. it is an only too amusing experiment to test a party of persons of various ages, including some rather elderly and self-satisfied personages. they are indignant at being thought deficient in the power of hearing, yet the experiment quickly shows that they are absolutely deaf to shrill notes which the younger persons hear acutely, and they commonly betray much dislike to the discovery. every one has his limit, and the limit at which sounds become too shrill to be audible to any particular person can be rapidly determined by this little instrument. lord rayleigh and others have found that sensitive flames are powerfully affected by the vibrations of whistles that are too rapid to be audible to ordinary ears. i have tried experiments with all kinds of animals on their powers of hearing shrill notes. i have gone through the whole of the zoological gardens, using an apparatus arranged for the purpose. it consists of one of my little whistles at the end of a walking-stick--that is, in reality, a long tube; it has a bit of india-rubber pipe under the handle, a sudden squeeze upon which forces a little air into the whistle and causes it to sound. i hold it as near as is safe to the ears of the animals, and when they are quite accustomed to its presence and heedless of it, i make it sound; then if they prick their ears it shows that they hear the whistle; if they do not, it is probably inaudible to them. still, it is very possible that in some cases they hear but do not heed the sound. of all creatures, i have found none superior to cats in the power of hearing shrill sounds; it is perfectly remarkable what a faculty they have in this way. cats, of course, have to deal in the dark with mice, and to find them out by their squealing. many people cannot hear the shrill squeal of a mouse. some time ago, singing mice were exhibited in london, and of the people who went to hear them, some could hear nothing, whilst others could hear a little, and others again could hear much. cats are differentiated by natural selection until they have a power of hearing all the high notes made by mice and other little creatures that they have to catch. a cat that is at a very considerable distance, can be made to turn its ear round by sounding a note that is too shrill to be audible by almost any human ear. small dogs also hear very shrill notes, but large ones do not. i have walked through the streets of a town with an instrument like that which i used in the zoological gardens, and made nearly all the little dogs turn round, but not the large ones. at berne, where there appear to be more large dogs lying idly about the streets than in any other town in europe, i have tried the whistle for hours together, on a great many large dogs, but could not find one that heard it. ponies are sometimes able to hear very high notes. i once frightened a pony with one of these whistles in the middle of a large field. my attempts on insect hearing have been failures. anthropometric registers. when shall we have anthropometric laboratories, where a man may, when he pleases, get himself and his children weighed, measured, and rightly photographed, and have their bodily faculties tested by the best methods known to modern science? the records of growth of numerous persons from childhood to age are required before it can be possible to rightly appraise the effect of external conditions upon development, and records of this kind are at present non-existent. the various measurements should be accompanied by photographic studies of the features in full face and in profile, and on the same scale, for convenience of comparison. we are all lazy in recording facts bearing on ourselves, but parents are glad enough to do so in respect to their children, and they would probably be inclined to avail themselves of a laboratory where all that is required could be done easily and at small cost. these domestic records would hereafter become of considerable biographical interest. every one of us in his mature age would be glad of a series of pictures of himself from childhood onwards, accompanied by physical records, and arranged consecutively with notes of current events by their sides. much more would he be glad of similar collections referring to his father, mother, grandparents, and other near relatives. it would be peculiarly grateful to the young to possess likenesses of their parents and those whom they look upon as heroes, taken when they were of the same age as themselves. boys are too apt to think of their parents as having always been elderly men, because they have insufficient data to construct imaginary pictures of them as they were in their youth. the cost of taking photographs in batches is so small, and the time occupied is so brief, when the necessary preparations have been made and the sitters are ready at hand, that a practice of methodically photographing schoolboys and members of other large institutions might easily be established. i, for one, should dearly prize the opportunity of visiting the places where i have been educated, and of turning over pages showing myself and my companions as we were in those days. but no such records exist; the institutions last and flourish, the individuals who pass through them are dispersed and leave few or no memorials behind. it seems a cruel waste of opportunity not to make and keep these brief personal records in a methodical manner. the fading of ordinary photographic prints is no real objection to keeping a register, because they can now be reproduced at small charge in permanent printers' ink, by the autotype and other processes. i have seen with admiration, and have had an opportunity of availing myself of, the newly-established library of well-ordered folios at the admiralty, each containing a thousand pages, and each page containing a brief summary of references to the life of a particular seaman. there are already , pages, and owing to the excellent organisation of the office it is a matter of perfect ease to follow out any one of these references, and to learn every detail of the service of any seaman. a brief register of measurements and events in the histories of a large number of persons, previous to their entering any institution and during their residence in it, need not therefore be a difficult matter to those who may take it in hand seriously and methodically. the recommendation i would venture to make to my readers is to obtain photographs and ordinary measurements periodically of themselves and their children, making it a family custom to do so, because, unless driven by some custom, the act will be postponed until the opportunity is lost. let those periodical photographs be full and side views of the face on an adequate scale, adding any others that may be wished, but not omitting these. as the portraits accumulate have collections of them autotyped. keep the prints methodically in a family register, writing by their side careful chronicles of illness and all such events as used to find a place on the fly-leaf of the bible of former generations, and inserting other interesting personal facts and whatever anthropometric data can be collected. those who care to initiate and carry on a family chronicle illustrated by abundant photographic portraiture, will produce a work that they and their children and their descendants in more remote generations will assuredly be grateful for. the family tie has a real as well as a traditional significance. the world is beginning to awaken to the fact that the life of the individual is in some real sense a prolongation of those of his ancestry. his vigour, his character, and his diseases are principally derived from theirs; sometimes his faculties are blends of ancestral qualities; but more frequently they are mosaics, patches of resemblance to one or other of them showing now here and now there. the life-histories of our relatives are prophetic of our own futures; they are far more instructive to us than those of strangers, far more fitted to encourage and to forewarn us. if there be such a thing as a natural birthright, i can conceive of none superior to the right of the child to be informed, at first by proxy through his guardians, and afterwards personally, of the life-history, medical and other, of his ancestry. the child is thrust into existence without his having any voice at all in the matter, and the smallest amend that those who brought him here can make, is to furnish him with all the guidance they can, including the complete life-histories of his near progenitors. the investigation of human eugenics--that is, of the conditions under which men of a high type are produced--is at present extremely hampered by the want of full family histories, both medical and general, extending over three or four generations. there is no such difficulty in investigating animal eugenics, because the generations of horses, cattle, dogs, etc., are brief, and the breeder of any such stock lives long enough to acquire a large amount of experience from his own personal observation. a man, however, can rarely be familiar with more than two or three generations of his contemporaries before age has begun to check his powers; his working experience must therefore be chiefly based upon records. believing, as i do, that human eugenics will become recognised before long as a study of the highest practical importance, it seems to me that no time ought to be lost in encouraging and directing a habit of compiling personal and family histories. if the necessary materials be brought into existence, it will require no more than zeal and persuasiveness on the part of the future investigator to collect as large a store of them as he may require. unconsciousness of peculiarities. the importance of submitting our faculties to measurement lies in the curious unconsciousness in which we are apt to live of our personal peculiarities, and which our intimate friends often fail to remark. i have spoken of the ignorance of elderly persons of their deafness to high notes, but even the existence of such a peculiarity as colour blindness was not suspected until the memoir of dalton in . that one person out of twenty-nine or thereabouts should be unable to distinguish a red from a green, without knowing that he had any deficiency of colour sense, and without betraying his deficiency to his friends, seems perfectly incredible to the other twenty-eight; yet as a matter of fact he rarely does either the one or the other. it is hard to convince the colour-blind of their own infirmity. i have seen curious instances of this: one was that of a person by no means unpractised in physical research, who had been himself tested in matching colours. he gave me his own version of the result, to the effect that though he might perhaps have fallen a little short of perfection as judged by over-refined tests, his colour sense was for all practical purposes quite good. on the other hand, the operator assured me that when he had toned the intensities of a pure red and a pure green in a certain proportion, the person ceased to be able to distinguish between them! colour blindness is often very difficult to detect, because the test hues and tints may be discriminated by other means than by the normal colour sense. ordinary pigments are never pure, and the test colours may be distinguished by those of their adventitious hues to which the partly colour-blind man may be sensitive. we do not suspect ourselves to be yellow-blind by candle light, because we enjoy pictures in the evening nearly or perhaps quite as much as in the day time; yet we may observe that a yellow primrose laid on the white table-cloth wholly loses its colour by candle light, and becomes as white as a snowdrop. in the inquiries i made on the hereditary transmission of capacity, i was often amused by the naïve remark of men who had easily distanced their competitors, that they ascribed their success to their own exertions. they little recognised how much they owed to their natural gifts of exceptional capacity and energy on the one hand, and of exceptional love for their special work on the other. in future chapters i shall give accounts of persons who have unusual mental characteristics as regards imagery, visualised numerals, colours connected with sounds and special associations of ideas, being unconscious of their peculiarities; but i cannot anticipate these subjects here, as they all require explanation. it will be seen in the end how greatly metaphysicians and psychologists may err, who assume their own mental operations, instincts, and axioms to be identical with those of the rest of mankind, instead of being special to themselves. the differences between men are profound, and we can only be saved from living in blind unconsciousness of our own mental peculiarities by the habit of informing ourselves as well as we can of those of others. examples of the success with which this can be done will be found farther on in the book. i may take this opportunity of remarking on the well-known hereditary character of colour blindness in connection with the fact, that it is nearly twice as prevalent among the quakers as among the rest of the community, the proportions being as . to . per cent. [ ] we might have expected an even larger ratio. nearly every quaker is descended on both sides solely from members of a group of men and women who segregated themselves from the rest of the world five or six generations ago; one of their strongest opinions being that the fine arts were worldly snares, and their most conspicuous practice being to dress in drabs. a born artist could never have consented to separate himself from his fellows on such grounds; he would have felt the profession of those opinions [ ] and their accompanying practices to be a treason to his aesthetic nature. consequently few of the original stock of quakers are likely to have had the temperament that is associated with a love for colour, and it is in consequence most reasonable to believe that a larger proportion of colour-blind men would have been found among them than among the rest of the population. [footnote : _trans. ophthalmological soc_., , p. .] again, quakerism is a decreasing sect, weakened by yearly desertions and losses, especially as the act of marriage with a person who is not a member of the society is necessarily followed by exclusion from it. it is most probable that a large proportion of the deserters would be those who, through reversion to some bygone ancestor, had sufficient artistic taste to make a continuance of quaker practices too irksome to be endured. hence the existing members of the society of friends are a race who probably contained in the first instance an unduly large proportion of colour-blind men, and from whose descendants many of those who were not born colour blind have year by year been drafted away. both causes must have combined with the already well-known tendency of colour blindness to hereditary transmission, to cause it to become a characteristic of their race. dalton, who first discovered its existence, as a personal peculiarity of his own, was a quaker to his death; young, the discoverer of the undulatory theory of light, and who wrote specially on colours, was a quaker by birth, but he married outside the body and so ceased to belong to it. statistical methods. the object of statistical science is to discover methods of condensing information concerning large groups of allied facts into brief and compendious expressions suitable for discussion. the possibility of doing this is based on the constancy and continuity with which objects of the same species are found to vary. that is to say, we always find, after sorting any large number of such objects in the order (let us suppose) of their lengths, beginning with the shortest and ending with the tallest, and setting them side by side like a long row of park palings between the same limits, their upper outline will be identical. moreover, it will run smoothly and not in irregular steps. the theoretical interpretation of the smoothness of outline is that the individual differences in the objects are caused by different combinations of a large number of minute influences; and as the difference between any two adjacent objects in a long row must depend on the absence in one of them of some single influence, or of only a few such, that were present in the other, the amount of difference will be insensible. whenever we find on trial that the outline of the row is not a flowing curve, the presumption is that the objects are not all of the same species, but that part are affected by some large influence from which the others are free; consequently there is a confusion of curves. this presumption is never found to be belied. it is unfortunate for the peace of mind of the statistician that the influences by which the magnitudes, etc., of the objects are determined can seldom if ever be roundly classed into large and small, without intermediates. he is tantalised by the hope of getting hold of sub-groups of sufficient size that shall contain no individuals except those belonging strictly to the same species, and he is almost constantly baffled. in the end he is obliged to exercise his judgment as to the limit at which he should cease to subdivide. if he subdivides very frequently, the groups become too small to have statistical value; if less frequently, the groups will be less truly specific. a species may be defined as a group of objects whose individual differences are wholly due to different combinations of the same set of minute causes, no one of which is so powerful as to be able by itself to make any sensible difference in the result. a well-known mathematical consequence flows from this, which is also universally observed as a fact, namely, that in all species the number of individuals who differ from the average value, up to any given amount, is much greater than the number who differ more than that amount, and up to the double of it. in short, if an assorted series be represented by upright lines arranged side by side along a horizontal base at equal distances apart, and of lengths proportionate to the magnitude of the quality in the corresponding objects, then their shape will always resemble that shown in fig. . the form of the bounding curve resembles that which is called in architectural language an ogive, from "augive," an old french word for a cup, the figure being not unlike the upper half of a cup lying sideways with its axis horizontal. in consequence of the multitude of mediocre values, we always find that on either side of the middlemost ordinate _cc_, which is the median value and may be accepted as the average, there is a much less rapid change of height than elsewhere. if the figure were pulled out sideways to make it accord with such physical conceptions as that of a row of men standing side by side, the middle part of the curve would be apparently horizontal. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the mathematical conception of the curve is best expressed in fig. , where pq represents any given deviation from the average value, and the ratio of po to ab represents the relative probability of its occurrence. the equation to the curve and a discussion of its properties will be found in the _proceedings of the royal society_, no. , , by dr. m'alister. the title of the paper is the "law of the geometric mean," and it follows one by myself on "the geometric mean in vital and social statistics." we can lay down the ogive of any quality, physical or mental, whenever we are capable of judging which of any two members of the group we are engaged upon has the larger amount of that quality. i have called this the method of statistics by intercomparison. there is no bodily or mental attribute in any race of individuals that can be so dealt with, whether our judgment in comparing them be guided by common-sense observation or by actual measurement, which cannot be gripped and consolidated into an ogive with a smooth outline, and thenceforward be treated in discussion as a single object. it is easy to describe any given ogive which has been based upon measurements, so that it may be drawn from the description with approximate truth. divide ab into a convenient number of fractional parts, and record the height of the ordinates at those parts. in reproducing the ogive from these data, draw a base line of any convenient length, divide it in the same number of fractional parts, erect ordinates of the stated lengths at those parts, connect their tops with a flowing line, and the thing is done. the most convenient fractional parts are the middle (giving the median), the outside quarters (giving the upper and lower quartiles), and similarly the upper and lower octiles or deciles. this is sufficient for most purposes. it leaves only the outer eighths or tenths of the cases undescribed and undetermined, except so far as may be guessed by, the run of the intermediate portion of the curve, and it defines all of the intermediate portion with as close an, approximation as is needed for ordinary or statistical purposes. thus the heights of all but the outer tenths of the whole body of adult males of the english professional classes may be derived from the five following ordinates, measured in inches, of which the outer pair are deciles:-- . ; . ; . ; . ; . . many other instances will be found in the report of the anthropometric committee of the british association in , pp. - . when we desire to compare any two large statistical groups, we may compare median with median, quartiles with quartiles, and octiles with octiles; or we may proceed on the method to be described in the next paragraph but one. we are often called upon to define the position of an individual in his own series, in which case it is most conformable to usage to give his centesimal grade--that is, his place on the base line ab--supposing it to be graduated from ° to °. in reckoning this, a confusion ought to be avoided between "graduation" and "rank," though it leads to no sensible error in practice. the first of the "park palings" does not stand at a, which is °, nor does the hundredth stand at b, which is °, for that would make of them: but they stand at °. and °. respectively. similarly, all intermediate _ranks_ stand half a degree short of the _graduation_ bearing the same number. when the class is large, the value of half a place becomes extremely small, and the rank and graduation may be treated as identical. examples of method of calculating a centesimal position:-- . a child a is classed after examination as no. in a class of children; what is his centesimal graduation? _answer_.--if ab be divided into graduations, his rank of no. will correspond to the graduation °. ; therefore if ab be graduated afresh into graduations, his centesimal grade, x, will be found by the rule of three, thus-- x : °. :: : ; x = °/ = °. . . another child b is classed no. in a class of _answer_.--if ab be divided into graduations, the rank of no. will correspond to graduation °. , whence as before-- x : °. :: : ; x = °/ = °; _i.e._ b is the median. the second method of comparing two statistical groups, to which i alluded in the last paragraph but one, consists in stating the centesimal grade in the one group that corresponds with the median or any other fractional grade in the other. this, it will be remarked, is a very simple method of comparison, absolutely independent of any theory, and applicable to any statistical groups whatever, whether of physical or of mental qualities. wherever we can sort in order, there we can apply this method. thus, in the above examples, suppose a and b had been selected because they were equal when compared together, then we can concisely express the relative merits of the two classes to which they respectively belong, by saying that °. in the one is equal to ° (the median) in the other. i frequently make statistical records of form and feature, in the streets or in company, without exciting attention, by means of a fine pricker and a piece of paper. the pricker is a converted silver pencil-case, with the usual sliding piece; it is a very small one, and is attached to my watch chain. the pencil part has been taken out and replaced by a fine short needle, the open mouth of the case is covered with a hemispherical cap having a hole in the centre, and the adjustments are such that when the slide is pushed forward as far as it can go, the needle projects no more than one-tenth of an inch. if i then press it upon a piece of paper, held against the ball of my thumb, the paper is indelibly perforated with a fine hole, and the thumb is not wounded. the perforations will not be found to run into one another unless they are very numerous, and if they happen to do so now and then, it is of little consequence in a statistical inquiry. the holes are easily counted at leisure, by holding the paper against the light, and any scrap of paper will serve the purpose. it will be found that the majority of inquiries take the form of "more," "equal to," or "less," so i arrange the paper in a way to present three distinct compartments to the pricker, and to permit of its being held in the correct position and used by the sense of touch alone. i do so by tearing the paper into the form of a cross--that is, maimed in one of its arms--and hold it by the maimed part between the thumb and finger, the head of the cross pointing upward. the head of the cross receives the pricks referring to "more"; the solitary arm that is not maimed, those meaning "the same"; the long foot of the cross those meaning "less." it is well to write the subject of the measurement on the paper before beginning to use it, then more than one set of records can be kept in the pocket at the same time, and be severally added to as occasion serves, without fear of mistaking one for the other. [illustration: ] character. the fundamental and intrinsic differences of character that exist in individuals are well illustrated by those that distinguish the two sexes, and which begin to assert themselves even in the nursery, where all the children are treated alike. one notable peculiarity in the character of the woman is that she is capricious and coy, and has less straightforwardness than the man. it is the same in the female of every sex about the time of pairing, and there can be little doubt as to the origin of the peculiarity. if any race of animals existed in whom the sexual passions of the female were as quickly and as directly stirred as those of the male, each would mate with the first who approached her, and one essential condition of sexual selection would be absent. there would be no more call for competition among the males for the favour of each female; no more fighting for love, in which the strongest male conquers; no more rival display of personal charms, in which the best-looking or best-mannered prevails. the drama of courtship, with its prolonged strivings and doubtful success, would be cut quite short, and the race would degenerate through the absence of that sexual selection for which the protracted preliminaries of love-making give opportunity. the willy-nilly disposition of the female in matters of love is as apparent in the butterfly as in the man, and must have been continuously favoured from the earliest stages of animal evolution down to the present time. it is the factor in the great theory of sexual selection that corresponds to the insistence and directness of the male. coyness and caprice have in consequence become a heritage of the sex, together with a cohort of allied weaknesses and petty deceits, that men have come to think venial and even amiable in women, but which they would not tolerate among themselves. various forms of natural character and temperament would no doubt be found to occur in constant proportions among any large group of persons of the same race, but what those proportions may be has never yet been investigated. it is extremely difficult to estimate it by observations of adults, owing to their habit of restraining natural ill tendencies, and to their long-practised concealment of those they do not restrain but desire to hide. the necessary observations ought, however, to be easily made on young children in schools, whose manifestations of character are conspicuous, who are simultaneously for months and years under the eye of the same master or mistress, and who are daily classed according to their various merits. i have occasionally asked the opinion of persons well qualified to form them, and who have had experience of teaching, as to the most obvious divisions of character to be found among school children. the replies have differed, but those on which most stress was laid were connected with energy, sociability, desire to attract notice, truthfulness, thoroughness, and refinement. the varieties of the emotional constitution and of likings and antipathies are very numerous and wide. i may give two instances which i have not seen elsewhere alluded to, merely as examples of variation. one of them was often brought to my notice at the time when the public were admitted to see the snakes fed at the zoological gardens. rabbits, birds, and other small animals were dropped in the different cages, which the snakes, after more or less serpentine action, finally struck with their poison fangs or crushed in their folds. i found it a horrible but a fascinating scene. we lead for the most part such an easy and carpeted existence, screened from the stern realities of life and death, that many of us are impelled to draw aside the curtain now and then, and gaze for a while behind it. this exhibition of the snakes at their feeding-time, which gave to me, as it doubtless did to several others, a sense of curdling of the blood, had no such effect on many of the visitors. i have often seen people--nurses, for instance, and children of all ages--looking unconcernedly and amusedly at the scene. their indifference was perhaps the most painful element of the whole transaction. their sympathies were absolutely unawakened. i quote this instance, partly because it leads to another very curious fact that i have noticed as regards the way with which different persons and races regard snakes. i myself have a horror of them, and can only by great self-control, and under a sense of real agitation, force myself to touch one. a considerable proportion of the english race would feel much as i do; but the remainder do not. i have questioned numbers of persons of both sexes, and have been astonished at the frequency with which i have been assured that they had no shrinking whatever from the sight of the wriggling mysterious reptile. some persons, as is well known, make pets of them; moreover, i am told that there is no passage in greek or latin authors expressive of that form of horror which i myself feel, and which may be compared to what is said to be felt by hydrophobic sufferers at the undulating movements of water. there are numerous allusions in the classics to the venom fang or the crushing power of snakes, but not to an aversion inspired by its form and movement. it was the greek symbol of hippocrates and of healing. there is nothing of the kind in hebrew literature, where the snake is figured as an attractive tempter. in hindu fables the cobra is the ingenious and intelligent animal, corresponding to the fox in ours. serpent worship was very widely spread. i therefore doubt whether the antipathy to the snake is very common among mankind, notwithstanding the instinctive terror that their sight inspires in monkeys. the other instance i may adduce is that of the horror of blood which is curiously different in animals of the same species and in the same animals at different times. i have had a good deal of experience of the behaviour of oxen at the sight of blood, and found it to be by no means uniform. in my south african travels i relied chiefly on half-wild slaughter oxen to feed my large party, and occasionally had to shoot one on every second day. usually the rest of the drove paid no particular heed to the place of blood, but at other rare times they seemed maddened and performed a curious sort of war-dance at the spot, making buck-leaps, brandishing their horns, and goring at the ground. it was a grotesque proceeding, utterly unlike the usual behaviour of cattle. i only witnessed it once elsewhere, and that was in the pyrenees, where i came on a herd that was being driven homewards. each cow in turn, as it passed a particular spot, performed the well-remembered antics. i asked, and learned that a cow had been killed there by a bear a few days previously. the natural horror at blood, and it may be the consequent dislike of red, is common among mankind; but i have seen a well-dressed child of about four years old poking its finger with a pleased innocent look into the bleeding carcase of a sheep hung up in a butcher's shop, while its nurse was inside. the subject of character deserves more statistical investigation than it has yet received, and none have a better chance of doing it well than schoolmasters; their opportunities are indeed most enviable. it would be necessary to approach the subject wholly without prejudice, as a pure matter of observation, just as if the children were the fauna and flora of hitherto undescribed species in an entirely new land. criminals and the insane. criminality, though not very various in its development, is extremely complex in its origin; nevertheless certain general conclusions are arrived at by the best writers on the subject, among whom prosper despine is one of the most instructive. the ideal criminal has marked peculiarities of character: his conscience is almost deficient, his instincts are vicious, his power of self-control is very weak, and he usually detests continuous labour. the absence of self-control is due to ungovernable temper, to passion, or to mere imbecility, and the conditions that determine the particular description of crime are the character of the instincts and of the temptation. the deficiency of conscience in criminals, as shown by the absence of genuine remorse for their guilt, astonishes all who first become familiar with the details of prison life. scenes of heartrending despair are hardly ever witnessed among prisoners; their sleep is broken by no uneasy dreams--on the contrary, it is easy and sound; they have also excellent appetites. but hypocrisy is a very common vice; and all my information agrees as to the utter untruthfulness of criminals, however plausible their statements may be. we must guard ourselves against looking upon vicious instincts as perversions, inasmuch as they may be strictly in accordance with the healthy nature of the man, and, being transmissible by inheritance, may become the normal characteristics of a healthy race, just as the sheep-dog, the retriever, the pointer, and the bull-dog, have their several instincts. there can be no greater popular error than the supposition that natural instinct is a perfectly trustworthy guide, for there are striking contradictions to such an opinion in individuals of every description of animal. the most that we are entitled to say in any case is, that the prevalent instincts of each race are trustworthy, not those of every individual. but even this is saying too much, because when the conditions under which the race is living have recently been changed, some instincts which were adapted to the old state of things are sure to be fallacious guides to conduct in the new one. a man who is counted as an atrocious criminal in england, and is punished as such by english law in social self-defence, may nevertheless have acted in strict accordance with instincts that are laudable in less civilised societies. the ideal criminal is, unhappily for him, deficient in qualities that are capable of restraining his unkindly or inconvenient instincts; he has neither sympathy for others nor the sense of duty, both of which lie at the base of conscience; nor has he sufficient self-control to accommodate himself to the society in which he has to live, and so to promote his own selfish interests in the long-run. he cannot be preserved from criminal misadventure, either by altruistic sentiments or by intelligently egoistic ones. the perpetuation of the criminal class by heredity is a question difficult to grapple with on many accounts. their vagrant habits, their illegitimate unions, and extreme untruthfulness, are among the difficulties of the investigation. it is, however, easy to show that the criminal nature tends to be inherited; while, on the other hand, it is impossible that women who spend a large portion of the best years of their life in prison can contribute many children to the population. the true state of the case appears to be that the criminal population receives steady accessions from those who, without having strongly-marked criminal natures, do nevertheless belong to a type of humanity that is exceedingly ill suited to play a respectable part in our modern civilisation, though it is well suited to flourish under half-savage conditions, being naturally both healthy and prolific. these persons are apt to go to the bad; their daughters consort with criminals and become the parents of criminals. an extraordinary example of this is afforded by the history of the infamous jukes family in america, whose pedigree has been made out, with extraordinary care, during no less than seven generations, and is the subject of an elaborate memoir printed in the thirty-first annual report of the prison association of new york, . it includes no less than individuals of jukes blood, of whom a frightful number degraded into criminality, pauperism, or disease. it is difficult to summarise the results in a few plain figures, but i will state those respecting the fifth generation, through the eldest of the five prolific daughters of the man who is the common ancestor of the race. the total number of these was , of whom thirty-eight came through an illegitimate granddaughter, and eighty-five through legitimate grandchildren. out of the thirty-eight, sixteen have been in jail, six of them for heinous offences, one of these having been committed no less than nine times; eleven others led openly disreputable lives or were paupers; four were notoriously intemperate; the history of three had not been traced, and only four are known to have done well. the great majority of the women consorted with criminals. as to the eighty-five legitimate descendants, they were less flagrantly bad, for only five of them had been in jail, and only thirteen others had been paupers. now the ancestor of all this mischief, who was born about the year , is described as having been a jolly companionable man, a hunter, and a fisher, averse to steady labour, but working hard and idling by turns, and who had numerous illegitimate children, whose issue has not been traced. he was, in fact, a somewhat good specimen of a half-savage, without any seriously criminal instincts. the girls were apparently attractive, marrying early and sometimes not badly; but the gipsy-like character of the race was unsuited to success in a civilised country. so the descendants went to the bad, and such hereditary moral weaknesses as they may have had, rose to the surface and worked their mischief without check. cohabiting with criminals, and being extremely prolific, the result was the production of a stock exceeding in number, of a prevalent criminal type. through disease and intemperance the breed is now rapidly diminishing; the infant mortality has of late been horrible, but fortunately the women of the present generation bear usually but few children, and many of them are altogether childless. the criminal classes contain a considerable portion of epileptics and other persons of instable, emotional temperament, subject to nervous explosions that burst out at intervals and relieve the system. the mad outbreaks of women in convict prisons is a most curious phenomenon. some of them are apt from time to time to have a gradually increasing desire that at last becomes irresistible, to "break out," as it is technically called; that is, to smash and tear everything they can within reach, and to shriek, curse, and howl. at length the fit expends itself; the devil, as it were, leaves them, and they begin to behave again in their ordinary way. the highest form of emotional instability exists in confirmed epilepsy, where its manifestations have often been studied; it is found in a high but somewhat less extraordinary degree in the hysterical and allied affections. in the confirmed epileptic constitution the signs of general instability of nervous action are muscular convulsions, irregularities of bodily temperature, mobile intellectual activity, and extraordinary oscillations between opposed emotional states. i am assured by excellent authority that instable manifestations of extreme piety and of extreme vice are almost invariably shown by epileptics, and should be regarded as a prominent feature of their peculiar constitution. these unfortunate beings see no incongruity between the pious phrases that they pour out at one moment and their vile and obscene language in the next; neither do they show repentance for past misconduct when they are convicted of crimes, however abominable these may be. they are creatures of the moment, possessing no inhibitory check upon their desires and emotions, which drive them headlong hither and thither. madness is often associated with epilepsy; in all cases it is a frightful and hereditary disfigurement of humanity, which appears, from the upshot of various conflicting accounts, to be on the increase. the neurotic constitution from which it springs is however not without its merits, as has been well pointed out, since a large proportion of the enthusiastic men and women to whose labour the world is largely indebted, have had that constitution, judging from the fact that insanity existed in their families. the phases of extreme piety and extreme vice which so rapidly succeed one another in the same individual among the epileptics, are more widely separated among those who are simply insane. it has been noticed that among the morbid organic conditions which accompany the show of excessive piety and religious rapture in the insane, none are so frequent as disorders of the sexual organisation. conversely, the frenzies of religious revivals have not unfrequently ended in gross profligacy. the encouragement of celibacy by the fervent leaders of most creeds, utilises in an unconscious way the morbid connection between an over-restraint of the sexual desires and impulses towards extreme devotion. another remarkable phase among the insane consists in strange views about their individuality. they think that their body is made of glass, or that their brains have literally disappeared, or that there are different persons inside them, or that they are somebody else, and so forth. it is said that this phase is most commonly associated with morbid disturbance of the alimentary organs. so in many religions fasting has been used as an agent for detaching the thoughts from the body and for inducing ecstasy. there is yet a third peculiarity of the insane which is almost universal, that of gloomy segregation. passengers nearing london by the great western railway must have frequently remarked the unusual appearance of the crowd of lunatics when taking their exercise in the large green enclosure in front of hanwell asylum. they almost without exception walk apart in moody isolation, each in his own way, buried in his own thoughts. it is a scene like that fabled in vathek's hall of eblis. i am assured that whenever two are seen in company, it is either because their attacks of madness are of an intermittent and epileptic character and they are temporarily sane, or otherwise that they are near recovery. conversely, the curative influence of social habits is fully recognised, and they are promoted by festivities in the asylums. on the other hand, the great teachers of all creeds have made seclusion a prominent religious exercise. in short, by enforcing celibacy, fasting, and solitude, they have done their best towards making men mad, and they have always largely succeeded in inducing morbid mental conditions among their followers. floods of light are thrown upon various incidents of devotee life, and also upon the disgusting and not otherwise intelligible character of the sanctimonious scoundrel, by the everyday experiences of the madhouse. no professor of metaphysics, psychology, or religion can claim to know the elements of what he teaches, unless he is acquainted with the ordinary phenomena of idiocy, madness, and epilepsy. he must study the manifestations of disease and congenital folly, as well as those of sanity and high intellect. gregarious and slavish instincts. i propose in this chapter to discuss a curious and apparently anomalous group of base moral instincts and intellectual deficiencies, that are innate rather than acquired, by tracing their analogies in the world of brutes and examining the conditions through which they have been evolved. they are the slavish aptitudes from which the leaders of men are exempt, but which are characteristic elements in the disposition of ordinary persons. the vast majority of persons of our race have a natural tendency to shrink from the responsibility of standing and acting alone; they exalt the _vox populi_, even when they know it to be the utterance of a mob of nobodies, into the _vox dei_, and they are willing slaves to tradition, authority, and custom. the intellectual deficiencies corresponding to these moral flaws are shown by the rareness of free and original thought as compared with the frequency and readiness with which men accept the opinions of those in authority as binding on their judgment. i shall endeavour to prove that the slavish aptitudes in man are a direct consequence of his gregarious nature, which itself is a result of the conditions both of his primeval barbarism and of the forms of his subsequent civilisation. my argument will be, that gregarious brute animals possess a want of self-reliance in a marked degree; that the conditions of the lives of these animals have made a want of self-reliance a necessity to them, and that by the law of natural selection the gregarious instincts and their accompanying slavish aptitudes have gradually become evolved. then i shall argue that our remote ancestors have lived under parallel conditions, and that other causes peculiar to human society have acted up to the present day in the same direction, and that we have inherited the gregarious instincts and slavish aptitudes which have been needed under past circumstances, although in our advancing civilisation they are becoming of more harm than good to our race. it was my fortune, in earlier life, to gain an intimate knowledge of certain classes of gregarious animals. the urgent need of the camel for the close companionship of his fellows was a never-exhausted topic of curious admiration to me during tedious days of travel across many north african deserts. i also happened to hear and read a great deal about the still more marked gregarious instincts of the llama; but the social animal into whose psychology i am conscious of having penetrated most thoroughly is the ox of the wild parts of western south africa. it is necessary to insist upon the epithet "wild," because an ox of tamed parentage has different natural instincts; for instance, an english ox is far less gregarious than those i am about to describe, and affords a proportionately less valuable illustration to my argument. the oxen of which i speak belonged to the damaras, and none of the ancestry of these cattle had ever been broken to harness. they were watched from a distance during the day, as they roamed about the open country, and at night they were driven with cries to enclosures, into which they rushed much like a body of terrified wild animals driven by huntsmen into a trap. their scared temper was such as to make it impossible to lay hold of them by other means than by driving the whole herd into a clump, and lassoing the leg of the animal it was desired to seize, and throwing him to the ground with dexterous force. with oxen and cows of this description, whose nature is no doubt shared by the bulls, i spent more than a year in the closest companionship. i had nearly a hundred of the beasts broken in for the waggon, for packs, and for the saddle. i travelled an entire journey of exploration on the back of one of them, with others by my side, either labouring at their tasks or walking at leisure; and with others again who were wholly unbroken, and who served the purpose of an itinerant larder. at night, when there had been no time to erect an enclosure to hold them, i lay down in their midst, and it was interesting to observe how readily they then availed themselves of the neighbourhood of the camp fire and of man, conscious of the protection they afforded from prowling carnivora, whose cries and roars, now distant, now near, continually broke upon the stillness. these opportunities of studying the disposition of such peculiar cattle were not wasted upon me. i had only too much leisure to think about them, and the habits of the animals strongly attracted my curiosity. the better i understood them, the more complex and worthy of study did their minds appear to be. but i am now concerned only with their blind gregarious instincts, which are conspicuously distinct from the ordinary social desires. in the latter they are deficient; thus they are not amiable to one another, but show on the whole more expressions of spite and disgust than of forbearance or fondness. they do not suffer from an ennui, which society can remove, because their coarse feeding and their ruminant habits make them somewhat stolid. neither can they love society, as monkeys do, for the opportunities it affords of a fuller and more varied life, because they remain self-absorbed in the middle of their herd, while the monkeys revel together in frolics, scrambles, fights, loves, and chatterings. yet although the ox has so little affection for, or individual interest in, his fellows, he cannot endure even a momentary severance from his herd. if he be separated from it by stratagem or force, he exhibits every sign of mental agony; he strives with all his might to get back again, and when he succeeds, he plunges into its middle to bathe his whole body with the comfort of closest companionship. this passionate terror at segregation is a convenience to the herdsman, who may rest assured in the darkness or in the mist that the whole herd is safe whenever he can get a glimpse of a single ox. it is also the cause of great inconvenience to the traveller in ox-waggons, who constantly feels himself in a position towards his oxen like that of a host to a company of bashful gentlemen at the time when he is trying to get them to move from the drawing-room to the dinner-table, and no one will go first, but every one backs and gives place to his neighbour. the traveller finds great difficulty in procuring animals capable of acting the part of fore-oxen to his team, the ordinary members of the wild herd being wholly unfitted by nature to move in so prominent and isolated a position, even though, as is the custom, a boy is always in front to persuade or pull them onwards. therefore, a good fore-ox is an animal of an exceptionally independent disposition. men who break in wild cattle for harness watch assiduously for those who show a self-reliant nature, by grazing apart or ahead of the rest, and these they break in for fore-oxen. the other cattle may be indifferently devoted to ordinary harness purposes, or to slaughter; but the born leaders are far too rare to be used for any less distinguished service than that which they alone are capable of fulfilling. but a still more exceptional degree of merit may sometimes be met with among the many thousands of damara cattle. it is possible to find an ox who may be ridden, not indeed as freely as a horse, for i have never heard of a feat like that, but at all events wholly apart from the companionship of others; and an accomplished rider will even succeed in urging him out at a trot from the very middle of his fellows. with respect to the negative side of the scale, though i do not recollect definite instances, i can recall general impressions of oxen showing a deficiency from the average ox standard of self-reliance, about equal to the excess of that quality found in ordinary fore-oxen. thus i recollect there were some cattle of a peculiarly centripetal instinct, who ran more madly than the rest into the middle of the herd when they were frightened; and i have no reason to doubt from general recollections that the law of deviation from an average would be as applicable to independence of character among cattle as one might expect it theoretically to be. the conclusion to which we are driven is, that few of the damara cattle have enough originality and independence of disposition to pass unaided through their daily risks in a tolerably comfortable manner. they are essentially slavish, and seek no better lot than to be led by any one of their number who has enough self-reliance to accept that position. no ox ever dares to act contrary to the rest of the herd, but he accepts their common determination as an authority binding on his conscience. an incapacity of relying on oneself and a faith in others are precisely the conditions that compel brutes to congregate and live in herds; and, again, it is essential to their safety in a country infested by large carnivora, that they should keep closely together in herds. no ox grazing alone could live for many days unless he were protected, far more assiduously and closely than is possible to barbarians. the damara owners confide perhaps cattle to a couple of half-starved youths, who pass their time in dozing or in grubbing up roots to eat. the owners know that it is hopeless to protect the herd from lions, so they leave it to take its chance; and as regards human marauders they equally know that the largest number of cattle watchers they could spare could make no adequate resistance to an attack; they therefore do not send more than two, who are enough to run home and give the alarm to the whole male population of the tribe to run in arms on the tracks of their plundered property. consequently, as i began by saying, the cattle have to take care of themselves against the wild beasts, and they would infallibly be destroyed by them if they had not safeguards of their own, which are not easily to be appreciated at first sight at their full value. we shall understand them better by considering the precise nature of the danger that an ox runs. when he is alone it is not simply that he is too defenceless, but that he is easily surprised. a crouching lion fears cattle who turn boldly upon him, and he does so with reason. the horns of an ox or antelope are able to make an ugly wound in the paw or chest of a springing beast when he receives its thrust in the same way that an over-eager pugilist meets his adversary's "counter" hit. hence it is that a cow who has calved by the wayside, and has been temporarily abandoned by the caravan, is never seized by lions. the incident frequently occurs, and as frequently are the cow and calf eventually brought safe to the camp; and yet there is usually evidence in footprints of her having sustained a regular siege from the wild beasts; but she is so restless and eager for the safety of her young that no beast of prey can approach her unawares. this state of exaltation is of course exceptional; cattle are obliged in their ordinary course of life to spend a considerable part of the day with their heads buried in the grass, where they can neither see nor smell what is about them. a still larger part of their time must be spent in placid rumination, during which they cannot possibly be on the alert. but a herd of such animals, when considered as a whole, is always on the alert; at almost every moment some eyes, ears, and noses will command all approaches, and the start or cry of alarm of a single beast is a signal to all his companions. to live gregariously is to become a fibre in a vast sentient web overspreading many acres; it is to become the possessor of faculties always awake, of eyes that see in all directions, of ears and nostrils that explore a broad belt of air; it is also to become the occupier of every bit of vantage ground whence the approach of a wild beast might be overlooked. the protective senses of each individual who chooses to live in companionship are multiplied by a large factor, and he thereby receives a maximum of security at a minimum cost of restlessness. when we isolate an animal who has been accustomed to a gregarious life, we take away his sense of protection, for he feels himself exposed to danger from every part of the circle around him, except the one point on which his attention is momentarily fixed; and he knows that disaster may easily creep up to him from behind. consequently his glance is restless and anxious, and is turned in succession to different quarters; his movements are hurried and agitated, and he becomes a prey to the extremest terror. there can be no room for doubt that it is suitable to the well-being of cattle in a country infested with beasts of prey to live in close companionship, and being suitable, it follows from the law of natural selection that the development of gregarious and therefore of slavish instincts must be favoured in such cattle. it also follows from the same law that the degree in which those instincts are developed is on the whole the most conducive to their safety. if they were more gregarious they would crowd so closely as to interfere with each other when grazing the scattered pasture of damara land; if less gregarious, they would be too widely scattered to keep a sufficient watch against the wild beasts. i now proceed to consider more particularly why the range of deviation from the average is such that we find about one ox out of fifty to possess sufficient independence of character to serve as a pretty good fore-ox. why is it not one in five or one in five hundred? the reason undoubtedly is that natural selection tends to give but one leader to each suitably-sized herd, and to repress superabundant leaders. there is a certain size of herd most suitable to the geographical and other conditions of the country; it must not be too large, or the scattered puddles which form their only watering-places for a great part of the year would not suffice; and there are similar drawbacks in respect to pasture. it must not be too small, or it would be comparatively insecure; thus a troop of five animals is far more easy to be approached by a stalking huntsman than one of twenty, and the latter than one of a hundred. we have seen that it is the oxen who graze apart, as well as those who lead the herd, who are recognised by the trainers of cattle as gifted with enough independence of character to become fore-oxen. they are even preferred to the actual leaders of the herd; they dare to move more alone, and therefore their independence is undoubted. the leaders are safe enough from lions, because their flanks and rear are guarded by their followers; but each of those who graze apart, and who represent the superabundant supply of self-reliant animals, have one flank and the rear exposed, and it is precisely these whom the lions take. looking at the matter in a broad way, we may justly assert that wild beasts trim and prune every herd into compactness, and tend to reduce it into a closely-united body with a single well-protected leader. that the development of independence of character in cattle is thus suppressed below its otherwise natural standard by the influence of wild beasts, is shown by the greater display of self-reliance among cattle whose ancestry for some generations have not been exposed to such danger. what has been said about cattle, in relation to wild beasts, applies with more or less obvious modifications to barbarians in relation to their neighbours, but i insist on a close resemblance in the particular circumstance, that many savages are so unamiable and morose as to have hardly any object in associating together, besides that of mutual support. if we look at the inhabitants of the very same country as the oxen i have described, we shall find them congregated into multitudes of tribes, all more or less at war with one another. we shall find that few of these tribes are very small, and few very large, and that it is precisely those that are exceptionally large or small whose condition is the least stable. a very small tribe is sure to be overthrown, slaughtered, or driven into slavery by its more powerful neighbour. a very large tribe falls to pieces through its own unwieldiness, because, by the nature of things, it must be either deficient in centralisation or straitened in food, or both. a barbarian population is obliged to live dispersedly, since a square mile of land will support only a few hunters or shepherds; on the other hand, a barbarian government cannot be long maintained unless the chief is brought into frequent contact with his dependants, and this is geographically impossible when his tribe is so scattered as to cover a great extent of territory. the law of selection must discourage every race of barbarians which supplies self-reliant individuals in such large numbers as to cause tribes of moderate size to lose their blind desire of aggregation. it must equally discourage a breed that is incompetent to supply such men in sufficiently abundant ratio to the rest of the population to ensure the existence of tribes of not too large a size. it must not be supposed that gregarious instincts are equally important to all forms of savage life; but i hold, from what we know of the clannish fighting habits of our forefathers, that they were every whit as applicable to the earlier ancestors of our european stock as they are still to a large part of the black population of africa. there is, moreover, an extraordinary power of tyranny invested in the chiefs of tribes and nations of men, that so vastly outweighs the analogous power possessed by the leaders of animal herds as to rank as a special attribute of human society, eminently conducive to slavishness. if any brute in a herd makes itself obnoxious to the leader, the leader attacks him, and there is a free fight between the two, the other animals looking on the while. but if a man makes himself obnoxious to his chief, he is attacked, not by the chief single-handed, but by the overpowering force of his executive. the rebellious individual has to brave a disciplined host; there are spies who will report his doings, a local authority who will send a detachment of soldiers to drag him to trial; there are prisons ready built to hold him, civil authorities wielding legal powers of stripping him of all his possessions, and official executioners prepared to torture or kill him. the tyrannies under which men have lived, whether under rude barbarian chiefs, under the great despotisms of half-civilised oriental countries, or under some of the more polished but little less severe governments of modern days, must have had a frightful influence in eliminating independence of character from the human race. think of austria, of naples, and even of france under napoleon iii. it was stated[ ] in that, according to papers found at the tuileries, , persons had been arrested in france for political offences since nd december, , and that , had been transported, exiled, or detained in prison. i have already spoken in _hereditary genius_ of the large effects of religious persecution in comparatively recent years, on the natural character of races, and shall not say more about it here; but it must not be omitted from the list of steady influences continuing through ancient historical times down, in some degree, to the present day, in destroying the self-reliant, and therefore the nobler races of men. i hold that the blind instincts evolved under these long-continued conditions have been ingrained into our breed, and that they are a bar to our enjoying the freedom which the forms of modern civilisation are otherwise capable of giving us. a really intelligent nation might be held together by far stronger forces than are derived from the purely gregarious instincts. a nation need not be a mob of slaves, clinging to one another through fear, and for the most part incapable of self-government, and begging to be led; but it might consist of vigorous self-reliant men, knit to one [ ] another by innumerable ties, into a strong, tense, and elastic organisation. [footnote : _daily news_, th october, .] * * * * * the character of the corporate action of a nation in which each man judges for himself, might be expected to possess statistical constancy. it would be the expression of the dominant character of a large number of separate members of the same race, and ought therefore to be remarkably uniform. fickleness of national character is principally due to the several members of the nation exercising no independent judgment, but allowing themselves to be led hither and thither by the successive journalists, orators, and sentimentalists who happen for the time to have the chance of directing them. our present natural dispositions make it impossible for us to attain the ideal standard of a nation of men all judging soberly for themselves, and therefore the slavishness of the mass of our countrymen, in morals and intellect, must be an admitted fact in all schemes of regenerative policy. the hereditary taint due to the primeval barbarism of our race, and maintained by later influences, will have to be bred out of it before our descendants can rise to the position of free members of an intelligent society: and i may add that the most likely nest at the present time for self-reliant natures is to be found in states founded and maintained by emigrants. servility has its romantic side, in the utter devotion of a slave to the lightest wishes and the smallest comforts of his master, and in that of a loyal subject to those of his sovereign; but such devotion cannot be called a reasonable self-sacrifice; it is rather an abnegation of the trust imposed on man to use his best judgment, and to act in the way he thinks the wisest. trust in authority is a trait of the character of children, of weakly women, and of the sick and infirm, but it is out of place among members of a thriving resolute community during the fifty or more years of their middle life. those who have been born in a free country feel the atmosphere of a paternal government very oppressive. the hearty and earnest political and individual life which is found when every man has a continual sense of public responsibility, and knows that success depends on his own right judgment and exertion, is replaced under a despotism by an indolent reliance upon what its master may direct, and by a demoralising conviction that personal advancement is best secured by solicitations and favour. intellectual differences. it is needless for me to speak here about the differences in intellectual power between different men and different races, or about the convertibility of genius as shown by different members of the same gifted family achieving eminence in varied ways, as i have already written at length on these subjects in _hereditary genius_ and in _antecedents of english men of science_. it is, however, well to remark that during the fourteen years that have elapsed since the former book was published, numerous fresh instances have arisen of distinction being attained by members of the gifted families whom i quoted as instances of heredity, thus strengthening my arguments. mental imagery. anecdotes find their way into print, from time to time, of persons whose visual memory is so clear and sharp as to present mental pictures that may be scrutinised with nearly as much ease and prolonged attention as if they were real objects. i became interested in the subject and made a rather extensive inquiry into the mode of visual presentation in different persons, so far as could be gathered from their respective statements. it seemed to me that the results might illustrate the essential differences between the mental operations of different men, that they might give some clue to the origin of visions, and that the course of the inquiry might reveal some previously unnoticed facts. it has done all this more or less, and i will explain the results in the present and in the three following chapters. it is not necessary to trouble the reader with my earlier tentative steps to find out what i desired to learn. after the inquiry had been fairly started it took the form of submitting a certain number of printed questions to a large number of persons (see appendix e). there is hardly any more difficult task than that of framing questions which are not likely to be misunderstood, which admit of easy reply, and which cover the ground of inquiry. i did my best in these respects, without forgetting the most important part of all--namely, to tempt my correspondents to write freely in fuller explanation of their replies, and on cognate topics as well. these separate letters have proved more instructive and interesting by far than the replies to the set questions. the first group of the rather long series of queries related to the illumination, definition, and colouring of the mental image, and were framed thus:-- "before addressing yourself to any of the questions on the opposite page, think of some definite object--suppose it is your breakfast-table as you sat down to it this morning--and consider carefully the picture that rises before your mind's eye." . _illumination_.--is the image dim or fairly clear? is its brightness comparable to that of the actual scene? . _definition_.--are all the objects pretty well defined at the same time, or is the place of sharpest definition at any one moment more contracted than it is in a real scene? . _colouring_.--are the colours of the china, of the toast, bread-crust, mustard, meat, parsley, or whatever may have been on the table, quite distinct and natural? the earliest results of my inquiry amazed me. i had begun by questioning friends in the scientific world, as they were the most likely class of men to give accurate answers concerning this faculty of visualising, to which novelists and poets continually allude, which has left an abiding mark on the vocabularies of every language, and which supplies the material out of which dreams and the well-known hallucinations of sick people are built. to my astonishment, i found that the great majority of the men of science to whom i first applied protested that mental imagery was unknown to them, and they looked on me as fanciful and fantastic in supposing that the words "mental imagery" really expressed what i believed everybody supposed them to mean. they had no more notion of its true nature than a colour-blind man, who has not discerned his defect, has of the nature of colour. they had a mental deficiency of which they were unaware, and naturally enough supposed that those who affirmed they possessed it, were romancing. to illustrate their mental attitude it will be sufficient to quote a few lines from the letter of one of my correspondents, who writes:-- "these questions presuppose assent to some sort of a proposition regarding the 'mind's eye,' and the 'images' which it sees.... this points to some initial fallacy.... it is only by a figure of speech that i can describe my recollection of a scene as a 'mental image' which i can 'see' with my 'mind's eye.' ... i do not see it ... any more than a man sees the thousand lines of sophocles which under due pressure he is ready to repeat. the memory possesses it, etc." much the same result followed inquiries made for me by a friend among members of the french institute. on the other hand, when i spoke to persons whom i met in general society, i found an entirely different disposition to prevail. many men and a yet larger number of women, and many boys and girls, declared that they habitually saw mental imagery, and that it was perfectly distinct to them and full of colour. the more i pressed and cross-questioned them, professing myself to be incredulous, the more obvious was the truth of their first assertions. they described their imagery in minute detail, and they spoke in a tone of surprise at my apparent hesitation in accepting what they said. i felt that i myself should have spoken exactly as they did if i had been describing a scene that lay before my eyes, in broad daylight, to a blind man who persisted in doubting the reality of vision. reassured by this happier experience, i recommenced to inquire among scientific men, and soon found scattered instances of what i sought, though in by no means the same abundance as elsewhere. i then circulated my questions more generally among my friends and through their hands, and obtained the replies that are the main subject of this and of the three next chapters. they were from persons of both sexes, and of various ages, and in the end from occasional correspondents in nearly every civilised country. i have also received batches of answers from various educational establishments both in england and america, which were made after the masters had fully explained the meaning of the questions, and interested the boys in them. these have the merit of returns derived from a general census, which my other data lack, because i cannot for a moment suppose that the writers of the latter are a haphazard proportion of those to whom they were sent. indeed i know of some who, disavowing all possession of the power, and of many others who, possessing it in too faint a degree to enable them to express what their experiences really were, in a manner satisfactory to themselves, sent no returns at all. considerable statistical similarity was, however, observed between the sets of returns furnished by the schoolboys and those sent by my separate correspondents, and i may add that they accord in this respect with the oral information i have elsewhere obtained. the conformity of replies from so many different sources which was clear from the first, the fact of their apparent trustworthiness being on the whole much increased by cross-examination (though i could give one or two amusing instances of break-down), and the evident effort made to give accurate answers, have convinced me that it is a much easier matter than i had anticipated to obtain trustworthy replies to psychological questions. many persons, especially women and intelligent children, take pleasure in introspection, and strive their very best to explain their mental processes. i think that a delight in self-dissection must be a strong ingredient in the pleasure that many are said to take in confessing themselves to priests. here, then, are two rather notable results: the one is the proved facility of obtaining statistical insight into the processes of other persons' minds, whatever _à priori_ objection may have been made as to its possibility; and the other is that scientific men, as a class, have feeble powers of visual representation. there is no doubt whatever on the latter point, however it may be accounted for. my own conclusion is, that an over-ready perception of sharp mental pictures is antagonistic to the acquirement of habits of highly-generalised and abstract thought, especially when the steps of reasoning are carried on by words as symbols, and that if the faculty of seeing the pictures was ever possessed by men who think hard, it is very apt to be lost by disuse. the highest minds are probably those in which it is not lost, but subordinated, and is ready for use on suitable occasions. i am, however, bound to say, that the missing faculty seems to be replaced so serviceably by other modes of conception, chiefly, i believe, connected with the incipient motor sense, not of the eyeballs only but of the muscles generally, that men who declare themselves entirely deficient in the power of seeing mental pictures can nevertheless give life-like descriptions of what they have seen, and can otherwise express themselves as if they were gifted with a vivid visual imagination. they can also become painters of the rank of royal academicians. the facts i am now about to relate are obtained from the returns of adult men, of whom are fellows of the royal society, mostly of very high repute, and at least twice, and i think i may say three times, as many more are persons of distinction in various kinds of intellectual work. as already remarked, these returns taken by themselves do not profess to be of service in a general statistical sense, but they are of much importance in showing how men of exceptional accuracy express themselves when they are speaking of mental imagery. they also testify to the variety of experiences to be met with in a moderately large circle. i will begin by giving a few cases of the highest, of the medium, and of the lowest order of the faculty of visualising. the hundred returns were first classified according to the order of the faculty, as judged to the best of my ability from the whole of what was said in them, and of what i knew from other sources of the writers; and the number prefixed to each quotation shows its place in the class-list. vividness of mental imagery. (from returns, furnished by men, at least half of whom are distinguished in science or in other fields of intellectual work.) _cases where the faculty is very high_. . brilliant, distinct, never blotchy. . quite comparable to the real object. i feel as though i was dazzled, _e.g._ when recalling the sun to my mental vision. . in some instances quite as bright as an actual scene. . brightness as in the actual scene. . thinking of the breakfast-table this morning, all the objects in my mental picture are as bright as the actual scene. . the image once seen is perfectly clear and bright. . brightness at first quite comparable to actual scene. . the mental image appears to correspond in all respects with reality. i think it is as clear as the actual scene. . the brightness is perfectly comparable to that of the real scene. . i think the illumination of the imaginary image is nearly equal to that of the real one. . all clear and bright; all the objects seem to me well defined at the same time. . i can see my breakfast-table or any equally familiar thing with my mind's eye, quite as well in all particulars as i can do if the reality is before me. _cases where the faculty is mediocre_. . fairly clear and not incomparable in illumination with that of the real scene, especially when i first catch it. apt to become fainter when more particularly attended to. . fairly clear, not quite comparable to that of the actual scene. some objects are more sharply defined than others, the more familiar objects coming more distinctly in my mind. . fairly clear as a general image; details rather misty. . fairly clear, but not equal to the scene. defined, but not sharply; not all seen with equal clearness. . fairly clear. brightness probably at least one-half to two-thirds of original. [the writer is a physiologist.] definition varies very much, one or two objects being much more distinct than the others, but the latter come out clearly if attention be paid to them. . image of my breakfast-table fairly clear, but not quite so bright as the reality. altogether it is pretty well defined; the part where i sit and its surroundings are pretty well so. . fairly clear, but brightness not comparable to that of the actual scene. the objects are sharply defined; some of them are salient, and others insignificant and dim, but by separate efforts i can take a visualised inventory of the whole table. . details of breakfast-table _when the scene is reflected on_ are fairly defined and complete, but i have had a familiarity of many years with my own breakfast-table, and the above would not be the case with a table seen casually unless there were some striking peculiarity in it, . i can recall any single object or group of objects, but not the whole table at once. the things recalled are generally clearly defined. our table is a long one; i can in my mind pass my eyes all down the table and see the different things distinctly, but not the whole table at once. _cases where the faculty is at the lowest_. . dim and indistinct, yet i can give an account of this morning's breakfast-table; split herrings, broiled chickens, bacon, rolls, rather light-coloured marmalade, faint green plates with stiff pink flowers, the girls' dresses, etc. etc. i can also tell where all the dishes were, and where the people sat (i was on a visit). but my imagination is seldom pictorial except between sleeping and waking, when i sometimes see rather vivid forms. . dim and not comparable in brightness to the real scene. badly defined with blotches of light; very incomplete. . dim, poor definition; could not sketch from it. i have a difficulty in seeing two images together. . usually very dim. i cannot speak of its brightness, but only of its faintness. not well defined and very incomplete. . dim, imperfect. . i am very rarely able to recall any object whatever with any sort of distinctness. very occasionally an object or image will recall itself, but even then it is more like a generalised image than an individual image. i seem to be almost destitute of visualising power, as under control. . no power of visualising. between sleeping and waking, in illness and in health, with eyes closed, some remarkable scenes have occasionally presented themselves, but i cannot recall them when awake with eyes open, and by daylight, or under any circumstances whatever when a copy could be made of them on paper. i have drawn both men and places many days or weeks after seeing them, but it was by an effort of memory acting on study at the time, and assisted by trial and error on the paper or canvas, whether in black, yellow, or colour, afterwards. . it is only as a figure of speech that i can describe my recollection of a scene as a "mental image" which i can "see" with my "mind's eye." ... the memory possesses it, and the mind can at will roam over the whole, or study minutely any part. . no individual objects, only a general idea of a very uncertain kind. . no. my memory is not of the nature of a spontaneous vision, though i remember well where a word occurs in a page, how furniture looks in a room, etc. the ideas not felt to be mental pictures, but rather the symbols of facts. . extremely dim. the impressions are in all respects so dim, vague, and transient, that i doubt whether they can reasonably be called images. they are incomparably less than those of dreams. . my powers are zero. to my consciousness there is almost no association of memory with objective visual impressions. i recollect the breakfast-table, but do not see it. these quotations clearly show the great variety of natural powers of visual representation, and though the returns from which they are taken have, as i said, no claim to be those of englishmen taken at haphazard, nevertheless, to the best of my judgment, they happen to differ among themselves in much the same way that such returns would have done. i cannot procure a strictly haphazard series for comparison, because in any group of persons whom i may question there are always many too indolent to reply, or incapable of expressing themselves, or who from some fancy of their own are unwilling to reply. still, as already mentioned, i have got together several groups that approximate to what is wanted, usually from schools, and i have analysed them as well as i could, and the general result is that the above returns may be accepted as a fair representation of the visualising powers of englishmen. treating these according to the method described in the chapter of statistics, we have the following results, in which, as a matter of interest, i have also recorded the highest and the lowest of the series:-- _highest_.--brilliant, distinct, never blotchy. * * * * * _first suboctile_.--the image once seen is perfectly clear and bright. _first octile_.--i can see my breakfast-table or any equally familiar thing with my mind's eye quite as well in all particulars as i can do if the reality is before me. _first quartile_--fairly clear; illumination of actual scene is fairly represented. well defined. parts do not obtrude themselves, but attention has to be directed to different points in succession to call up the whole. _middlemost_.--fairly clear. brightness probably at least from one-half to two-thirds of the original. definition varies very much, one or two objects being much more distinct than the others, but the latter come out clearly if attention be paid to them. _last quartile_.--dim, certainly not comparable to the actual scene. i have to think separately of the several things on the table to bring them clearly before the mind's eye, and when i think of some things the others fade away in confusion. _last octile_.--dim and not comparable in brightness to the real scene. badly defined, with blotches of light; very incomplete; very little of one object is seen at one time. _last suboctile_.--i am very rarely able to recall any object whatever with any sort of distinctness. very occasionally an object or image will recall itself, but even then it is more like a generalised image than an individual one. i seem to be almost destitute of visualising power as under control. _lowest_.--my powers are zero. to my consciousness there is almost no association of memory with objective visual impressions. i recollect the table, but do not see it. i next proceed to colour, as specified in the third of my questions, and annex a selection from the returns classified on the same principle as in the preceding paragraph. colour representation. _highest_.--perfectly distinct, bright, and natural. _first suboctile_.--white cloth, blue china, argand coffee-pot, buff stand with sienna drawing, toast--all clear. _first octile_.--all details seen perfectly. _first quartile_.--colours distinct and natural till i begin to puzzle over them. _middlemost_.--fairly distinct, though not certain that they are accurately recalled. _last quartile_.--natural, but very indistinct. _last octile_.--faint; can only recall colours by a special effort for each. _last suboctile_.--power is nil. _lowest_.--power is nil. it may seem surprising that one out of every sixteen persons who are accustomed to use accurate expressions should speak of their mental imagery as perfectly clear and bright; but it is so, and many details are added in various returns emphasising the assertion. one of the commonest of these is to the effect, "if i could draw, i am sure i could draw perfectly from my mental image." that some artists, such as blake, have really done so is beyond dispute, but i have little doubt that there is an unconscious exaggeration in these returns. my reason for saying so is that i have also returns from artists, who say as follows: "my imagery is so clear, that if i had been unable to draw i should have unhesitatingly said that i could draw from it." a foremost painter of the present day has used that expression. he finds deficiencies and gaps when he tries to draw from his mental vision. there is perhaps some analogy between these images and those of "faces in the fire." one may often fancy an exceedingly well-marked face or other object in the burning coals, but probably everybody will find, as i have done, that it is impossible to draw it, for as soon as its outlines are seriously studied, the fancy flies away. mr. flinders petrie, a contributor of interesting experiments on kindred subjects to _nature_, informs me that he habitually works out sums by aid of an imaginary sliding rule, which he sets in the desired way and reads off mentally. he does not usually visualise the whole rule, but only that part of it with which he is at the moment concerned (see plate ii. fig. , where, however, the artist has not put in the divisions very correctly). i think this is one of the most striking cases of accurate visualising power it is possible to imagine. i have a few returns from chess-players who play games blindfolded; but the powers of such men to visualise the separate boards with different sets of men on the different boards, some ivory, some wood, and so forth, are well known, and i need not repeat them. i will rather give the following extract from an article in the _pall mall gazette_, th june , on the recent chess tournament at vienna:-- "the modern feats of blindfold play (without sight of board) greatly surpass those of twenty years ago. paul morphy, the american, was the first who made an especial study of this kind of display, playing some seven or eight games blindfold and simultaneously against various inferior opponents, and making lucrative exhibitions in this way. his abilities in this line created a scare among other rivals who had not practised this test of memory. since his day many chess-players who are gifted with strong and clear memory and power of picturing to the mind the ideal board and men, have carried this branch of exhibition play far beyond morphy's pitch; and, contemporaneously with this development, it has become acknowledged that skill in blindfold play is not an absolute test of similarly relative powers over the board: _e.g._ blackburne and zukertort can play as many as sixteen, or even twenty, blindfold games at a time, and win about per cent of them at least. steinitz, who beats them both in match play, does not essay more than six blindfold at a time. mason does not, to our knowledge, make any _spécialité_ at all of this sort." i have many cases of persons mentally reading off scores when playing the pianoforte, or manuscript when they are making speeches. one statesman has assured me that a certain hesitation in utterance which he has at times, is due to his being plagued by the image of his manuscript speech with its original erasures and corrections. he cannot lay the ghost, and he puzzles in trying to decipher it. some few persons see mentally in print every word that is uttered; they attend to the visual equivalent and not to the sound of the words, and they read them off usually as from a long imaginary strip of paper, such as is unwound from telegraphic instruments. the experiences differ in detail as to size and kind of type, colour of paper, and so forth, but are always the same in the same person. a well-known frequenter of the royal institution tells me that he often craves for an absence of visual perceptions, they are so brilliant and persistent. the rev. george henslow speaks of their extreme restlessness; they oscillate, rotate, and change. it is a mistake to suppose that sharp sight is accompanied by clear visual memory. i have not a few instances in which the independence of the two faculties is emphatically commented on; and i have at least one clear case where great interest in outlines and accurate appreciation of straightness, squareness, and the like, is unaccompanied by the power of visualising. neither does the faculty go with dreaming. i have cases where it is powerful, and at the same time where dreams are rare and faint or altogether absent. one friend tells me that his dreams have not the hundredth part of the vigour of his waking fancies. the visualising and the identifying powers are by no means necessarily combined. a distinguished writer on meta-physical topics assures me that he is exceptionally quick at recognising a face that he has seen before, but that he cannot call up a mental image of any face with clearness. some persons have the power of combining in a single perception more than can be seen at any one moment by the two eyes. it is needless to insist on the fact that all who have two eyes see stereoscopically, and therefore somewhat round a corner. children, who can focus their eyes on very near objects, must be able to comprise in a single mental image much more than a half of any small object they are examining. animals such as hares, whose eyes are set more on the side of the head than ours, must be able to perceive at one and the same instant more of a panorama than we can. i find that a few persons can, by what they often describe as a kind of touch-sight, visualise at the same moment all round the image of a solid body. many can do so nearly, but not altogether round that of a terrestrial globe. an eminent mineralogist assures me that he is able to imagine simultaneously all the sides of a crystal with which he is familiar. i may be allowed to quote a curious faculty of my own in respect to this. it is exercised only occasionally and in dreams, or rather in nightmares, but under those circumstances i am perfectly conscious of embracing an entire sphere in a single perception. it appears to lie within my mental eyeball, and to be viewed centripetally. this power of comprehension is practically attained in many cases by indirect methods. it is a common feat to take in the whole surroundings of an imagined room with such a rapid mental sweep as to leave some doubt whether it has not been viewed simultaneously. some persons have the habit of viewing objects as though they were partly transparent; thus, if they so dispose a globe in their imagination as to see both its north and south poles at the same time, they will not be able to see its equatorial parts. they can also perceive all the rooms of an imaginary house by a single mental glance, the walls and floors being as if made of glass. a fourth class of persons have the habit of recalling scenes, not from the point of view whence they were observed, but from a distance, and they visualise their own selves as actors on the mental stage. by one or other of these ways, the power of seeing the whole of an object, and not merely one aspect of it, is possessed by many persons. the place where the image appears to lie, differs much. most persons see it in an indefinable sort of way, others see it in front of the eye, others at a distance corresponding to reality. there exists a power which is rare naturally, but can, i believe, be acquired without much difficulty, of projecting a mental picture upon a piece of paper, and of holding it fast there, so that it can be outlined with a pencil. to this i shall recur. images usually do not become stronger by dwelling on them; the first idea is commonly the most vigorous, but this is not always the case. sometimes the mental view of a locality is inseparably connected with the sense of its position as regards the points of the compass, real or imaginary. i have received full and curious descriptions from very different sources of this strong geographical tendency, and in one or two cases i have reason to think it allied to a considerable faculty of geographical comprehension. the power of visualising is higher in the female sex than in the male, and is somewhat, but not much, higher in public schoolboys than in men. after maturity is reached, the further advance of age does not seem to dim the faculty, but rather the reverse, judging from numerous statements to that effect; but advancing years are sometimes accompanied by a growing habit of hard abstract thinking, and in these cases--not uncommon among those whom i have questioned--the faculty undoubtedly becomes impaired. there is reason to believe that it is very high in some young children, who seem to spend years of difficulty in distinguishing between the subjective and objective world. language and book-learning certainly tend to dull it. the visualising faculty is a natural gift, and, like all natural gifts, has a tendency to be inherited. in this faculty the tendency to inheritance is exceptionally strong, as i have abundant evidence to prove, especially in respect to certain rather rare peculiarities, of which i shall speak in the next chapter, and which, when they exist at all, are usually found among two, three, or more brothers and sisters, parents, children, uncles and aunts, and cousins. since families differ so much in respect to this gift, we may suppose that races would also differ, and there can be no doubt that such is the case. i hardly like to refer to civilised nations, because their natural faculties are too much modified by education to allow of their being appraised in an off-hand fashion. i may, however, speak of the french, who appear to possess the visualising faculty in a high degree. the peculiar ability they show in prearranging ceremonials _fêtes_ of all kinds, and their undoubted genius for tactics and strategy, show that they are able to foresee effects with unusual clearness. their ingenuity in all technical contrivances is an additional testimony in the same direction, and so is their singular clearness of expression. their phrase, "figurez-vous," or "picture to yourself," seems to express their dominant mode of perception. our equivalent of "imagine" is ambiguous. it is among uncivilised races that natural differences in the visualising faculty are most conspicuous. many of them make carvings and rude illustrations, but only a few have the gift of carrying a picture in their mind's eye, judging by the completeness and firmness of their designs, which show no trace of having been elaborated in that step-by-step manner which is characteristic of draughtsmen who are not natural artists. among the races who are thus gifted are the commonly despised, but, as i confidently maintain from personal knowledge of them, the much underrated bushmen of south africa. they are no doubt deficient in the natural instincts necessary to civilisation, for they detest a regular life, they are inveterate thieves, and are incapable of withstanding the temptation of strong drink. on the other hand, they have few superiors among barbarians in the ingenious methods by which they supply the wants of a difficult existence, and in the effectiveness and nattiness of their accoutrements. one of their habits is to draw pictures on the walls of caves of men and animals, and to colour them with ochre. these drawings were once numerous, but they have been sadly destroyed by advancing colonisation, and few of them, and indeed few wild bushmen, now exist. fortunately a large and valuable collection of facsimiles of bushman art was made before it became too late by mr. stow, of the cape colony, who has very lately sent some specimens of them to this country, in the hope that means might be found for the publication of the entire series. among the many pictures of animals in each of the large sheets full of them, i was particularly struck with one of an eland as giving a just idea of the precision and purity of their best work. others, again, were exhibited last summer at the anthropological institute by mr. hutchinson. the method by which the bushmen draw is described in the following extract from a letter written to me by dr. mann, the well-known authority on south african matters of science. the boy to whom he refers belonged to a wild tribe living in caves in the drakenberg, who plundered outlying farms, and were pursued by the neighbouring colonists. he was wounded and captured, then sent to hospital, and subsequently taken into service. he was under dr. mann's observation in the year , and has recently died, to the great regret of his employer, mr. proudfoot, to whom he became a valuable servant. dr. mann writes as follows:-- "this lad was very skilful in the proverbial bushman art of drawing animal figures, and upon several occasions i induced him to show me how this was managed among his people. he invariably began by jotting down upon paper or on a slate a number of isolated dots which presented no connection or trace of outline of any kind to the uninitiated eye, but looked like the stars scattered promiscuously in the sky. having with much deliberation satisfied himself of the sufficiency of these dots, he forthwith began to run a free bold line from one to the other, and as he did so the form of an animal--horse, buffalo, elephant, or some kind of antelope--gradually developed itself. this was invariably done with a free hand, and with such unerring accuracy of touch, that no correction of a line was at any time attempted. i understood from the lad that this was the plan which was invariably pursued by his kindred in making their clever pictures." it is impossible, i think, for a drawing to be made on this method unless the artist had a clear image in his mind's eye of what he was about to draw, and was able, in some degree, to project it on the paper or slate. other living races have the gift of drawing, but none more so than the eskimo. i will therefore speak of these and not of the australian and tasmanian pictures, nor of the still ruder performances of the old inhabitants of guiana, nor of those of some north american tribes, as the iroquois. the eskimos are geographers by instinct, and appear to see vast tracts of country mapped out in their heads. from the multitude of illustrations of their map-drawing powers, i may mention one of those included in the journals of captain hall, at p. , which were published in by the united states government, under the editorship of professor j. e. nourse. it is the facsimile of a chart drawn by an eskimo who was a thorough barbarian in the accepted sense of the word; that is to say, he spoke no language besides his own uncouth tongue, he was wholly uneducated according to our modern ideas, and he lived in what we should call a savage fashion. this man drew from memory a chart of the region over which he had at one time or another gone in his canoe. it extended from pond's bay, in lat. °, to fort churchill, in lat. ° ', over a distance in a straight line of more than nautical, or english miles, the coast being so indented by arms of the sea that its length is six times as great. on comparing this rough eskimo outline with the admiralty chart of , their accordance is remarkable. i have seen many ms. route maps made by travellers a few years since, when the scientific exploration of the world was much less advanced than it is now, and i can confidently say that i have never known of any traveller, white or brown, civilised or uncivilised, in africa, asia, or australia, who, being unprovided with surveying instruments, and trusting to his memory alone, has produced a chart comparable in extent and accuracy to that of this barbarous eskimo. the aptitude of the eskimos to draw, is abundantly shown by the numerous illustrations in rink's work, all of which were made by self-taught men, and are thoroughly realistic. so much for the wild races of the present day; but even the eskimo are equalled in their power of drawing by the men of old times. in ages so far gone by, that the interval that separates them from our own may be measured in perhaps hundreds of thousands of years, when europe was mostly icebound, a race who, in the opinion of all anthropologists, was closely allied to the modern eskimo, lived in caves in the more habitable places. many broken relics of that race have been found; some few of these are of bone engraved with flints or carved into figures, and among these are representations of the mammoth, elk, and reindeer, which, if made by an english labourer with the much better implements at his command, would certainly attract local attention and lead to his being properly educated, and in much likelihood to his becoming a considerable artist if he had intellectual powers to match. it is not at all improbable that these prehistoric men had the same geographical instincts as the modern eskimo, whom they closely resemble in every known respect. if so, it is perfectly possible that scraps of charts scratched on bone or stone, of prehistoric europe, when the distribution of land, sea, and ice was very different to what it is now, may still exist, buried underground, and may reward the zeal of some future cave explorer. there is abundant evidence that the visualising faculty admits of being developed by education. the testimony on which i would lay especial stress is derived from the published experiences of m. lecoq de boisbaudran, late director of the Ã�cole nationale de dessein, in paris, which are related in his _education de la m. émoire pittoresque_ [ ] he trained his pupils with extraordinary success, beginning with the simplest figures. they were made to study the models thoroughly before they tried to draw them from memory. one favourite expedient was to associate the sight memory with the muscular memory, by making his pupils follow at a distance the outlines of the figures with a pencil held in their hands. after three or four months' practice, their visual memory became greatly strengthened. they had no difficulty in summoning images at will, in holding them steady, and in drawing them. their copies [ ] were executed with marvellous fidelity, as attested by a commission of the institute, appointed in to inquire into the matter, of which the eminent painter horace vernet was a member. the present slade professor of fine arts at university college, m. légros, was a pupil of m. de boisbaudran. he has expressed to me his indebtedness to the system, and he has assured me of his own success in teaching others in a somewhat similar way. [footnote : republished in an vo, entitled _enseignment artistique_. morel et cie. paris, .] colonel moncrieff informs me that, when wintering in near fort garry in north america, young indians occasionally came to his quarters, and that he found them much interested in any pictures or prints that were put before them. on one of these occasions he saw an indian tracing the outline of a print from the _illustrated news_ very carefully with the point of his knife. the reason he gave for this odd manoeuvre was, that he would remember the better how to carve it when he returned home. i could mention instances within my own experience in which the visualising faculty has become strengthened by practice; notably one of an eminent electrical engineer, who had the power of recalling form with unusual precision, but not colour. a few weeks after he had replied to my questions, he told me that my inquiries had induced him to practise his colour memory, and that he had done so with such success that he was become quite an adept at it, and that the newly-acquired power was a source of much pleasure to him. a useful faculty, easily developed by practice, is that of retaining a retinal picture. a scene is flashed upon the eye; the memory of it persists, and details, which escaped observation during the brief time when it was actually seen, may be analysed and studied at leisure in the subsequent vision. the memories we should aim at acquiring are, however, such as are based on a thorough understanding of the objects observed. in no case is this more surely effected than in the processes of mechanical drawing, where the intended structure has to be portrayed so exactly in plan, elevation, side view, and sections, that the workman has simply to copy the drawing in metal, wood, or stone, as the case may be. it is undoubtedly the fact that mechanicians, engineers, and architects usually possess the faculty of seeing mental images with remarkable clearness and precision. a few dots like those used by the bushmen give great assistance in creating an imaginary picture, as proved by our general habit of working out ideas by the help of marks and rude lines. the use of dolls by children also testifies to the value of an objective support in the construction of mental images. the doll serves as a kind of skeleton for the child to clothe with fantastic attributes, and the less individuality the doll has, the more it is appreciated by the child, who can the better utilise it as a lay figure in many different characters. the chief art of strengthening visual, as well as every other form of memory, lies in multiplying associations; the healthiest memory being that in which all the associations are logical, and toward which all the senses concur in their due proportions. it is wonderful how much the vividness of a recollection is increased when two or more lines of association are simultaneously excited. thus the inside of a known house is much better visualised when we are looking at its outside than when we are away from it, and some chess-players have told me that it is easier for them to play a game from memory when they have a blank board before them than when they have not. there is an absence of flexibility in the mental imagery of most persons. they find that the first image they have acquired of any scene is apt to hold its place tenaciously in spite of subsequent need of correction. they find a difficulty in shifting their mental view of an object, and examining it at pleasure in different positions. if they see an object equally often in many positions the memories combine and confuse one another, forming a "composite" blur, which they cannot dissect into its components. they are less able to visualise the features of intimate friends than those of persons of whom they have caught only a single glance. many such persons have expressed to me their grief at finding themselves powerless to recall the looks of dear relations whom they had lost, while they had no difficulty in recollecting faces that were uninteresting to them. others have a complete mastery over their mental images. they can call up the figure of a friend and make it sit on a chair or stand up at will; they can make it turn round and attitudinise in any way, as by mounting it on a bicycle or compelling it to perform gymnastic feats on a trapeze. they are able to build up elaborate geometric structures bit by bit in their mind's eye, and add, subtract, or alter at will and at leisure. this free action of a vivid visualising faculty is of much importance in connection with the higher processes of generalised thought, though it is commonly put to no such purpose, as may be easily explained by an example. suppose a person suddenly to accost another with the following words:-- "i want to tell you about a boat." what is the idea that the word "boat" would be likely to call up? i tried the experiment with this result. one person, a young lady, said that she immediately saw the image of a rather large boat pushing off from the shore, and that it was full of ladies and gentlemen, the ladies being dressed in white and blue. it is obvious that a tendency to give so specific an interpretation to a general word is absolutely opposed to philosophic thought. another person, who was accustomed to philosophise, said that the word "boat" had aroused no definite image, because he had purposely held his mind in suspense. he had exerted himself not to lapse into any one of the special ideas that he felt the word boat was ready to call up, such as a skiff, wherry, barge, launch, punt, or dingy. much more did he refuse to think of any one of these with any particular freight or from any particular point of view. a habit of suppressing mental imagery must therefore characterise men who deal much with abstract ideas; and as the power of dealing easily and firmly with these ideas is the surest criterion of a high order of intellect, we should expect that the visualising faculty would be starved by disuse among philosophers, and this is precisely what i found on inquiry to be the case. but there is no reason why it should be so, if the faculty is free in its action, and not tied to reproduce hard and persistent forms; it may then produce generalised pictures out of its past experiences quite automatically. it has no difficulty in reducing images to the same scale, owing to our constant practice in watching objects as they approach or recede, and consequently grow or diminish in apparent size. it readily shifts images to any desired point of the field of view, owing to our habit of looking at bodies in motion to the right or left, upward or downward. it selects images that present the same aspect, either by a simple act of memory or by a feat of imagination that forces them into the desired position, and it has little or no difficulty in reversing them from right to left, as if seen in a looking-glass. in illustration of these generalised mental images, let us recur to the boat, and suppose the speaker to continue as follows:--"the boat was a four-oared racing-boat, it was passing quickly to the left just in front of me, and the men were bending forward to take a fresh stroke." now at this point of the story the listener ought to have a picture well before his eye. it ought to have the distinctness of a real four-oar going to the left, at the moment when many of its details still remained unheeded, such as the dresses of the men and their individual features. it would be the generic image of a four-oar formed by the combination into a single picture of a great many sight memories of those boats. in the highest minds a descriptive word is sufficient to evoke crowds of shadowy associations, each striving to manifest itself. when they differ so much from one another as to be unfitted for combination into a single idea, there will be a conflict, each being prevented by the rest from obtaining sole possession of the field of consciousness. there could, therefore, be no definite imagery so long as the aggregate of all the pictures that the word suggested of objects presenting similar aspects, reduced to the same size, and accurately superposed, resulted in a blur; but a picture would gradually evolve as qualifications were added to the word, and it would attain to the distinctness and vividness of a generic image long before the word had been so restricted as to be individualised. if the intellect be slow, though correct in its operations, the associations will be few, and the generalised image based on insufficient data. if the visualising power be faint, the generalised image will be indistinct. i cannot discover any closer relation between high visualising power and the intellectual faculties than between verbal memory and those same faculties. that it must afford immense help in some professions stands to reason, but in ordinary social life the possession of a high visualising power, as of a high verbal memory, may pass quite unobserved. i have to the last failed in anticipating the character of the answers that my friends would give to my inquiries, judging from my previous knowledge of them; though i am bound to say that, having received their answers, i could usually persuade myself that they were justified by my recollections of their previous sayings and conduct generally. the faculty is undoubtedly useful in a high degree to inventive mechanicians, and the great majority of those whom i have questioned have spoken of their powers as very considerable. they invent their machines as they walk, and see them in height, breadth, and depth as real objects, and they can also see them in action. in fact, a periodic action of any kind appears to be easily recalled. but the powers of other men are considerably less; thus an engineer officer who has himself great power of visual memory, and who has superintended the mathematical education of cadets, doubts if one in ten can visualise an object in three dimensions. i should have thought the faculty would be common among geometricians, but many of the highest seem able somehow to get on without much of it. there is a curious dictum of napoleon i. quoted in hume's _précis of modern tactics_, p. , of which i can neither find the original authority nor do i fully understand the meaning. he is reported to have said that "there are some who, from some physical or moral peculiarity of character, form a picture (_tableau_) of everything. no matter what knowledge, intellect, courage, or good qualities they may have, these men are unfit to command." it is possible that "tableau" should be construed rather in the sense of a pictorial composition, which, like an epigrammatic sentence, may be very complete and effective, but not altogether true. there can, however, be no doubt as to the utility of the visualising faculty when it is duly subordinated to the higher intellectual operations. a visual image is the most perfect form of mental representation wherever the shape, position, and relations of objects in space are concerned. it is of importance in every handicraft and profession where design is required. the best workmen are those who visualise the whole of what they propose to do, before they take a tool in their hands. the village smith and the carpenter who are employed on odd jobs employ it no less for their work than the mechanician, the engineer, and the architect. the lady's maid who arranges a new dress requires it for the same reason as the decorator employed on a palace, or the agent who lays out great estates. strategists, artists of all denominations, physicists who contrive new experiments, and in short all who do not follow routine, have need of it. the pleasure its use can afford is immense. i have many correspondents who say that the delight of recalling beautiful scenery and great works of art is the highest that they know; they carry whole picture galleries in their minds. our bookish and wordy education tends to repress this valuable gift of nature. a faculty that is of importance in all technical and artistic occupations, that gives accuracy to our perceptions, and justness to our generalisations, is starved by lazy disuse, instead of being cultivated judiciously in such a way as will on the whole bring the best return. i believe that a serious study of the best method of developing and utilising this faculty, without prejudice to the practice of abstract thought in symbols, is one of the many pressing desiderata in the yet unformed science of education. number-forms. persons who are imaginative almost invariably think of _numerals_ in some form of visual imagery. if the idea of _six_ occurs to them, the word "six" does not sound in their mental ear, but the figure in a written or printed form rises before their mental eye. the clearness of the images of numerals, and the number of them that can be mentally viewed at the same time, differs greatly in different persons. the most common case is to see only two or three figures at once, and in a position too vague to admit of definition. there are a few persons in whom the visualising faculty is so low that they can mentally see neither numerals nor anything else; and again there are a few in whom it is so high as to give rise to hallucinations. those who are able to visualise a numeral with a distinctness comparable to reality, and to behold it as if it were before their eyes, and not in some sort of dreamland, will define the direction in which it seems to lie, and the distance at which it appears to be. if they were looking at a ship on the horizon at the moment that the figure happened to present itself to their minds, they could say whether the image lay to the left or right of the ship, and whether it was above or below the line of the horizon; they could always point to a definite spot in space, and say with more or less precision that that was the direction in which the image of the figure they were thinking of, first appeared. now the strange psychological fact to which i desire to draw attention, is that among persons who visualise figures clearly there are many who notice that the image of the same figure invariably makes its first appearance in the same direction, and at the same distance. such a person would always see the figure when it first appeared to him at (we may suppose) one point of the compass to the left of the line between his eye and the ship, at the level of the horizon, and at twenty feet distance. again, we may suppose that he would see the figure invariably half a point to the left of the ship, at an altitude equal to the sun's diameter above the horizon, and at thirty feet distance; similarly for all the other figures. consequently, when he thinks of the series of numerals , , , , etc., they show themselves in a definite pattern that always occupies an identical position in his field of view with respect to the direction in which he is looking. those who do not see figures with the same objectivity, use nevertheless the same expressions with reference to their mental field of view. they can draw what they see in a manner fairly satisfactory to themselves, but they do not locate it so strictly in reference to their axis of sight and to the horizontal plane that passes through it. it is with them as in dreams, the imagery is before and around, but the eyes during sleep are turned inwards and upwards. the pattern or "form" in which the numerals are seen is by no means the same in different persons, but assumes the most grotesque variety of shapes, which run in all sorts of angles, bends, curves, and zigzags as represented in the various illustrations to this chapter. the drawings, however, fail in giving the idea of their apparent size to those who see them; they usually occupy a wider range than the mental eye can take in at a single glance, and compel it to wander. sometimes they are nearly panoramic. these forms have for the most part certain characteristics in common. they are stated in all cases to have been in existence, so far as the earlier numbers in the form are concerned, as long back as the memory extends; they come into view quite independently of the will, and their shape and position, at all events in the mental field of view, is nearly invariable. they have other points in common to which i shall shortly draw attention, but first i will endeavour to remove all doubt as to the authenticity and trustworthiness of these statements. i see no "form" myself, and first ascertained that such a thing existed through a letter from mr. g. bidder, q.c., in which he described his own case as a very curious peculiarity. i was at the time making inquiries about the strength of the visualising faculty in different persons, and among the numerous replies that reached me i soon collected ten or twelve other cases in which the writers spoke of their seeing numerals in definite forms. though the information came from independent sources, the expressions used were so closely alike that they strongly corroborated one another. of course i eagerly followed up the inquiry, and when i had collected enough material to justify publication, i wrote an account which appeared in _nature_ on th january , with several illustrations. this has led to a wide correspondence and to a much-increased store of information, which enables me to arrive at the following conclusions. the answers i received whenever i have pushed my questions, have been straightforward and precise. i have not unfrequently procured a second sketch of the form even after more than two years' interval, and found it to agree closely with the first one. i have also questioned many of my own friends in general terms as to whether they visualise numbers in any particular way. the large majority are unable to do so. but every now and then i meet with persons who possess the faculty, and i have become familiar with the quick look of intelligence with which they receive my question. it is as though some chord had been struck which had not been struck before, and the verbal answers they give me are precisely of the same type as those written ones of which i have now so many. i cannot doubt of the authenticity of independent statements which closely confirm one another, nor of the general accuracy of the accompanying sketches, because i find now that my collection is large enough for classification, that they might be arranged in an approximately continuous series. i am often told that the peculiarity is common to the speaker and to some near relative, and that they had found such to be the case by accident. i have the strongest evidence of its hereditary character after allowing, and over-allowing, for all conceivable influences of education and family tradition. last of all, i took advantage of the opportunity afforded by a meeting of the anthropological institute to read a memoir there on the subject, and to bring with me many gentlemen well known in the scientific world, who have this habit of seeing numerals in forms, and whose diagrams were suspended on the walls. amongst them are mr. g. bidder, q.c., the rev. mr. g. henslow, the botanist; prof. schuster, f.r.s., the physicist; mr. roget, mr. woodd smith, and colonel yule, c.b., the geographer. these diagrams are given in plate i. figs. - . i wished that some of my foreign correspondents could also have been present, such as m. antoine d'abbadie, the well-known french traveller and membre de l'institut, and baron v. osten sacken, the russian diplomatist and entomologist, for they had given and procured me much information. i feel sure that i have now said enough to remove doubts as to the authenticity of my data. their trustworthiness will, i trust, be still more apparent as i proceed; it has been abundantly manifest to myself from the internal evidences in a large mass of correspondence, to which i can unfortunately do no adequate justice in a brief memoir. it remains to treat the data in the same way as any other scientific facts and to extract as much meaning from them as possible. the peculiarity in question is found, speaking very roughly, in about out of every adult males or females. it consists in the sudden and automatic appearance of a vivid and invariable "form" in the mental field of view, whenever a numeral is thought of, in which each numeral has its own definite place. this form may consist of a mere line of any shape, of a peculiarly arranged row or rows of figures, or of a shaded space. i give woodcuts of representative specimens of these forms, and very brief descriptions of them extracted from the letters of my correspondents. sixty-three other diagrams on a smaller scale will be found in plates i., ii. and iii., and two more which are coloured are given in plate iv. [illustration: ] d.a. "from the very first i have seen numerals up to nearly , range themselves always in a particular manner, and in thinking of a number it always takes its place in the figure. the more attention i give to the properties of numbers and their interpretations, the less i am troubled with this clumsy framework for them, but it is indelible in my mind's eye even when for a long time less consciously so. the higher numbers are to me quite abstract and unconnected with a shape. this rough and untidy [ ] production is the best i can do towards representing what i see. there was a little difficulty in the performance, because it is only by catching oneself at unawares, so to speak, that one is quite sure that what one sees is not affected by temporary imagination. but it does not seem much like, chiefly because the mental picture never seems _on_ the flat but _in_ a thick, dark gray atmosphere deepening in certain parts, especially where emerges, and about . how i get from to i hardly know, though if i could require these figures a few times without thinking of them on purpose, i should soon notice. about i lose all framework. i do not see the actual figures very distinctly, but what there is of them is distinguished from the dark by a thin whitish tracing. it is the place they take and the shape they make collectively which is invariable. nothing more definitely takes its place than a person's age. the person is usually there so long as his age is in mind." [footnote : the engraver took much pains to interpret the meaning of the rather faint but carefully made drawing, by strengthening some of the shades. the result was very very satisfactory, judging from the author's own view of it, which is as follows:--"certainly if the engraver has been as successful with all the other representations as with that of my shape and its accompaniments, your article must be entirely correct."] t. m. "the representation i carry in my mind of the numerical series is quite distinct to me, so much so that i cannot think of any number but i at once see it (as it were) in its peculiar place in the diagram. my remembrance of dates is also nearly entirely dependent on a clear mental vision of their _loci_ in the diagram. this, as nearly as i can draw it, is the following:--" [illustration: ] "it is only approximately correct (if the term 'correct' be at all applicable). the numbers seem to approach more closely as i ascend from to , , , etc. the lines embracing a hundred numbers also seem to approach as i go on to , , to . beyond i have only the sense of an infinite line in the direction of the arrow, losing itself in darkness towards the millions. any special number of thousands returns in my mind to its position in the parallel lines from to . the diagram was present in my mind from early childhood; i remember that i learnt the multiplication table by reference to it at the age of seven or eight. i need hardly say that the impression is not that of perfectly straight lines, i have therefore used no ruler in drawing it." j.s. "the figures are about a quarter of an inch in length, and in ordinary type. they are black on a white ground. the numeral generally takes the place of and obliterates it. there is no light or shade, and the picture is invariable." [illustration: ] etc. etc. +--------------- | | | | | / | | | | | | in some cases, the mental eye has to travel along the faintly-marked and blank paths of a form, to the place where the numeral that is wanted is known to reside, and then the figure starts into sight. in other cases all the numerals, as far as or more, are faintly seen at once, but the figure that is wanted grows more vivid than its neighbours; in one of the cases there is, as it were, a chain, and the particular link rises as if an unseen hand had lifted it. the forms are sometimes variously coloured, occasionally very brilliantly (see plate iv.). in all of these the definition and illumination vary much in different parts. usually the forms fade away into indistinctness after ; sometimes they come to a dead stop. the higher numbers very rarely fill so large a space in the forms as the lower ones, and the diminution of space occupied by them is so increasingly rapid that i thought it not impossible they might diminish according to some geometrical law, such as that which governs sensitivity. i took many careful measurements and averaged them, but the result did not justify the supposition. it is beyond dispute that these forms originate at an early age; they are subsequently often developed in boyhood and youth so as to include the higher numbers, and, among mathematical students, the negative values. nearly all of my correspondents speak with confidence of their forms having been in existence as far back as they recollect. one states that he knows he possessed it at the age of four; another, that he learnt his multiplication table by the aid of the elaborate mental diagram he still uses. not one in ten is able to suggest any clue as to their origin. they cannot be due to anything written or printed, because they do not simulate what is found in ordinary writings or books. about one-third of the figures are curved to the left, two-thirds to the right; they run more often upward than downward. they do not commonly lie in a single plane. sometimes a form has twists as well as bends, sometimes it is turned upside down, sometimes it plunges into an abyss of immeasurable depth, or it rises and disappears in the sky. my correspondents are often in difficulties when trying to draw them in perspective. one sent me a stereoscopic picture photographed from a wire that had been bent into the proper shape. in one case the form proceeds at first straightforward, then it makes a backward sweep high above head, and finally recurves into the pocket, of all places! it is often sloped upwards at a slight inclination from a little below the level of the eye, just as objects on a table would appear to a child whose chin was barely above it. it may seem strange that children should have such bold conceptions as of curves sweeping loftily upward or downward to immeasurable depths, but i think it may be accounted for by their much larger personal experience of the vertical dimension of space than adults. they are lifted, tossed and swung, but adults pass their lives very much on a level, and only judge of heights by inference from the picture on their retina. whenever a man first ventures up in a balloon, or is let, like a gatherer of sea-birds' eggs, over the face of a precipice, he is conscious of having acquired a much extended experience of the third dimension of space. the character of the forms under which historical dates are visualised contrast strongly with the ordinary number-forms. they are sometimes copied from the numerical ones, but they are more commonly based both clearly and consciously on the diagrams used in the schoolroom or on some recollected fancy. the months of the year are usually perceived as ovals, and they as often follow one another in a reverse direction to those of the figures on the clock, as in the same direction. it is a common peculiarity that the months do not occupy equal spaces, but those that are most important to the child extend more widely than the rest. there are many varieties as to the topmost month; it is by no means always january. the forms of the letters of the alphabet, when imaged, as they sometimes are, in that way, are equally easy to be accounted for, therefore the ordinary number-form is the oldest of all, and consequently the most interesting. i suppose that it first came into existence when the child was learning to count, and was used by him as a natural mnemonic diagram, to which he referred the spoken words "one," "two," "three," etc. also, that as soon as he began to read, the visual symbol figures supplanted their verbal sounds, and permanently established themselves on the form. it therefore existed at an earlier date than that at which the child began to learn to read; it represents his mental processes at a time of which no other record remains; it persists in vigorous activity, and offers itself freely to our examination. the teachers of many schools and colleges, some in america, have kindly questioned their pupils for me; the results are given in the two first columns of plate i. it appears that the proportion of young people who see numerals in forms is greater than that of adults. but for the most part their forms are neither well defined nor complicated. i conclude that when they are too faint to be of service they are gradually neglected, and become wholly forgotten; while if they are vivid and useful, they increase in vividness and definition by the effect of habitual use. hence, in adults, the two classes of seers and non-seers are rather sharply defined, the connecting link of intermediate cases which is observable in childhood having disappeared. these forms are the most remarkable existing instances of what is called "topical" memory, the essence of which appears to lie in the establishment of a more exact system of division of labour in the different parts of the brain, than is usually carried on. topical aids to memory are of the greatest service to many persons, and teachers of mnemonics make large use of them, as by advising a speaker to mentally associate the corners, etc., of a room with the chief divisions of the speech he is about to deliver. those who feel the advantage of these aids most strongly are the most likely to cultivate the use of numerical forms. i have read many books on mnemonics, and cannot doubt their utility to some persons; to myself the system is of no avail whatever, but simply a stumbling-block, nevertheless i am well aware that many of my early associations are fanciful and silly. the question remains, why do the lines of the forms run in such strange and peculiar ways? the reply is, that different persons have natural fancies for different lines and curves. their handwriting shows this, for handwriting is by no means solely dependent on the balance of the muscles of the hand, causing such and such strokes to be made with greater facility than others. handwriting is greatly modified by the fashion of the time. it is in reality a compromise between what the writer most likes to produce, and what he can produce with the greatest ease to himself. i am sure, too, that i can trace a connection between the general look of the handwritings of my various correspondents and the lines of their forms. if a spider were to visualise numerals, we might expect he would do so in some web-shaped fashion, and a bee in hexagons. the definite domestic architecture of all animals as seen in their nests and holes shows the universal tendency of each species to pursue their work according to certain definite lines and shapes, which are to them instinctive and in no way, we may presume, logical. the same is seen in the groups and formations of flocks of gregarious animals and in the flights of gregarious birds, among which the wedge-shaped phalanx of wild ducks and the huge globe of soaring storks are as remarkable as any. i used to be much amused during past travels in watching the different lines of search that were pursued by different persons in looking for objects lost on the ground, when the encampment was being broken up. different persons had decided idiosyncracies, so much so that if their travelling line of sight could have scored a mark on the ground, i think the system of each person would have been as characteristic as his number-form. children learn their figures to some extent by those on the clock. i cannot, however, trace the influence of the clock on the forms in more than a few cases. in two of them the clock-face actually appears, in others it has evidently had a strong influence, and in the rest its influence is indicated, but nothing more. i suppose that the complex roman numerals in the clock do not fit in sufficiently well with the simpler ideas based upon the arabic ones. the other traces of the origin of the forms that appear here and there, are dominoes, cards, counters, an abacus, the fingers, counting by coins, feet and inches (a yellow carpenter's rule appears in one case with in large figures upon it), the country surrounding the child's home, with its hills and dales, objects in the garden (one scientific man sees the old garden walk and the numeral at a tub sunk in the ground where his father filled his watering-pot). some associations seem connected with the objects spoken of in the doggerel verses by which children are often taught their numbers. but the paramount influence proceeds from the names of the numerals. our nomenclature is perfectly barbarous, and that of other civilised nations is not better than ours, and frequently worse, as the french "quatre-vingt dix-huit," or "four score, ten and eight," instead of ninety-eight. we speak of ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, etc., in defiance of the beautiful system of decimal notation in which we write those numbers. what we see is one-naught, one-one, one-two, etc., and we should pronounce on that principle, with this proviso, that the word for the "one" having to show both the place and the value, should have a sound suggestive of "one" but not identical with it. let us suppose it to be the letter _o_ pronounced short as in "on," then instead of ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, etc., we might say _on-naught, on-one, on-two, on-three_, etc. the conflict between the two systems creates a perplexity, to which conclusive testimony is borne by these numerical forms. in most of them there is a marked hitch at the , and this repeats itself at the . the run of the lines between and is rarely analogous to that between and , where it usually first becomes regular. the 'teens frequently occupy a larger space than their due. it is not easy to define in words the variety of traces of the difficulty and annoyance caused by our unscientific nomenclature, that are portrayed vividly, and, so to speak, painfully in these pictures. they are indelible scars that testify to the effort and ingenuity with which a sort of compromise was struggled for and has finally been effected between the verbal and decimal systems. i am sure that this difficulty is more serious and abiding than has been suspected, not only from the persistency of these twists, which would have long since been smoothed away if they did not continue to subserve some useful purpose, but also from experiments on my own mind. i find i can deal mentally with simple sums with much less strain if i audibly conceive the figures as on-naught, on-one, etc., and i can both dictate and write from dictation with much less trouble when that system or some similar one is adopted. i have little doubt that our nomenclature is a serious though unsuspected hindrance to the ready adoption by the public of a decimal system of weights and measures. three quarters of the forms bear a duodecimal impress. i will now give brief explanations of the number-forms drawn in plates i., ii., and iii., and in the two front figures in plate iv. description of plate i. fig. is by mr. walter larden, science-master of cheltenham college, who sent me a very interesting and elaborate account of his own case, which by itself would make a memoir; and he has collected other information for me. the number-forms of one of his colleagues and of that gentleman's sister are given in figs. , , plate iii. i extract the following from mr. larden's letter--it is all for which i can find space:-- [illustration: plate i. _examples of number-forms_.] "all numbers are to me as images of figures in general; i see them in ordinary arabic type (except in some special cases), and they have definite positions in space (as shown in the fig.). beyond i am conscious of coming down a dotted line to the position of again, and of going over the same cycle exactly as before, _e.g._ with in the place of , and so on up to or . with higher numbers the imagery is less definite; thus, for , i can only say that there are no new positions, i do not see the entire number in the place of ; but if i think of it as hundred and , i see in its place, in its place, and in its place; the picture is not single though the ideas combine. i seem to stand near . i have to turn somewhat to see from - , and more and more to see from - ; lies high up to my right and behind me. i see no shading nor colour in the figures." figs. to are from returns collected for me by the rev. a.d. hill, science-master of winchester college, who sent me replies from boys of an average age of - . he says, speaking of their replies to my numerous questions on visualising generally, that they "represent fairly those who could answer anything; the boys certainly seemed interested in the subject; the others, who had no such faculty either attempting and failing, or not finding any response in their minds, took no interest in the inquiry." a very remarkable case of hereditary colour association was sent to me by mr. hill, to which i shall refer later. the only five good cases of number-forms among the boys are those shown in the figs. i need only describe fig. . the boy says:--"numbers, except the first twenty, appear in waves; the two crossing-lines, - , - , never appear at the _same time_. the first twelve are the image of a clock, and - a continuation of them." figs. , , are sent me by mr. henry f. osborn of princeton in the united states, who has given cordial assistance in obtaining information as regards visualising generally. these two are the only forms included in sixty returns that he sent, of which were from princeton college, and the remaining from vassar (female) college. figs. - and fig. are from returns communicated by mr. w.h. poole, science-master of charterhouse college, which are very valuable to me as regards visualising power generally. he read my questions before a meeting of about boys, who all consented to reply, and he had several subsequent volunteers. all the answers were short, straightforward, and often amusing. subsequently the inquiry extended, and i have returns from him in all, containing good number-forms, shown in figs. - , and in fig. . the first fig. is that of mr. poole himself; he says, "the line only represents position; it does not exist in my mind. after , i return to my old starting-place, _e.g._ occupies the same position as ." the gross statistical result from the schoolboys is as follows: --total returns, : viz. winchester , princeton , charterhouse ; the number of these that contained well-defined number-forms are , , and respectively, or total --that is, one in twenty. it may justly be said that the masters should not be counted, because it was owing to the accident of their seeing the number-forms themselves that they became interested in the inquiry; if this objection be allowed, the proportion would become in , or one in twenty-one. again, some boys who had no visualising faculty at all could make no sense out of the questions, and wholly refrained from answering; this would again diminish the proportion. the shyness in some would help in a statistical return to neutralise the tendency to exaggeration in others, but i do not think there is much room for correction on either head. neither do i think it requisite to make much allowance for inaccurate answers, as the tone of the replies is simple and straightforward. those from princeton, where the students are older and had been specially warned, are remarkable for indications of self-restraint. the result of personal inquiries among adults, quite independent of and prior to these, gave me the proportion of in as a provisional result for adults. this is as well confirmed by the present returns of in among boys and youths as i could have expected. i have not a sufficient number of returns from girls for useful comparison with the above, though i am much indebted to miss lewis for reports, to miss cooper of edgbaston for reports from the female teachers at her school, and to a few other schoolmistresses, such as miss stones of carmarthen, whose returns i have utilised in other ways. the tendency to see number-forms is certainly higher in girls than in boys. fig. is the form of mr. george bidder, q.c.; it is of much interest to myself, because it was, as i have already mentioned, through the receipt of it and an accompanying explanation that my attention was first drawn to the subject. mr. g. bidder is son of the late well-known engineer, the famous "calculating boy" of the bygone generation, whose marvellous feats in mental arithmetic were a standing wonder. the faculty is hereditary. mr. g. bidder himself has multiplied mentally fifteen figures by another fifteen figures, but with less facility than his father. it has been again transmitted, though in an again reduced degree, to the third generation. he says: -- "one of the most curious peculiarities in my own case is the arrangement of the arithmetical numerals. i have sketched this to the best of my ability. every number (at least within the first thousand, and afterwards thousands take the place of units) is always thought of by me in its own definite place in the series, where it has, if i may say so, a home and an individuality. i should, however, qualify this by saying that when i am multiplying together two large numbers, my mind is engrossed in the operation, and the idea of locality in the series for the moment sinks out of prominence." fig. is that of prof. schuster, f.r.s., whose visualising powers are of a very high order, and who has given me valuable information, but want of space compels me to extract very briefly. he says to the effect:-- "the diagram of numerals which i usually see has roughly the shape of a horse-shoe, lying on a slightly inclined plane, with the open end towards me. it always comes into view in front of me, a little to the left, so that the right hand branch of the horse-shoe, at the bottom of which i place , is in front of my left eye. when i move my eyes without moving my head, the diagram remains fixed in space and does not follow the movement of my eye. when i move the head the diagram unconsciously follows the movement, but i can, by an effort, keep it fixed in space as before. i can also shift it from one part of the field to the other, and even turn it upside down. i use the diagram as a resting-place for the memory, placing a number on it and finding it again when wanted. a remarkable property of the diagram is a sort of elasticity which enables me to join the two ends of the horse-shoe together when i want to connect with . the same elasticity causes me to see that part of the diagram on which i fix my attention larger than the rest." mr. schuster makes occasional use of a simpler form of diagram, which is little more than a straight line variously divided, and which i need not describe in detail. fig. is by colonel yule, c.b.; it is simpler than the others, and he has found it to become sensibly weaker in later years; it is now faint and hard to fix. fig. . mr. woodd smith:-- "above the form becomes vague and is soon lost, except that is always in a corner like . my own position in regard to it is generally nearly opposite my own age, which is fifty now, at which point i can face either towards - , or towards - , or - , but never (i think) with my back to - ." fig. . mr. roget. he writes to the effect that the first twelve are clearly derived from the spots in dominoes. after there is nothing clear but . the form is so deeply engraven in his mind that a strong effort of the will was required to substitute any artificial arrangement in its place. his father, the late dr. roget (well known for many years as secretary of the royal society), had trained him in his childhood to the use of the _memoria technica_ of feinagle, in which each year has its special place in the walls of a particular room, and the rooms of a house represent successive centuries, but he never could locate them in that way. they _would_ go to what seemed their natural homes in the arrangement shown in the figure, which had come to him from some unknown source. the remaining figs., - , in plate i., sufficiently express themselves. the last belongs to one of the charterhouse boys, the others respectively to a musical critic, to a clergyman, and to a gentleman who is, i believe, now a barrister. description of plate ii. plate ii. contains examples of more complicated forms, which severally require so much minuteness of description that i am in despair of being able to do justice to them separately, and must leave most of them to tell their own story. fig. is that of mr. flinders petrie, to which i have already referred (p. ). fig. is by professor herbert mcleod, f.r.s. i will quote his letter almost in full, as it is a very good example:-- "when your first article on visualised numerals appeared in _nature_, i thought of writing to tell you of my own case, of which i had never previously spoken to any one, and which i never contemplated putting on paper. it becomes now a duty to me to do so, for it is a fourth case of the influence of the clock-face. [in my article i had spoken of only three cases known to me.--f. g.] the enclosed paper will give you a rough notion of the apparent positions of numbers in my mind. that it is due to learning the clock is, i think, proved by my being able to tell the clock certainly before i was four, and probably when little more than three, but my mother cannot tell me the exact date. i had a habit of arranging my spoon and fork on my plate to indicate the positions of the hands, and i well remember being astonished at seeing an old watch of my grandmother's which had ordinary numerals in place of roman ones. all this happened before i could read, and i have no recollection of learning the numbers unless it was by seeing numbers stencilled on the barrels in my father's brewery. "when learning the numbers from to , they appeared to be vertically above the of the clock, and you will see from the enclosed sketch that the most prominent numbers which i have underlined all occur in the multiplication table. those doubly underlined are the most prominent [the lithographer has not rendered these correctly.--f. g.], and just now i caught myself doing what i did not anticipate--after doubly underlining some of the numbers, i found that all the multiples of except are so marked. in the sketch i have written in all the numbers up to ; the others are not added merely for want of space; they appear in their corresponding positions. you will see that is curiously placed, probably to get a fresh start for the next . the loops gradually diminish in size as the numbers rise, and it seems rather curious that the numbers from to resemble in form those from to . beyond the arrangement is less marked, and beyond they entirely vanish, although there is some hazy recollection of a futile attempt to learn the multiplication table up to times ." [illustration: plate ii. _examples of number forms_.] "neither my mother nor my sister is conscious of any mental arrangement of numerals. i have not found any idea of this kind among any of my colleagues to whom i have spoken on the subject, and several of them have ridiculed the notion, and possibly think me a lunatic for having any such feeling. i was showing the scheme to g., shortly after your first article appeared, on the piece of paper i enclose, and he changed the diagram to a sea-serpent [most amusingly and grotesquely drawn.--f. g.], with the remark, 'if you were a rich man, and i knew i was mentioned in your will, i should destroy that piece of paper, in case it should be brought forward as an evidence of insanity!' i mention this in connection with a paragraph in your article." fig. is, i think, the most complicated form i possess. it was communicated to me by mr. woodd smith as that of miss l. k., a lady who was governess in a family, whom he had closely questioned both with inquiries of his own and by submitting others subsequently sent by myself. it is impossible to convey its full meaning briefly, and i am not sure that i understand much of the principle of it myself. a shows part only (i have not room for more) of the series , , , , , , , , , , , each as two sides of a square,--that is, larger or smaller according to the magnitude of the number; does not appear anywhere. c similarly shows part of the series (all divisible by ) of , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . b shows the way in which most numbers divisible by appear. d shows the form of the numbers , , , , , , , , , , , - , - , - , , - , - , and . e shows that of , - , - . the other numbers are not clear, viz. , , - , - . beyond the arrangement becomes hazy, except that the hundreds and thousands go on again in complete, consecutive, and proportional squares indefinitely. the groups of figures are not seen together, but one or other starts up as the number is thought of. the form has no background, and is always seen _in front_. no arabic or other figures are seen with it. experiments were made as to the time required to get these images well in the mental view, by reading to the lady a series of numbers as fast as she could visualise them. the first series consisted of twenty numbers of two figures each--thus, , , , , etc.; these were gone through on the first trial in seconds, on the second in , and on the third in . the second series was more varied, containing numbers of one, two, and three figures--thus , , , , , , , etc., and these were gone through in three trials in , , and seconds respectively, forming a general result of seconds for twenty numbers, or - / seconds per number. a noticeable feature in this case is the strict accordance of the scale of the image with the magnitude of the number, and the geometric regularity of the figures. some that i drew, and sent for the lady to see, did not at all satisfy her eye as to their correctness. i should say that not a few mental calculators work by bulks rather than by numerals; they arrange concrete magnitudes symmetrically in rank and file like battalions, and march these about. i have one case where each number in a form seems to bear its own _weight_. fig. is a curious instance of a french member of the institute, communicated to me by m. antoine d'abbadie (whose own number-form is shown in fig. ):-- "he was asked, why he puts in so conspicuous a place; he replied, 'you see that such a part of my name (which he wishes to withhold) means in the south of france, which is the cradle of my family; consequently _quatre est ma raison d'être_.'" subsequently, in , m. d'abbadie wrote:-- "i mentioned the case of a philosopher whose, , , , etc., all step out of the rank in his mind's eye. he had a haze in his mind from , i believe [it was .--f.g.], up to ; but latterly has sprung out, not like the sergeants , , , but like a captain, farther out still, and five or six times as large as the privates , , , , , etc. 'were i superstitious,' said he, 'i should conclude that my death would occur in the th year of the century.' the growth of was _sudden_, and has remained constant ever since." this is the only case known to me of a new stage in the development of a number-form being suddenly attained. description of plate iii. plate iii. is intended to exhibit some instances of heredity. i have no less than twenty-two families in which this curious tendency is hereditary, and there may be many more of which i am still ignorant. i have found it to extend in at least eight of these beyond the near degrees of parent and child, and brother and sister. considering that the occurrence is so rare as to exist in only about one in every twenty-five or thirty males, these results are very remarkable, and their trustworthiness is increased by the fact that the hereditary tendency is on the whole the strongest in those cases where the number-forms are the most defined and elaborate. i give four instances in which the hereditary tendency is found, not only in having a form at all, but also in some degree in the shape of the form. figs. - are those of various members of the henslow family, where the brothers, sisters, and some children of a sister have the peculiarity. figs. - are those of a master of cheltenham college and his sister. figs. - are those of a father and son; and belong to the same family. figs. - are those of a brother and sister. the lower half of the plate explains itself. the last figure of all, fig. , is of interest, because it was drawn for an intelligent little girl of only years old, after she had been closely questioned by the father, and it was accompanied by elaborate coloured illustrations of months and days of the week. i thought this would be a good test case, so i let the matter drop for two years, and then begged the father to question the child casually, and to send me a fresh account. i asked at the same time if any notes had been kept of the previous letter. nothing could have come out more satisfactorily. no notes had been kept; the subject had passed out of mind, but the imagery remained the same, with some trifling and very interesting metamorphoses of details. [illustration: plate iii. _examples of an hereditary tendency to see number-forms_, _ instances where the number forms in same family are alike_ _ instances where the number-forms in same family are unlike_] description of plate iv. i can find room in plate iv. for only two instances of coloured number-forms, though others are described in plate iii. fig. is by miss rose g. kingsley, daughter of the late eminent writer the rev. charles kingsley, and herself an authoress. she says:-- "up to i see the numbers in clear white; to in gray; - in flaming orange; - in green; - in dark blue; i am not sure about; is reddish, i think; and is yellow; but these latter divisions are very indistinct in my mind's eye." she subsequently writes:-- "i now enclose my diagram; it is very roughly done, i am afraid, not nearly as well as i should have liked to have done it. my great fear, has been that in thinking it over i might be led to write down something more than what i actually see, but i hope i have avoided this." fig. is an attempt at reproducing the form sent by mr. george f. smythe of ohio, an american correspondent who has contributed much of interest. he says:-- "to me the numbers from to lie on a level plane, but from they slope up to at an angle of about °. beyond they are generally all on a level, but if for any reason i have to think of the numbers from to , or from to , etc., then the numbers, between these two hundreds, are arranged just as those from to are. i do not, when thinking of a number, picture to myself the figures which represent it, but i do think instantly of the place which it occupies along the line. moreover, in the case of numbers from to (and, indistinctly, from up to or ), i always picture the number--not the figures--as occupying a right-angled parallelogram about twice as long as it is broad. these numbers all lie down flat and extend in a straight line from to over an unpleasant, arid, sandy plain. at the line turns abruptly to the right, passes into a pleasanter region where grass grows, and so continues up to . at the line turns to the left, and passes up the before-described incline to . this figure will help you in understanding my ridiculous notions. the asterisk (*) marks the place where i commonly seem to myself to stand and view the line. at times i take other positions, but never any position to the left of the (*), nor to the right of the line from upwards. i do not associate colours with numbers, but there is a great difference in the illumination which different numbers receive. if a traveller should start at and walk to , he would be in an intolerable glare of light until near or . but at he would go into a land of darkness and would have to feel his way. at light breaks in again, a pleasant sunshine, which continues up to or , where there is a sort of twilight. from here to the illumination is feeble, but still there is considerable light. at things light up, and until one reaches or there is broad daylight. indeed the tract from to is almost as bad as that from to . beyond there is a fair amount of light up to about , from this point to it is rather cloudy." in a subsequent letter he adds:-- "i enclose a picture in perspective and colour of my 'form.' i have taken great pains with this, but am far from satisfied with it. i know nothing about drawing, and consequently am unable to put upon the paper just what i see. the faults which i find with the picture are these. the rectangles stand out too distinctly, as something lying on the plane instead of being, as they ought, a part of the plane. the view is taken of necessity from an unnatural stand-point, and some way or other the region - does not look right. the landscape is altogether too distinct in its features. i rather _know that there is_ grass, and that there are trees in the distance, than _see_ them. but the grass within a few feet of the line i see distinctly. i cannot make the hill at the right slope down to the plane as it ought. it is too steep. i have had my poor success in indicating my notion of the darkness which overhangs the region of eleven. in reality it is not a cloud at all, but a darkness. "my sister, a married lady, thirty-eight years of age, sees numerals much as i do, but very indistinctly. she cannot draw a figure which is not by far too distinct." most of those who associate colours with numerals do so in a vague way, impossible to convey with truth in a painting. of the few who see them with more objectivity, many are unable to paint or are unwilling to take the trouble required to match the precise colours of their fancies. a slight error in hue or tint always dissatisfies them with their work. before dismissing the subject of numerals, i would call attention to a few other associations connected with them. they are often personified by children, and characters are assigned to them, it may be on account of the part they play in the multiplication table, or owing to some fanciful association with their appearance or their sound. to the minds of some persons the multiplication table appears dramatised, and any chance group of figures may afford a plot for a tale. i have collated six full and trustworthy accounts, and find a curious dissimilarity in the personifications and preferences; thus the number is described as ( ) disliked; ( ) a treacherous sneak; ( ) a good old friend; ( ) delightful and amusing; ( ) a female companion to ; ( ) a feeble edition of . in one point alone do i find any approach to unanimity, and that is in the respect paid to , as in the following examples:--( ) important and influential; ( ) good and cautious--so good as to be almost noble; ( ) a more beautiful number than , from the many multiples that make it up--in other words, its kindly relations to so many small numbers; ( ) a great love for , a large-hearted motherly person because of the number of little ones that it takes, as it were, under its protection. the decimal system seemed to me treason against this motherly .--all this concurs with the importance assigned for other reasons to the number in the number-form. there is no agreement as to the sex of numbers; i myself had absurdly enough fancied that _of course_ the even numbers would be taken to be of the male sex, and was surprised to find that they were not. i mention this as an example of the curious way in which our minds may be unconsciously prejudiced by the survival of some forgotten early fancies. i cannot find on inquiring of philologists any indications of different sexes having been assigned in any language to different numbers. mr. hershon has published an analysis of the talmud, on the odd principle of indexing the various passages according to the number they may happen to contain; thus such a phrase as "there were three men who," etc., would be entered under the number . i cannot find any particular preferences given there to especial numbers; even occurs less often than , , , , and . their respective frequency being , , , , , ; occurs only sixteen times. gamblers have not unfrequently the silliest ideas concerning numbers, their heads being filled with notions about lucky figures and beautiful combinations of them. there is a very amusing chapter in _rome contemporaine_, by e. about, in which he speaks of this in connection with the rage for lottery tickets. colour associations. numerals are occasionally seen in arabic or other figures, not disposed in any particular form, but coloured. an instance of this is represented in fig. towards the middle part of the column, but as i shall have shortly to enter at length into the colour associations of the author, i will pass over this portion of them, and will quote in preference from the letter of another correspondent. baron von osten sacken, of whom i have already spoken, writes:-- "the localisation of numerals, peculiar to certain persons, is foreign to me. in my mind's eye the figures appear _in front_ of me, within a limited space. my peculiarity, however, consists in the fact that the numerals from to are differently coloured; ( ) black, ( ) yellow, ( ) pale brick red, ( ) brown, ( ) blackish gray, ( ) reddish brown, ( ) green, ( ) bluish, ( ) reddish brown, somewhat like . these colours appear very distinctly when i think of these figures separately; in compound figures they become less apparent. but the most remarkable manifestation of these colours appears in my recollections of chronology. when i think of the events of a given century they invariably appear to me on a background coloured like the principal figure in the dates of that century; thus events of the eighteenth century invariably appear to me on a greenish ground, from the colour of the figure . this habit clings to me most tenaciously, and the only hypothesis i can form about its origin is the following:--my tutor, when i was ten to twelve years old, taught me chronology by means of a diagram on which the centuries were represented by squares, subdivided in smaller squares; the squares representing centuries had _narrow coloured borders_; it may be that in this way the recollection of certain figures became associated with certain colours. i venture this explanation without attaching too much importance to it, because it seems to me that if it was true, my _direct_ recollection of those coloured borders would have been stronger than it is; still, the strong association of my chronology with colour seems to plead in favour of that explanation." figs. , . these two are selected out of a large collection of coloured forms in which the months of the year are visualised. they will illustrate the gorgeousness of the mental imagery of some favoured persons. of these fig. is by the wife of an able london physician, and fig. is by mrs. kempe welch, whose sister, miss bevington, a well-known and thoughtful writer, also sees coloured imagery in connection with dates. this fig. was one of my test cases, repeated after the lapse of two years, and quite satisfactorily. the first communication was a descriptive account, partly in writing, partly by word of mouth; the second, on my asking for it, was a picture which agreed perfectly with the description, and explained much that i had not understood at the time. the small size of the fig. in the plate makes it impossible to do justice to the picture, which is elaborate and on a large scale, with a perspective of similar hills stretching away to the far distance, and each standing for a separate year. she writes:-- "it is rather difficult to give it fully without making it too definite; on each side there is a total blank." the instantaneous association of colour with sound characterises a small percentage of adults, and it appears to be rather common, though in an ill-developed degree, among children. i can here appeal not only to my own collection of facts, but to those of others, for the subject has latterly excited some interest in germany. the first widely known case was that of the brothers nussbaumer, published in by professor bruhl of vienna, of which the english reader will find an account in the last volume of lewis's _problems of life and mind_ (p. ). since then many occasional notices of similar associations have appeared. a pamphlet containing numerous cases was published in leipsic in by two swiss investigators, messrs. bleuler and lehmann.[ ] one of the authors had the faculty very strongly, and the other had not; so they worked conjointly with advantage. they carefully tabulated the particulars of sixty-two cases. as my present object is to subordinate details to the general impression that i wish to convey of the peculiarities of different minds, i will simply remark--first, that the persistence of the colour association with sounds is fully as remarkable as that of the number-form with numbers. secondly, that the vowel sounds chiefly evoke them. thirdly, that the seers are invariably most minute in their description of the precise tint and hue of the colour. they are never satisfied, for instance, with saying "blue," but will take a great deal of trouble to express or to match the particular blue they mean. fourthly, that no two people agree, or hardly ever do so, as to the colour they associate with the same sound. lastly, that the tendency is very hereditary. the publications just mentioned absolve me from the necessity of giving many extracts from the numerous letters i have received, but i am particularly anxious to bring the brilliancy of these colour associations more vividly before the reader than is possible by mere description. i have therefore given the elaborately-coloured diagrams in plate iv., which were copied by the artist directly from the original drawings, and which have been printed by the superimposed impressions of different colours from different lithographic stones. they have been, on the whole, very faithfully executed, and will serve as samples of the most striking cases. usually the sense of colour is much too vague to enable the seer to reproduce the various tints so definitely as those in this plate. but this is by no means universally the case. fig. is an excellent example of the occasional association of colours with letters. it is by miss stones, the head teacher in a high school for girls, who, as i have already mentioned, obtained useful information for me, and has contributed several suggestive remarks of her own. she says:-- "the vowels of the english language always appear to me, when i think of them, as possessing certain colours, of which i enclose a diagram. consonants, when thought of by themselves, are of a purplish black; but when i think of a whole word, the colour of the consonants tends towards the colour of the vowels. for example, in the word 'tuesday,' when i think of each letter separately, the consonants are purplish-black, _u_ is a light dove colour, _e_ is a pale emerald green, and _a_ is yellow; but when i think of the whole word together, the first part is a light gray-green, and the latter part yellow. each word is a distinct whole. i have always associated the same colours with the same letters, and no effort will change the colour of one letter, transferring it to another. thus the word 'red' assumes a light-green tint, while the word 'yellow' is light-green at the beginning and red at the end. occasionally, when uncertain how a word should be spelt, i have considered what colour it ought to be, and have decided in that way. i believe this has often been a great help to me in spelling, both in english and foreign languages. the colour of the letters is never smeared or blurred in any way. i cannot recall to mind anything that should have first caused me to associate colours with letters, nor can my mother remember any alphabet or reading-book coloured in the way i have described, which i might have used as a child. i do not associate any idea of colour with musical notes at all, nor with any of the other senses." she adds:-- "perhaps you may be interested in the following account from my sister of her visual peculiarities: 'when i think of wednesday i see a kind of oval flat wash of yellow emerald green; for tuesday, a gray sky colour; for thursday, a brown-red irregular polygon; and a dull yellow smudge for friday.'" [footnote : zwangmässige lichtempfindungen durch schall und verwandte erscheinungen, von e. bleuler und k. lehmann. leipsig, fues' verlag (r. reisland), .] the latter quotation is a sample of many that i have; i give it merely as another instance of hereditary tendency. i will insert just one description of other coloured letters than those represented in the plate. it is from mrs. h., the married sister of a well-known man of science, who writes:-- "i do not know how it is with others, but to me the colours of vowels are so strongly marked that i hardly understand their appearing of a different colour, or, what is nearly as bad, colourless to any one. to me they are and always have been, as long as i have known them, of the following tints:--" a, pure white, and like china in texture. e, red, not transparent; vermilion, with china-white would represent it. i, light bright yellow; gamboge. o, black, but transparent; the colour of deep water seen through thick clear ice. u, purple. y, a dingier colour than i. "the shorter sounds of the vowels are less vivid and pure in colour. consonants are almost or quite colourless to me, though there is some blackness about m. "some association with u in the words blue and purple may account for that colour, and possibly the e in red may have to do with that also; but i feel as if they were independent of suggestions of the kind. "my first impulse is to say that the association lies solely in the sound of the vowels, in which connection i certainly feel it the most strongly; but then the thought of the distinct redness of such a [printed or written] word as '_great_' shows me that the relation must be visual as well as aural. the meaning of words is so unavoidably associated with the sight of them, that i think this association rather overrides the primitive impression of the colour of the vowels, and the word '_violet_' reminds me of its proper colour until i look at the word as a mere collection of letters. "of my two daughters, one sees the colours quite differently from this (a, blue; e, white; i, black; o, whity-brownish; u, opaque brown). the other is only heterodox on the a and o; a being with her black, and o white. my sister and i never agreed about these colours, and i doubt whether my two brothers feel the chromatic force of the vowels at all." i give this instance partly on account of the hereditary interest. i could add cases from at least three different families in which the heredity is quite as strongly marked. fig. fills the whole of the middle column of plate iv., and contains specimens from a large series of coloured illustrations, accompanied by many pages of explanation from a correspondent, dr. james key of montagu, cape colony. the pictures will tell their own tale sufficiently well. i need only string together a few brief extracts from his letters, as follows:-- "i confess my inability to understand visualised numerals; it is otherwise, however, with regard to colour associations with letters. ever since childhood these have been distinct and unchanging in my consciousness; sometimes, although very seldom, i have mentioned them, to the amazement of my teachers and the scorn of my comrades. a is brown. i say it most dogmatically, and nothing will ever have the effect, i am convinced, of making it appear otherwise! i can imagine no explanation of this association. [he goes into much detail as to conceivable reasons connected with his childish life to show that none of these would do.] shades of brown accompany to my mind the various degrees of openness in pronouncing a. i have never been destitute in all my conscious existence of a conviction that e is a clear, cold, light-gray blue. i remember daubing in colours, when quite a little child, the picture of a jockey, whose shirt received a large share of e, as i said to myself while daubing it with grey. [he thinks that the letter i may possibly be associated with black because it contains no open space, and o with white because it does.] the colour of r has been invariably of a copper colour, in which a swarthy blackness seems to intervene, visually corresponding to the trilled pronunciation of r. this same appearance exists also in j, x, and z." the upper row of fig. shows the various shades of brown, associated with different pronunciations of the letter a, as in "fame," "can," "charm," and "all" respectively. the second, third and fourth rows similarly refer to the various pronunciations of the other vowels. then follow the letters of the alphabet, grouped according to the character of the appearance they suggest. after these come the numerals. then i give three lines of words such as they appear to him. the first is my own name, the second is "london," and the third is "visualisation." proceeding conversely, dr. key collected scraps of various patterns of wall paper, and sent them together with the word that the colour of the several patterns suggested to him. specimens of these are shown in the three bottom lines of the fig. i have gone through the whole of them with care, together with his descriptions and reasons, and can quite understand his meaning, and how exceedingly complex and refined these associations are. the patterns are to him like words in poetry, which call up associations that any substituted word of a like dictionary meaning would fail to do. it would not, for example, be possible to print words by the use of counters coloured like those in fig. , because the tint of each influences that of its neighbours. it must be understood that my remarks, though based on dr. key's diagrams and statements as on a text, do not depend, by any means, wholly upon them, but on numerous other letters from various quarters to the same effect. at the same time i should say that dr. key's elaborate drawings and ample explanations, to which i am totally unable to do justice in a moderate space, are the most full and striking of any i have received. his illustrations are on a large scale, and are ingeniously arranged so as to express his meaning. persons who have colour associations are unsparingly critical. to ordinary individuals one of these accounts seems just as wild and lunatic as another, but when the account of one seer is submitted to another seer, who is sure to see the colours in a different way, the latter is scandalised and almost angry at the heresy of the former. i submitted this very account of dr. key to a lady, the wife of an ex-governor of one of the most important british possessions, who has vivid colour associations of her own, and who, i had some reason to think, might have personal acquaintance with the locality where dr. key lives. she could not comprehend his account at all, his colours were so entirely different to those that she herself saw. i have now completed as much as i propose to say about the quaint phenomena of visualised forms of numbers and of dates, and of coloured associations with letters. i shall not extend my remarks to such subjects as a musician hearing mental music, of which i have many cases, nor to fancies concerning the other senses, as none of these are so noteworthy. i am conscious that the reader may desire even more assurance of the trustworthiness of the accounts i have given than the space now at my disposal admits, or than i could otherwise afford without wearisome iteration of the same tale, by multiplying extracts from my large store of material. i feel, too, that it may seem ungracious to many obliging correspondents not to have made more evident use of what they have sent than my few and brief notices permit. still their end and mine will have been gained, if these remarks and illustrations succeed in leaving a just impression of the vast variety of mental constitution that exists in the world, and how impossible it is for one man to lay his mind strictly alongside that of another, except in the rare instances of close hereditary resemblance. visionaries. in the course of my inquiries into visual memory, i was greatly struck by the frequency of the replies in which my informants described themselves as subject to "visions." those of whom i speak were sane and healthy, but were subject notwithstanding to visual presentations, for which they could not account, and which in a few cases reached the level of hallucinations. this unexpected prevalence of a visionary tendency among persons who form a part of ordinary society seems to me suggestive and well worthy of being put on record. the images described by different persons varied greatly in distinctness, some were so faint and evanescent as to appear unworthy of serious notice; others left a deep impression, and others again were so vivid as actually to deceive the judgment. all of these belong to the same category, and it is the assurance of their common origin that affords justification for directing scientific attention to what many may be inclined to contemptuously disregard as the silly vagaries of vacant minds. the lowest order of phenomena that admit of being classed as visions are the "number-forms" to which i have just drawn attention. they are in each case absolutely unchangable, except through a gradual development in complexity. their diversity is endless, and the number-forms of different persons are mutually unintelligible. these strange "visions," for such they must be called, are extremely vivid in some cases, but are almost incredible to the vast majority of mankind, who would set them down as fantastic nonsense; nevertheless, they are familiar parts of the mental furniture of the rest, in whose imaginations they have been unconsciously formed, and where they remain unmodified and unmodifiable by teaching. i have received many touching accounts of their childish experiences from persons who see the number-forms, and other curious visions of which i have spoken or shall speak. as is the case with the colour-blind, so with these seers. they imagined at first that everybody else had the same way of regarding things as themselves. then they betrayed their peculiarities by some chance remark that called forth a stare of surprise, followed by ridicule and a sharp scolding for their silliness, so that the poor little things shrank back into themselves, and never ventured again to allude to their inner world. i will quote just one of many similar letters as a sample. i received it, together with much interesting information, immediately after a lecture i gave to the british association at swansea, in which i had occasion to speak of the number-forms. the writer says:-- "i had no idea for many years that every one did not imagine numbers in the same positions as those in which they appear to me. one unfortunate day i spoke of it, and was sharply rebuked for my absurdity. being a very sensitive child i felt this acutely, but nothing ever shook my belief that, absurd or not, i always saw numbers in this particular way. i began to be ashamed of what i considered a peculiarity, and to imagine myself, from this and various other mental beliefs and states, as somewhat isolated and peculiar. at your lecture the other night, though i am now over twenty-nine, the memory of my childish misery at the dread of being peculiar came over me so strongly that i felt i must thank you for proving that, in this particular at any rate, my case is most common." the next sort of vision that flashes unaccountably into existence is the instant association in some persons of colour with sound, which was spoken of in the last chapter, and on which i need not say more now. a third curious and abiding fantasy of certain persons is invariably to connect visualised pictures with words, the same picture to the same word. these are perceived by many in a vague, fleeting, and variable way, but to a few they appear strangely vivid and permanent. i have collected many cases of this peculiarity, and am much indebted to the authoress, mrs. haweis, who sees these pictures, for her kindness in sketching some of them for me, and for permitting me to use her name in guarantee of their genuineness. she says:-- "printed words have always had faces to me; they had definite expressions, and certain faces made me think of certain words. the words had _no_ connection with these except sometimes by accident. the instances i give are few and ridiculous. when i think of the word beast, it has a face something like a gargoyle. the word green has also a gargoyle face, with the addition of big teeth. the word blue blinks and looks silly, and turns to the right. the word attention has the eyes greatly turned to the left. it is difficult to draw them properly because, like alice's 'cheshire cat,' which at times became a grin without a cat, these faces have expression without features. the expression of course" [note the _naïve_ phrase "of course."--f.g.] "depends greatly on those of the letters, which have likewise their faces and figures. all the little a's turn their eyes to the left, this determines the eyes of attention. ant, however, looks a little down. of course these faces are endless as words are, and it makes my head ache to retain them long enough to draw." some of the figures are very quaint. thus the interrogation "what?" always excites the idea of a fat man cracking a long whip. they are not the capricious creations of the fancy of the moment, but are the regular concomitants of the words, and have been so as far back as the memory is able to recall. when in perfect darkness, if the field of view be carefully watched, many persons will find a perpetual series of changes to be going on automatically and wastefully in it. i have much evidence of this. i will give my own experience the first, which is striking to me, because i am very unimpressionable in these matters. i visualise with effort; i am peculiarly inapt to see "after-images," "phosphenes," "light-dust," and other phenomena due to weak sight or sensitiveness; and, again, before i thought of carefully trying, i should have emphatically declared that my field of view in the dark was essentially of a uniform black, subject to an occasional light-purple cloudiness and other small variations. now, however, after habituating myself to examine it with the same sort of strain that one tries to decipher a signpost in the dark, i have found out that this is by no means the case, but that a kaleidoscopic change of patterns and forms is continually going on, but they are too fugitive and elaborate for me to draw with any approach to truth. i am astonished at their variety, and cannot guess in the remotest degree the cause of them. they disappear out of sight and memory the instant i begin to think about anything, and it is curious to me that they should often be so certainly present and yet be habitually overlooked. if they were more vivid, the case would be very different, and it is most easily conceivable that some very slight physiological change, short of a really morbid character, would enhance their vividness. my own deficiencies, however, are well supplied by other drawings in my possession. these are by the rev. george henslow, whose visions are far more vivid than mine. his experiences are not unlike those of goethe, who said, in an often-quoted passage, that whenever he bent his head and closed his eyes and thought of a rose, a sort of rosette made its appearance, which would not keep its shape steady for a moment, but unfolded from within, throwing out a succession of petals, mostly red but sometimes green, and that it continued to do so without change in brightness and without causing him any fatigue so long as he cared to watch it. mr. henslow, when he shuts his eyes and waits, is sure in a short time to see before him the clear image of some object or other, but usually not quite natural in its shape. it then begins to change from one form to another, in his case also for as long a time as he cares to watch it. mr. henslow has zealously made repeated experiments on himself, and has drawn what he sees. he has also tried how far he is able to mould the visions according to his will. in one case, after much effort, he contrived to bring the imagery back to its starting-point, and thereby to form what he terms a "visual cycle." the following account is extracted and condensed from his very interesting letter, and will explain the illustrations copied from his drawings that are given in plate iv. fig. . the first image that spontaneously presented itself was a cross-bow ( ); this was immediately provided with an arrow ( ), remarkable for its pronounced barb and superabundance of feathering. some person, but too indistinct to recognise much more of him than the hands, appeared to shoot the arrow from the bow. the single arrow was then accompanied by a flight of arrows from right to left, which completely occupied the field of vision. these changed into falling stars, then into flakes of a heavy snowstorm; the ground gradually appeared as a sheet of snow where previously there had been vacant space. then a well-known rectory, fish-ponds, walls, etc., all covered with snow, came into view most vividly and clearly defined. this somehow suggested another view, impressed on his mind in childhood, of a spring morning, brilliant sun, and a bed of red tulips: the tulips gradually vanished except one, which appeared now to be isolated and to stand in the usual point of sight. it was a single tulip, but became double. the petals then fell off rapidly in a continuous series until there was nothing left but the pistil ( ), but (as is almost invariably the case with his objects) that part was greatly exaggerated. the stigmas then changed into three branching brown horns ( ); then into a knob ( ), while the stalk changed into a stick. a slight bend in it seems to have suggested a centre-bit ( ); this passed into a sort of pin passing through a metal plate ( ), this again into a lock ( ), and afterwards into a nondescript shape ( ), distantly suggestive of the original cross-bow. here mr. henslow endeavoured to force his will upon the visions, and to reproduce the cross-bow, but the first attempt was an utter failure. the figure changed into a leather strap with loops ( ), but while he still endeavoured to change it into a bow the strap broke, the two ends were separated, but it happened that an imaginary string connected them ( ). this was the first concession of his automatic chain of thoughts to his will. by a continued effort the bow came ( ), and then no difficulty was felt in converting it into the cross-bow, and thus returning to the starting-point. fig. . mr. henslow writes:-- "though i can usually summon up any object thought of, it not only is somewhat different from the real thing, but it rapidly changes. the changes are in many cases clearly due to a suggestiveness in the article of something else, but not always so, as in some cases hereafter described. it is not at ail necessary to think of any particular object at first, as something is sure to come spontaneously within a minute or two. some object having once appeared, the automatism of the brain will rapidly induce the series of changes. the images are sometimes very numerous, and very rapid in succession: very frequently of great beauty and highly brilliant. cut glass (far more elaborate than i am conscious of ever having seen), highly chased gold and silver filigree ornaments; gold and silver flower-stands, etc.; elaborate coloured patterns of carpets in brilliant tints are not uncommon. "another peculiarity resides in the extreme restlessness of my visual objects. it is often very difficult to keep them still, as well as from changing in character. they will rapidly oscillate or else rotate to a most perplexing degree, and when the characters change at the same time a critical examination is almost impossible. when the process is in full activity, i feel as if i were a mere spectator at a diorama of a very eccentric kind, and was in no way concerned with the getting up of the performance. "when a succession of images has been passing, i sometimes _determine_ to introduce an object, say a watch. very often it is next to impossible to succeed. there is an evident struggle. the watch, pure and simple, will not come; but some hybrid structure appears--something round, perhaps--but it lapses into a warming-pan or other unexpected object. "this practice has brought to my mind very clearly the distinction between at least one form of automatism of the brain and volition; but the strength of the former is enormous, for the visual objects, when in full career of the change, are _imperative_ in their refusal to be interfered with. "i will now describe the cases illustrated. fig. . i thought of a gun. the _stock_ came into view, the metal plate on the end very distinct towards the left ( ). the wood was elaborately carved. i cannot recall the pattern. as i scrutinised it, the stock oscillated up and down, and _crumpled up_. the metallic plate sank inwards: and the stock contracted so that it looked not unlike a tuning-fork ( ). i gave up the stock and proceeded cautiously to examine the lock. i got it well into view, but no more of the gun. it turned out to be an old-fashioned flint-lock. it immediately began to nod backwards and forwards in a manner suggestive of the beak of a bird pecking. consequently it forthwith became converted into the head of a bird with a long curved beak, the knob on the lock ( ) becoming the head of the bird. i then looked to the right expecting to find the barrel, but the snout of a saw-fish with the tip _distinctly_ broken off appeared instead. i had not thought either of a _flint_-lock or of a saw-fish: both came spontaneously. "fig. . i have several times thought of a rosebud, as goethe is said to have been able to see one at will, and to observe it expand. the following are some of the results:--the bud appeared unexpectedly a moss rosebud. its only abnormal appearance was the inordinately elongated sepals ( ). i tried to _force_ it to expand. it enlarged but only partially opened ( ), when all of a sudden it burst open and the petals became reflexed ( ).[ ] "fig. . the spontaneous appearance of a poppy capsule ( ) dehiscing as usual by 'pores,' but with inordinately long and arching valves over the pores. these valves were eminently suggestive of hooded flowers. hence they changed to a whorl of _salvias_ ( ). each blossom now gyrated rapidly in a vertical plane. concentrating observation on _one_ rotating flower, it became a 'rotating haze,' as the rapid motion rendered the flower totally indistinct. the 'haze' now shaped itself into a circle of moss with a deep funnel-like cavity. this was suggestive of a bird's nest. it became lined with _hair_, but the nest was a _deep_, pointed cavity. a nest was suggestive of eggs. hence a series appeared ( ); the two rows meeting in one at the apex appears to have arisen from the _perspective_ view of the nest. the eggs all disappeared but one ( ), which increased in size; the bright point of light now shone with great intensity like a star; then it gradually grew dimmer and dimmer till it disappeared into the usual hazy obscurity into which all [my] visual objects ultimately vanish." i have a sufficient variety of cases to prove the continuity between all the forms of visualisation, beginning with an almost total absence of it, and ending with a complete hallucination. the continuity is, however, not simply that of varying degrees of intensity, but of variations in the character of the process itself, so that it is by no means uncommon to find two very different forms of it concurrent in the same person. there are some who visualise well, and who also are seers of visions, who declare that the vision is not a vivid visualisation, but altogether a different phenomenon. in short, if we please to call all sensations due to external impressions "_direct"_ and all others "_induced_" then there are many channels through which the "_induction_" of the latter may take place, and the channel of ordinary visualisation in the persons just mentioned is different from that through which their visions arise. the following is a good instance of this condition. a friend writes: -- "these visions often appear with startling vividness, and so far from depending on any voluntary effort of the mind, [ ] they remain when i often wish them very much to depart, and no effort of the imagination can call them up. i lately saw a framed portrait of a face which seemed more lovely than any painting i have ever seen, and again i often see fine landscapes which bear no resemblance to any scenery i have ever looked upon. i find it difficult to define the difference between a waking vision and a mental image, although the difference is very apparent to myself. i think i can do it best in this way. if you go into a theatre and look at a scene--say of a forest by moonlight--at the back part of the stage you see every object distinctly and sufficiently illuminated (being thus unlike a mere act of memory), but it is nevertheless vague and shadowy, and you might have difficulty in telling afterwards all the objects you have seen. this resembles a mental image in point of clearness. the waking vision is like what one sees in the open street in broad daylight, when every object is distinctly impressed on the memory. the two kinds of imagery differ also as regards voluntariness, the image being entirely subservient to the will, the visions entirely independent of it. they differ also in point of suddenness, the images being formed comparatively slowly as memory recalls each detail, and fading slowly as the mental effort to retain them is relaxed, the visions appearing and vanishing in an instant. the waking visions seem quite close, filling as it were the whole head, while the mental image seems farther away in some far-off recess of the mind." [footnote : the details and illustrations of four other experiments with the image of a rosebud have been given me. they all vary in detail.] the number of sane persons who see visions no less distinctly than this correspondent is much greater than i had any idea of when i began this inquiry. i have received an interesting sketch of one, prefaced by a description of it by mrs. haweis. she says:-- "all my life long i have had one very constantly-recurring vision, a sight which came whenever it was dark or darkish, in bed or otherwise. it is a flight of pink roses floating in a mass from left to right, and this cloud or mass of roses is presently effaced by a flight of 'sparks' or gold speckles across them. the sparks totter or vibrate from left to right, but they fly distinctly upwards; they are like tiny blocks, half gold, half black, rather symmetrically placed behind each other, and they are always in a hurry to efface the roses; sometimes they have come at my call, sometimes by surprise, but they are always equally pleasing. what interests me most is that, when a child under nine, the flight of roses was light, slow, soft, close to my eyes, roses so large and brilliant and palpable that i tried to touch them; the _scent_ was overpowering, the petals perfect, with leaves peeping here and there, texture and motion all natural. they would stay a long time before the sparks came, and they occupied a large area in black space. then the sparks came slowly flying, and generally, not always, effaced the roses at once, and every effort to retain the roses failed. since an early age the flight of roses has annually grown smaller, swifter, and farther off, till by the time i was grown up my vision had become a speck, so instantaneous that i had hardly time to realise that it was there before the fading sparks showed that it was past. this is how they still come. the pleasure of them is past, and it always depresses me to speak of them, though i do not now, as i did when a child, connect the vision with any elevated spiritual state. but when i read tennyson's _holy grail_, i wondered whether anybody else had had my vision, 'rose-red, with beatings in it.' i may add, i was a london child who never was in the country but once, and i connect no particular flowers with that visit. i may almost say that i had never seen a rose, certainly not a quantity of them together." a common form of vision is a phantasmagoria, or the appearance of a crowd of phantoms, sometimes hurrying past like men in a street. it is occasionally seen in broad daylight, much more often in the dark; it may be at the instant of putting out the candle, but it generally comes on when the person is in bed, preparing to sleep, but by no means yet asleep. i know no less than three men, eminent in the scientific world, who have these phantasmagoria in one form or another. it will seem curious, but it is a fact that i know of no less than five editors of very influential newspapers who experience these night visitations in a vivid form. two of them have described the phenomena very forcibly in print, but anonymously, and two others have written on cognate experiences. a near relative of my own saw phantasmagoria very frequently. she was eminently sane, and of such good constitution that her faculties were hardly impaired until near her death at ninety. she frequently described them to me. it gave her amusement during an idle hour to watch these faces, for their expression was always pleasing, though never strikingly beautiful. no two faces were ever alike, and no face ever resembled that of any acquaintance. when she was not well the faces usually came nearer to her, sometimes almost suffocatingly close. she never mistook them for reality, although they were very distinct. this is quite a typical case, similar in most respects to many others that i have.[ ] a notable proportion of sane persons have had not only visions, but actual hallucinations of sight, sound, or other sense, at one or more periods of their lives. i have a considerable packet of instances contributed by my personal friends, besides a large number communicated to me by other correspondents. one lady, a distinguished authoress, who was at the time a little fidgeted, but in no way overwrought or ill, assured me that she once saw the principal character of one of her novels glide through the door straight up to her. it was about the size of a large doll, and it disappeared as suddenly as it came. another lady, the daughter of an eminent musician, often imagines she hears her father playing. the day she told me of it the incident had again occurred. she was sitting in her room with her maid, and she asked the maid to open the door that she might hear the music better. the moment the maid got up the hallucination disappeared. again, another lady, apparently in vigorous health, and belonging to a vigorous family, told me that during some past months she had been plagued by voices. the words were at first simple nonsense; then the word "pray" was frequently repeated; this was followed by some more or less coherent sentences of little import, and finally the voices left her. in short, the familiar hallucinations of the insane are to be met with far more frequently than is commonly supposed, among people moving in society and in good working health. i have now nearly done with my summary of facts; it remains to make a few comments on them. the weirdness of visions lies in their sudden appearance, in their vividness while present, and in their sudden departure. an incident in the zoological gardens struck me as a helpful simile. i happened to walk to the seal-pond at a moment when a sheen rested on the unbroken surface of the water. after waiting a while i became suddenly aware of the head of a seal, black, conspicuous, [ ] and motionless, just as though it had always been there, at a spot on which my eye had rested a moment previously and seen nothing. again, after a while my eye wandered, and on its returning to the spot the seal was gone. the water had closed in silence over its head without leaving a ripple, and the sheen on the surface of the pond was as unbroken as when i first reached it. where did the seal come from, and whither did it go? this could easily have been answered if the glare had not obstructed the view of the movements of the animal under water. as it was, a solitary link in a continuous chain of actions stood isolated from all the rest. so it is with the visions; a single stage in a series of mental processes emerges into the domain of consciousness. all that precedes and follows lies outside of it, and its character can only be inferred. we see in a general way that a condition of the presentation of visions lies in the over-sensitiveness of certain tracks or domains of brain action and the under-sensitiveness of others, certain stages in a mental process being represented very vividly in consciousness while the other stages are unfelt; also that individualism is changed to dividualism. [footnote : see some curious correspondence on this subject in the _st. james' gazette_, feb. , , and , .] i do not recollect seeing it remarked that the ordinary phenomena of dreaming seem to show that partial sensitiveness is a normal condition during sleep. they do so because one of the most marked characteristics of the dreamer is the absence of common sense. he accepts wildly incongruous visions without the slightest scepticism. now common sense consists in the comprehension of a large number of related circumstances, and implies the simultaneous working of many parts of the brain. on the other hand, the brain is known to be imperfectly supplied with blood during sleep, and cannot therefore be at full work. it is probable enough, from hydraulic analogies, that imperfect irrigation would lead to partial irrigation, and therefore to suppression of action in some parts of the brain, and that this is really the case seems to be proved by the absence of common sense during dreams. a convenient distinction is made between hallucinations and illusions. hallucinations are defined as appearances wholly due to fancy; illusions, as fanciful perceptions of objects actually seen. there is also a hybrid case which depends on fanciful visions fancifully perceived. the problems we have to consider are, on the one hand, those connected with "_induced_" vision, and, on the other hand, those connected with the interpretation of vision, whether the vision be _direct_ or _induced_. it is probable that much of what passes for hallucination proper belongs in reality to the hybrid case, being an illusive interpretation of some induced visual cloud or blur. i spoke of the ever-varying patterns in the optical field; these, under some slight functional change, may become more consciously present, and be interpreted into fantasmal appearances. many cases could be adduced to support this view. i will begin with illusions. what is the process by which they are established? there is no simpler way of understanding it than by trying, as children often do, to see "faces in the fire," and to carefully watch the way in which they are first caught. let us call to mind at the same time the experience of past illnesses, when the listless gaze wandered over the patterns on the wall-paper and the shadows of the bed-curtains, and slowly evoked the appearances of faces and figures that were not easily laid again. the process of making the faces is so rapid in health that it is difficult to analyse it without the recollection of what took place more slowly when we were weakened by illness. the first essential element in their construction is, i believe, the smallness of the area covered by the glance at any instant, so that the eye has to travel over a long track before it has visited every part of the object towards which the attention is directed generally. it is as with a plough, that must travel many miles before the whole of a small field can be tilled, but with this important difference--the plough travels methodically up and down in parallel furrows; the eye wanders in devious curves, with abrupt bends, and the direction of its course at any instant depends on four causes: ( ) on the easiest sequence of muscular motion, speaking in a general sense, ( ) on idiosyncrasy, ( ) on the mood, and ( ) on the associations current at the moment. the effect of idiosyncrasy ft excellently illustrated by the "number-forms," where we observe that a very special sharply-defined track of mental vision is preferred by each individual who sees them. the influence of the mood of the moment is shown in the curves that are felt appropriate to the various emotions, as the lank drooping lines of grief, which make the weeping willow so fit an emblem of it. in constructing fire-faces it seems to me that the eye in its wanderings tends to follow a favourite course, and it especially dwells upon the marks that happen to coincide with that course. it feels its way, easily diverted by associations based on what has just been noticed, until at last, by the unconscious practice of a system of "trial and error," it hits upon a track that will suit--one that is easily run over and that strings together accidental marks in a way that happens to form a well-connected picture. this fancy picture is then dwelt upon; all that is incongruous with it becomes disregarded, while all deficiencies in it are supplied by the fantasy. the latest stages of the process might be represented by a diorama. three lanterns would converge on the same screen. the first throws an image of what the imagination will discard, the second of that which it will retain, the third of that which it will supply. turn on the first and second, and the picture on the screen will be identical with that which fell on the retina. shut off the first and turn on the third, and the picture will be identical with the illusion. turner the painter made frequent use of a practice analogous to that of looking for fire-faces in the burning coals; he was known to give colours to children to daub in play on paper, while he keenly watched for suggestive but accidental combinations. i have myself had frequent experience of the automatic construction of fantastic figures, through a practice i have somewhat encouraged for the purpose, of allowing my hand to scribble at its own will, while i am giving my best attention to what is being said by others, as at small committees. it is always a surprise to me to see the result whenever i turn my thoughts on what i have been subconsciously doing. i can rarely recollect even a few of the steps by which the drawings were made; they grew piece-meal, with some almost forgotten notice, from time to time, of the sketch as a whole. i can trace no likeness between what i draw and the images that present themselves to me in dreams, and i find that a very trifling accident, such as a chance dot on the paper, may have great influence on the general character of any one of these automatic sketches. visions, like dreams, are often mere patchworks built up of bits of recollections. the following is one of these:-- "when passing a shop in tottenham court road, i went in to order a dutch cheese, and the proprietor (a bullet-headed man whom i had never seen before) rolled a cheese on the marble slab of his counter, asking me if that one would do. i answered 'yes,' left the shop, and thought no more of the incident. the following evening, on closing my eyes, i saw a head detached from the body rolling about slightly on a white surface. i recognised the face, but could not remember where i had seen it, and it was only after thinking about it for some time that i identified it as that of the cheesemonger who had sold me the cheese on the previous day. i may mention that i have often seen the man since, and that i found the vision i saw was exactly like him, although if i had been asked to describe the man before i saw the vision i should have been unable to do so." recollections need not be combined like mosaic work; they may be blended, on the principle of composite portraiture. i suspect that the phantasmagoria may be in some part due to blended memories; the number of possible combinations would be practically endless, and each combination would give a new face. there would thus be no limit to the dies in the coinage of the brain. i have found that the peculiarities of visualisation, such as the tendency to see number-forms, and the still rarer tendency to associate colour with sound, is strongly hereditary, and i should infer, what facts seem to confirm, that the tendency to be a seer of visions is equally so. under these circumstances we should expect that it would be unequally developed in different races, and that a large natural gift of the visionary faculty might become characteristic not only of certain families, as among the second-sight seers of scotland, but of certain races, as that of the gipsies. it happens that the mere acts of fasting, of want of sleep, and of solitary musing, are severally conducive to visions. i have myself been told of cases in which persons accidentally long deprived of food became for a brief time subject to them. one was of a pleasure party driven out to sea, and not being able to reach the coast till nightfall, at a place where they got shelter but nothing to eat. they were mentally at ease and conscious of safety, but all were troubled with visions that were half dreams and half hallucinations. the cases of visions following protracted wakefulness are well known, and i have collected a few of them myself. i have already spoken of the maddening effect of solitariness: its influence may be inferred from the recognised advantages of social amusements in the treatment of the insane. it follows that the spiritual discipline undergone for purposes of self-control and self-mortification, have also the incidental effect of producing visions. it is to be expected that these should often bear a close relation to the prevalent subjects of thought, and although they may be really no more than the products of one portion of the brain, which another portion of the same brain is engaged in contemplating, they often, through error, receive a religious sanction. this is notably the case among half-civilised races. the number of great men who have been once, twice, or more frequently, subject to hallucinations is considerable. a list, to which it would be easy to make large additions, is given by brierre de boismont (_hallucinations_, etc., ), from whom i translate the following account of the star of the first napoleon, which he heard, second-hand, from general rapp:-- "in general rapp, on his return from the siege of dantzic, having occasion to speak to the emperor, entered his study without being announced. he found him so absorbed that his entry was unperceived. the general seeing the emperor continue motionless, thought he might be ill, and purposely made a noise. napoleon immediately roused himself, and without any preamble, seizing rapp by the arm, said to him, pointing to the sky, 'look there, up there.' the general remained silent, but on being asked a second time, he answered that he perceived nothing. 'what!' replied the emperor, 'you do not see it? it is my star, it is before you, brilliant;' then animating by degrees, he cried out, 'it has never abandoned me, i see it on all great occasions, it commands me to go forward, and it is a constant sign of good fortune to me.'" napoleon was no doubt a consummate actor, ready and unscrupulous in imposing on others, but i see no reason to distrust the genuineness of this particular outburst, seeing that it is not the only instance of his referring to the guidance of his star, as a literal vision and not as a mere phrase, and that his belief in destiny was notorious. it appears that stars of this kind, so frequently spoken of in history, and so well known as a metaphor in language, are a common hallucination of the insane. brierre de boismont has a chapter on the stars of great men. i cannot doubt that visions of this description were in some cases the basis of that firm belief in astrology, which not a few persons of eminence formerly entertained. the hallucinations of great men may be accounted for in part by their sharing a tendency which we have seen to be not uncommon in the human race, and which, if it happens to be natural to them, is liable to be developed in their overwrought brains by the isolation of their lives. a man in the position of the first napoleon could have no intimate associates; a great philosopher who explores ways of thought far ahead of his contemporaries must have an inner world in which he passes long and solitary hours. great men may be even indebted to touches of madness for their greatness; the ideas by which they are haunted, and to whose pursuit they devote themselves, and by which they rise to eminence, having much in common with the monomania of insanity. striking instances of great visionaries may be mentioned, who had almost beyond doubt those very nervous seizures with which the tendency to hallucinations is intimately connected. to take a single instance, socrates, whose _daimon_ was an audible not a visual appearance, was, as has been often pointed out, subject to cataleptic seizure, standing all night through in a rigid attitude. it is remarkable how largely the visionary temperament has manifested itself in certain periods of history and epochs of national life. my interpretation of the matter, to a certain extent, is this--that the visionary tendency is much more common among sane people than is generally suspected. in early life, it seems to be a hard lesson to an imaginative child to distinguish between the real and visionary world. if the fantasies are habitually laughed at and otherwise discouraged, the child soon acquires the power of distinguishing them; any incongruity or nonconformity is quickly noted, the visions are found out and discredited, and are no further attended to. in this way the natural tendency to see them is blunted by repression. therefore, when popular opinion is of a matter-of-fact kind, the seers of visions keep quiet; they do not like to be thought fanciful or mad, and they hide their experiences, which only come to light through inquiries such as these that i have been making. but let the tide of opinion change and grow favourable to supernaturalism, then the seers of visions come to the front. the faintly-perceived fantasies of ordinary persons become invested by the authority of reverend men with a claim to serious regard; they are consequently attended to and encouraged, and they increase in definition through being habitually dwelt upon. we need not suppose that a faculty previously non-existent has been suddenly evoked, but that a faculty long smothered by many in secret has been suddenly allowed freedom to express itself, and to run into extravagance owing to the removal of reasonable safeguards. nurture and nature. man is so educable an animal that it is difficult to distinguish between that part of his character which has been acquired through education and circumstance, and that which was in the original grain of his constitution. his character is exceedingly complex, even in members of the simplest and purest savage race; much more is it so in civilised races, who have long since been exempted from the full rigour of natural selection, and have become more mongrel in their breed than any other animal on the face of the earth. different aspects of the multifarious character of man respond to different calls from without, so that the same individual, and, much more, the same race, may behave very differently at different epochs. there may have been no fundamental change of character, but a different phase or mood of it may have been evoked by special circumstances, or those persons in whom that mood is naturally dominant may through some accident have the opportunity of acting for the time as representatives of the race. the same nation may be seized by a military fervour at one period, and by a commercial one at another; they may be humbly submissive to a monarch, or become outrageous republicans. the love of art, gaiety, adventure, science, religion may be severally paramount at different times. one of the most notable changes that can come over a nation is from a state corresponding to that of our past dark ages into one like that of the renaissance. in the first case the minds of men are wholly taken up with routine work, and in copying what their predecessors have done; they degrade into servile imitators and submissive slaves to the past. in the second case, some circumstance or idea has finally discredited the authorities that impeded intellectual growth, and has unexpectedly revealed new possibilities. then the mind of the nation is set free, a direction of research is given to it, and all the exploratory and hunting instincts are awakened. these sudden eras of great intellectual progress cannot be due to any alteration in the natural faculties of the race, because there has not been time for that, but to their being directed in productive channels. most of the leisure of the men of every nation is spent in rounds of reiterated actions; if it could be spent in continuous advance along new lines of research in unexplored regions, vast progress would be sure to be made. it has been the privilege of this generation to have had fresh fields of research pointed out to them by darwin, and to have undergone a new intellectual birth under the inspiration of his fertile genius. a pure love of change, acting according to some law of contrast as yet imperfectly understood, especially characterises civilised man. after a long continuance of one mood he wants to throw himself into another for the pleasure of setting faculties into action that have been long disused, but not yet paralysed by disuse, and which have become fidgety for employment. he has so many opportunities for procuring change, and has so complex a nature that he easily learns to neglect a more deeply-seated feeling that innovation is wicked, and which is manifest in children and barbarians. to a civilised man the varied interests of civilisation are temptations in as many directions; changes in dress and appliances of all kinds are comparatively inexpensive to him owing to the cheapness of manufactures and their variety; change of scene is easy from the conveniences of locomotion. but a barbarian has none of these facilities: his interests are few; his dress, such as it is, is intended to stand the wear and tear of years, and all weathers; it is relatively very costly, and is an investment, one may say, of his capital rather than of his income; the invention of his people is sluggish, and their arts are few, consequently he is perforce taught to be conservative, his ideas are fixed, and he becomes scandalised even at the suggestion of change. the difficulty of indulging in variety is incomparably greater among the rest of the animal world. if a pea-hen should take it into her head that bars would be prettier than eyes in the tail of her spouse, she could not possibly get what she wanted. it would require hundreds of generations in which the pea-hens generally concurred in the same view before sexual selection could effect the desired alteration. the feminine delight of indulging her caprice in matters of ornament is a luxury denied to the females of the brute world, and the law that rules changes in taste, if studied at all, can only be ascertained by observing the alternations of fashion in civilised communities. there are long sequences of changes in character, which, like the tunes of a musical snuff-box, are regulated by internal mechanism. they are such as those of shakespeare's "seven ages," and others due to the progress of various diseases. the lives of birds are characterised by long chains of these periodic sequences. they are mostly mute in winter, after that they begin to sing; some species are seized in the early part of the year with so strong a passion for migrating that if confined in a cage they will beat themselves to death against its bars; then follow courtship and pairing, accompanied by an access of ferocity among the males and severe fighting for the females. next an impulse seizes them to build nests, then a desire for incubation, then one for the feeding of their young. after this a newly-arisen tendency to gregariousness groups them into large flocks, and finally they fly away to the place whence they came, goaded by a similar instinct to that which drove them forth a few months previously. these remarkable changes are mainly due to the conditions of their natures, because they persist with more or less regularity under altered circumstances. nevertheless, they are not wholly independent of circumstance, because the period of migration, though nearly coincident in successive years, is modified to some small extent by the weather and condition of the particular year. the interaction of nature and circumstance is very close, and it is impossible to separate them with precision. nurture acts before birth, during every stage of embryonic and pre-embryonic existence, causing the potential faculties at the time of birth to be in some degree the effect of nurture. we need not, however, be hypercritical about distinctions; we know that the bulk of the respective provinces of nature and nurture are totally different, although the frontier between them may be uncertain, and we are perfectly justified in attempting to appraise their relative importance. i shall begin with describing some of the principal influences that may safely be ascribed to education or other circumstances, all of which i include under the comprehensive term of nurture. associations. the furniture of a man's mind chiefly consists of his recollections and the bonds that unite them. as all this is the fruit of experience, it must differ greatly in different minds according to their individual experiences. i have endeavoured to take stock of my own mental furniture in the way described in the next chapter, in which it will be seen how large a part consists of childish recollections, testifying to the permanent effect of many of the results of early education. the same fact has been strongly brought out by the replies from correspondents whom i had questioned on their mental imagery. it was frequently stated that the mental image invariably evoked by certain words was some event of childish experience or fancy. thus one correspondent, of no mean literary and philosophical power, recollects the left hand by a mental reference to the rocking-horse which always stood by the side of the nursery wall with its head in the same direction, and had to be mounted from the side next the wall. another, a politician, historian, and scholar, refers all his dates to the mental image of a nursery diagram of the history of the world, which has since developed huge bosses to support his later acquired information. our abstract ideas being mostly drawn from external experiences, their character also must depend upon the events of our individual histories. for example, the spoken words house and home must awaken ideas derived from the houses and the homes with which the hearer is, in one way or other, acquainted, and these could not be the same to persons of various social positions and places of residence. the character of our abstract ideas, therefore, depends, to a considerable degree, on our nurture. i doubt, however, whether "abstract idea" is a correct phrase in many of the cases in which it is used, and whether "cumulative idea" would not be more appropriate. the ideal faces obtained by the method of composite portraiture appear to have a great deal in common with these so-called abstract ideas. the composite portraits consist, as was explained, of numerous superimposed pictures, forming a cumulative result in which the features that are common to all the likenesses are clearly seen; those that are common to a few are relatively faint and are more or less overlooked, while those that are peculiar to single individuals leave no sensible trace at all. this analogy, which i pointed out in a memoir on generic images, [ ] has been extended and confirmed by subsequent experience of the process. one objection to my view was that our so-called generalisations are commonly no more than representative cases, our recollections being apt to be unduly influenced by particular events, and not by the totality of what we have seen; that the reason why some one recollection has prevailed is that the case was sharply defined, or had something unusual about it, or that our frame of mind was at the time of observation susceptible to that particular kind of impression. i have had exactly the same difficulties with the composites. if one of the individual portraits has sharp outlines, or if it is unlike the rest, or if the illumination is temporarily strong, it will assert itself unduly in the result. the cases seem to me exactly analogous. i get over my photographic difficulty very easily by throwing the sharp portrait a little out of focus, by eliminating such portraits as have exceptional features, and by toning down the illumination to a standard intensity. [footnote : "generic images," _proc. royal institute_, friday, april , , partly reprinted in the appendix.] psychometric experiments. when we attempt to trace the first steps in each operation of our minds, we are usually baulked by the difficulty of keeping watch, without embarrassing the freedom of its action. the difficulty is much more than the common and well-known one of attending to two things at once. it is especially due to the fact that the elementary operations of the mind are exceedingly faint and evanescent, and that it requires the utmost painstaking to watch them properly. it would seem impossible to give the required attention to the processes of thought, and yet to think as freely as if the mind had been in no way preoccupied. the peculiarity of the experiments i am about to describe is that i have succeeded in evading this difficulty. my method consists in allowing the mind to play freely for a very brief period, until a couple or so of ideas have passed through it, and then, while the traces or echoes of those ideas are still lingering in the brain, to turn the attention upon them with a sudden and complete awakening; to arrest, to scrutinise them, and to record their exact appearance. afterwards i collate the records at leisure, and discuss them, and draw conclusions. it must be understood that the second of the two ideas was never derived from the first, but always directly from the original object. this was ensured by absolutely withstanding all temptation to reverie. i do not mean that the first idea was of necessity a simple elementary thought; sometimes it was a glance down a familiar line of associations, sometimes it was a well-remembered mental attitude or mode of feeling, but i mean that it was never so far indulged in as to displace the object that had suggested it from being the primary topic of attention. i must add, that i found the experiments to be extremely trying and irksome, and that it required much resolution to go through with them, using the scrupulous care they demanded. nevertheless the results well repaid the trouble. they gave me an interesting and unexpected view of the number of the operations of the mind, and of the obscure depths in which they took place, of which i had been little conscious before. the general impression they have left upon me is like that which many of us have experienced when the basement of our house happens to be under thorough sanitary repairs, and we realise for the first time the complex system of drains and gas and water pipes, flues, bell-wires, and so forth, upon which our comfort depends, but which are usually hidden out of sight, and with whose existence, so long as they acted well, we had never troubled ourselves. the first experiments i made were imperfect, but sufficient to inspire me with keen interest in the matter, and suggested the form of procedure that i have already partly described. my first experiments were these. on several occasions, but notably on one when i felt myself unusually capable of the kind of effort required, i walked leisurely along pall mall, a distance of yards, during which time i scrutinised with attention every successive object that caught my eyes, and i allowed my attention to rest on it until one or two thoughts had arisen through direct association with that object; then i took very brief mental note of them, and passed on to the next object. i never allowed my mind to ramble. the number of objects viewed was, i think, about , for i had subsequently repeated the same walk under similar conditions and endeavoured to estimate their number, with that result. it was impossible for me to recall in other than the vaguest way the numerous ideas that had passed through my mind; but of this, at least, i am sure, that samples of my whole life had passed before me, that many bygone incidents, which i never suspected to have formed part of my stock of thoughts, had been glanced at as objects too familiar to awaken the attention. i saw at once that the brain was vastly more active than i had previously believed it to be, and i was perfectly amazed at the unexpected width of the field of its everyday operations. after an interval of some days, during which i kept my mind from dwelling on my first experiences, in order that it might retain as much freshness as possible for a second experiment, i repeated the walk, and was struck just as much as before by the variety of the ideas that presented themselves, and the number of events to which they referred, about which i had never consciously occupied myself of late years. but my admiration at the activity of the mind was seriously diminished by another observation which i then made, namely, that there had been a very great deal of repetition of thought. the actors in my mental stage were indeed very numerous, but by no means so numerous as i had imagined. they now seemed to be something like the actors in theatres where large processions are represented, who march off one side of the stage, and, going round by the back, come on again at the other. i accordingly cast about for means of laying hold of these fleeting thoughts, and, submitting them to statistical analysis, to find out more about their tendency to repetition and other matters, and the method i finally adopted was the one already mentioned. i selected a list of suitable words, and wrote them on different small sheets of paper. taking care to dismiss them from my thoughts when not engaged upon them, and allowing some days to elapse before i began to use them, i laid one of these sheets with all due precautions, under a book, but not wholly covered by it, so that when i leaned forward i could see one of the words, being previously quite ignorant of what the word would be. also i held a small chronograph, which i started by pressing a spring the moment the word caught my eye, and which stopped of itself the instant i released the spring; and this i did so soon as about a couple of ideas in direct association with the word had arisen in my mind. i found that i could not manage to recollect more than two ideas with the needed precision, at least not in a general way; but sometimes several ideas occurred so nearly together that i was able to record three or even four of them, while sometimes i only managed one. the second ideas were, as i have already said, never derived from the first, but always direct from the word itself, for i kept my attention firmly fixed on the word, and the associated ideas were seen only by a half glance. when the two ideas had occurred, i stopped the chronograph and wrote them down, and the time they occupied. i soon got into the way of doing all this in a very methodical and automatic manner, keeping the mind perfectly calm and neutral, but intent and, as it were, at full cock and on hair trigger, before displaying the word. there was no disturbance occasioned by thinking of the forthcoming revulsion of the mind the moment before the chronograph was stopped. my feeling before stopping it was simply that i had delayed long enough, and this in no way interfered with the free action of the mind. i found no trouble in ensuring the complete fairness of the experiment, by using a number of little precautions, hardly necessary to describe, that practice quickly suggested, but it was a most repugnant and laborious work, and it was only by strong self-control that i went through my schedule according to programme. the list of words that i finally secured was in number, though i began with more. i went through them on four separate occasions, under very different circumstances, in england and abroad, and at intervals of about a month. in no case were the associations governed to any degree worth recording, by remembering what had occurred to me on previous occasions, for i found that the process itself had great influence in discharging the memory of what it had just been engaged in, and i, of course, took care between the experiments never to let my thoughts revert to the words. the results seem to me to be as trustworthy as any other statistical series that has been collected with equal care. on throwing these results into a common statistical hotch-pot, i first examined into the rate at which these associated ideas were formed. it took a total time of seconds to form the ideas; that is, at about the rate of in a minute, or in an hour. this would be miserably slow work in reverie, or wherever the thought follows the lead of each association that successively presents itself. in the present case, much time was lost in mentally taking the word in, owing to the quiet unobtrusive way in which i found it necessary to bring it into view, so as not to distract the thoughts. moreover, a substantive standing by itself is usually the equivalent of too abstract an idea for us to conceive properly without delay. thus it is very difficult to get a quick conception of the word "carriage," because there are so many different kinds--two-wheeled, four-wheeled, open and closed, and all of them in so many different possible positions, that the mind possibly hesitates amidst an obscure sense of many alternatives that cannot blend together. but limit the idea to say a laudau, and the mental association declares itself more quickly. say a laudau coming down the street to opposite the door, and an image of many blended laudaus that have done so forms itself without the least hesitation. next, i found that my list of words gone over times, had given rise to ideas and cases of puzzle, in which nothing sufficiently definite to note occurred within the brief maximum period of about seconds, that i allowed myself to any single trial. of these only were different the precise proportions in which the were distributed in quadruplets, triplets, doublets, or singles, is shown in the uppermost lines of table i. the same facts are given under another form in the lower lines of the table, which show how the different ideas were distributed in cases of fourfold, treble, double, or single occurrences. table i. recurrent associations. ================+=================================================+ total number of | | associations. | occurring in | |-------------------------------------------------+ | quadruplets. | triplets. | doublets. | singles.| | | | | | ----------------+--------------+------------+-----------+---------+ per cent . | | | | | ================+==============+============+===========+=========+ total number of | | different | occurring | associations. +-------------------------------------------------+ | four times. |three times.| twice. | once. | ----------------+--------------+------------+-----------+---------+ | | | | | ----------------+--------------+------------+-----------+---------+ per cent . | | | | | ================+==============+============+===========+=========+ i was fully prepared to find much iteration in my ideas but had little expected that out of every hundred words twenty-three would give rise to exactly the same association in every one of the four trials; twenty-one to the same association in three out of the four, and so on, the experiments having been purposely conducted under very different conditions of time and local circumstances. this shows much less variety in the mental stock of ideas than i had expected, and makes us feel that the roadways of our minds are worn into very deep ruts. i conclude from the proved number of faint and barely conscious thoughts, and from the proved iteration of them, that the mind is perpetually travelling over familiar ways without our memory retaining any impression of its excursions. its footsteps are so light and fleeting that it is only by such experiments as i have described that we can learn anything about them. it is apparently always engaged in mumbling over its old stores, and if any one of these is wholly neglected for a while, it is apt to be forgotten, perhaps irrecoverably. it is by no means the keenness of interest and of the attention when first observing an object, that fixes it in the recollection. we pore over the pages of a _bradshaw_, and study the trains for some particular journey with the greatest interest; but the event passes by, and the hours and other facts which we once so eagerly considered become absolutely forgotten. so in games of whist, and in a large number of similar instances. as i understand it, the subject must have a continued living interest in order to retain an abiding place in the memory. the mind must refer to it frequently, but whether it does so consciously or unconsciously is not perhaps a matter of much importance. otherwise, as a general rule, the recollection sinks, and appears to be utterly drowned in the waters of lethe. the instances, according to my personal experience, are very rare, and even those are not very satisfactory, in which some event recalls a memory that had lain _absolutely_ dormant for many years. in this very series of experiments a recollection which i thought had entirely lapsed appeared under no less than three different aspects on different occasions. it was this: when i was a boy, my father, who was anxious that i should learn something of physical science, which was then never taught at school, arranged with the owner of a large chemist's shop to let me dabble at chemistry for a few days in his laboratory. i had not thought of this fact, so far as i was aware, for many years; but in scrutinising the fleeting associations called up by the various words, i traced two mental visual images (an alembic and a particular arrangement of tables and light), and one mental sense of smell (chlorine gas) to that very laboratory. i recognised that these images appeared familiar to me, but i had not thought of their origin. no doubt if some strange conjunction of circumstances had suddenly recalled those three associations at the same time, with perhaps two or three other collateral matters which may be still living in my memory, but which i no not as yet identify, a mental perception of startling vividness would be the result, and i should have falsely imagined that it had supernaturally, as it were, started into life from an entire oblivion extending over many years. probably many persons would have registered such a case as evidence that things once perceived can never wholly vanish from the recollection, but that in the hour of death, or under some excitement, every event of a past life may reappear. to this view i entirely dissent. forgetfulness appears absolute in the vast majority of cases, and our supposed recollections of a past life are, i believe, no more than that of a large number of episodes in it, to be reckoned perhaps in hundreds of thousands, but certainly not in tens of hundreds of thousands, that have escaped oblivion. every one of the fleeting, half-conscious thoughts that were the subject of my experiments, admitted of being vivified by keen attention, or by some appropriate association, but i strongly suspect that ideas which have long since ceased to fleet through the brain, owing to the absence of current associations to call them up, disappear wholly. a comparison of old memories with a newly-met friend of one's boyhood, about the events we then witnessed together, show how much we had each of us forgotten. our recollections do not tally. actors and incidents that seem to have been of primary importance in those events to the one have been utterly forgotten by the other. the recollection of our earlier years are, in truth, very scanty, as any one will find who tries to enumerate them. my associated ideas were for the most part due to my own unshared experiences, and the list of them would necessarily differ widely from that which another person would draw up who might repeat my experiments. therefore one sees clearly, and i may say, one can see _measurably_, how impossible it is in a general way for two grown-up persons to lay their minds side by side together in perfect accord. the same sentence cannot produce precisely the same effect on both, and the first quick impressions that any given word in it may convey, will differ widely in the two minds. i took pains to determine as far as feasible the dates of my life at which each of the associated ideas was first attached to the word. there were cases in which identification was satisfactory, and they were distributed as in table ii. table ii. relative number of associations formed at different periods of life. ==============+==========================================+==============+ total number | occurring | whose first | of different |------------------------------------------+ formation | associations. | four | three | twice | once | was in | | times. | times. | | | | +--------| +-----| +-----| +-----| +-----| | | per | |per | |per | |per | |per | | | cent. | |cent.| |cent.| |cent.| |cent.| | +--------|----+-----+----+-----+---+-----+----+-----+--------------+ | | | | | | | | | | boyhood and | | | | | | | | | | | youth, | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | subsequent | | | | | | | | | | | manhood, | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -- | -- | | | | | | | quite recent | | | | | | | | | | | events. | -----+--------|----+-----+----+-----+---+-----+----+-----+--------------+ | | | | | | | | | | totals. | =====+========+=========================================================+ it will be seen from the table that out of the earliest associations no less than , or one quarter of them, occurred in each of the four trials; of the associations first formed in manhood, , or about one-sixth of them, had a similar recurrence, but as to the other associations first formed in quite recent times, not one of them occurred in the whole of the four trials. hence we may see the greater fixity of the earlier associations, and might measurably determine the decrease of fixity as the date of their first formation becomes less remote. the largeness of the number in the middle entry of the last column but one, which disconcerts the run of the series, is wholly due to a visual memory of places seen in manhood. i will not speak about this now, as i shall have to refer to it farther on. neglecting, for the moment, this unique class of occurrences, it will be seen that one-half of the associations date from the period of life before leaving college; and it may easily be imagined that many of these refer to common events in an english education. nay further, on looking through the list of all the associations it was easy to see how they are pervaded by purely english ideas, and especially such as are prevalent in that stratum of english society in which i was born and bred, and have subsequently lived. in illustration of this, i may mention an anecdote of a matter which greatly impressed me at the time. i was staying in a country house with a very pleasant party of young and old, including persons whose education and versatility were certainly not below the social average. one evening we played at a round game, which consisted in each of us drawing as absurd a scrawl as he or she could, representing some historical event; the pictures were then shuffled and passed successively from hand to hand, every one writing down independently their interpretation of the picture, as to what the historical event was that the artist intended to depict by the scrawl. i was astonished at the sameness of our ideas. cases like canute and the waves, the babes in the tower, and the like, were drawn by two and even three persons at the same time, quite independently of one another, showing how narrowly we are bound by the fetters of our early education. if the figures in the above table may be accepted as fairly correct for the world generally, it shows, still in a measurable degree, the large effect of early education in fixing our associations. it will of course be understood that i make no absurd profession of being able by these very few experiments to lay down statistical constants of universal application, but that my principal object is to show that a large class of mental phenomena, that have hitherto been too vague to lay hold of, admit of being caught by the firm grip of genuine statistical inquiry. the results that i have thus far given are hotch-pot results. it is necessary to sort the materials somewhat before saying more about them. after several trials i found that the associated ideas admitted of being divided into three main groups. first there is the imagined sound of words, as in verbal quotations or names of persons. this was frequently a mere parrot-like memory which acted instantaneously and in a meaningless way, just as a machine might act. in the next group there was every other kind of sense imagery; the chime of imagined bells, the shiver of remembered cold, the scent of some particular locality, and, much more frequently than all the rest put together, visual imagery. the last of the three groups contains what i will venture, for the want of a better name, to call "histrionic" representations. it includes those cases where i either act a part in imagination, or see in imagination a part acted, or, most commonly by far, where i am both spectator and all the actors at once, in an imaginary mental theatre. thus i feel a nascent sense of some muscular action while i simultaneously witness a puppet of my brain--a part of myself--perform that action, and i assume a mental attitude appropriate to the occasion. this, in my case, is a very frequent way of generalising, indeed i rarely feel that i have secure hold of a general idea until i have translated it somehow into this form. thus the word "abasement" presented itself to me, in one of my experiments, by my mentally placing myself in a pantomimic attitude of humiliation with half-closed eyes, bowed head, and uplifted palms, while at the same time i was aware of myself as of a mental puppet, in that position. this same word will serve to illustrate the other groups also. it so happened in connection with "abasement" that the word "david" or "king david" occurred to me on one occasion in each of three out of the four trials; also that an accidental misreading, or perhaps the merely punning association of the words "a basement," brought up on all four occasions the image of the foundations of a house that the builders had begun upon. so much for the character of the association; next as to that of the words. i found, after the experiments were over, that the words were divisible into three distinct groups. the first contained "abbey," "aborigines," "abyss," and others that admitted of being presented under some mental image. the second group contained "abasement," "abhorrence," "ablution," etc., which admitted excellently of histrionic representation. the third group contained the more abstract words, such as "afternoon," "ability," "abnormal," which were variously and imperfectly dealt with by my mind. i give the results in the upper part of table iii., and, in order to save trouble, i have reduced them to percentages in the lower lines of the table. table iii. comparison between the quality of the words and that of the ideas in immediate association with them. =========================================================================+ number | | | | | | of words | | sense |histrionic| purely verbal | | in each | |imagery. | | names | phrases | total| series. | | | | of | and | | | | | |persons.|quotations.| | | |---------+----------+--------+-----------+------+ |"abbey" series| | | | | | |"abasement" " | | | | | | |"afternoon" " | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |---------+----------+--------+-----------+------+ |"abbey" series| | | | | | |"abasement" " | | | | | | |"afternoon" " | | | | | | ========================================================================== we see from this that the associations of the "abbey" series are nearly half of them in sense imagery, and these were almost always visual. the names of persons also more frequently occurred in this series than in any other. it will be recollected that in table ii. i drew attention to the exceptionally large number, , in the last column. it was perhaps in excess of what would have been expected from the general run of the other figures. this was wholly due to visual imagery of scenes with which i was first acquainted after reaching manhood, and shows, i think, that the scenes of childhood and youth, though vividly impressed on the memory, are by no means numerous, and may be quite thrown into the background by the abundance of after experiences; but this, as we have seen, is not the case with the other forms of association. verbal memories of old date, such as biblical scraps, family expressions, bits of poetry, and the like, are very numerous, and rise to the thoughts so quickly, whenever anything suggests them, that they commonly outstrip all competitors. associations connected with the "abasement" series are strongly characterised by histrionic ideas, and by sense imagery, which to a great degree merges into a histrionic character. thus the word "abhorrence" suggested to me, on three out of the four trials, an image of the attitude of martha in the famous picture of the raising of lazarus by sebastian del piombo in the national gallery. she stands with averted head, doubly sheltering her face by her hands from even a sidelong view of the opened grave. now i could not be sure how far i saw the picture as such, in my mental view, or how far i had thrown my own personality into the picture, and was acting it as actors might act a mystery play, by the puppets of my own brain, that were parts of myself. as a matter of fact, i entered it under the heading of sense imagery, but it might very properly have gone to swell the number of the histrionic entries. the "afternoon" series suggested a great preponderance of mere catch words, showing how slowly i was able to realise the meaning of abstractions; the phrases intruded themselves before the thoughts became defined. it occasionally occurred that i puzzled wholly over a word, and made no entry at all; in thirteen cases either this happened, or else after one idea had occurred the second was too confused and obscure to admit of record, and mention of it had to be omitted in the foregoing table. these entries have forcibly shown to me the great imperfection in my generalising powers; and i am sure that most persons would find the same if they made similar trials. nothing is a surer sign of high intellectual capacity than the power of quickly seizing and easily manipulating ideas of a very abstract nature. commonly we grasp them very imperfectly, and cling to their skirts with great difficulty. in comparing the order in which the ideas presented themselves, i find that a decided precedence is assumed by the histrionic ideas, wherever they occur; that verbal associations occur first and with great quickness on many occasions, but on the whole that they are only a little more likely to occur first than second; and that imagery is decidedly more likely to be the second than the first of the associations called up by a word. in short, gesture-language appeals the most quickly to my feelings, it would be very instructive to print the actual records at length, made by many experimenters, if the records could be clubbed together and thrown into a statistical form; but it would be too absurd to print one's own singly. they lay bare the foundations of a man's thoughts with curious distinctness, and exhibit his mental anatomy with more vividness and truth than he would probably care to publish to the world. it remains to summarise what has been said in the foregoing memoir. i have desired to show how whole strata of mental operations that have lapsed out of ordinary consciousness, admit of being dragged into light, recorded and treated statistically, and how the obscurity that attends the initial steps of our thoughts can thus be pierced and dissipated. i then showed measurably the rate at which associations sprung up, their character, the date of their first formation, their tendency to recurrence, and their relative precedence. also i gave an instance showing how the phenomenon of a long-forgotten scene, suddenly starting into consciousness, admitted in many cases of being explained. perhaps the strongest of the impressions left by these experiments regards the multifariousness of the work done by the mind in a state of half-unconsciousness, and the valid reason they afford for believing in the existence of still deeper strata of mental operations, sunk wholly below the level of consciousness, which may account for such mental phenomena as cannot otherwise be explained. we gain an insight by these experiments into the marvellous number and nimbleness of our mental associations, and we also learn that they are very far indeed from being infinite in their variety. we find that our working stock of ideas is narrowly limited and that the mind continually recurs to the same instruments in conducting its operations, therefore its tracks necessarily become more defined and its flexibility diminished as age advances. antechamber of consciousness. when i am engaged in trying to think anything out, the process of doing so appears to me to be this: the ideas that lie at any moment within my full consciousness seem to attract of their own accord the most appropriate out of a number of other ideas that are lying close at hand, but imperfectly within the range of my consciousness. there seems to be a presence-chamber in my mind where full consciousness holds court, and where two or three ideas are at the same time in audience, and an antechamber full of more or less allied ideas, which is situated just beyond the full ken of consciousness. out of this antechamber the ideas most nearly allied to those in the presence-chamber appear to be summoned in a mechanically logical way, and to have their turn of audience. the successful progress of thought appears to depend--first, on a large attendance in the antechamber; secondly, on the presence there of no ideas except such as are strictly germane to the topic under consideration; thirdly, on the justness of the logical mechanism that issues the summons. the thronging of the antechamber is, i am convinced, altogether beyond my control; if the ideas do not appear, i cannot create them, nor compel them to come. the exclusion of alien ideas is accompanied by a sense of mental effort and volition whenever the topic under consideration is unattractive, otherwise it proceeds automatically, for if an intruding idea finds nothing to cling to, it is unable to hold its place in the antechamber, and slides back again. an animal absorbed in a favourite occupation shows no sign of painful effort of attention; on the contrary, he resents interruption that solicits his attention elsewhere. the consequence of all this is that the mind frequently does good work without the slightest exertion. in composition it will often produce a better effect than if it acted with effort, because the essence of good composition is that the ideas should be connected by the easiest possible transitions. when a man has been thinking hard and long upon a subject, he becomes temporarily familiar with certain steps of thought, certain short cuts, and certain far-fetched associations, that do not commend themselves to the minds of other persons, nor indeed to his own at other times; therefore, it is better that his transitory familiarity with them should have come to an end before he begins to write or speak. when he returns to the work after a sufficient pause he is conscious that his ideas have settled; that is, they have lost their adventitious relations to one another, and stand in those in which they are likely to reside permanently in his own mind, and to exist in the minds of others. although the brain is able to do very fair work fluently in an automatic way, and though it will of its own accord strike out sudden and happy ideas, it is questionable if it is capable of working thoroughly and profoundly without past or present effort. the character of this effort seems to me chiefly to lie in bringing the contents of the antechamber more nearly within the ken of consciousness, which then takes comprehensive note of all its contents, and compels the logical faculty to test them _seriatim_ before selecting the fittest for a summons to the presence-chamber. extreme fluency and a vivid and rapid imagination are gifts naturally and healthfully possessed by those who rise to be great orators or literary men, for they could not have become successful in those careers without it. the curious fact already alluded to of five editors of newspapers being known to me as having phantasmagoria, points to a connection between two forms of fluency, the literary and the visual. fluency may be also a morbid faculty, being markedly increased by alcohol (as poets are never tired of telling us), and by various drugs; and it exists in delirium, insanity, and states of high emotions. the fluency of a vulgar scold is extraordinary. in preparing to write or speak upon a subject of which the details have been mastered, i gather, after some inquiry, that the usual method among persons who have the gift of fluency is to think cursorily on topics connected with it, until what i have called the antechamber is well filled with cognate ideas. then, to allow the ideas to link themselves in their own way, breaking the linkage continually and recommencing afresh until some line of thought has suggested itself that appears from a rapid and light glance to thread the chief topics together. after this the connections are brought step by step fully into consciousness, they are short-circuited here and extended there, as found advisable until a firm connection is found to be established between all parts of the subject. after this is done the mental effort is over, and the composition may proceed fluently in an automatic way. though this, i believe, is a usual way, it is by no means universal, for there are very great differences in the conditions under which different persons compose most readily. they seem to afford as good evidence of the variety of mental and bodily constitutions as can be met with in any other line of inquiry. it is very reasonable to think that part at least of the inward response to spiritual yearnings is of similar origin to the visions, thoughts, and phrases that arise automatically when the mind has prepared itself to receive them. the devout man attunes his mind to holy ideas, he excludes alien thoughts, and he waits and watches in stillness. gradually the darkness is lifted, the silence of the mind is broken, and the spiritual responses are heard in the way so often described by devout men of all religions. this seems to me precisely analogous to the automatic presentation of ordinary ideas to orators and literary men, and to the visions of which i spoke in the chapter on that subject. dividuality replaces individuality, and one portion of the mind communicates with another portion as with a different person. some persons and races are naturally more imaginative than others, and show their visionary tendency in every one of the respects named. they are fanciful, oratorical, poetical, and credulous. the "enthusiastic" faculties all seem to hang together; i shall recur to this in the chapter on enthusiasm. i have already pointed out the existence of a morbid form of piety: there is also a morbid condition of apparent inspiration to which imaginative women are subject, especially those who suffer more or less from hysteria. it is accompanied in a very curious way, familiar to medical men, by almost incredible acts of deceit. it is found even in ladies of position apparently above the suspicion of vulgar fraud, and seems associated with a strange secret desire to attract notice. ecstatics, seers of visions, and devout fasting girls who eat on the sly, often belong to this category. early sentiments. the child is passionately attached to his home, then to his school, his country, and religion; yet how entirely the particular home, school, country, and religion are a matter of accident! he is born prepared to attach himself as a climbing plant is naturally disposed to climb, the kind of stick being of little importance. the models upon whom the child or boy forms himself are the boys or men whom he has been thrown amongst, and whom from some incidental cause he may have learned to love and respect. the every-day utterances, the likes and dislikes of his parents, their social and caste feelings, their religious persuasions are absorbed by him; their views or those of his teachers become assimilated and made his own. if a mixed marriage should have taken place, and the father should die while the children are yet young, and if a question arise between the executors of his will and the mother as to the religious education of the children, application is made as a matter of course to the court of chancery, who decide that the children shall be brought up as protestants or as catholics as the case may be, or the sons one way and the daughters the other; and they are, and usually remain so afterwards when free to act for themselves. it is worthy of note that many of the deaf-mutes who are first taught to communicate freely with others after they had passed the period of boyhood, and are asked about their religious feelings up to that time, are reported to tell the same story. they say that the meaning of the church service whither they had accompanied their parents, and of the kneeling to pray, had been absolutely unintelligible, and a standing puzzle to them. the ritual touched no chord in their untaught natures that responded in unison. very much of what we fondly look upon as a natural religious sentiment is purely traditional. the word religion may fairly be applied to any group of sentiments or persuasions that are strong enough to bind us to do that which we intellectually may acknowledge to be our duty, and the possession of some form of religion in this larger sense of the word is of the utmost importance to moral stability. the sentiments must be strong enough to make us ashamed at the mere thought of committing, and distressed during the act of committing any untruth, or any uncharitable act, or of neglecting what we feel to be right, in order to indulge in laziness or gratify some passing desire. so long as experience shows the religion to be competent to produce this effect, it seems reasonable to believe that the particular dogma is comparatively of little importance. but as the dogma or sentiments, whatever they be, if they are not naturally instinctive, must be ingrained in the character to produce their full effect, they should be instilled early in life and allowed to grow unshaken until their roots are firmly fixed. the consciousness of this fact makes the form of religious teaching in every church and creed identical in one important particular though its substance may vary in every respect. in subjects unconnected with sentiment, the freest inquiry and the fullest deliberation are required before it is thought decorous to form a final opinion; but wherever sentiment is involved, and especially in questions of religious dogma, about which there is more sentiment and more difference of opinion among wise, virtuous, and truth-seeking men than about any other subject whatever, free inquiry is peremptorily discouraged. the religious instructor in every creed is one who makes it his profession to saturate his pupils with prejudice. a vast and perpetual clamour arises from the pulpits of endless proselytising sects throughout this great empire, the priests of all of them crying with one consent, "this is the way, shut your ears to the words of those who teach differently; don't look at their books, do not even mention their names except to scoff at them; they are damnable. have faith in what i tell you, and save your souls!" in which of these conflicting doctrines are we to place our faith if we are not to hear all sides, and to rely upon our own judgment in the end? are we to understand that it is the duty of man to be credulous in accepting whatever the priest in whose neighbourhood he happens to reside may say? is it to believe whatever his parents may have lovingly taught him? there are a vast number of foolish men and women in the world who marry and have children, and because they deal lovingly with their children it does not at all follow that they can instruct them wisely. or is it to have faith in what the wisest men of all ages have found peace in believing? the catholic phrase, "_quod semper quod ubique quod omnibus_"--"that which has been believed at all times, in all places, and by all men"--has indeed a fine rolling sound, but where is the dogma that satisfies its requirements? or is it, such and such really good and wise men with whom you are acquainted, and whom, it may be, you have the privilege of knowing, have lived consistent lives through the guidance of these dogmas, how can you who are many grades their inferior in good works, in capacity and in experience, presume to set up your opinion against theirs? the reply is, that it is a matter of history and notoriety that other very good, capable, and inexperienced men have led and are leading consistent lives under the guidance of totally different dogmas, and that some of them a few generations back would have probably burned your modern hero as a heretic if he had lived in their times and they could have got hold of him. also, that men, however eminent in goodness, intellect, and experience, may be deeply prejudiced, and that their judgment in matters where their prejudices are involved cannot thenceforward be trusted. watches, as electricians know to their cost, are liable to have their steel work accidentally magnetised, and the best chronometer under those conditions can never again be trusted to keep correct time. lastly, we are told to have faith in our conscience? well we know now a great deal more about conscience than formerly. ethnologists have studied the manifestations of conscience in different people, and do not find that they are consistent. conscience is now known to be partly transmitted by inheritance in the way and under the conditions clearly explained by mr. darwin, and partly to be an unsuspected result of early education. the value of inherited conscience lies in its being the organised result of the social experiences of many generations, but it fails in so far as it expresses the experience of generations whose habits differed from our own. the doctrine of evolution shows that no race can be in perfect harmony with its surroundings; the latter are continually changing, while the organism of the race hobbles after, vainly trying to overtake them. therefore the inherited part of conscience cannot be an infallible guide, and the acquired part of it may, under the influence of dogma, be a very bad one. the history of fanaticism shows too clearly that this is not only a theory but a fact. happy the child, especially in these inquiring days, who has been taught a religion that mainly rests on the moral obligations between man and man in domestic and national life, and which, so far as it is necessarily dogmatic, rests chiefly upon the proper interpretation of facts about which there is no dispute,--namely, on those habitual occurrences which are always open to observation, and which form the basis of so-called natural religion. it would be instructive to make a study of the working religion of good and able men of all nations, in order to discover the real motives by which they were severally animated,--men, i mean, who had been tried by both prosperity and adversity, and had borne the test; who, while they led lives full of interest to themselves, were beloved by their own family, noted among those with whom they had business relations for their probity and conciliatory ways, and honoured by a wider circle for their unselfish furtherance of the public good. such men exist of many faiths and in many races. another interesting and cognate inquiry would be into the motives that have sufficed to induce men who were leading happy lives, to meet death willingly at a time when they were not particularly excited. probably the number of instances to be found, say among mussulmans, who are firm believers in the joys of mahomet's paradise, would not be more numerous than among the zulus, who have no belief in any paradise at all, but are influenced by martial honour and patriotism. there is an oriental phrase, as i have been told, that the fear of the inevitable approach of death is a european malady. terror at any object is quickly taught if it is taught consistently, whether the terror be reasonable or not. there are few more stupid creatures than fish, but they notoriously soon learn to be frightened at any newly-introduced method of capture, say by an artificial fly, which, at first their comrades took greedily. some one fish may have seen others caught, and have learned to take fright at the fly. whenever he saw it again he would betray his terror by some instinctive gesture, which would be seen and understood by others, and so instruction in distrusting the fly appears to spread. all gregarious animals are extremely quick at learning terrors from one another. it is a condition of their existence that they should do so, as was explained at length in a previous chapter. their safety lies in mutual intelligence and support. when most of them are browsing a few are always watching, and at the least signal of alarm the whole herd takes fright simultaneously. gregarious animals are quickly alive to their mutual signals; it is beautiful to watch great flocks of birds as they wheel in their flight and suddenly show the flash of all their wings against the sky, as they simultaneously and suddenly change their direction. much of the tameness or wildness of an animal's character is probably due to the placidity or to the frequent starts of alarm of the mother while she was rearing it. i was greatly struck with some evidence i happened to meet with, of the pervading atmosphere of alarm and suspicion in which the children of criminal parents are brought up, and which, in combination with their inherited disposition, makes them, in the opinion of many observers, so different to other children. the evidence of which i speak lay in the tone of letters sent by criminal parents to their children, who were inmates of the princess mary village homes, from which i had the opportunity, thanks to the kindness of the superintendent, mrs. meredith, of hearing and seeing extracts. they were full of such phrases as "mind you do not say anything about this," though the matters referred to were, to all appearance, unimportant. the writings of dante on the horrible torments of the damned, and the realistic pictures of the same subject in frescoes and other pictures of the same date, showing the flames and the flesh hooks and the harrows, indicate the transforming effect of those cruel times, fifteen generations ago, upon the disposition of men. revenge and torture had been so commonly practised by rulers that they seemed to be appropriate attributes of every high authority, and the artists of those days saw no incongruity in supposing that a supremely powerful master, however beneficent he might be, would make the freest use of them. aversion is taught as easily as terror, when the object of it is neutral and not especially attractive to an unprejudiced taste. i can testify in my own person to the somewhat rapidly-acquired and long-retained fancies concerning the clean and unclean, upon which jews and mussulmans lay such curious stress. it was the result of my happening to spend a year in the east, at an age when the brain is very receptive of new ideas, and when i happened to be much impressed by the nobler aspects of mussulman civilisation, especially, i may say, with the manly conformity of their every-day practice to their creed, which contrasts sharply with what we see among most europeans, who profess extreme unworldliness and humiliation on one day of the week, and act in a worldly and masterful manner during the remaining six. although many years have passed since that time, i still find the old feelings in existence--for instance, that of looking on the left hand as unclean. it is difficult to an untravelled englishman, who has not had an opportunity of throwing himself into the spirit of the east, to credit the disgust and detestation that numerous every-day acts, which appear perfectly harmless to his countrymen, excite in many orientals. to conclude, the power of nurture is very great in implanting sentiments of a religious nature, of terror and of aversion, and in giving a fallacious sense of their being natural instincts. but it will be observed that the circumstances from which these influences proceed, affect large classes simultaneously, forming a kind of atmosphere in which every member of them passes his life. they produce the cast of mind that distinguishes an englishman from a foreigner, and one class of englishman from another, but they have little influence in creating the differences that exist between individuals of the same class. history of twins. the exceedingly close resemblance attributed to twins has been the subject of many novels and plays, and most persons have felt a desire to know upon what basis of truth those works of fiction may rest. but twins have a special claim upon our attention; it is, that their history affords means of distinguishing between the effects of tendencies received at birth, and of those that were imposed by the special circumstances of their after lives. the objection to statistical evidence in proof of the inheritance of peculiar faculties has always been: "the persons whom you compare may have lived under similar social conditions and have had similar advantages of education, but such prominent conditions are only a small part of those that determine the future of each man's life. it is to trifling accidental circumstances that the bent of his disposition and his success are mainly due, and these you leave wholly out of account--in fact, they do not admit of being tabulated, and therefore your statistics, however plausible at first sight, are really of very little use." no method of inquiry which i had previously been able to carry out--and i have tried many methods--is wholly free from this objection. i have therefore attacked the problem from the opposite side, seeking for some new method by which it would be possible to weigh in just scales the effects of nature and nurture, and to ascertain their respective shares in framing the disposition and intellectual ability of men. the life-history of twins supplies what i wanted. we may begin by inquiring about twins who were closely alike in boyhood and youth, and who were educated together for many years, and learn whether they subsequently grew unlike, and, if so, what the main causes were which, in the opinion of the family, produced the dissimilarity. in this way we can obtain direct evidence of the kind we want. again, we may obtain yet more valuable evidence by a converse method. we can inquire into the history of twins who were exceedingly unlike in childhood, and learn how far their characters became assimilated under the influence of identical nurture, inasmuch as they had the same home, the same teachers, the same associates, and in every other respect the same surroundings. my materials were obtained by sending circulars of inquiry to persons who were either twins themselves or near relations of twins. the printed questions were in thirteen groups; the last of them asked for the addresses of other twins known to the recipient, who might be likely to respond if i wrote to them. this happily led to a continually widening circle of correspondence, which i pursued until enough material was accumulated for a general reconnaisance of the subject. there is a large literature relating to twins in their purely surgical and physiological aspect. the reader interested in this should consult _die lehre von den zwillingen_, von l. kleinwächter, prag. . it is full of references, but it is also unhappily disfigured by a number of numerical misprints, especially in page . i have not found any book that treats of twins from my present point of view. the reader will easily understand that the word "twins" is a vague expression, which covers two very dissimilar events--the one corresponding to the progeny of animals that usually bear more than one at a birth, each of the progeny being derived from a separate ovum, while the other event is due to the development of two germinal spots in the same ovum. in the latter case they are enveloped in the same membrane, and all such twins are found invariably to be of the same sex. the consequence of this is, that i find a curious discontinuity in my results. one would have expected that twins would commonly be found to possess a certain average likeness to one another; that a few would greatly exceed that average likeness, and a few would greatly fall short of it. but this is not at all the case. extreme similarity and extreme dissimilarity between twins of the same sex are nearly as common as moderate resemblance. when the twins are a boy and a girl, they are never closely alike; in fact, their origin is never due to the development of two germinal spots in the same ovum. i received about eighty returns of cases of close similarity, thirty-five of which entered into many instructive details. in a few of these not a single point of difference could be specified. in the remainder, the colour of the hair and eyes were almost always identical; the height, weight, and strength were nearly so. nevertheless, i have a few cases of a notable difference in height, weight, and strength, although the resemblance was otherwise very near. the manner and personal address of the thirty-five pairs of twins are usually described as very similar, but accompanied by a slight difference of expression, familiar to near relatives, though unperceived by strangers. the intonation of the voice when speaking is commonly the same, but it frequently happens that the twins sing in different keys. most singularly, the one point in which similarity is rare is the handwriting. i cannot account for this, considering how strongly handwriting runs in families, but i am sure of the fact. i have only one case in which nobody, not even the twins themselves, could distinguish their own notes of lectures, etc.; barely two or three in which the handwriting was undistinguishable by others, and only a few in which it was described as closely alike. on the other hand, i have many in which it is stated to be unlike, and some in which it is alluded to as the only point of difference. it would appear that the handwriting is a very delicate test of difference in organisation--a conclusion which i commend to the notice of enthusiasts in the art of discovering character by the handwriting. one of my inquiries was for anecdotes regarding mistakes made between the twins by their near relatives. the replies are numerous, but not very varied in character. when the twins are children, they are usually distinguished by ribbons tied round the wrist or neck; nevertheless the one is sometimes fed, physicked, and whipped by mistake for the other, and the description of these little domestic catastrophes was usually given by the mother, in a phraseology that is somewhat touching by reason of its seriousness. i have one case in which a doubt remains whether the children were not changed in their bath, and the presumed a is not really b, and _vice versâ_. in another case, an artist was engaged on the portraits of twins who were between three and four years of age; he had to lay aside his work for three weeks, and, on resuming it, could not tell to which child the respective likenesses he had in hand belonged. the mistakes become less numerous on the part of the mother during the boyhood and girlhood of the twins, but are almost as frequent as before on the part of strangers. i have many instances of tutors being unable to distinguish their twin pupils. two girls used regularly to impose on their music teacher when one of them wanted a whole holiday; they had their lessons at separate hours, and the one girl sacrificed herself to receive two lessons on the same day, while the other one enjoyed herself from morning to evening. here is a brief and comprehensive account:-- "exactly alike in all, their schoolmasters never could tell them apart; at dancing parties they constantly changed partners without discovery; their close resemblance is scarcely diminished by age." the following is a typical schoolboy anecdote:-- "two twins were fond of playing tricks, and complaints were frequently made; but the boys would never own which was the guilty one, and the complainants were never certain which of the two he was. one head master used to say he would never flog the innocent for the guilty, and another used to flog both." no less than nine anecdotes have reached me of a twin seeing his or her reflection in a looking-glass, and addressing it in the belief it was the other twin in person. i have many anecdotes of mistakes when the twins were nearly grown up. thus:-- "amusing scenes occurred at college when one twin came to visit the other; the porter on one occasion refusing to let the visitor out of the college gates, for, though they stood side by side, he professed ignorance as to which he ought to allow to depart." children are usually quick in distinguishing between their parent and his or her twin; but i have two cases to the contrary. thus, the daughter of a twin says:-- "such was the marvellous similarity of their features, voice, manner, etc., that i remember, as a child, being very much puzzled, and i think, had my aunt lived much with us, i should have ended by thinking i had two mothers." in the other case, a father who was a twin, remarks of himself and his brother:-- "we were extremely alike, and are so at this moment, so much so that our children up to five and six years old did not know us apart." i have four or five instances of doubt during an engagement of marriage. thus:-- "a married first, but both twins met the lady together for the first time, and fell in love with her there and then. a managed to see her home and to gain her affection, though b went sometimes courting in his place, and neither the lady nor her parents could tell which was which." i have also a german letter, written in quaint terms, about twin brothers who married sisters, but could not easily be distinguished by them.[ ] in the well-known novel by mr. wilkie collins of _poor miss finch_, the blind girl distinguishes the twin she loves by the touch of his hand, which gives her a thrill that the touch of the other brother does not. philosophers have not, i believe, as yet investigated the conditions of such thrills; but i have a case in which miss finch's test would have failed. two persons, both friends of a certain twin lady, told me that she had frequently remarked to them that "kissing her twin sister was not like kissing her other sisters, but like kissing herself--her own hand, for example." it would be an interesting experiment for twins who were closely alike to try how far dogs could distinguish them by scent. [footnote : i take this opportunity of withdrawing an anecdote, happily of no great importance, published in _men of science_, p. , about a man personating his twin brother for a joke at supper, and not being discovered by his wife. it was told me on good authority; but i have reason to doubt the fact, as the story is not known to the son of one of the twins. however, the twins in question were extraordinarily alike, and i have many anecdotes about them sent me by the latter gentleman.] i have a few anecdotes of strange mistakes made between twins in adult life. thus, an officer writes:-- "on one occasion when i returned from foreign service my father turned to me and said, 'i thought you were in london,' thinking i was my brother--yet he had not seen me for nearly four years--our resemblance was so great." the next and last anecdote i shall give is, perhaps, the most remarkable of those i have; it was sent me by the brother of the twins, who were in middle life at the time of its occurrence:-- "a was again coming home from india, on leave; the ship did not arrive for some days after it was due; the twin brother b had come up from his quarters to receive a, and their old mother was very nervous. one morning a rushed in saying, 'oh, mother, how are you?' her answer was, 'no, b, it's a bad joke; you know how anxious i am!' and it was a little time before a could persuade her that he was the real man." enough has been said to prove that an extremely close personal resemblance frequently exists between twins of the same sex; and that, although the resemblance usually diminishes as they grow into manhood and womanhood, some cases occur in which the diminution of resemblance is hardly perceptible. it must be borne in mind that it is not necessary to ascribe the divergence of development, when it occurs, to the effect of different nurtures, but it is quite possible that it may be due to the late appearance of qualities inherited at birth, though dormant in early life, like gout. to this i shall recur. there is a curious feature in the character of the resemblance between twins, which has been alluded to by a few correspondents; it is well illustrated by the following quotations. a mother of twins says:-- "there seemed to be a sort of interchangeable likeness in expression, that often gave to each the effect of being more like his brother than himself." again, two twin brothers, writing to me, after analysing their points of resemblance, which are close and numerous, and pointing out certain shades of difference, add-- "these seem to have marked us through life, though for a while, when we were first separated, the one to go to business, and the other to college, our respective characters were inverted; we both think that at that time we each ran into the character of the other. the proof of this consists in our own recollections, in our correspondence by letter, and in the views which we then took of matters in which we were interested." in explanation of this apparent interchangeableness, we must recollect that no character is simple, and that in twins who strongly resemble each other, every expression in the one may be matched by a corresponding expression in the other, but it does not follow that the same expression should be the prevalent one in both cases. now it is by their prevalent expressions that we should distinguish between the twins; consequently when one twin has temporarily the expression which is the prevalent one in his brother, he is apt to be mistaken for him. there are also cases where the development of the two twins is not strictly _pari passu_; they reach the same goal at the same time, but not by identical stages. thus: a is born the larger, then b overtakes and surpasses a, and is in his turn overtaken by a, the end being that the twins, on reaching adult life, are of the same size. this process would aid in giving an interchangeable likeness at certain periods of their growth, and is undoubtedly due to nature more frequently than to nurture. among my thirty-five detailed cases of close similarity, there are no less than seven in which both twins suffered from some special ailment or had some exceptional peculiarity. one twin writes that she and her sister "have both the defect of not being able to come downstairs quickly, which, however, was not born with them, but came on at the age of twenty." three pairs of twins have peculiarities in their fingers; in one case it consists in a slight congenital flexure of one of the joints of the little finger; it was inherited from a grandmother, but neither parents, nor brothers, nor sisters show the least trace of it. in another case the twins have a peculiar way of bending the fingers, and there was a faint tendency to the same peculiarity in the mother, but in her alone of all the family. in a third case, about which i made a few inquiries, which is given by mr. darwin, but is not included in my returns, there was no known family tendency to the peculiarity which was observed in the twins of having a crooked little finger. in another pair of twins, one was born ruptured, and the other became so at six months old. two twins at the age of twenty-three were attacked by toothache, and the same tooth had to be extracted in each case. there are curious and close correspondences mentioned in the falling off of the hair. two cases are mentioned of death from the same disease; one of which is very affecting. the outline of the story was that the twins were closely alike and singularly attached, and had identical tastes; they both obtained government clerkships, and kept house together, when one sickened and died of bright's disease, and the other also sickened of the same disease and died seven months later. both twins were apt to sicken at the same time in no less than nine out of the thirty-five cases. either their illnesses, to which i refer, were non-contagious, or, if contagious, the twins caught them simultaneously; they did not catch them the one from the other. this implies so intimate a constitutional resemblance, that it is proper to give some quotations in evidence. thus, the father of two twins says:-- "their general health is closely alike; whenever one of them has an illness, the other invariably has the same within a day or two, and they usually recover in the same order. such has been the case with whooping-cough, chicken-pox, and measles; also with slight bilious attacks, which they have successively. latterly, they had a feverish attack at the same time." another parent of twins says:-- "if anything ails one of them, identical symptoms _nearly always_ appear in the other; this has been singularly visible in two instances during the last two months. thus, when in london, one fell ill with a violent attack of dysentery, and within twenty-four hours the other had precisely the same symptoms." a medical man writes of twins with whom he is well acquainted:-- "whilst i knew them, for a period of two years, there was not the slightest tendency towards a difference in body or mind; external influences seemed powerless to produce any dissimilarity." the mother of two other twins, after describing how they were ill simultaneously up to the age of fifteen, adds, that they shed their first milk-teeth within a few hours of each other. trousseau has a very remarkable case (in the chapter on asthma) in his important work _clinique m. édicale_. (in the edition of it is in vol. ii. p. .) it was quoted at length in the original french, in mr. darwin's _variation under domestication_, vol. ii. p. . the following is a translation:-- "i attended twin brothers so extraordinarily alike, that it was impossible for me to tell which was which, without seeing them side by side. but their physical likeness extended still deeper, for they had, so to speak, a yet more remarkable pathological resemblance. thus, one of them, whom i saw at the néothermes at paris, suffering from rheumatic ophthalmia, said to me, 'at this instant my brother must be having an ophthalmia like mine;' and, as i had exclaimed against such an assertion, he showed me a few days afterwards a letter just received by him from his brother, who was at that time at vienna, and who expressed himself in these words--'i have my ophthalmia; you must be having yours.' however singular this story may appear, the fact is none the less exact; it has not been told to me by others, but i have seen it myself; and i have seen other analogous cases in my practice. these twins were also asthmatic, and asthmatic to a frightful degree. though born in marseilles, they were never able to stay in that town, where their business affairs required them to go, without having an attack. still more strange, it was sufficient for them to get away only as far as toulon in order to be cured of the attack caught at marseilles. they travelled continually, and in all countries, on business affairs, and they remarked that certain localities were extremely hurtful to them, and that in others they were free from all asthmatic symptoms." i do not like to pass over here a most dramatic tale in the _psychologie morbide_ of dr. j. moreau (de tours), m. édecin de l'hospice de bicêtre. paris, , p. . he speaks "of two twin brothers who had been confined, on account of monomania, at bicêtre":-- "physically the two young men are so nearly alike that the one is easily mistaken for the other. morally, their resemblance is no less complete, and is most remarkable in its details. thus, their dominant ideas are absolutely the same. they both consider themselves subject to imaginary persecutions; the same enemies have sworn their destruction, and employ the same means to effect it. both have hallucinations of hearing. they are both of them melancholy and morose; they never address a word to anybody, and will hardly answer the questions that others address to them. they always keep apart, and never communicate with one another. an extremely curious fact which has been frequently noted by the superintendents of their section of the hospital, and by myself, is this: from time to time, at very irregular intervals of two, three, and many months, without appreciable cause, and by the purely spontaneous effect of their illness, a very marked change takes place in the condition of the two brothers. both of them, at the same time, and often on the same day, rouse themselves from their habitual stupor and prostration; they make the same complaints, and they come of their own accord to the physician, with an urgent request to be liberated. i have seen this strange thing occur, even when they were some miles apart, the one being at bicêtre, and the other living at saint-anne." i sent a copy of this passage to the principal authorities among the physicians to the insane in england, asking if they had ever witnessed any similar case. in reply, i have received three noteworthy instances, but none to be compared in their exact parallelism with that just given. the details of these three cases are painful, and it is not necessary to my general purpose that i should further allude to them. there is another curious french case of insanity in twins, which was pointed out to me by sir james paget, described by dr. baume in the _annales m. édico-psychologiques_, série, vol. i., , p. , of which the following is an abstract. the original contains a few more details, but is too long to quote: francois and martin, fifty years of age, worked as railroad contractors between quimper and châteaulin. martin had twice slight attacks of insanity. on january a box was robbed in which the twins had deposited their savings. on the night of january - both françois (who lodged at quimper) and martin (who lived with his wife and children at st. lorette, two leagues from quimper) had the same dream at the same hour, three a.m., and both awoke with a violent start, calling out, "i have caught the thief! i have caught the thief! they are doing mischief to my brother!" they were both of them extremely agitated, and gave way to similar extravagances, dancing and leaping. martin sprang on his grandchild, declaring that he was the thief, and would have strangled him if he had not been prevented; he then became steadily worse, complained of violent pains in his head, went out of doors on some excuse, and tried to drown himself in the river steir, but was forcibly stopped by his son, who had watched and followed him. he was then taken to an asylum by gendarmes, where he died in three hours. francois, on his part, calmed down on the morning of the th, and employed the day in inquiring about the robbery. by a strange chance, he crossed his brother's path at the moment when the latter was struggling with the gendarmes; then he himself became maddened, giving way to extravagant gestures and using incoherent language (similar to that of his brother). he then asked to be bled, which was done, and afterwards, declaring himself to be better, went out on the pretext of executing some commission, but really to drown himself in the river steir, which he actually did, at the very spot where martin had attempted to do the same thing a few hours previously. the next point which i shall mention in illustration of the extremely close resemblance between certain twins is the similarity in the association of their ideas. no less than eleven out of the thirty-five cases testify to this. they make the same remarks on the same occasion, begin singing the same song at the same moment, and so on; or one would commence a sentence, and the other would finish it. an observant friend graphically described to me the effect produced on her by two such twins whom she had met casually. she said: "their teeth grew alike, they spoke alike and together, and said the same things, and seemed just like one person." one of the most curious anecdotes that i have received concerning this similarity of ideas was that one twin, a, who happened to be at a town in scotland, bought a set of champagne glasses which caught his attention, as a surprise for his brother b; while, at the same time, b, being in england, bought a similar set of precisely the same pattern as a surprise for a. other anecdotes of a like kind have reached me about these twins. the last point to which i shall allude regards the tastes and dispositions of the thirty-five pairs of twins. in sixteen cases--that is, in nearly one-half of them--these were described as closely similar; in the remaining nineteen they were much alike, but subject to certain named differences. these differences belonged almost wholly to such groups of qualities as these: the one was the more vigorous, fearless, energetic; the other was gentle, clinging, and timid; or the one was more ardent, the other more calm and placid; or again, the one was the more independent, original, and self-contained; the other the more generous, hasty, and vivacious. in short, the difference was that of intensity or energy in one or other of its protean forms; it did not extend more deeply into the structure of the characters. the more vivacious might be subdued by ill health, until he assumed the character of the other; or the latter might be raised by excellent health to that of the former. the difference was in the key-note, not in the melody. it follows from what has been said concerning the similar dispositions of the twins, the similarity in the associations of their ideas, of their special ailments, and of their illnesses generally, that the resemblances are not superficial, but extremely intimate. i have only two cases of a strong bodily resemblance being accompanied by mental diversity, and one case only of the converse kind. it must be remembered that the conditions which govern extreme likeness between twins are not the same as those between ordinary brothers and sisters, and that it would be incorrect to conclude from what has just been said about the twins that mental and bodily likeness are invariably co-ordinate, such being by no means the case. we are now in a position to understand that the phrase "close similarity" is no exaggeration, and to realise the value of the evidence i am about to adduce. here are thirty-five cases of twins who were "closely alike" in body and mind when they were young, and who have been reared exactly alike up to their early manhood and womanhood. since then the conditions of their lives have changed; what change of nurture has produced the most variation? it was with no little interest that i searched the records of the thirty-five cases for an answer; and they gave an answer that was not altogether direct, but it was distinct, and not at all what i had expected. they showed me that in some cases the resemblance of body and mind had continued unaltered up to old age, notwithstanding very different conditions of life; and they showed in the other cases that the parents ascribed such dissimilarity as there was, wholly or almost wholly to some form of illness. in four cases it was scarlet fever; in a fifth, typhus; in a sixth, a slight effect was ascribed to a nervous fever; in a seventh it was the effect of an indian climate; in an eighth, an illness (unnamed) of nine months' duration; in a ninth, varicose veins; in a tenth, a bad fracture of the leg, which prevented all active exercise afterwards; and there were three additional instances of undefined forms of ill health. it will be sufficient to quote one of the returns; in this the father writes: "at birth they were _exactly_ alike, except that one was born with a bad varicose affection, the effect of which had been to prevent any violent exercise, such as dancing or running, and, as she has grown older, to make her more serious and thoughtful. had it not been for this infirmity, i think the two would have been as exactly alike as it is possible for two women to be, both mentally and physically; even now they are constantly mistaken for one another." in only a very few cases is some allusion made to the dissimilarity being partly due to the combined action of many small influences, and in none of the thirty-five cases is it largely, much less wholly, ascribed to that cause. in not a single instance have i met with a word about the growing dissimilarity being due to the action of the firm free-will of one or both of the twins, which had triumphed over natural tendencies; and yet a large proportion of my correspondents happen to be clergymen, whose bent of mind is opposed, as i feel assured from the tone of their letters, to a necessitarian view of life. it has been remarked that a growing diversity between twins may be ascribed to the tardy development of naturally diverse qualities; but we have a right, upon the evidence i have received, to go farther than this. we have seen that a few twins retain their close resemblance through life; in other words, instances do exist of an apparently thorough similarity of nature, in which such difference of external circumstances as may be consistent with the ordinary conditions of the same social rank and country do not create dissimilarity. positive evidence, such as this, cannot be outweighed by any amount of negative evidence. therefore, in those cases where there is a growing diversity, and where no external cause can be assigned either by the twins themselves or by their family for it, we may feel sure that it must be chiefly or altogether due to a want of thorough similarity in their nature. nay, further, in some cases it is distinctly affirmed that the growing dissimilarity can be accounted for in no other way. we may, therefore, broadly conclude that the only circumstance, within the range of those by which persons of similar conditions of life are affected, that is capable of producing a marked effect on the character of adults, is illness or some accident which causes physical infirmity. the twins who closely resembled each other in childhood and early youth, and were reared under not very dissimilar conditions, either grow unlike through the development of natural characteristics which had lain dormant at first, or else they continue their lives, keeping time like two watches, hardly to be thrown out of accord except by some physical jar. nature is far stronger than nurture within the limited range that i have been careful to assign to the latter. the effect of illness, as shown by these replies, is great, and well deserves further consideration. it appears that the constitution of youth is not so elastic as we are apt to think, but that an attack, say of scarlet fever, leaves a permanent mark, easily to be measured by the present method of comparison. this recalls an impression made strongly on my mind several years ago, by the sight of some curves drawn by a mathematical friend. he took monthly measurements of the circumference of his children's heads during the first few years of their lives, and he laid down the successive measurements on the successive lines of a piece of ruled paper, by taking the edge of the paper as a base. he then joined the free ends of the lines, and so obtained a curve of growth. these curves had, on the whole, that regularity of sweep that might have been expected, but each of them showed occasional halts, like the landing-places on a long flight of stairs. the development had been arrested by something, and was not made up for by after growth. now, on the same piece of paper my friend had also registered the various infantile illnesses of the children, and corresponding to each illness was one of these halts. there remained no doubt in my mind that, if these illnesses had been warded off, the development of the children would have been increased by almost the precise amount lost in these halts. in other words, the disease had drawn largely upon the capital, and not only on the income, of their constitutions. i hope these remarks may induce some men of science to repeat similar experiments on their children of the future. they may compress two years of a child's history on one side of a ruled half-sheet of foolscap paper, if they cause each successive line to stand for a successive month, beginning from the birth of the child; and if they economise space by laying, not the -inch division of the tape against the edge of the pages, but, say, the -inch division. the steady and pitiless march of the hidden weaknesses in our constitutions, through illness to death, is painfully revealed by these histories of twins. we are too apt to look upon illness and death as capricious events, and there are some who ascribe them to the direct effect of supernatural interference, whereas the fact of the maladies of two twins being continually alike shows that illness and death are necessary incidents in a regular sequence of constitutional changes beginning at birth, and upon which external circumstances have, on the whole, very small effect. in cases where the maladies of the twins are continually alike, the clocks of their two lives move regularly on at the same rate, governed by their internal mechanism. when the hands approach the hour, there are sudden clicks, followed by a whirring of wheels; the moment that they touch it, the strokes fall. necessitarians may derive new arguments from the life-histories of twins. we will now consider the converse side of our subject, which appears to me even the more important of the two. hitherto we have investigated cases where the similarity at first was close, but afterwards became less; now we will examine those in which there was great dissimilarity at first, and will see how far an identity of nurture in childhood and youth tended to assimilate them. as has been already mentioned, there is a large proportion of cases of sharply-contrasted characteristics, both of body and mind, among twins. i have twenty such cases, given with much detail. it is a fact that extreme dissimilarity, such as existed between esau and jacob, is a no less marked peculiarity in twins of the same sex than extreme similarity. on this curious point, and on much else in the history of twins, i have many remarks to make, but this is not the place to make them. the evidence given by the twenty cases above mentioned is absolutely accordant, so that the character of the whole may be exactly conveyed by a few quotations. ( .) one parent says:--"they have had _exactly the same nurture_ from their birth up to the present time; they are both perfectly healthy and strong, yet they are otherwise as dissimilar as two boys could be, physically, mentally, and in their emotional nature." ( .) "i can answer most decidedly that the twins have been perfectly dissimilar in character, habits, and likeness from the moment of their birth to the present time, though they were nursed by the same woman, went to school together, and were never separated till the age of fifteen." ( .) "they have never been separated, never the least differently treated in food, clothing, or education; both teethed at the same time, both had measles, whooping-cough, and scarlatina at the same time, and neither had had any other serious illness. both are and have been exceedingly healthy, and have good abilities, yet they differ as much from each other in mental cast as any one of my family differs from another." ( .) "very dissimilar in body and mind: the one is quiet, retiring, and slow but sure; good-tempered, but disposed to be sulky when provoked;--the other is quick, vivacious, forward, acquiring easily and forgetting soon; quick-tempered and choleric, but quickly forgiving and forgetting. they have been educated together and never separated." ( .) "they were never alike either in body or mind, and their dissimilarity increases daily. the external influences have been identical; they have never been separated." ( .) "the two sisters are very different in ability and disposition. the one is retiring, but firm and determined; she has no taste for music or drawing. the other is of an active, excitable temperament: she displays an unusual amount of quickness and talent, and is passionately fond of music and drawing. from infancy, they have been rarely separated even at school, and as children visiting their friends, they always went together." ( .) "they have been treated exactly alike both were brought up by hand; they have been under the same nurse and governess from their birth, and they are very fond of each other. their increasing dissimilarity must be ascribed to a natural difference of mind and character, as there has been nothing in their treatment to account for it." ( .) "they are as different as possible. [a minute and unsparing analysis of the characters of the two twins is given by their father, most instructive to read, but impossible to publish without the certainty of wounding the feelings of one of the twins, if these pages should chance to fall under his eyes.] they were brought up entirely by hand, that is, on cow's milk, and treated by one nurse in precisely the same manner." ( .) "the home-training and influence were precisely the same, and therefore i consider the dissimilarity to be accounted for almost entirely by innate disposition and by causes over which we have no control." ( .) "this case is, i should think, somewhat remarkable for dissimilarity in physique as well as for strong contrast in character. they have been unlike in body and mind throughout their lives. both were reared in a country house, and both were at the same schools till _aet._ ." ( .) "singularly unlike in body and mind from babyhood; in looks, dispositions, and tastes they are quite different. i think i may say the dissimilarity was innate, and developed more by time than circumstance." ( .) "we were never in the least degree alike. i should say my sister's and my own character are diametrically opposed, and have been utterly different from our birth, though a very strong affection subsists between us." ( .) the father remarks:--"they were curiously different in body and mind from their birth." the surviving twin (a senior wrangler of cambridge) adds:--"a fact struck all our school contemporaries, that my brother and i were complementary, so to speak, in point of ability and disposition. he was contemplative, poetical, and literary to a remarkable degree, showing great power in that line. i was practical, mathematical, and linguistic. between us we should have made a very decent sort of a man." i could quote others just as strong as these, in some of which the above phrase "complementary" also appears, while i have not a single case in which my correspondents speak of originally dissimilar characters having become assimilated through identity of nurture. however, a somewhat exaggerated estimate of dissimilarity may be due to the tendency of relatives to dwell unconsciously on distinctive peculiarities, and to disregard the far more numerous points of likeness that would first attract the notice of a stranger. thus in case i find the remark, "strangers see a strong likeness between them, but none who knows them well can perceive it." instances are common of slight acquaintances mistaking members, and especially daughters of a family, for one another, between whom intimate friends can barely discover a resemblance. still, making reasonable allowance for unintentional exaggeration, the impression that all this evidence leaves on the mind is one of some wonder whether nurture can do anything at all, beyond giving instruction and professional training. it emphatically corroborates and goes far beyond the conclusions to which we had already been driven by the cases of similarity. in those, the causes of divergence began to act about the period of adult life, when the characters had become somewhat fixed; but here the causes conducive to assimilation began to act from the earliest moment of the existence of the twins, when the disposition was most pliant, and they were continuous until the period of adult life. there is no escape from the conclusion that nature prevails enormously over nurture when the differences of nurture do not exceed what is commonly to be found among persons of the same rank of society and in the same country. my fear is, that my evidence may seem to prove too much, and be discredited on that account, as it appears contrary to all experience that nurture should go for so little. but experience is often fallacious in ascribing great effects to trifling circumstances. many a person has amused himself with throwing bits of stick into a tiny brook and watching their progress; how they are arrested, first by one chance obstacle, then by another; and again, how their onward course is facilitated by a combination of circumstances. he might ascribe much importance to each of these events, and think how largely the destiny of the stick had been governed by a series of trifling accidents. nevertheless all the sticks succeed in passing down the current, and in the long-run, they travel at nearly the same rate. so it is with life, in respect to the several accidents which seem to have had a great effect upon our careers. the one element, that varies in different individuals, but is constant in each of them, is the natural tendency; it corresponds to the current in the stream, and inevitably asserts itself. much stress is laid on the persistence of moral impressions made in childhood, and the conclusion is drawn, that the effects of early teaching must be important in a corresponding degree. i acknowledge the fact, so far as has been explained in the chapter on early sentiments, but there is a considerable set-off on the other side. those teachings that conform to the natural aptitudes of the child leave much more enduring marks than others. now both the teachings and the natural aptitudes of the child are usually derived from its parents. they are able to understand the ways of one another more intimately than is possible to persons not of the same blood, and the child instinctively assimilates the habits and ways of thought of its parents. its disposition is "educated" by them, in the true sense of the word; that is to say, it is evoked, not formed by them. on these grounds i ascribe the persistence of many habits that date from early home education, to the peculiarities of the instructors rather than to the period when the instruction was given. the marks left on the memory by the instructions of a foster-mother are soon sponged clean away. consider the history of the cuckoo, which is reared exclusively by foster-mothers. it is probable that nearly every young cuckoo, during a series of many hundred generations, has been brought up in a family whose language is a chirp and a twitter. but the cuckoo cannot or will not adopt that language, or any other of the habits of its foster-parents. it leaves its birthplace as soon as it is able, and finds out its own kith and kin, and identifies itself henceforth with them. so utterly are its earliest instructions in an alien bird-language neglected, and so completely is its new education successful, that the note of the cuckoo tribe is singularly correct. domestication of animals.[ ] [footnote : this memoir is reprinted from the _transactions of the ethnological society_] before leaving the subject of nature and nurture, i would direct attention to evidence bearing on the conditions under which animals appear first to have been domesticated. it clearly shows the small power of nurture against adverse natural tendencies. the few animals that we now possess in a state of domestication were first reclaimed from wildness in prehistoric times. our remote barbarian ancestors must be credited with having accomplished a very remarkable feat, which no subsequent generation has rivalled. the utmost that we of modern times have succeeded in doing, is to improve the races of those animals that we received from our forefathers in an already domesticated condition. there are only two reasonable solutions of this exceedingly curious fact. the one is, that men of highly original ideas, like the mythical prometheus, arose from time to time in the dawn of human progress, and left their respective marks on the world by being the first to subjugate the camel, the llama, the reindeer, the horse, the ox, the sheep, the hog, the dog, or some other animal to the service of man. the other hypothesis is that only a few species of animals are fitted by their nature to become domestic, and that these were discovered long ago through the exercise of no higher intelligence than is to be found among barbarous tribes of the present day. the failure of civilised man to add to the number of domesticated species would on this supposition be due to the fact that all the suitable material whence domestic animals could be derived has been long since worked out. i submit that the latter hypothesis is the true one for the reasons about to be given; and if so, the finality of the process of domestication must be accepted as one of the most striking instances of the inflexibility of natural disposition, and of the limitations thereby imposed upon the [ ] choice of careers for animals, and by analogy for those of men. [footnote : _transactionsof the ethnological society_, , with an alteration in the opening and concluding paragraphs, and with a few verbal emendations. if i had discussed the subject now for the first time i should have given extracts from the and with a few verbal emendations. if i had discussed the subject now for the first time i should have given extracts from the works of the travellers of the day, but it seemed needless to reopen the inquiry merely to give it a more modern air. i have also preferred to let the chapter stand as it was written, because considerable portions of it have been quoted by various authors (_e.g._ bagehot, _economic studies_, pp. to : longman, ), and the original memoir is not easily accessible.] my argument will be this:--all savages maintain pet animals, many tribes have sacred ones, and kings of ancient states have imported captive animals on a vast scale, for purposes of show, from neighbouring countries. i infer that every animal, of any pretensions, has been tamed over and over again, and has had numerous opportunities of becoming domesticated. but the cases are rare in which these opportunities have led to any result. no animal is fitted for domestication unless it fulfils certain stringent conditions, which i will endeavour to state and to discuss. my conclusion is, that all domesticable animals of any note have long ago fallen under the yoke of man. in short, that the animal creation has been pretty thoroughly, though half unconsciously, explored, by the every-day habits of rude races and simple civilisations. it is a fact familiar to all travellers, that savages frequently capture young animals of various kinds, and rear them as favourites, and sell or present them as curiosities. human nature is generally akin: savages may be brutal, but they are not on that account devoid of our taste for taming and caressing young animals; nay, it is not improbable that some races may possess it in a more marked degree than ourselves, because it is a childish taste with us; and the motives of an adult barbarian are very similar to those of a civilised child. in proving this assertion, i feel embarrassed with the multiplicity of my facts. i have only space to submit a few typical instances, and must, therefore, beg it will be borne in mind that the following list could be largely reinforced. yet even if i inserted all i have thus far been able to collect, i believe insufficient justice would be done to the real truth of the case. captive animals do not commonly fall within the observation of travellers, who mostly confine themselves to their own encampments, and abstain from entering the dirty dwellings of the natives; neither do the majority of travellers think tamed animals worthy of detailed mention. consequently the anecdotes of their existence are scattered sparingly among a large number of volumes. it is when those travellers are questioned who have lived long and intimately with savage tribes that the plenitude of available instances becomes most apparent. i proceed to give anecdotes of animals being tamed in various parts of the world, at dates when they were severally beyond the reach of civilised influences, and where, therefore, the pleasure taken by the natives in taming them must be ascribed to their unassisted mother-wit. it will be inferred that the same rude races who were observed to be capable of great fondness towards animals in particular instances, would not unfrequently show it in others. [north america.]--the traveller hearne, who wrote towards the end of the last century, relates the following story of moose or elks in the more northern parts of north america. he says:-- "i have repeatedly seen moose at churchill as tame as sheep and even more so.... the same indian that brought them to the factory had, in the year , two others so tame that when on his passage to prince of wales's fort in a canoe, the moose always followed him along the bank of the river; and at night, or on any other occasion when the indians landed, the young moose generally came and fondled on them, as the most domestic animal would have done, and never offered to stray from the tents." sir john richardson, in an obliging answer to my inquiries about the indians of north america, after mentioning the bison calves, wolves, and other animals that they frequently capture and keep, said:-- "it is not unusual, i have heard, for the indians to bring up young bears, the women giving them milk from their own breasts." he mentions that he himself purchased a young bear, and adds:-- "the red races are fond of pets and treat them kindly; and in purchasing them there is always the unwillingness of the women and children to overcome, rather than any dispute about price. my young bear used to rob the women of the berries, they had gathered, but the loss was borne with good nature." i will again quote hearne, who is unsurpassed for his minute and accurate narratives of social scenes among the indians and esquimaux. in speaking of wolves he says:-- "they always burrow underground to bring forth their young, and though it is natural to suppose them very fierce at those times, yet i have frequently seen the indians go to their dens and take out the young ones and play with them. i never knew a northern indian hurt one of them; on the contrary, they always put them carefully into the den again; and i have sometimes seen them paint the faces of the young wolves with vermilion or red ochre." [south america.]--ulloa, an ancient traveller, says:-- "though the indian women breed fowl and other domestic animals in their cottages, they never eat them: and even conceive such a fondness for them, that they will not sell them, much less kill them with their own hands. so that if a stranger who is obliged to pass the night in one of their cottages, offers ever so much money for a fowl, they refuse to part with it, and he finds himself under the necessity of killing the fowl himself. at this his landlady shrieks, dissolves into tears, and wrings her hands, as if it had been an only son, till seeing the mischief past mending, she wipes her eyes and quietly takes what the traveller offers her." the care of the south american indians, as quiloa truly states, is by no means confined to fowls. mr. bates, the distinguished traveller and naturalist of the amazons, has favoured me with a list of twenty-two species of quadrupeds that he has found tame in the encampments of the tribes of that valley. it includes the tapir, the agouti, the guinea-pig, and the peccari. he has also noted five species of quadrupeds that were in captivity, but not tamed. these include the jaguar, the great ant-eater, and the armadillo. his list of tamed birds is still more extensive. [north africa.]--the ancient egyptians had a positive passion for tamed animals, such as antelopes, monkeys, crocodiles, panthers, and hyenas. mr. goodwin, the eminent egyptologist, informed me that "they anticipated our zoological tastes completely," and that some of the pictures referring to tamed animals are among their very earliest monuments, viz. or years b.c. mr. mansfield parkyns, who passed many years in abyssinia and the countries of the upper nile, writes me word in answer to my inquiries;-- "i am sure that negroes often capture and keep alive wild animals. i have bought them and received them as presents--wild cats, jackals, panthers, the wild dog, the two best lions now in the zoological gardens, monkeys innumerable and of all sorts, and mongoose. i cannot say that i distinctly recollect any pets among the _lowest_ orders of men that i met with, such as the denkas, but i am sure they exist, and in this way. when i was on the white nile and at khartoum, very few merchants went up the white nile; none had stations. they were little known to the natives; but none returned without some live animal or bird which they had procured from them. while i was at khartoum, there came an italian wild beast showman, after the wombwell style. he made a tour of the towns up to doul and fazogly, kordofan and the peninsula, and collected a large number of animals. thus my opinion distinctly is, that negroes do keep wild animals alive. _i am sure of it_; though i can only vaguely recollect them in one or two cases. i remember some chief in abyssinia who had a pet lion which he used to tease, and i have often seen monkeys about huts." [equatorial africa.]--the most remarkable instance i have met with in modern africa is the account of a menagerie that existed up to the beginning of the reign of the present king of the wahumas, on the shores of lake nyanza. suna, the great despot of that country, reigned till . captains burton and speke were in the neighbourhood in the following year, and captain burton thus describes (_journal r. g. soc._, xxix. ) the report he received of suna's collection:-- "he had a large menagerie of lions, elephants, leopards, and similar beasts of disport; he also kept for amusement fifteen or sixteen albinos; and so greedy was he of novelty, that even a cock of peculiar form or colour would have been forwarded by its owner to feed his eyes." captain speke, in his subsequent journey to the nile, passed many months at uganda, as the guest of suna's youthful successor, m'tese. the fame of the old menagerie was fresh when captain speke was there. he wrote to me as follows concerning it:-- "i was told suna kept buffaloes, antelopes, and animals of all colours' (meaning 'sorts'), and in equal quantities. m'tese, his son, no sooner came to the throne, than he indulged in shooting them down before his admiring wives, and now he has only one buffalo and a few parrots left." in kouka, near lake tchad, antelopes and ostriches are both kept tame, as i was informed by dr. barth. [south africa.]--the instances are very numerous in south africa where the boers and half-castes amuse themselves with rearing zebras, antelopes, and the like; but i have not found many instances among the native races. those that are best known to us are mostly nomad and in a chronic state of hunger, and therefore disinclined to nurture captured animals as pets; nevertheless, some instances can be adduced. livingstone alludes to an extreme fondness for small tame singing-birds (pp. and ). dr. (now sir john) kirk, who accompanied him in later years, mentions guinea-fowl--that do not breed in confinement, and are merely kept as pets--in the shiré valley, and mr. oswell has furnished me with one similar anecdote. i feel, however, satisfied that abundant instances could be found if properly sought for. it was the frequency with which i recollect to have heard of tamed animals when i myself was in south africa, though i never witnessed any instance, that first suggested to me the arguments of the present paper. sir john kirk informs me that: "as you approach the coast or portuguese settlements, pets of all kinds become very common; but then the opportunity of occasionally selling them to advantage may help to increase the number; still, the more settled life has much to do with it." in confirmation of this view, i will quote an early writer, pigafetta (_hakluyt coll._, ii. ), on the south african kingdom of congo, who found a strange medley of animals in captivity, long before the demands of semi-civilisation had begun to prompt their collection:-- the king of congo, on being christianised by the jesuit missionaries in the sixteenth century, "signified that whoever had any idols should deliver them to the lieutenants of the country. and within less than a month all the idols which they worshipped were brought into court, and certainly the number of these toys was infinite, for every man adored what he liked without any measure or reason at all. some kept serpents of horrible figures, some worshipped the greatest goats they could get, some leopards, and others monstrous creatures. some held in veneration certain unclean fowls, etc. neither did they content themselves with worshipping the said creatures when alive, but also adored the very skins of them when they were dead and stuffed with straw." [australia.]--mr. woodfield records the following touching anecdote in a paper communicated to the ethnological society, as occurring in an unsettled part of west australia, where the natives rank as the lowest race upon the earth:-- "during the summer of - the murchison river was visited by great numbers of kites, the native country of these birds being shark's bay. as other birds were scarce, we shot many of these kites, merely for the sake of practice, the natives eagerly devouring them as fast as they were killed. one day a man and woman, natives of shark's bay, came to the murchison, and the woman immediately recognising the birds as coming from her country, assured us that the natives there never kill them, and that they are so tame that they will perch on the shoulders of the women and eat from their hands. on seeing one shot she wept bitterly, and not even the offer of the bird could assuage her grief, for she absolutely refused to eat it. no more kites were shot while she remained among us." the australian women habitually feed the puppies they intend to rear from their own breasts, and show an affection to them equal, if not exceeding, that to their own infants. sir charles nicholson informs me that he has known an extraordinary passion for cats to be demonstrated by australian women at fort phillip. [new guinea group.]--captain develyn is reported (bennett, _naturalist in australia_, p. ) to say of the island of new britain, near australia, that the natives consider cassowaries "to a certain degree sacred, and rear them as pets. they carry them in their arms, and entertain a great affection for them." professor huxley informs me that he has seen sucking-pigs nursed at the breasts of women, apparently as pets, in islands of the new guinea group. [polynesia.]--the savage and cannibal fijians were no exceptions to the general rule, for dr. seemann wrote me word that they make pets of the flying fox (bat), the lizard, and parroquet. captain wilkes, in his exploring expedition (ii. ), says the pigeon in the samoon islands "is commonly kept as a plaything, and particularly by the chiefs. one of our officers unfortunately on one occasion shot a pigeon, which caused great commotion, for the bird was a king pigeon, and to kill it was thought as great a crime as to take the life of a man." mr. ellis, writing of these islands (_polynesian researches_, ii. ), says:-- "eels are great favourites, and are tamed and fed till they attain an enormous size. taoarii had several in different parts of the island. these pets were kept in large holes, two or three feet deep, partially filled with water. i have been several times with the young chief, when he has sat down by the side of the hole, and by giving a shrill sort of whistle, has brought out an enormous eel, which has moved about the surface of the water and eaten with confidence out of his master's hand." [syria.]--i will conclude this branch of my argument by quoting the most ancient allusion to a pet that i can discover in writing, though some of the egyptian pictured representations are considerably older. it is the parable spoken by the prophet samuel to king david, that is expressed in the following words:-- "the poor man had nothing save one little ewe lamb, which he had bought and nourished up: and it grew up together with him and with his children; it did eat of his own meat, and drank of his own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was to him as a daughter." we will now turn to the next stage of our argument. not only do savages rear animals as pets, but communities maintain them as sacred. the ox of india and the brute gods of egypt occur to us at once; the same superstition prevails widely. the quotation already given from pigafetta is in point; the fact is too well known to readers of travel to make it necessary to devote space to its proof. i will therefore simply give a graphic account, written by m. jules gérard, of whydah in west africa:-- "i visited the temple of serpents in this town, where thirty of these monstrous deities were asleep in various attitudes. each day at sunset, a priest brings them a certain number of sheep, goats, fowls, etc., which are slaughtered in the temple and then divided among the 'gods.' subsequently during the night they (? the priests) spread themselves about the town, entering the houses in various quarters in search of further offerings. it is forbidden under penalty of death to kill, wound, or even strike one of these sacred serpents, or any other of the same species, and only the priests possess the privilege of taking hold of them, for the purpose of reinstating them in the temple should they be found elsewhere." it would be tedious and unnecessary to adduce more instances of wild animals being nurtured in the encampments of savages, either as pets or as sacred animals. it will be found on inquiry that few travellers have failed altogether to observe them. if we consider the small number of encampments they severally visited in their line of march, compared with the vast number that are spread over the whole area, which is or has been inhabited by rude races, we may obtain some idea of the thousands of places at which half-unconscious attempts at domestication are being made in each year. these thousands must themselves be multiplied many thousandfold, if we endeavour to calculate the number of similar attempts that have been made since men like ourselves began to inhabit the world. my argument, strong as it is, admits of being considerably strengthened by the following consideration:-- the natural inclination of barbarians is often powerfully reinforced by an enormous demand for captured live animals on the part of their more civilised neighbours. a desire to create vast hunting-grounds and menageries and amphitheatrical shows, seems naturally to occur to the monarchs who preside over early civilisations, and travellers continually remark that, whenever there is a market for live animals, savages will supply them in any quantities. the means they employ to catch game for their daily food readily admits of their taking them alive. pit-falls, stake-nets, and springes do not kill. if the savage captures an animal unhurt, and can make more by selling it alive than dead, he will doubtless do so. he is well fitted by education to keep a wild animal in captivity. his mode of pursuing game requires a more intimate knowledge of the habits of beasts than is ever acquired by sportsmen who use more perfect weapons. a savage is obliged to steal upon his game, and to watch like a jackal for the leavings of large beasts of prey. his own mode of life is akin to that of the creatures he hunts. consequently, the savage is a good gamekeeper; captured animals thrive in his charge, and he finds it remunerative to take them a long way to market. the demands of ancient rome appear to have penetrated northern africa as far or farther than the steps of our modern explorers. the chief centres of import of wild animals were egypt, assyria (and other eastern monarchies), rome, mexico, and peru. i have not yet been able to learn what were the habits of hindostan or china. the modern menagerie of lucknow is the only considerable native effort in those parts with which i am acquainted. [egypt.]--the mutilated statistical tablet of karnak (_trans. r. soc. lit._, , p. , and , p. ) refers to an armed invasion of armenia by thothmes iii., and the payment of a large tribute of antelopes and birds. when ptolemy philadelphus feted the alexandrians (_athenoeus_, v.), the ethiopians brought dogs, buffaloes, bears, leopards, lynxes, a giraffe, and a rhinoceros. doubtless this description of gifts was common. live beasts are the one article of curiosity and amusement that barbarians can offer to civilised nations. [assyria.]--mr. fox talbot thus translates (_journal asiatic soc._, xix. ) part of the inscription on the black obelisk of ashurakbal found in nineveh and now in the british museum:-- "he caught in hunter's toils (a blank number) of armi, turakhi, nali, and yadi. every one of these animals he placed in separate enclosures. he brought up their young ones and counted them as carefully as young lambs. as to the creatures called burkish, utrati (dromedaries?), tishani, and dagari, he wrote for them and they came. the dromedaries he kept in enclosures, where he brought up their young ones. he entrusted each kind of animal to men of their own country to tend them. there were also curious animals of the mediterranean sea, which the king of egypt sent as a gift and entrusted to the care of men of their own land. the very choicest animals were there in abundance, and birds of heaven with beautiful wings. it was a splendid menagerie, and all the work of his own hands. the names of the animals were placed beside them." [rome.]--the extravagant demands for the amphitheatre of ancient rome must have stimulated the capture of wild animals in asia, africa, and the then wild parts of europe, to an extraordinary extent. i will quote one instance from gibbon:-- "by the order of probus, a vast quantity of large trees torn up by the roots were transplanted into the midst of the circus. the spacious and shady forest was immediately filled with a thousand ostriches, a thousand stags, a thousand fallow-deer, and a thousand wild boars, and all this variety of game was abandoned to the riotous impetuosity of the multitude. the tragedy of the succeeding day consisted in the massacre of a hundred lions, an equal number of lionesses, two hundred leopards, and three hundred bears." farther on we read of a spectacle by the younger gordian of "twenty zebras, ten elks, ten giraffes, thirty african hyenas, ten indian tigers, a rhinoceros, an hippopotamus, and thirty-two elephants." [mexico.]--gomara, the friend and executor of herman cortes, states: -- "there were here also many cages made of stout beams, in some of which there were lions (pumas); in others, tigers (jaguars); in others, ounces; in others, wolves; nor was there any animal on four legs that was not there. they had for their rations deer and other animals of the chase. there were also kept in large jars or tanks, snakes, alligators, and lizards. in another court there were cages containing every kind of birds of prey, such as vultures, a dozen sorts of falcons and hawks, eagles, and owls. the large eagles received turkeys for their food. our spaniards were astonished at seeing such a diversity of birds and beasts; nor did they find it pleasant to hear the hissing of the poisonous snakes, the roaring of the lions, the shrill cries of the wolves, nor the groans of the other animals given to them for food." [peru.]--garcilasso de la vega (_commentaries reales_, v. ), the son of a spanish conqueror by an indian princess, born and bred in peru, writes:-- "all the strange birds and beasts which the chiefs presented to the inca were kept at court, both for grandeur and also to please the indians who presented them. when i came to cuzco, i remember there were some remains of places where they kept these creatures. one was the serpent conservatory, and another where they kept the pumas, jaguars, and bears." [syria and greece.]--i could have said something on solomon's apes and peacocks, and could have quoted at length the magnificent order given by alexander the great (pliny, _nat. hist._, viii. ) towards supplying material for aristotle's studies in natural history; but enough has been said to prove what i maintained, namely, that numerous cases occur, year after year, and age after age, in which every animal of note is captured and its capabilities of domestication unconsciously tested. i would accept in a more stringent sense than it was probably intended to bear, the text of st. james, who wrote at a time when a vast variety and multitude of animals were constantly being forwarded to rome and to antioch for amphitheatrical shows. he says (james iii. ), "every kind of beasts, and of birds, and of serpents, and of things in the sea, is tamed, and hath been tamed of mankind." i conclude from what i have stated that there is no animal worthy of domestication that has not frequently been captured, and might ages ago have established itself as a domestic breed, had it not been deficient in certain necessary particulars which i shall proceed to discuss. these are numerous and so stringent as to leave no ground for wonder that out of the vast abundance of the animal creation, only a few varieties of a few species should have become the companions of man. it by no means follows that because a savage cares to take home a young fawn to amuse himself, his family, and his friends, that he will always continue to feed or to look after it. such attention would require a steadiness of purpose foreign to the ordinary character of a savage. but herein lie two shrewd tests of the eventual destiny of the animal as a domestic species. _hardiness_.--it must be able to shift for itself and to thrive, although it is neglected; since, if it wanted much care, it would never be worth its keep. the hardiness of our domestic animals is shown by the rapidity with which they establish themselves in new lands. the goats and hogs left on islands by the earlier navigators throve excellently on the whole. the horse has taken possession of the pampas, and the sheep and ox of australia. the dog is hardly repressible in the streets of an oriental town. _fondness of man_.--secondly, it must cling to man, notwithstanding occasional hard usage and frequent neglect. if the animal had no natural attachment to our species, it would fret itself to death, or escape and revert to wildness. it is easy to find cases where the partial or total non-fulfilment of this condition is a corresponding obstacle to domestication. some kinds of cattle are too precious to be discarded, but very troublesome to look after. such are the reindeer to the lapps. mr. campbell of islay informed me that the tamest of certain herds of them look as if they were wild; they have to be caught with a lasso to be milked. if they take fright, they are off to the hills; consequently the lapps are forced to accommodate themselves to the habits of their beasts, and to follow them from snow to sea and from sea to snow at different seasons. the north american reindeer has never been domesticated, owing, i presume, to this cause. the peruvian herdsmen would have had great trouble to endure had the llama and alpaca not existed, for their cogeners, the huanacu and the vicuna, are hardly to be domesticated. zebras, speaking broadly, are unmanageable. the dutch boers constantly endeavour to break them to harness, and though they occasionally succeed to a degree, the wild mulish nature of the animal is always breaking out, and liable to balk them. it is certain that some animals have naturally a greater fondness for man than others; and as a proof of this, i will again quote hearne about the moose, who are considered by him to be the easiest to tame and domesticate of any of the deer tribe. formerly the closely-allied european elks were domesticated in sweden, and used to draw sledges, as they are now occasionally in canada; but they have been obsolete for many years. hearne says:-- "the young ones are so simple that i remember to have seen an indian paddle his canoe up to one of them, and take it by the poll, without experiencing the least opposition, the poor harmless animal seeming at the same time as contented alongside the canoe as if swimming by the side of its dam, and looking up in our faces with the same fearless innocence that a house lamb would." on the other hand, a young bison will try to dash out its brains against the tree to which it is tied, in terror and hatred of its captors. it is interesting to note the causes that conduce to a decided attachment of certain animals to man, or between one kind of animal and another. it is notorious that attachments and aversions exist in nature. swallows, rooks, and storks frequent dwelling houses; ostriches and zebras herd together; so do bisons and elks. on the other hand, deer and sheep, which are both gregarious, and both eat the same food and graze within the same enclosure, avoid one another. the spotted danish dog, the spitz dog, and the cat, have all a strong attachment to horses, and horses seem pleased with their company; but dogs and cats are proverbially discordant. i presume that two species of animals do not consider one another companionable, or clubable, unless their behaviour and their persons are reciprocally agreeable. a phlegmatic animal would be exceedingly disquieted by the close companionship of an excitable one. the movements of one beast may have a character that is unpleasing to the eyes of another; his cries may sound discordant; his smell may be repulsive. two herds of animals would hardly intermingle, unless their respective languages of action and of voice were mutually intelligible. the animal which above all others is a companion to man is the dog, and we observe how readily their proceedings are intelligible to each other. every whine or bark of the dog, each of his fawning, savage, or timorous movements is the exact counterpart of what would have been the man's behaviour, had he felt similar emotions. as the man understands the thoughts of the dog, so the dog understands the thoughts of the man, by attending to his natural voice, his countenance, and his actions. a man irritates a dog by an ordinary laugh, he frightens him by an angry look, or he calms him by a kindly bearing; but he has less spontaneous hold over an ox or a sheep. he must study their ways and tutor his behaviour before he can either understand the feelings of those animals or make his own intelligible to them. he has no natural power at all over many other creatures. who, for instance, ever succeeded in frowning away a mosquito, or in pacifying an angry wasp by a smile? _desire of comfort_.--this is a motive which strongly attaches certain animals to human habitations, even though they are unwelcome: it is a motive which few persons who have not had an opportunity of studying animals in savage lands are likely to estimate at its true value. the life of all beasts in their wild state is an exceedingly anxious one. from my own recollection, i believe that every antelope in south africa has to run for its life every one or two days upon an average, and that he starts or gallops under the influence of a false alarm many times in a day. those who have crouched at night by the side of pools in the desert, in order to have a shot at the beasts that frequent them, see strange scenes of animal life; how the creatures gambol at one moment and fight at another; how a herd suddenly halts in strained attention, and then breaks into a maddened rush, as one of them becomes conscious of the stealthy movements or rank scent of a beast of prey. now this hourly life-and-death excitement is a keen delight to most wild creatures, but must be peculiarly distracting to the comfort-loving temperament of others. the latter are alone suited to endure the crass habits and dull routine of domesticated life. suppose that an animal which has been captured and half-tamed, received ill-usage from his captors, either as punishment or through mere brutality, and that he rushed indignantly into the forest with his ribs aching from blows and stones. if a comfort-loving animal, he will probably be no gainer by the change, more serious alarms and no less ill-usage awaits him; he hears the roar of the wild beasts and the headlong gallop of the frightened herds, and he finds the buttings and the kicks of other animals harder to endure than the blows from which he fled. he has the disadvantage of being a stranger, for the herds of his own species which he seeks for companionship constitute so many cliques, into which he can only find admission by more fighting with their strongest members than he has spirit to undergo. as a set-off against these miseries, the freedom of savage life has no charms for his temperament; so the end of it is, that with a heavy heart he turns back to the habitation he had quitted. when animals thoroughly enjoy the excitement of wild life, i presume they cannot be domesticated, they could only be tamed, for they would never return from the joys of the wilderness after they had once tasted them through some accidental wandering. gallinas, or guinea-fowl, have so little care for comfort, or indeed for man, that they fall but a short way within the frontier of domestication. it is only in inclement seasons that they take contentedly to the poultry-yards. elephants, from their size and power, are not dependent on man for protection; hence, those that have been reared as pets from the time they were calves, and have never learned to dread and obey the orders of a driver, are peculiarly apt to revert to wildness if they once are allowed to wander and escape to the woods. i believe this tendency, together with the cost of maintenance and the comparative uselessness of the beasts, are among the chief causes why africans never tame them now; though they have not wholly lost the practice of capturing them when full-grown, and of keeping them imprisoned for some days alive. mr. winwood reade's account of captured elephants, seen by himself near glass town in equatorial western africa, is very curious. _usefulness to man_.--to proceed with the list of requirements which a captured animal must satisfy before it is possible he could be permanently domesticated: there is the very obvious condition that he should be useful to man; otherwise, in growing to maturity, and losing the pleasing youthful ways which had first attracted his captors and caused them to make a pet of him, he would be repelled. as an instance in point, i will mention seals. many years ago i used to visit shetland, when those animals were still common, and i heard many stories of their being tamed: one will suffice:--a fisherman caught a young seal; it was very affectionate, and frequented his hut, fishing for itself in the sea. at length it grew self-willed and unwieldy; it used to push the children and snap at strangers, and it was voted a nuisance, but the people could not bear to kill it on account of its human ways. one day the fisherman took it with him in his boat, and dropped it in a stormy sea, far from home; the stratagem was unsuccessful; in a day or two the well-known scuffling sound of the seal, as it floundered up to the hut, was again heard; the animal had found its way home. some days after the poor creature was shot by a sporting stranger, who saw it basking and did not know it was tame. now had the seal been a useful animal and not troublesome, the fisherman would doubtless have caught others, and set a watch over them to protect them; and then, if they bred freely and were easy to tend, it is likely enough he would have produced a domestic breed. the utility of the animals as a store of future food is undoubtedly the most durable reason for maintaining them; but i think it was probably not so early a motive as the chief's pleasure in possessing them. that was the feeling under which the menageries, described above, were established. whatever the despot of savage tribes is pleased with becomes invested with a sort of sacredness. his tame animals would be the care of all his people, who would become skilful herdsmen under the pressure of fear. it would be as much as their lives were worth if one of the creatures were injured through their neglect. i believe that the keeping of a herd of beasts, with the sole motive of using them as a reserve for food, or as a means of barter, is a late idea in the history of civilisation. it has now become established among the pastoral races of south africa, owing to the traffickings of the cattle-traders, but it was by no means prevalent in damara-land when i travelled there in . i then was surprised to observe the considerations that induced the chiefs to take pleasure in their vast herds of cattle. they were valued for their stateliness and colour, far more than for their beef. they were as the deer of an english squire, or as the stud of a man who has many more horses than he can ride. an ox was almost a sacred beast in damara-land, not to be killed except on momentous occasions, and then as a sort of sacrificial feast, in which all bystanders shared. the payment of two oxen was hush-money for the life of a man. i was considerably embarrassed by finding that i had the greatest trouble in buying oxen for my own use, with the ordinary articles of barter. the possessor would hardly part with them for any remuneration; they would never sell their handsomest beasts. one of the ways in which the value of tamed beasts would be soon appreciated would be that of giving milk to children. it is marvellous how soon goats find out children and tempt them to suckle. i have had the milk of my goats, when encamping for the night in african travels, drained dry by small black children, who had not the strength to do more than crawl about, but nevertheless came to some secret understanding with the goats and fed themselves. the records of many nations have legends like that of romulus and remus, who are stated to have been suckled by wild beasts. these are surprisingly confirmed by general sleeman's narrative of six cases where children were nurtured for many years by wolves in oude. (_journey through oude in - _, i. .) _breeding freely_.--domestic animals must breed freely under confinement. this necessity limits very narrowly the number of species which might otherwise have been domesticated. it is one of the most important of all the conditions that have to be satisfied. the north american turkey, reared from the eggs of the wild bird, is stated to be unknown in the third generation, in captivity. our turkey comes from mexico, and was abundantly domesticated by the ancient mexicans. the indians of the upper amazon took turtle and placed them in lagoons for use in seasons of scarcity. the spaniards who first saw them called these turtle "indian cattle." they would certainly have become domesticated like cattle, if they had been able to breed in captivity. _easy to tend_.--they must be tended easily. when animals reared in the house are suffered to run about in the companionship of others like themselves, they naturally revert to much of their original wildness. it is therefore essential to domestication that they should possess some quality by which large numbers of them may be controlled by a few herdsmen. the instinct of gregariousness is such a quality. the herdsman of a vast troop of oxen grazing in a forest, so long as he is able to see one of them, knows pretty surely that they are all within reach. if oxen are frightened and gallop off, they do not scatter, but remain in a single body. when animals are not gregarious, they are to the herdsman like a falling necklace of beads whose string is broken, or as a handful of water escaping between the fingers. the cat is the only non-gregarious domestic animal. it is retained by its extraordinary adhesion to the comforts of the house in which it is reared. an animal may be perfectly fitted to be a domestic animal, and be peculiarly easy to tend in a general way, and yet the circumstances in which the savages are living may make it too troublesome for them to maintain a breed. the following account, taken from mr. scott nind's paper on the natives of king george's sound in australia, and printed in the first volume of the _journal of the geographical society_, is particularly to the point. he says:-- "in the chase the hunters are assisted by dogs, which they take when young and domesticate; but they take little pains to train them to any particular mode of hunting. after finding a litter of young, the natives generally carry away one or two to rear; in this case, it often occurs that the mother will trace and attack them; and, being large and very strong, she is rather formidable. at some periods, food is so scanty as to compel the dog to leave his master and provide for himself; but in a few days he generally returns." i have also evidence that this custom is common to the wild natives of other parts of australia. the gregariousness of all our domestic species is, i think, the primary reason why some of them are extinct in a wild state. the wild herds would intermingle with the tame ones, some would become absorbed, the others would be killed by hunters, who used the tame cattle as a shelter to approach the wild. besides this, comfort-loving animals would be less suited to fight the battle of life with the rest of the brute creation; and it is therefore to be expected that those varieties which are best fitted for domestication, would be the soonest extinguished in a wild state. for instance, we could hardly fancy the camel to endure in a land where there were large wild beasts. _selection_.--the irreclaimably wild members of every flock would escape and be utterly lost; the wilder of those that remained would assuredly be selected for slaughter, when ever it was necessary that one of the flock should be killed. the tamest cattle--those that seldom ran away, that kept the flock together and led them homewards--would be preserved alive longer than any of the others. it is therefore these that chiefly become the parents of stock, and bequeath their domestic aptitudes to the future herd. i have constantly witnessed this process of selection among the pastoral savages of south africa. i believe it to be a very important one, on account of its rigour and its regularity. it must have existed from the earliest times, and have been in continuous operation, generation after generation, down to the present day. _exceptions_.--i have already mentioned the african elephant, the north american reindeer, and the apparent, but not real exception of the north american turkey. i should add the ducks and geese of north america, but i cannot consider them in the light of a very strong case, for a savage who constantly changes his home is not likely to carry aquatic birds along with him. beyond these few, i know of no notable exceptions to my theory. _summary_. i see no reason to suppose that the first domestication of any animal, except the elephant, implies a high civilisation among the people who established it. i cannot believe it to have been the result of a preconceived intention, followed by elaborate trials, to administer to the comfort of man. neither can i think it arose from one successful effort made by an individual, who might thereby justly claim the title of benefactor to his race; but, on the contrary, that a vast number of half-unconscious attempts have been made throughout the course of ages, and that ultimately, by slow degrees, after many relapses, and continued selection, our several domestic breeds became firmly established. i will briefly restate what appear to be the conditions under which wild animals may become domesticated:-- , they should be hardy; , they should have an inborn liking for man; , they should be comfort-loving; , they should be found useful to the savages; , they should breed freely; , they should be easy to tend. it would appear that every wild animal has had its chance of being domesticated, that those few which fulfilled the above conditions were domesticated long ago, but that the large remainder, who fail sometimes in only one small particular, are destined to perpetual wildness so long as their race continues. as civilisation extends they are doomed to be gradually destroyed off the face of the earth as useless consumers of cultivated produce. i infer that slight differences in natural dispositions of human races may in one case lead irresistibly to some particular career, and in another case may make that career an impossibility. the observed order of events. there is nothing as yet observed in the order of events to make us doubt that the universe is bound together in space and time, as a single entity, and there is a concurrence of many observed facts to induce us to accept that view. we may, therefore, not unreasonably profess faith in a common and mysterious whole, and of the laborious advance, under many restrictions, of that infinitely small part of it which falls under our observation, but which is in itself enormously large, and behind which lies the awful mystery of the origin of all existence. the conditions that direct the order of the whole of the living world around us, are marked by their persistence in improving the birthright of successive generations. they determine, at much cost of individual comfort, that each plant and animal shall, on the general average, be endowed at its birth with more suitable natural faculties than those of its representative in the preceding generation. they ensure, in short, that the inborn qualities of the terrestrial tenantry shall become steadily better adapted to their homes and to their mutual needs. this effect, be it understood, is not only favourable to the animals who live long enough to become parents, but is also favourable to those who perish in earlier life, because even they are on the whole better off during their brief career than if they had been born still less adapted to the conditions of their existence. if we summon before our imagination in a single mighty host, the whole number of living things from the earliest date at which terrestrial life can be deemed to have probably existed, to the latest future at which we may think it can probably continue, and if we cease to dwell on the miscarriages of individual lives or of single generations, we shall plainly perceive that the actual tenantry of the world progresses in a direction that may in some sense be described as the greatest happiness of the greatest number. we also remark that while the motives by which individuals in the lowest stages are influenced are purely self regarding, they broaden as evolution goes on. the word "self" ceases to be wholly personal, and begins to include subjects of affection and interest, and these become increasingly numerous as intelligence and depth of character develop, and as civilisation extends. the sacrifice of the personal desire for repose to the performance of domestic and social duties is an everyday event with us, and other sacrifices of the smaller to the larger self are by no means uncommon. life in general may be looked upon as a republic where the individuals are for the most part unconscious that while they are working for themselves they are also working for the public good. we may freely confess ignorance of the outcome in the far future of that personal life to which we each cling passionately in the joyous morning of the affections, but which, as these and other interests fail, does not seem so eminently desirable in itself. we know that organic life can hardly be expected to flourish on this earth of ours for so long a time as it has already existed, because the sun will in all probability have lost too much of its heat and light by then, and will have begun to grow dark and therefore cold, as other stars have done. the conditions of existence here, which are now apparently in their prime, will have become rigorous and increasingly so, and there will be retrogression towards lower types, until the simplest form of life shall have wholly disappeared from the ice-bound surface. the whole living world will then have waxed and waned like an individual life. neither can we discover whether organisms here are capable of attaining the average development of organisms in other of the planets that are probably circling round most of the myriads of stars, whose physical constitution, where-ever it has as yet been observed spectroscopically, does not differ much from that of our sun. but we perceive around us a countless number of abortive seeds and germs; we find out of any group of a thousand men selected at random, some who are crippled, insane, idiotic, and otherwise born incurably imperfect in body or mind, and it is possible that this world may rank among other worlds as one of these. we as yet understand nothing of the way in which our conscious selves are related to the separate lives of the billions of cells of which the body of each of us is composed. we only know that the cells form a vast nation, some members of which are always dying and others growing to supply their places, and that the continual sequence of these multitudes of little lives has its outcome in the larger and conscious life of the man as a whole. our part in the universe may possibly in some distant way be analogous to that of the cells in an organised body, and our personalities may be the transient but essential elements of an immortal and cosmic mind. our views of the object of life have to be framed so as not to be inconsistent with the observed facts from which these various possibilities are inferred; it is safer that they should not exclude the possibilities themselves. we must look on the slow progress of the order of evolution, and the system of routine by which it has thus far advanced, as due to antecedents and to inherent conditions of which we have not as yet the slightest conception. it is difficult to withstand a suspicion that the three dimensions of space and the fourth dimension of time may be four independent variables of a system that is neither space nor time, but something else wholly unconceived by us. our present enigma as to how a first cause could itself have been brought into existence--how the tortoise of the fable, that bears the elephant that bears the world, is itself supported,--may be wholly due to our necessary mistranslation of the four or more variables of the universe, limited by inherent conditions, into the three unlimited variables of space and the one of time. our ignorance of the goal and purport of human life, and the mistrust we are apt to feel of the guidance of the spiritual sense, on account of its proved readiness to accept illusions as realities, warn us against deductive theories of conduct. putting these, then, at least for the moment, to one side, we find ourselves face to face with two great and indisputable facts that everywhere force themselves on the attention and compel consideration. the one is that the whole of the living world moves steadily and continuously towards the evolution of races that are progressively more and more adapted to their complicated mutual needs and to their external circumstances. the other is that the process of evolution has been hitherto apparently carried out with, what we should reckon in our ways of carrying out projects, great waste of opportunity and of life, and with little if any consideration for individual mischance. measured by our criterion of intelligence and mercy, which consists in the achievement of result without waste of time or opportunity, without unnecessary pain, and with equitable allowance for pure mistake, the process of evolution on this earth, so far as we can judge, has been carried out neither with intelligence nor ruth, but entirely through the routine of various sequences, commonly called "laws," established or necessitated we know not how. an incalculable amount of lower life has been certainly passed through before that human organisation was attained, of which we and our generation are for the time the holders and transmitters. this is no mean heritage, and i think it should be considered as a sacred trust, for, together with man, intelligence of a sufficiently high order to produce great results appears, so far as we can infer from the varied records of the prehistoric past, to have first dawned upon the tenantry of the earth. man has already shown his large power in the modifications he has made on the surface of the globe, and in the distribution of plants and animals. he has cleared such vast regions of forest that his work that way in north america alone, during the past half century, would be visable to an observer as far off as the moon. he has dug and drained; he has exterminated plants and animals that were mischievous to him; he has domesticated those that serve his purpose, and transplanted them to great distances from their native places. now that this new animal man, finds himself somehow in existence, endowed with a little power and intelligence, he ought, i submit, to awake to a fuller knowledge of his relatively great position, and begin to assume a deliberate part in furthering the great work of evolution. he may infer the course it is bound to pursue, from his observation of that which it has already followed, and he might devote his modicum of power, intelligence, and kindly feeling to render its future progress less slow and painful. man has already furthered evolution very considerably, half unconsciously, and for his own personal advantages, but he has not yet risen to the conviction that it is his religious duty to do so deliberately and systematically. selection and race. the fact of an individual being naturally gifted with high qualities, may be due either to his being an exceptionally good specimen of a poor race, or an average specimen of a high one. the difference of origin would betray itself in his descendants; they would revert towards the typical centre of their race, deteriorating in the first case but not in the second. the two cases, though theoretically distinct, are confused in reality, owing to the frequency with which exceptional personal qualities connote the departure of the entire nature of the individual from his ancestral type, and the formation of a new strain having its own typical centre. it is hardly necessary to add that it is in this indirect way that natural selection improves a race. the two events of selection and difference of race ought, however, to be carefully distinguished in broad practical considerations, while the frequency of their concurrence is borne in mind and allowed for. so long as the race remains radically the same, the stringent selection of the best specimens to rear and breed from, can never lead to any permanent result. the attempt to raise the standard of such a race is like the labour of sisyphus in rolling his stone uphill; let the effort be relaxed for a moment, and the stone will roll back. whenever a new typical centre appears, it is as though there was a facet upon the lower surface of the stone, on which it is capable of resting without rolling back. it affords a temporary sticking-point in the forward progress of evolution. the causes that check the unlimited improvement of highly-bred animals, so long as the race remains unchanged, are many and absolute. in the first place there is an increasing delicacy of constitution; the growing fineness of limb and structure end, after a few generations, in fragility. overbred animals have little stamina; they resemble in this respect the "weedy" colts so often reared from first-class racers. one can perhaps see in a general way why this should be so. each individual is the outcome of a vast number of organic elements of the most various species, just as some nation might be the outcome of a vast number of castes of individuals, each caste monopolising a special pursuit. banish a number of the humbler castes--the bakers, the bricklayers, and the smiths, and the nation would soon come to grief. this is what is done in high breeding; certain qualities are bred for, and the rest are diminished as far as possible, but they cannot be dispensed with entirely. the next difficulty lies in the diminished fertility of highly-bred animals. it is not improbable that its cause is of the same character as that of the delicacy of their constitution. together with infertility is combined some degree of sexual indifference, or when passion is shown, it is not unfrequently for some specimen of a coarser type. this is certainly the case with horses and with dogs. it will be easily understood that these difficulties, which are so formidable in the case of plants and animals, which we can mate as we please and destroy when we please, would make the maintenance of a highly-selected breed of men an impossibility. whenever a low race is preserved under conditions of life that exact a high level of efficiency, it must be subjected to rigorous selection. the few best specimens of that race can alone be allowed to become parents, and not many of their descendants can be allowed to live. on the other hand, if a higher race be substituted for the low one, all this terrible misery disappears. the most merciful form of what i ventured to call "eugenics" would consist in watching for the indications of superior strains or races, and in so favouring them that their progeny shall outnumber and gradually replace that of the old one. such strains are of no infrequent occurrence. it is easy to specify families who are characterised by strong resemblances, and whose features and character are usually prepotent over those of their wives or husbands in their joint offspring, and who are at the same time as prolific as the average of their class. these strains can be conveniently studied in the families of exiles, which, for obvious reasons, are easy to trace in their various branches. the debt that most countries owe to the race of men whom they received from one another as immigrants, whether leaving their native country of their own free will, or as exiles on political or religious grounds, has been often pointed out, and may, i think, be accounted for as follows:--the fact of a man leaving his compatriots, or so irritating them that they compel him to go, is fair evidence that either he or they, or both, feel that his character is alien to theirs. exiles are also on the whole men of considerable force of character; a quiet man would endure and succumb, he would not have energy to transplant himself or to become so conspicuous as to be an object of general attack. we may justly infer from this, that exiles are on the whole men of exceptional and energetic natures, and it is especially from such men as these that new strains of race are likely to proceed. influence of man upon race. the influence of man upon the nature of his own race has already been very large, but it has not been intelligently directed, and has in many instances done great harm. its action has been by invasions and migration of races, by war and massacre, by wholesale deportation of population, by emigration, and by many social customs which have a silent but widespread effect. there exists a sentiment, for the most part quite unreasonable, against the gradual extinction of an inferior race. it rests on some confusion between the race and the individual, as if the destruction of a race was equivalent to the destruction of a large number of men. it is nothing of the kind when the process of extinction works silently and slowly through the earlier marriage of members of the superior race, through their greater vitality under equal stress, through their better chances of getting a livelihood, or through their prepotency in mixed marriages. that the members of an inferior class should dislike being elbowed out of the way is another matter; but it may be somewhat brutally argued that whenever two individuals struggle for a single place, one must yield, and that there will be no more unhappiness on the whole, if the inferior yield to the superior than conversely, whereas the world will be permanently enriched by the success of the superior. the conditions of happiness are, however, too complex to be disposed of by _à priori_ argument; it is safest to appeal to observation. i think it could be easily shown that when the differences between the races is not so great as to divide them into obviously different classes, and where their language, education, and general interests are the same, the substitution may take place gradually without any unhappiness. thus the movements of commerce have introduced fresh and vigorous blood into various parts of england: the new-comers have intermarried with the residents, and their characteristics have been prepotent in the descendants of the mixed marriages. i have referred in the earlier part of the book to the changes of type in the english nature that have occurred during the last few hundred years. these have been effected so silently that we only know of them by the results. one of the most misleading of words is that of "aborigines." its use dates from the time when the cosmogony was thought to be young and life to be of very recent appearance. its usual meaning seems to be derived from the supposition that nations disseminated themselves like colonists from a common centre about four thousand years, say generations ago, and thenceforward occupied their lands undisturbed until the very recent historic period with which the narrator deals, when some invading host drove out the "aborigines." this idyllic view of the march of events is contradicted by ancient sepulchral remains, by language, and by the habits of those modern barbarians whose history we know. there are probably hardly any spots on the earth that have not, within the last few thousand years, been tenanted by very different races; none hardly that have not been tenanted by very different tribes having the character of at least sub-races. the absence of a criterion to distinguish between races and sub-races, and our ethnological ignorance generally, makes it impossible to offer more than a very off-hand estimate of the average variety of races in the different countries of the world. i have, however, endeavoured to form one, which i give with much hesitation, knowing how very little it is worth. i registered the usually recognised races inhabiting each of upwards of twenty countries, and who at the same time formed at least half per cent of the population. it was, i am perfectly aware, a very rough proceeding, so rough that for the united kingdom i ignored the prehistoric types and accepted only the three headings of british, low dutch, and norman-french. again, as regards india i registered as follows:--forest tribes (numerous), dravidian (three principal divisions), early arian, tartar (numerous, including afghans), arab, and lastly european, on account of their political importance, notwithstanding the fewness of their numbers. proceeding in this off-hand way, and after considering the results, the broad conclusion to which i arrived was that on the average at least three different recognised races were to be found in every moderately-sized district on the earth's surface. the materials were far too scanty to enable any idea to be formed of the rate of change in the relative numbers of the constituent races in each country, and still less to estimate the secular changes of type in those races. it may be well to take one or two examples of intermixture. spain was occupied in the earliest historic times by at least two races, of whom we know very little; it was afterwards colonised here and there by phoenicians in its southern ports, and by greeks in its eastern. in the third century b.c. it was invaded by the carthaginians, who conquered and held a large part of it, but were afterwards supplanted by the romans, who ruled it more or less completely for years. it was invaded in the fifth century a.d. by a succession of german tribes, and was finally completely overrun by the visigoths, who ruled it for more than years. then came the invasion of the moors, who rapidly conquered the whole of the peninsula up to the mountains of asturias, where the goths still held their own, and whence they issued from time to time and ultimately recovered the country. the present population consists of the remnants of one or more tribes of ancient iberians, of the still more ancient basques, and of relics of all the invaders who have just been named. there is, besides, a notable proportion of gypsies and not a few jews. this is obviously a most heterogeneous mixture, but to fully appreciate the diversity of its origin the several elements should be traced farther back towards their sources. thus, the moors are principally descendants of arabs, who flooded the northern provinces of africa in successive waves of emigration eastwards, both before and after the hegira, partly combining with the berbers as they went, and partly displacing them from the littoral districts and driving them to the oases of the sahara, whence they in their turn displaced the negro population, whom they drove down to the soudan. the gypsies, according to sir henry rawlinson,[ ] came from the indo-scythic tribes who inhabited the mouths of the indus, and began to migrate northward, from the fourth century onward. they settled in the chaldean marshes, assumed independence and defied the caliph. in a.d. the grandson of haroun al-raschid sent a large expedition against them, which, after slaughtering ten thousand, deported the whole of the remainder first to baghdad and thence onwards to persia. they continued unmanageable in their new home, and were finally transplanted to the cilician frontier in asia minor, and established there as a military colony to guard the passes of the taurus. in a.d. the greeks, having obtained some temporary successes, drove the gypsies back more into the interior, whence they gradually moved towards the hellespont under the pressure of the advancing seljukians, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. they then crossed over to europe and gradually overspread it, where they are now estimated to number more than three millions. [footnote : _proceedings of the royal geographical society_, vol. i. this account of the routes of the gypsies is by no means universally accepted, nor, indeed, was offered as a complete solution of the problem of their migration, but it will serve to show how complex that problem is.] it must not be supposed that emigration on a large scale implies even a moderate degree of civilisation among those who emigrate, because the process has been frequently traced among the more barbarous tribes, to say nothing of the evidence largely derived from ancient burial-places. my own impression of the races in south africa was one of a continual state of ferment and change, of the rapid development of some clan here and of the complete or almost complete suppression of another clan there. the well-known history of the rise of the zulus and the destruction of their neighbours is a case in point. in the country with which i myself was familiar the changes had been numerous and rapid in the preceding few years, and there were undoubted signs of much more important substitutions of race in bygone times. the facts were briefly these: damara land was inhabited by pastoral tribes of the brown bantu race who were in continual war with various alternations of fortune, and the several tribes had special characteristics that were readily appreciated by themselves. on the tops of the escarped hills lived a fugitive black people speaking a vile dialect of hottentot, and families of yellow bushmen were found in the lowlands wherever the country was unsuited for the pastoral damaras. lastly, the steadily encroaching namaquas, a superior hottentot race, lived on the edge of the district. they had very much more civilisation than the bushmen, and more than the damaras, and they contained a large infusion of dutch blood. the interpretation of all this was obviously that the land had been tenanted a long time ago by negroes, that an invasion of bushmen drove the negroes to the hills, and that the supremacy of these lasted so long that the negroes lost their own language and acquired that of the bushmen. then an invasion of a tribe of bantu race supplanted the bushmen, and the bantus, after endless struggles among themselves, were being pushed aside at the time i visited them by the incoming namaquas, who themselves are a mixed race. this is merely a sample of africa; everywhere there are evidences of changing races. the last or years, say the last ten generations of mankind, have witnessed changes of population on the largest scale, by the extension of races long resident in europe to the temperate regions of asia, africa, america, and australasia. siberia was barely known to the russians of nine generations ago, but since that time it has been continuously overspread by their colonists, soldiers, political exiles, and transported criminals; already some two-thirds of its population are sclaves. in south africa the settlement at the cape of good hope is barely six generations old, yet during that time a curious and continuous series of changes has taken place, resulting in the substitution of an alien population for the hottentots in the south and the bantus in the north. one-third of it is white, consisting of dutch, english, descendants of french huguenot refugees, some germans and portuguese, and the remainder is a strange medley of hottentot, bantu, malay, and negro elements. in north africa egypt has become infiltrated with greeks, italians, frenchmen, and englishmen during the last two generations, and algeria with frenchmen. in north america the change has been most striking, from a sparse indian population of hunters into that of the present inhabitants of the united states and canada; the former of these, with its total of fifty millions inhabitants, already contains more than forty-three millions of whites, chiefly of english origin; that is more of european blood than is to be found in any one of the five great european kingdoms of england, france, italy, germany, and austria, and less than that of russia alone. the remainder are chiefly black, the descendants of slaves imported from africa. in the dominion of canada, with its much smaller population of four millions, there has been a less, but still a complete, swamping of the previous indian element by incoming whites. in south america, and thence upwards to mexico inclusive, the population has been infiltrated in some parts and transformed in others, by spanish blood and by that of the negroes whom they introduced, so that not one half of its population can be reckoned as of pure indian descent. the west indian islands have had their population absolutely swept away since the time of the spanish conquest, except in a few rare instances, and african negroes have been substituted for them. australia and new zealand tell much the same tale as canada. a native population has been almost extinguished in the former and is swamped in the latter, under the pressure of an immigrant population of europeans, which is now twelve times as numerous as the maories. the time during which this great change has been effected is less than that covered by three generations. to this brief sketch of changes of population in very recent periods, i might add the wave of arab admixture that has extended from egypt and the northern provinces of africa into the soudan, and that of the yellow races of china, who have already made their industrial and social influence felt in many distant regions, and who bid fair hereafter, when certain of their peculiar religious fancies shall have fallen into decay, to become one of the most effective of the colonising nations, and who may, as i trust, extrude hereafter the coarse and lazy negro from at least the metaliferous regions of tropical africa. it is clear from what has been said, that men of former generations have exercised enormous influence over the human stock of the present day, and that the average humanity of the world now and in future years is and will be very different to what it would have been if the action of our forefathers had been different. the power in man of varying the future human stock vests a great responsibility in the hands of each fresh generation, which has not yet been recognised at its just importance, nor deliberately employed. it is foolish to fold the hands and to say that nothing can be done, inasmuch as social forces and self-interests are too strong to be resisted. they need not be resisted; they can be guided. it is one thing to check the course of a huge steam vessel by the shock of a sudden encounter when she is going at full speed in the wrong direction, and another to cause her to change her course slowly and gently by a slight turn of the helm. nay, a ship may be made to describe a half circle, and to end by following a course exactly opposite to the first, without attracting the notice of the passengers. population. over-population and its attendant miseries may not improbably become a more serious subject of consideration than it ever yet has been, owing to improved sanatation and consequent diminution of the mortality of children, and to the filling up of the spare places of the earth which are still void and able to receive the overflow of europe. there are no doubt conflicting possibilities which i need not stop to discuss. the check to over-population mainly advocated by malthus is a prudential delay in the time of marriage; but the practice of such a doctrine would assuredly be limited, and if limited it would be most prejudicial to the race, as i have pointed out in _hereditary genius_, but may be permitted to do so again. the doctrine would only be followed by the prudent and self-denying; it would be neglected by the impulsive and self-seeking. those whose race we especially want to have, would leave few descendants, while those whose race we especially want to be quit of, would crowd the vacant space with their progeny, and the strain of population would thenceforward be just as pressing as before. there would have been a little relief during one or two generations, but no permanent increase of the general happiness, while the race of the nation would have deteriorated. the practical application of the doctrine of deferred marriage would therefore lead indirectly to most mischievous results, that were overlooked owing to the neglect of considerations bearing on race. while criticising the main conclusion to which malthus came, i must take the opportunity of paying my humble tribute of admiration to his great and original work, which seems to me like the rise of a morning star before a day of free social investigation. there is nothing whatever in his book that would be in the least offensive to this generation, but he wrote in advance of his time and consequently roused virulent attacks, notably from his fellow-clergymen, whose doctrinaire notions upon the paternal dispensation of the world were rudely shocked. the misery check, as malthus called all those influences that are not prudential, is an ugly phrase not fully justified. it no doubt includes death through inadequate food and shelter, through pestilence from overcrowding, through war, and the like; but it also includes many causes that do not deserve so hard a name. population decays under conditions that cannot be charged to the presence or absence of misery, in the common sense of the word. these exist when native races disappear before the presence of the incoming white man, when after making the fullest allowances for imported disease, for brandy drinking, and other assignable causes, there is always a large residuum of effect not clearly accounted for. it is certainly not wholly due to misery, but rather to listlessness, due to discouragement, and acting adversely in many ways. one notable result of dulness and apathy is to make a person unattractive to the opposite sex and to be unattracted by them. it is antagonistic to sexual affection, and the result is a diminution of offspring. there exists strong evidence that the decay of population in some parts of south america under the irksome tyranny of the jesuits, which crushed what little vivacity the people possessed, was due to this very cause. one cannot fairly apply the term "misery" to apathy; i should rather say that strong affections restrained from marriage by prudential considerations more truly deserved that name. early and late marriages it is important to obtain a just idea of the relative effects of early and late marriages. i attempted this in _hereditary genius_, but i think the following is a better estimate. we are unhappily still deficient in collected data as regards the fertility of the upper and middle classes at different ages; but the facts collected by dr. matthews duncan as regards the lower orders will serve our purpose approximately, by furnishing the required _ratios_, though not the absolute values. the following are his results,[ ] from returns kept at the lying-in hospital of st. georges-in-the-east:-- age of mother at her marriage. average fertility. - . - . - . - . the meaning of this table will be more clearly grasped after a little modification of its contents. we may consider the fertility of each group to refer to the medium age of that group, as by writing instead of - , and we may slightly smooth the figures, then we have-- age of mother at her approximate average marriage. fertility. . = Ã� . . = Ã� . . = Ã� . . = Ã� . which shows that the relative fertility of mothers married at the ages of , , , and respectively is as , , , and approximately. the increase in population by a habit of early marriages is further augmented by the greater rapidity with which the generations follow each other. by the joint effect of these two causes, a large effect is in time produced. let us compute a single example. taking a group of mothers married at the age of , whom we will designate as a, and another group of mothers married at the age of , whom we will call b, we shall find by interpolation that the fertility of a and b respectively would be about . and . . we need not, however, regard their absolute fertility, which would differ in different classes of society, but will only consider their relative production of such female children as may live and become mothers, and we will suppose the number of such descendants in the first generation to be the same as that of the a and b mothers together[ ]--namely, . then the number of such children in the a and b classes respectively, being in the proportion of . to . , will be and . [footnote : _fecundity, fertility, sterility_, etc., by dr. matthews duncan. a. & c. black: edinburgh, , p. .] we have next to determine the average lengths of the a and b generations, which may be roughly done by basing it on the usual estimate of an average generation, irrespectively of sex, at a third of a century, or say of an average female generation at . years. we will further take years as being . years earlier than the average time of marriage, and years as . years later than it, so that the length of each generation of the a group will be years, and that of the b group will be years. all these suppositions appear to be perfectly fair and reasonable, while it may easily be shown that any other suppositions within the bounds of probability would lead to results of the same general order. the least common multiple of and is , at the end of which term of years a will have been multiplied four times over by the factor . , and b three times over by the factor . . the results are given in the following table:-- number of female descendants who themselves become mothers. ====================================================================== after number | a | b | of years | of mothers whose | of mothers whose | as below. | marriages and those of | marriages and those of | | their daughters all take | their daughters take | | place at the age of | place at the age of | | years. | years. | | --- | ---- | | (ratio of increase in | (ratio of decrease in | | each successive | each successive generation | | generation being . .) | being . .) | -------------+--------------------------+----------------------------| | | | | | | | | | ====================================================================== the general result is that the group b gradually disappears, and the group a more than supplants it. hence if the races best fitted to occupy the land are encouraged to marry early, they will breed down the others in a very few generations. marks for family merit it may seem very reasonable to ask how the result proposed in the last paragraph is to be attained, and to add that the difficulty of carrying so laudable a proposal into effect lies wholly in the details, and therefore that until some working plan is suggested, the consideration of improving the human race is utopian. but this requirement is not altogether fair, because if a persuasion of the importance of any end takes possession of men's minds, sooner or later means are found by which that end is carried into effect. some of the objections offered at first will be discovered to be sentimental, and of no real importance--the sentiment will change and they will disappear; others that are genuine are not met, but are in some way turned or eluded; and lastly, through the ingenuity of many minds directed for a long time towards the achievement of a common purpose, many happy ideas are sure to be hit upon that would not have occurred to a single individual. * * * * * this being premised, it will suffice to faintly sketch out some sort of basis for eugenics, it being now an understanding that we are provisionally agreed, for the sake of argument, that the improvement of race is an object of first-class importance, and that the popular feeling has been educated to regard it in that light. the final object would be to devise means for favouring individuals who bore the signs of membership of a superior race, the proximate aim would be to ascertain what those signs were, and these we will consider first. the indications of superior breed are partly personal, partly ancestral. we need not trouble ourselves about the personal part, because full weight is already given to it in the competitive careers; energy, brain, morale, and health being recognised factors of success, while there can hardly be a better evidence of a person being adapted to his circumstances than that afforded by success. it is the ancestral part that is neglected, and which we have yet to recognise at its just value. a question that now continually arises is this: a youth is a candidate for permanent employment, his present personal qualifications are known, but how will he turn out in later years? the objections to competitive examinations are notorious, in that they give undue prominence to youths whose receptive faculties are quick, and whose intellects are precocious. they give no indication of the directions in which the health, character, and intellect of the youth will change through the development, in their due course, of ancestral tendencies that are latent in youth, but will manifest themselves in after life. examinations deal with the present, not with the future, although it is in the future of the youth that we are especially interested. much of the needed guidance may be derived from his family history. i cannot doubt, if two youths were of equal personal merit, of whom one belonged to a thriving and long-lived family, and the other to a decaying and short-lived family, that there could be any hesitation in saying that the chances were greater of the first-mentioned youth becoming the more valuable public servant of the two. a thriving family may be sufficiently defined or inferred by the successive occupations of its several male members in the previous generation, and of the two grandfathers. these are patent facts attainable by almost every youth, which admit of being verified in his neighbourhood and attested in a satisfactory manner. a healthy and long-lived family may be defined by the patent facts of ages at death, and number and ages of living relatives, within the degrees mentioned above, all of which can be verified and attested. a knowledge of the existence of longevity in the family would testify to the stamina of the candidate, and be an important addition to the knowledge of his present health in forecasting the probability of his performing a large measure of experienced work. owing to absence of data and the want of inquiry of the family antecedents of those who fail and of those who succeed in life, we are much more ignorant than we ought to be of their relative importance. in connection with this, i may mention some curious results published by mr. f.m. holland[ ] of boston, u.s., as to the antecedent family history of persons who were reputed to be more moral than the average, and of those who were the reverse. he has been good enough to reply to questions that i sent to him concerning his criterion of morality, and other points connected with the statistics, in a way that seems satisfactory, and he has very obligingly furnished me with additional ms. materials. one of his conclusions was that morality is more often found among members of large families than among those of small ones. it is reasonable to expect this would be the case owing to the internal discipline among members of large families, and to the wholesome sustaining and restraining effects of family pride and family criticism. members of small families are apt to be selfish, and when the smallness of the family is due to the deaths of many of its members at early ages, it is some evidence either of weakness of the family constitution, or of deficiency of common sense or of affection on the part of the parents in not taking better care of them. mr. holland quotes in his letter to me a piece of advice by franklin to a young man in search of a wife, "to take one out of a bunch of sisters," and a popular saying that kittens brought up with others make the best pets, because they have learned to play without scratching. sir william gull[ ] has remarked that those candidates for the indian civil service who are members of large families are on the whole the strongest. [footnote : _index newspaper_, boston, u.s. july , .] far be it from me to say that any scheme of marks for family merit would not require a great deal of preparatory consideration. careful statistical inquiries have yet to be made into the family antecedents of public servants of mature age in connection with their place in examination lists at the earlier age when they first gained their appointments. this would be necessary in order to learn the amount of marks that should be assigned to various degrees of family merit. i foresee no peculiar difficulty in conducting such an inquiry; indeed, now that competitive examinations have been in general use for many years, the time seems ripe for it, but of course its conduct would require much confidential inquiry and a great deal of trouble in verifying returns. still, it admits of being done, and if the results, derived from different sources, should confirm one another, they could be depended on. [footnote : _blue book c_-- , . on the selection and training of candidates for the indian civil service.] let us now suppose that a way was seen for carrying some such idea as this into practice, and that family merit, however defined, was allowed to count, for however little, in competitive examinations. the effect would be very great: it would show that ancestral qualities are of present current value; it would give an impetus to collecting family histories; it would open the eyes of every family and or society at large to the importance of marriage alliance with a good stock; it would introduce the subject of race into a permanent topic of consideration, which (on the supposition of its _bonâ fide_ importance that has been assumed for the sake of argument) experience would show to be amply justified. any act that first gives a guinea stamp to the sterling guinea's worth of natural nobility might set a great social avalanche in motion. endowments. endowments and bequests have been freely and largely made for various social purposes, and as a matter of history they have frequently been made to portion girls in marriage. it so happens that the very day that i am writing this, i notice an account in the foreign newspapers (september , ) of an italian who has bequeathed a sum to the corporation of london to found small portions for three poor girls to be selected by lot. and again, a few weeks ago i read also in the french papers of a trial, in reference to the money adjudged to the "rosière" of a certain village. many cases in which individuals and states have portioned girls may be found in malthus. it is therefore far from improbable that if the merits of good race became widely recognised and its indications were rendered more surely intelligible than they now are, that local endowments, and perhaps adoptions, might be made in favour of those of both sexes who showed evidences of high race and of belonging to prolific and thriving families. one cannot forecast their form, though we may reckon with some assurance that in one way or another they would be made, and that the better races would be given a better chance of marrying early. a curious relic of the custom which was universal three or four centuries ago, of entrusting education to celibate priests, forbade fellows of colleges to marry, under the penalty of losing their fellowships. it is as though the winning horses at races were rendered ineligible to become sires, which i need hardly say is the exact reverse of the practice. races were established and endowed by "queen's plates" and otherwise at vast expense, for the purpose of discovering the swiftest horses, who are thenceforward exempted from labour and reserved for the sole purpose of propagating their species. the horses who do not win races, or who are not otherwise specially selected for their natural gifts, are prevented from becoming sires. similarly, the mares who win races as fillies, are not allowed to waste their strength in being ridden or driven, but are tended under sanatory conditions for the sole purpose of bearing offspring. it is better economy, in the long-run, to use the best mares as breeders than as workers, the loss through their withdrawal from active service being more than recouped in the next generation through what is gained by their progeny. the college statutes to which i referred were very recently relaxed at oxford, and have been just reformed at cambridge. i am told that numerous marriages have ensued in consequence, or are ensuing. in _hereditary genius_ i showed that scholastic success runs strongly in families; therefore, in all seriousness, i have no doubt, that the number of englishmen naturally endowed with high scholastic faculties, will be sensibly increased in future generations by the repeal of these ancient statutes. the english race has yet to be explored and their now unknown wealth of hereditary gifts recorded, that those who possess such a patrimony should know of it. the natural impulses of mankind would then be sufficient to ensure that such wealth should no more continue to be neglected than the existence of any other possession suddenly made known to a man. aristocracies seldom make alliances out of their order, except to gain wealth. is it less to be expected that those who become aware that they are endowed with the power of transmitting valuable hereditary gifts should abstain from squandering their future children's patrimony by marrying persons of lower natural stamp? the social consideration that would attach itself to high races would, it may be hoped, partly neutralise a social cause that is now very adverse to the early marriages of the most gifted, namely, the cost of living in cultured and refined society. a young man with a career before him commonly feels it would be an act of folly to hamper himself by too early a marriage. the doors of society that are freely open to a bachelor are closed to a married couple with small means, unless they bear patent recommendations such as the public recognition of a natural nobility would give. the attitude of mind that i should expect to predominate among those who had undeniable claims to rank as members of an exceptionally gifted race, would be akin to that of the modern possessors of ancestral property or hereditary rank. such persons feel it a point of honour not to alienate the old place or make misalliances, and they are respected for their honest family pride. so a man of good race would shrink from spoiling it by a lower marriage, and every one would sympathise with his sentiments. conclusion. it remains to sketch in outline the principal conclusions to which we seem to be driven by the results of the various inquiries contained in this volume, and by what we know on allied topics from the works of others. we cannot but recognise the vast variety of natural faculty, useful and harmful, in members of the same race, and much more in the human family at large, all of which tend to be transmitted by inheritance. neither can we fail to observe that the faculties of men generally, are unequal to the requirements of a high and growing civilisation. this is principally owing to their entire ancestry having lived up to recent times under very uncivilised conditions, and to the somewhat capricious distribution in late times of inherited wealth, which affords various degrees of immunity from the usual selective agencies. in solution of the question whether a continual improvement in education might not compensate for a stationary or even retrograde condition of natural gifts, i made inquiry into the life history of twins, which resulted in proving the vastly preponderating effects of nature over nurture. the fact that the very foundation and outcome of the human mind is dependent on race, and that the qualities of races vary, and therefore that humanity taken as a whole is not fixed but variable, compels us to reconsider what may be the true place and function of man in the order of the world. i have examined this question freely from many points of view, because whatever may be the vehemence with which particular opinions are insisted upon, its solution is unquestionably doubtful. there is a wide and growing conviction among truth-seeking, earnest, humble-minded, and thoughtful men, both in this country and abroad, that our cosmic relations are by no means so clear and simple as they are popularly supposed to be, while the worthy and intelligent teachers of various creeds, who have strong persuasions on the character of those relations, do not concur in their several views. the results of the inquiries i have made into certain alleged forms of our relations with the unseen world do not, so far as they go, confirm the common doctrines. one, for example, on the objective efficacy of prayer[ ] was decidedly negative. it showed that while contradicting the commonly expressed doctrine, it concurred with the almost universal practical opinion of the present day. another inquiry into visions showed that, however ill explained they may still be, they belong for the most part, if not altogether, to an order of phenomena which no one dreams in other cases of calling supernatural. many investigations concur in showing the vast multiplicity of mental operations that are in simultaneous action, of which only a minute part falls within the ken of consciousness, and suggest that much of what passes for supernatural is due to one portion of our mind being contemplated by another portion of it, as if it had been that of another person. the term "individuality" is in fact a most misleading word. [footnote : not reprinted in this edition.] i do not for a moment wish to imply that the few inquiries published in this volume exhaust the list of those that might be made, for i distinctly hold the contrary, but i refer to them in corroboration of the previous assertion that our relations with the unseen world are different to those we are commonly taught to believe. in our doubt as to the character of our mysterious relations with the unseen ocean of actual and potential life by which we are surrounded, the generally accepted fact of the solidarity of the universe--that is, of the intimate connections between distant parts that bind it together as a whole--justifies us, i think, in looking upon ourselves as members of a vast system which in one of its aspects resembles a cosmic republic. on the one hand, we know that evolution has proceeded during an enormous time on this earth, under, so far as we can gather, a system of rigorous causation, with no economy of time or of instruments, and with no show of special ruth for those who may in pure ignorance have violated the conditions of life. on the other hand, while recognising the awful mystery of conscious existence and the inscrutable background of evolution, we find that as the foremost outcome of many and long birth-throes, intelligent and kindly man finds himself in being. he knows how petty he is, but he also perceives that he stands here on this particular earth, at this particular time, as the heir of untold ages and in the van of circumstance. he ought therefore, i think, to be less diffident than he is usually instructed to be, and to rise to the conception that he has a considerable function to perform in the order of events, and that his exertions are needed. it seems to me that he should look upon himself more as a freeman, with power of shaping the course of future humanity, and that he should look upon himself less as the subject of a despotic government, in which case it would be his chief merit to depend wholly upon what had been regulated for him, and to render abject obedience. the question then arises as to the way in which man can assist in the order of events. i reply, by furthering the course of evolution. he may use his intelligence to discover and expedite the changes that are necessary to adapt circumstance to race and race to circumstance, and his kindly sympathy will urge him to effect them mercifully. when we begin to inquire, with some misgiving perhaps, as to the evidence that man has present power to influence the quality of future humanity, we soon discover that his past influence in that direction has been very large indeed. it has been exerted hitherto for other ends than that which is now contemplated, such as for conquest or emigration, also through social conditions whose effects upon race were imperfectly foreseen. there can be no doubt that the hitherto unused means of his influence are also numerous and great. i have not cared to go much into detail concerning these, but restricted myself to a few broad considerations, as by showing how largely the balance of population becomes affected by the earlier marriages of some of its classes, and by pointing out the great influence that endowments have had in checking the marriage of monks and scholars, and therefore the yet larger influence they might be expected to have if they were directed not to thwart but to harmonise with natural inclination, by promoting early marriages in the classes to be favoured. i also showed that a powerful influence might flow from a public recognition in early life of the true value of the probability of future performance, as based on the past performance of the ancestors of the child. it is an element of forecast, in addition to that of present personal merit, which has yet to be appraised and recognised. its recognition would attract assistance in various ways, impossible now to specify, to the young families of those who were most likely to stock the world with healthy, moral, intelligent, and fair-natured citizens. the stream of charity is not unlimited, and it is requisite for the speedier evolution of a more perfect humanity that it should be so distributed as to favour the best-adapted races. i have not spoken of the repression of the rest, believing that it would ensue indirectly as a matter of course; but i may add that few would deserve better of their country than those who determine to live celibate lives, through a reasonable conviction that their issue would probably be less fitted than the generality to play their part as citizens. it would be easy to add to the number of possible agencies by which the evolution of a higher humanity might be furthered, but it is premature to do so until the importance of attending to the improvement of our race shall have been so well established in the popular mind that a discussion of them would be likely to receive serious consideration. it is hardly necessary to insist on the certainty that our present imperfect knowledge of the limitations and conditions of hereditary transmission will be steadily added to; but i would call attention again to the serious want of adequate materials for study in the form of life-histories. it is fortunately the case that many of the rising medical practitioners of the foremost rank are become strongly impressed with the necessity of possessing them, not only for the better knowledge of the theory of disease, but for the personal advantage of their patients, whom they now have to treat less appropriately than they otherwise would, through ignorance of their hereditary tendencies and of their illnesses in past years, the medical details of which are rarely remembered by the patient, even if he ever knew them. with the help of so powerful a personal motive for keeping life-histories, and of so influential a body as the medical profession to advocate its being done,[ ] and to show how to do it, there is considerable hope that the want of materials to which i have alluded will gradually be supplied. [footnote : see an address on the collective investigation of disease, by sir william gull, _british medical journal_, january , , p. ; also the following address by sir james paget, p. .] to sum up in a few words. the chief result of these inquiries has been to elicit the religious significance of the doctrine of evolution. it suggests an alteration in our mental attitude, and imposes a new moral duty. the new mental attitude is one of a greater sense of moral freedom, responsibility, and opportunity; the new duty which is supposed to be exercised concurrently with, and not in opposition to the old ones upon which the social fabric depends, is an endeavour to further evolution, especially that of the human race. appendix a.--composite portraiture. the object and methods of composite portraiture will be best explained by the following extracts from memoirs describing its successive stages, published in , , and respectively:-- i. composite portraits, made by combining those of many different persons into a single resultant figure. [_extract from memoir read before the anthropological institute, in _.] i submit to the anthropological institute my first results in carrying out a process that i suggested last august [ ] in my presidential address to the anthropological subsection of the british association at plymouth, in the following words:-- "having obtained drawings or photographs of several persons alike in most respects, but differing in minor details, what sure method is there of extracting the typical characteristics from them? i may mention a plan which had occurred both to mr. herbert spencer and myself, the principle of which is to superimpose optically the various drawings, and to accept the aggregate result. mr. spencer suggested to me in conversation that the drawings reduced to the same scale might be traced on separate pieces of transparent paper and secured one upon another, and then held between the eye and the light. i have attempted this with some success. my own idea was to throw faint images of the several portraits, in succession, upon the same sensitised photographic plate. i may add that it is perfectly easy to superimpose optically two portraits by means of a stereoscope, and that a person who is used to handle instruments will find a common double eyeglass fitted with stereoscopic lenses to be almost as effectual and far handier than the boxes sold in shops." mr. spencer, as he informed me, had actually devised an instrument, many years ago, for tracing mechanically, longitudinal, transverse, and horizontal sections of heads on transparent paper, intending to superimpose them, and to obtain an average result by transmitted light. since my address was published, i have caused trials to be made, and have found, as a matter of fact, that the photographic process of which i there spoke enables us to obtain with mechanical precision a generalised picture; one that represents no man in particular, but portrays an imaginary figure possessing the average features of any given group of men. these ideal faces have a surprising air of reality. nobody who glanced at one of them for the first time would doubt its being the likeness of a living person, yet, as i have said, it is no such thing; it is the portrait of a type and not of an individual. i begin by collecting photographs of the persons with whom i propose to deal. they must be similar in attitude and size, but no exactness is necessary in either of these respects. then, by a simple contrivance, i make two pinholes in each of them, to enable me to hang them up one in front of the other, like a pack of cards, upon the same pair of pins, in such a way that the eyes of all the portraits shall be as nearly as possible superimposed; in which case the remainder of the features will also be superimposed nearly enough. these pinholes correspond to what are technically known to printers as "register marks." they are easily made: a slip of brass or card has an aperture cut out of its middle, and threads are stretched from opposite sides, making a cross.[ ] two small holes are drilled in the plate, one on either side of the aperture. the slip of brass is laid on the portrait with the aperture over its face. it is turned about until one of the cross threads cuts the pupils of both the eyes, and it is further adjusted until the other thread divides the interval between the pupils in two equal parts. then it is held firmly, and a prick is made through each of the holes. [footnote : i am indebted for the woodcuts to the editor of _nature_, in which journal this memoir first appeared.] [illustration: ] the portraits being thus arranged, a photographic camera is directed upon them. suppose there are eight portraits in the pack, and that under existing circumstances it would require an exposure of eighty seconds to give an exact photographic copy of any one of them. the general principle of proceeding is this, subject in practice to some variations of detail, depending on the different brightness of the several portraits. we throw the image of each of the eight portraits in turn upon the same part of the sensitised plate for ten seconds. thus, portrait no. is in the front of the pack; we take the cap off the object glass of the camera for ten seconds, and afterwards replace it. we then remove no. from the pins, and no. appears in the front; we take off the cap a second time for ten seconds, and again replace it. next we remove no. , and no. appears in the front, which we treat as its predecessors, and so we go on to the last of the pack. the sensitised plate will now have had its total exposure of eighty seconds; it is then developed, and the print taken from it is the generalised picture of which i speak. it is a composite of eight component portraits. those of its outlines are sharpest and darkest that are common to the largest number of the components; the purely individual peculiarities leave little or no visible trace. the latter being necessarily disposed equally on both sides of the average, the outline of the composite is the average of all the components. it is a band and not a fine line, because the outlines of the components are seldom exactly superimposed. the band will be darkest in its middle whenever the component portraits have the same general type of features, and its breadth, or amount of blur, will measure the tendency of the components to deviate from the common type. this is so for the very same reason that the shot-marks on a target are more thickly disposed near the bull's-eye than away from it, and in a greater degree as the marksmen are more skilful. all that has been said of the outlines is equally true as regards the shadows; the result being that the composite represents an averaged figure, whose lineaments have been softly drawn. the eyes come out with appropriate distinctness, owing to the mechanical conditions under which the components are hung. [illustration: ] a composite portrait represents the picture that would rise before the mind's eye of a man who had the gift of pictorial imagination in an exalted degree. but the imaginative power even of the highest artists is far from precise, and is so apt to be biassed by special cases that may have struck their fancies, that no two artists agree in any of their typical forms. the merit of the photographic composite is its mechanical precision, being subject to no errors beyond those incidental to all photographic productions. i submit several composites made for me by mr. h. reynolds. the first set of portraits are those of criminals convicted of murder, manslaughter, or robbery accompanied with violence. it will be observed that the features of the composites are much better looking than those of the components. the special villainous irregularities in the latter have disappeared, and the common humanity that underlies them has prevailed. they represent, not the criminal, but the man who is liable to fall into crime. all composites are better looking than their components, because the averaged portrait of many persons is free from the irregularities that variously blemish the looks of each of them. i selected these for my first trials because i happened to possess a large collection of photographs of criminals, through the kindness of sir edmund du cane, the director-general of prisons, for the purpose of investigating criminal types. they were peculiarly adapted to my present purpose, being all made of about the same size, and taken in much the same attitudes. it was while endeavouring to elicit the principal criminal types by methods of optical superimposition of the portraits, such as i had frequently employed with maps and meteorological traces,[ ] that the idea of composite figures first occurred to me. [footnote : _conference at the loan exhibition of scientific instruments_, . chapman and hall. physical geography section, p. , _on means of combining various data in maps and diagrams_, by francis galton, f.r.s.] the other set of composites are made from pairs of components. they are selected to show the extraordinary facility of combining almost any two faces whose proportions are in any way similar. it will, i am sure, surprise most persons to see how well defined these composites are. when we deal with faces of the same type, the points of similarity far outnumber those of dissimilarity, and there is a much greater resemblance between faces generally than we who turn our attention to individual differences are apt to appreciate. a traveller on his first arrival among people of a race very different to his own thinks them closely alike, and a hindu has much difficulty in distinguishing one englishman from another. the fairness with which photographic composites represent their components is shown by six of the specimens. i wished to learn whether the order in which the components were photographed made any material difference in the result, so i had three of the portraits arranged successively in each of their six possible combinations. it will be observed that four at least of the six composites are closely alike. i should say that in each of this set (which was made by the wet process) the last of the three components was always allowed a longer exposure than the second, and the second than the first, but it is found better to allow an equal time to all of them. [illustration: the accompanying woodcut is as fair a representation of one of the composites as is practicable in ordinary printing. it was photographically transferred to the wood, and the engraver has used his best endeavour to translate the shades into line engraving. this composite is made out of only three components, and its threefold origin is to be traced in the ears, and in the buttons to the vest. to the best of my judgment, the original photograph is a very exact average of its components; not one feature in it appears identical with that of any one of them, but it contains a resemblance to all, and is not more like to one of them than to another. however, the judgment of the wood engraver is different. his rendering of the composite has made it exactly like one of its components, which it must be borne in mind he had never seen. it is just as though an artist drawing a child had produced a portrait closely resembling its deceased father, having overlooked an equally strong likeness to its deceased mother, which was apparent to its relatives. this is to me a most striking proof that the composite is a true combination.] the stereoscope, as i stated last august in my address at plymouth, affords a very easy method of optically superimposing two portraits, and i have much pleasure in quoting the following letter, pointing out this fact as well as some other conclusions to which i also had arrived. the letter was kindly forwarded to me by mr. darwin; it is dated last november, and was written to him by mr. a.l. austin, from new zealand, thus affording another of the many curious instances of two persons being independently engaged in the same novel inquiry at nearly the same time, and coming to similar results:-- invercargill, new zealand, _november th_, . to charles darwin, esq. sir,--although a perfect stranger to you, and living on the reverse side of the globe, i have taken the liberty of writing to you on a small discovery i have made in binocular vision in the stereoscope. i find by taking two ordinary carre-de-visite photos of two different persons' faces, the portraits being about the same sizes, and looking about the same direction, and placing them in a stereoscope, the faces blend into one in a most remarkable manner, producing in the case of some ladies' portraits, in every instance, a _decided improvement_ in beauty. the pictures were not taken in a binocular camera, and therefore do not stand out well, but by moving one or both until the eyes coincide in the stereoscope the pictures blend perfectly. if taken in a binocular camera for the purpose, each person being taken on one half of the negative, i am sure the results would be still more striking. perhaps something might be made of this in regard to the expression of emotions in man and the lower animals, &c. i have not time or opportunities to make experiments, but it seems to me something might be made of this by photographing the faces of different animals, different races of mankind, &c. i think a stereoscopic view of one of the ape tribe and some low-caste human face would make a very curious mixture; also in the matter of crossing of animals and the resulting offspring. it seems to me something also might result in photos of husband and wife and children, &c. in any case, the results are curious, if it leads to nothing else. should this come to anything you will no doubt acknowledge myself as suggesting the experiment, and perhaps send me some of the results. if not likely to come to anything, a reply would much oblige me. yours very truly, a.l. austin, c.e., f.r.a.s. dr. carpenter informs me that the late mr. appold, the mechanician, used to combine two portraits of himself under the stereoscope. the one had been taken with an assumed stern expression, the other with a smile, and this combination produced a curious and effective blending of the two. convenient as the stereoscope is, owing to its accessibility, for determining whether any two portraits are suitable in size and attitude to form a good composite, it is nevertheless a makeshift and imperfect way of attaining the required result. it cannot of itself combine two images; it can only place them so that the office of attempting to combine them may be undertaken by the brain. now the two separate impressions received by the brain through the stereoscope do not seem to me to be relatively constant in their vividness, but sometimes the image seen by the left eye prevails over that seen by the right, and _vice versâ_. all the other instruments i am about to describe accomplish that which the stereoscope fails to do; they create true optical combinations. as regards other points in mr. austin's letter, i cannot think that the use of a binocular camera for taking the two portraits intended to be combined into one by the stereoscope would be of importance. all that is wanted is that the portraits should be nearly of the same size. in every other respect i cordially agree with mr. austin. the best instrument i have as yet contrived and used for optical superimposition is a "double-image prism" of iceland spar (see fig., p. ), formerly procured for me by the late mr. tisley, optician, brompton road. they have a clear aperture of a square, half an inch in the side, and when held at right angles to the line of sight will separate the ordinary and extraordinary images to the amount of two inches, when the object viewed is held at seventeen inches from the eye. this is quite sufficient for working with carte-de-visite portraits. one image is quite achromatic, the other shows a little colour. the divergence may be varied and adjusted by inclining the prism to the line of sight. by its means the ordinary image of one component is thrown upon the extraordinary image of the other, and the composite may be viewed by the naked eye, or through a lens of long focus, or through an opera-glass (a telescope is not so good) fitted with a sufficiently long draw-tube to see an object at that short distance with distinctness. portraits of somewhat different sizes may be combined by placing the larger one farther from the eye, and a long face may be fitted to a short one by inclining and foreshortening the former. the slight fault of focus thereby occasioned produces little or no sensible ill effect on the appearance of the composite. the front, or the profile, faces of two living persons sitting side by side or one behind the other, can be easily superimposed by a double-image prism. two such prisms set one behind the other can be made to give four images of equal brightness, occupying the four corners of a rhombus whose acute angles are °. three prisms will give eight images, but this is practically not a good combination; the images fail in distinctness, and are too near together for use. again, each lens of a stereoscope of long focus can have one or a pair of these prisms attached to it, and four or eight images may be thus combined. [illustration: fig. shows the simple apparatus which carries the prism and on which the photograph is mounted. the former is set in a round box which can be rotated in the ring at the end of the arm and can be clamped when adjusted. the arm can be rotated and can also be pulled out or in if desired, and clamped. the floor of the instrument is overlaid with cork covered with black cloth, on which the components can easily be fixed by drawing-pins. when using it, one portrait is pinned down and the other is moved near to it, overlapping its margin if necessary, until the eye looking through the prism sees the required combination; then the second portrait is pinned down also. it may now receive its register-marks from needles fixed in a hinged arm, and this is a more generally applicable method than the plan with cross threads, already described, as any desired feature--the nose, the ear, or the hand, may thus be selected for composite purposes. let a, b, c, ... y, z, be the components. a is pinned down, and b, c, ... y, z, are successfully combined with a, and registered. then before removing z, take away a and substitute any other of the already registered portraits, say b, by combining it with z; lastly, remove z and substitute a by combining it with b, and register it. fig. shows one of three similarly jointed arms, which clamp on to the vertical covered with cork and cloth, and the other carries fig. , which is a frame having lenses of different powers set into it, and on which, or on the third frame, a small mirror inclined at º may be laid. when a portrait requires foreshortening it can be pinned on one of these frames and be inclined to the line of sight; when it is smaller than its fellow it can be brought nearer to the eye and an appropriate lens interposed; when a right-sided profile has to be combined with a left-handed one, it must be pinned on one of the frames and viewed by reflection from the mirror in the other. the apparatus i have drawn is roughly made, and being chiefly of wood is rather clumsy, but it acts well.] another instrument i have made consists of a piece of glass inclined at a very acute angle to the line of sight, and of a mirror beyond it, also inclined, but in the opposite direction to the line of sight. two rays of light will therefore reach the eye from each point of the glass; the one has been reflected from its surface, and the other has been first reflected from the mirror, and then transmitted through the glass. the glass used should be extremely thin, to avoid the blur due to double reflections; it may be a selected piece from those made to cover microscopic specimens. the principle of the instrument may be yet further developed by interposing additional pieces of glass, successively less inclined to the line of sight, and each reflecting a different portrait. i have tried many other plans; indeed the possible methods of optically superimposing two or more images are very numerous. thus i have used a sextant (with its telescope attached); also strips of mirrors placed at different angles, their several reflections being simultaneously viewed through a telescope. i have also used a divided lens, like two stereoscopic lenses brought close together, in front of the object glass of a telescope. ii. generic images. [_extract from proceedings royal institution, th april _] our general impressions are founded upon blended memories, and these latter will be the chief topic of the present discourse. an analogy will be pointed out between these and the blended portraits first described by myself a year ago under the name of "composite portraits," and specimens of the latter will be exhibited. the physiological basis of memory is simple enough in its broad outlines. whenever any group of brain elements has been excited by a sense impression, it becomes, so to speak, tender, and liable to be easily thrown again into a similar state of excitement. if the new cause of excitement differs from the original one, a memory is the result. whenever a single cause throws different groups of brain elements simultaneously into excitement, the result must be a blended memory. we are familiar with the fact that faint memories are very apt to become confused. thus some picture of mountain and lake in a country which we have never visited, often recalls a vague sense of identity with much we have seen elsewhere. our recollections cannot be disentangled, though general resemblances are recognised. it is also a fact that the memories of persons who have great powers of visualising, that is, of seeing well-defined images in the mind's eye, are no less capable of being blended together. artists are, as a class, possessed of the visualising power in a high degree, and they are at the same time pre-eminently distinguished by their gifts of generalisation. they are of all men the most capable of producing forms that are not copies of any individual, but represent the characteristic features of classes. there is then, no doubt, from whatever side the subject of memory is approached, whether from the material or from the mental, and, in the latter case, whether we examine the experiences of those in whom the visualising faculty is faint or in whom it is strong, that the brain has the capacity of blending memories together. neither can there be any doubt that general impressions are faint and perhaps faulty editions of blended memories. they are subject to errors of their own, and they inherit all those to which the memories are themselves liable. specimens of blended portraits will now be exhibited; these might, with more propriety, be named, according to the happy phrase of professor huxley, "generic" portraits. the word generic presupposes a genus, that is to say, a collection of individuals who have much in common, and among whom medium characteristics are very much more frequent than extreme ones. the same idea is sometimes expressed by the word "typical," which was much used by quetelet, who was the first to give it a rigorous interpretation, and whose idea of a type lies at the basis of his statistical views. no statistician dreams of combining objects into the same generic group that do not cluster towards a common centre; no more should we attempt to compose generic portraits out of heterogeneous elements, for if we do so the result is monstrous and meaningless. it might be expected that when many different portraits are fused into a single one, the result would be a mere smudge. such, however, is by no means the case, under the conditions just laid down, of a great prevalence of the mediocre characteristics over the extreme ones. there are then so many traits in common, to combine and to reinforce one another, that they prevail to the exclusion of the rest. all that is common remains, all that is individual tends to disappear. the first of the composites exhibited on this occasion is made by conveying the images of three separate portraits by means of three separate magic-lanterns upon the same screen. the stands on which the lanterns are mounted have been arranged to allow of nice adjustment. the composite about to be shown is one that strains the powers of the process somewhat too severely, the portraits combined being those of two brothers and their sister, who have not even been photographed in precisely the same attitudes. nevertheless, the result is seen to be the production of a face, neither male nor female, but more regular and handsome than any of the component portraits, and in which the common family traits are clearly marked. ghosts of portions of male and female attire, due to the peculiarities of the separate portraits, are seen about and around the composite, but they are not sufficiently vivid to distract the attention. if the number of combined portraits had been large, these ghostly accessories would have become too faint to be visible. the next step is to compare this portrait of two brothers and their sister which has been composed by optical means before the eyes of the audience, and concerning the truthfulness of which there can be no doubt, with a photographic composite of the same group. the latter is now placed in a fourth magic-lantern with a brighter light behind it, and its image is thrown on the screen by the side of the composite produced by direct optical superposition. it will be observed that the two processes lead to almost exactly the same result, and therefore the fairness of the photographic process may be taken for granted. however, two other comparisons will be made for the sake of verification, namely, between the optical and photographic composites of two children, and again between those of two roman contadini. the composite portraits that will next be exhibited are made by the photographic process, and it will now be understood that they are truly composite, notwithstanding their definition and apparent individuality. attention is, however, first directed to a convenient instrument not more than inches in length, which is, in fact, a photographic camera with six converging lenses and an attached screen, on which six pictures can be adjusted and brilliantly illuminated by artificial light. the effect of their optical combination can thus be easily studied; any errors of adjustment can be rectified, and the composite may be photographed at once. it must not be supposed that any one of the components fails to leave its due trace in the photographic composite, much less in the optical one. in order to allay misgivings on the subject, a small apparatus is laid on the table together with some of the results obtained by it. it is a cardboard frame, with a spring shutter closing an aperture of the size of a wafer, that springs open on the pressure of a finger, and shuts again as suddenly when the pressure is withdrawn. a chronograph is held in the other hand, whose index begins to travel the moment the finger presses a spring, and stops instantly on lifting the finger. the two instruments are worked simultaneously; the chronograph checking the time allowed for each exposure and summing all the times. it appears from several trials that the effect of brief exposures is practically identical with that of a single exposure of times the duration of any one of them. therefore each of a thousand components leaves its due photographic trace on the composite, though it is far too faint to be visible unless reinforced by many similar traces. the composites now to be exhibited are made from coins or medals, and in most instances the aim has been to obtain the best likeness attainable of historical personages, by combining various portraits of them taken at different periods of their lives, and so to elicit the traits that are common to each series. a few of the individual portraits are placed in the same slide with each composite to give a better idea of the character of these blended representatives. those that are shown are ( ) alexander the great, from six components; ( ) antiochus, king of syria, from six; ( ) demetrius poliorcetes, from six; ( ) cleopatra, from five. here the composite is as usual better looking than any of the components, none of which, however, give any indication of her reputed beauty; in fact, her features are not only plain, but to an ordinary english taste are simply hideous. ( ) nero, from eleven; ( ) a combination of five different greek female faces; and ( ) a singularly beautiful combination of the faces of six different roman ladies, forming a charming ideal profile. my cordial acknowledgment is due to mr. r. stuart poole, the learned curator of the coins and gems in the british museum, for his kind selection of the most suitable medals, and for procuring casts of them for me for the present purpose. these casts were, with one exception, all photographed to a uniform size of four-tenths of an inch between the pupils of the eyes and the division between the lips, which experience shows to be the most convenient size on the whole to work with, regard being paid to many considerations not worth while to specify in detail. when it was necessary the photograph was reversed. these photographs were made by mr. h. reynolds; i then adjusted and prepared them for taking the photographic composite. the next series to be exhibited consists of composites taken from the portraits of criminals convicted of murder, manslaughter, or crimes accompanied by violence. there is much interest in the fact that two types of features are found much more frequently among these than among the population at large. in one, the features are broad and massive, like those of henry viii., but with a much smaller brain. the other, of which five composites are exhibited, each deduced from a number of different individuals, varying four to nine, is a face that is weak and certainly not a common english face. three of these composites, though taken from entirely different sets of individuals, are as alike as brothers, and it is found on optically combining any three out of the five composites, that is on combining almost any considerable number of the individuals, the result is closely the same. the combination of the three composites just alluded to will now be effected by means of the three converging magic-lanterns, and the result may be accepted as generic in respect of this particular type of criminals. the process of composite portraiture is one of pictorial statistics. it is a familiar fact that the average height of even a dozen men of the same race, taken at hazard, varies so little, that for ordinary statistical purposes it may be considered constant. the same may be said of the measurement of every separate feature and limb, and of every tint, whether of skin, hair, or eyes. consequently a pictorial combination of any one of these separate traits would lead to results no less constant than the statistical averages. in a portrait, there is another factor to be considered besides the measurement of the separate traits, namely, their relative position; but this, too, in a sufficiently large group, would necessarily have a statistical constancy. as a matter of observation, the resemblance between persons of the same "genus" (in the sense of "generic," as already explained) is sufficiently great to admit of making good pictorial composites out of even small groups, as has been abundantly shown. composite pictures, are, however, much more than averages; they are rather the equivalents of those large statistical tables whose totals, divided by the number of cases, and entered in the bottom line, are the averages. they are real generalisations, because they include the whole of the material under consideration. the blur of their outlines, which is never great in truly generic composites, except in unimportant details, measures the tendency of individuals to deviate from the central type. my argument is, that the generic images that arise before the mind's eye, and the general impressions which are faint and faulty editions of them, are the analogues of these composite pictures which we have the advantage of examining at leisure, and whose peculiarities and character we can investigate, and from which we may draw conclusions that shall throw much light on the nature of certain mental processes which are too mobile and evanescent to be directly dealt with. iii. composite portraiture. [_read before the photographic society, th june, _.] i propose to draw attention to-night to the results of recent experiments and considerable improvements in a process of which i published the principles three years ago, and which i have subsequently exhibited more than once. i have shown that, if we have the portraits of two or more different persons, taken in the same aspect and under the same conditions of light and shade, and that if we put them into different optical lanterns converging on the same screen and carefully adjust them--first, so as to bring them to the same scale, and, secondly, so as to superpose them as accurately as the conditions admit--then the different faces will blend surprisingly well into a single countenance. if they are not very dissimilar, the blended result will always have a curious air of individuality, and will be unexpectedly well defined; it will exactly resemble none of its components, but it will have a sort of family likeness to all of them, and it will be an ideal and an averaged portrait. i have also shown that the image on the screen might be photographed then and there, or that the same result may be much more easily obtained by a method of successive photography, and i have exhibited many specimens made on this principle. photo-lithographs of some of these will be found in the _proceedings of the royal institution_, as illustrations of a lecture i gave there "on generic images" in . the method i now use is much better than those previously described; it leads to more accurate results, and is easier to manage. i will exhibit and explain the apparatus as it stands, and will indicate some improvements as i go on. the apparatus is here. i use it by gaslight, and employ rapid dry plates, which, however, under the conditions of a particularly small aperture and the character of the light, require sixty seconds of total exposure. the apparatus is feet long and - / inches broad; it lies with its side along the edge of the table at which i sit, and it is sloped towards me, so that, by bending my neck slightly, i can bring my eye to an eye-hole, where i watch the effect of the adjustments which my hands are free to make. the entire management of the whole of these is within an easy arm's length, and i complete the process without shifting my seat. the apparatus consists of three parts, a, b, and c. a is rigidly fixed; it contains the dark slide and the contrivances by which the position of the image can be viewed; the eye-hole, _e_, already mentioned, being part of a. b is a travelling carriage that holds the lens, and is connected by bellows-work with a. in my apparatus it is pushed out and in, and clamped where desired, but it ought to be moved altogether by pinion and rack-work.[ ] the lens i use is a i b dallmeyer. its focal length is appropriate to the size of the instrument, and i find great convenience in a lens of wide aperture when making the adjustments, as i then require plenty of light; but, as to the photography, the smaller the aperture the better. the hole in my stop is only two-tenths of an inch in diameter, and i believe one-tenth would be more suitable. [footnote : i have since had a more substantial instrument made with these and similar improvements.] [illustration: diagram showing the essential parts] _side view._ _end view._ a the body of the camera, which is fixed. b lens on a carriage, which can be moved to and fro. c frame for the transparency, on a carriage that also supports the lantern; the whole can be moved to and fro. _r_ the reflector inside the camera. _m_ the arm outside the camera attached to the axis of the reflector; by moving it, the reflector can be moved up or down. _g_ a ground-glass screen on the roof, which receives the image when the reflector is turned down, as in the diagram. _e_ the eye-hole through which the image is viewed on _g_; a thin piece of glass immediately below _e_, reflects the illuminated fiducial lines in the transparency at _f_, and gives them the appearance of lying upon _g_,--the distances _f e_ and _g e_ being made equal, the angle _f e g_ being made a right angle, and the plane of the thin piece of glass being made to bisect _f e g_. _f_ framework, adjustable, holding the transparency with the fiducial lines on it. _t_ framework, adjustable, holding the transparency of the portrait. c is a travelling carriage that supports the portraits in turn, from which the composite has to be made. i work directly from the original negatives with transmitted light; but prints can be used with light falling on their face. for convenience of description i will confine myself to the first instance only, and will therefore speak of c as the carriage that supports the frame that holds the negative transparencies. c can be pushed along the board and be clamped anywhere, and it has a rack and pinion adjustment; but it should have been made movable by rack and pinion along the whole length of the board. the frame for the transparencies has the same movements of adjustment as those in the stage of a microscope. it rotates round a hollow axis, through which a beam of light is thrown, and independent movements in the plane, at right angles to the axis, can be given to it in two directions, at right angles to one another, by turning two separate screws. the beam of light is furnished by three gas-burners, and it passes through a condenser. the gas is supplied through a flexible tube that does not interfere with the movements of c, and it is governed by a stop-cock in front of the operator. the apparatus, so far as it has been described with any detail, and ignoring what was said about an eye-hole, is little else than a modified copying-camera, by which an image of the transparency could be thrown on the ordinary focusing-screen, and be altered in scale and position until it was adjusted to fiducial lines drawn on the screen. it is conceivable that this should be done, and that the screen should be replaced by the dark slide, and a brief exposure given to the plate; then, that a fresh transparency should be inserted, a fresh focusing adjustment made, and a second exposure given, and so on. this, i say, is conceivable, but it would be very inconvenient. the adjusting screws would be out of reach; the head of the operator would be in an awkward position; and though these two difficulties might be overcome in some degree, a serious risk of an occasional shift of the plate during the frequent replacement of the dark slide would remain. i avoid all this by making my adjustments while the plate continues in position with its front open. i do so through the help of a reflector temporarily interposed between it and the lens. i do not use the ordinary focusing-screen at all in making my adjustments, but one that is flush, or nearly so, with the roof of the camera. when the reflector is interposed, the image is wholly cut off from the sensitised plate, and is thrown upwards against this focusing-screen, _g_. when the reflector is withdrawn, the image falls on the plate. it is upon this focusing-screen in the roof that i see the fiducial lines by which i make all the adjustments. nothing can be more convenient than the position of this focusing-screen for working purposes. i look down on the image as i do upon a book resting on a sloping desk, and all the parts of the apparatus are within an easy arm's length. my reflector in my present instrument is, i am a little ashamed to confess, nothing better than a piece of looking-glass fixed to an axle within the camera, near its top left-hand edge. one end of the axle protrudes, and has a short arm; when i push the arm back, the mirror is raised; when i push it forward it drops down. i used a swing-glass because the swing action is very true, and as my apparatus was merely a provisional working model made of soft wood, i did not like to use sliding arrangements which might not have acted truly, or i should certainly have employed a slide with a rectangular glass prism, on account of the perfect reflection it affords. and let me say, that a prism of inches square in the side is quite large enough for adjustment purposes, for it is only the face of the portrait that is wanted to be seen. i chose my looking-glass carefully, and selected a piece that was plane and parallel. it has not too high a polish, and therefore does not give troublesome double reflections. in fact, it answers very respectably, especially when we consider that perfection of definition is thrown away on composites. i thought of a mirror silvered on the front of the glass, but this would soon tarnish in the gaslight, so i did not try it. for safety against the admission of light unintentionally, i have a cap to the focusing-screen in the roof, and a slide in the fixed body of the instrument immediately behind the reflector and before the dark slide. neither of these would be wanted if the reflector was replaced by a prism, set into one end of a sliding block that had a large horizontal hole at the other end, and a sufficient length of solid wood between the two to block out the passage of light both upwards and downwards whenever the block is passing through the half-way position. as regards the fiducial lines, they might be drawn on the glass screen; but black lines are not, i find, the best. it is far easier to work with illuminated lines; and it is important to be able to control their brightness. i produce these lines by means of a vertical transparency, set in an adjustable frame, connected with a, and having a gas-light behind it. below the eye-hole _e_, through which i view the glass-screen _g_, is a thin piece of glass set at an angle of °, which reflects the fiducial lines and gives them the appearance of lying on the screen, the frame being so adjusted that the distance from the thin piece of glass to the transparency and to the glass-screen _g_ is the same. i thus obtain beautiful fiducial lines, which i can vary from extreme faintness to extreme brilliancy, by turning the gas lower or higher, according to the brightness of the image of the portrait, which itself depends on the density of the transparency that i am engaged upon. this arrangement seems as good as can be. it affords a gauge of the density of the negative, and enables me to regulate the burners behind it, until the image of the portrait on _g_ is adjusted to a standard degree of brightness. for convenience in enlarging or reducing, i take care that the intersection of the vertical fiducial line with that which passes through the pupils of the eyes shall correspond to the optical axis of the camera. then, as i enlarge or reduce, that point in the image remains fixed. the uppermost horizontal fiducial line continues to intersect the pupils, and the vertical one continues to divide the face symmetrically. the mouth has alone to be watched. when the mouth is adjusted to the lower fiducial line, the scale is exact. it is a great help having to attend to no more than one varying element. the only inconvenience is that the image does not lie in the best position on the plate when the point between the eyes occupies its centre. this is easily remedied by using a larger back with a suitable inner frame. i have a more elaborate contrivance in my apparatus to produce the same result, which i need not stop to explain. for success and speed in making composites, the apparatus should be solidly made, chiefly of metal, and all the adjustments ought to work smoothly and accurately. good composites cannot be made without very careful adjustment in scale and position. an off-hand way of working produces nothing but failures. i will first exhibit a very simple but instructive composite effect. i drew on a square card a circle of about - / inches in diameter, and two cross lines through its centre, cutting one another at right angles. round each of the four points, ° apart, where the cross cuts the circle, i drew small circles of the size of wafers and gummed upon each a disc of different tint. finally i made a single black dot half-way between two of the arms of the cross. i then made a composite of the four positions of the card, as it was placed successively with each of its sides downwards. the result is a photograph having a sharply-defined cross surrounded by four discs of precisely uniform tint, and between each pair of arms of the cross there is a very faint dot. this photograph shows many things. the fact of its being a composite is shown by the four faint dots. the equality of the successive periods of exposure is shown by the equal tint of the four dots. the accuracy of adjustment is shown by the sharpness of the cross being as great in the composite as in the original card. we see the smallness of the effect produced by any trait, such as the dot, when it appears in the same place in only one of the components: if this effect be so small in a series of only four components, it would certainly be imperceptible in a much larger series. thirdly, the uniformity of resulting tint in the composite wafer is quite irrespective of the order of exposure. let us call the four component wafers a, b, c, d, respectively, and the four composite wafers , , , ; then we see, by the diagram, that the order of exposure has differed in each case, yet the result is identical. therefore the order of exposure has no effect on the result. |----------+------------------------------------| |composite.|successive places of the components.| | | a b | d a | c d | b c | | | d c | c b | b a | a d | |===============================================| in it has been a, d, c, b, " " b, a, d, c, " " c, b, a, d, " " d, c, b, a, i will next show a series consisting of two portraits considerably unlike to one another, and yet not so very discordant as to refuse to conform, and of two intermediate composites. in making one of the composites i gave two-thirds of the total time of exposure to the first portrait, and one-third to the second portrait. in making the other composite, i did the converse. it will be seen how good is the result in both cases, and how the likeness of the longest exposed portrait always predominates. the next is a series of four composites. the first consists of hospital patients suffering under one or other of the many forms of consumption. i may say that, with the aid of dr. mahomed, i am endeavouring to utilise this process to elicit the physiognomy of disease. the composite i now show is what i call a hotch-pot composite; its use is to form a standard whence deviations towards any particular sub-type may be conveniently gauged. it will be observed that the face is strongly marked, and that it is quite idealised. i claim for composite portraiture, that it affords a method of obtaining _pictorial averages_, which effects simultaneously for every point in a picture what a method of numerical averages would do for each point in the picture separately. it gives, in short, the average tint of every unit of area in the picture, measured from the fiducial lines as co-ordinates. now every statistician knows, by experience, that numerical averages usually begin to agree pretty fairly when we deal with even twenty or thirty cases. therefore we should expect to find that any groups of twenty or thirty men of the same class would yield composites bearing a considerable likeness to one another. in proof that this is the case, i exhibit three other composites: the one is made from the first portraits of the , the second from the last , and the third is made from portraits taken indiscriminately out of the . it will be observed that all the four composites are closely alike. i will now show a few typical portraits i selected out of male portraits of a different series of consumptive male patients; they were those that had more or less of a particular wan look, that i wished to elicit. the selected cases were about in number, and from these i took , rejecting about six as having some marked peculiarity that did not conform well with the remaining . the result is a very striking face, thoroughly ideal and artistic, and singularly beautiful. it is, indeed, most notable how beautiful all composites are. individual peculiarities are all irregularities, and the composite is always regular. i show a composite of female faces, also of consumptive patients, that gives somewhat the same aspect of the disease; also two others of only in each, that have in consequence less of an ideal look, but which are still typical. i have here several other typical faces in my collection of composites; they are all serviceable as illustrations of this memoir, but, medically speaking, they are only provisional results. i am indebted to lieutenant leonard darwin, r.e., for an interesting series of negatives of officers and privates of the royal engineers. here is a composite of officers; here is one of privates. i then thought it better to select from the latter the men that came from the southern counties, and to again make a further selection of from these, on the principle already explained. here is the result. it is very interesting to note the stamp of culture and refinement on the composite officer, and the honest and vigorous but more homely features of the privates. the combination of these two, officers and privates together, gives a very effective physiognomy. let it be borne in mind that existing cartes-de-visite are almost certain to be useless. among dozens of them it is hard to find three that fulfil the conditions of similarity of aspect and of shade. the negatives have to be made on purpose. i use a repeating back and a quarter plate, and get two good-sized heads on each plate, and of a scale that never gives less than four-tenths of an inch between the pupils of the eyes and the mouth. it is only the head that can be used, as more distant parts, even the ears, become blurred hopelessly. it will be asked, of what use can all this be to ordinary photographers, even granting that it may be of scientific value in ethnological research, in inquiries into the physiognomy of disease, and for other special purposes? i think it can be turned to most interesting account in the production of family likenesses. the most unartistic productions of amateur photography do quite as well for making composites as those of the best professional workers, because their blemishes vanish in the blended result. all that amateurs have to do is to take negatives of the various members of their families in precisely the same aspect (i recommend either perfect full-face or perfect profile), and under precisely the same conditions of light and shade, and to send them to a firm provided with proper instrumental appliances to make composites from them. the result is sure to be artistic in expression and flatteringly handsome, and would be very interesting to the members of the family. young and old, and persons of both sexes can be combined into one ideal face. i can well imagine a fashion setting in to have these pictures. professional skill might be exercised very effectively in retouching composites. it would be easy to obliterate the ghosts of stray features that are always present when the composite is made from only a few portraits, and it would not be difficult to tone down any irregularity in the features themselves, due to some obtrusive peculiarity in one of the components. a higher order of artistic skill might be well bestowed upon the composites that have been made out of a large number of components. here the irregularities disappear, the features are perfectly regular and idealised, but the result is dim. it is like a pencil drawing, where many attempts have been made to obtain the desired effect; such a drawing is smudged and ineffective; but the artist, under its guidance, draws his final work with clear bold touches, and then he rubs out the smudge. on precisely the same principle the faint but beautifully idealised features of these composites are, i believe, capable of forming the basis of a very high order of artistic work. b.--the relative supplies from town and country families to the population of future generations. [_read before the statistical society in_ .] it is well known that the population of towns decays, and has to be recruited by immigrants from the country, but i am not aware that any statistical investigation has yet been attempted of the rate of its decay. the more energetic members of our race, whose breed is the most valuable to our nation, are attracted from the country to our towns. if residence in towns seriously interferes with the maintenance of their stock, we should expect the breed of englishmen to steadily deteriorate, so far as that particular influence is concerned. i am well aware that the only perfectly trustworthy way of conducting the inquiry is by statistics derived from numerous life-histories, but i find it very difficult to procure these data. i therefore have had recourse to an indirect method, based on a selection from the returns made at the census of , which appears calculated to give a fair approximation to the truth. my object is to find the number of adult male representatives in this generation, of adult males in the previous one, of rural and urban populations respectively. the principle on which i have proceeded is this:-- i find (a) the number of children of equal numbers of urban and of rural mothers. the census schedules contain returns of the names and ages of the members of each "family," by which word we are to understand those members who are alive and resident in the same house with their parents. when the mothers are young, the children are necessarily very young, and nearly always (in at least those classes who are unable to send their children to boarding schools) live at home. if, therefore, we limit our inquiries to the census "families" of young mothers, the results may be accepted as practically identical with those we should have obtained if we had direct means of ascertaining the number of their living children. the limits of age of the mothers which i adopted in my selection were, and years. had i to begin the work afresh, i should prefer the period from to , but i have reason to feel pretty well contented with my present data. i correct the results thus far obtained on the following grounds:--(b) the relative mortality of the two classes between childhood and maturity; (c) the relative mortality of the rural and urban mothers during childbearing ages; (d) their relative celibacy; and (e) the span of a rural and urban generation. it will be shown that b is important, and c noteworthy, but that d and e may be disregarded. in deciding on the districts to be investigated, it was important to choose well-marked specimens of urban and rural populations. in the former, a town was wanted where there were various industries, and where the population was not increasing. a town where only one industry was pursued would not be a fair sample, because the particular industry might be suspected of having a special influence, and a town that was increasing would have attracted numerous immigrants from the country, who are undistinguishable as such in the census returns. guided by these considerations, i selected coventry, where silk weaving, watch-making, and other industries are carried on, and whose population had scarcely varied during the decade preceding the census of .[ ] it is an open town, in which the crowded alleys of larger places are not frequent. its urban peculiarities are therefore minimised, and its statistical returns would give a picture somewhat too favourable of the average condition of life in towns. for specimens of rural districts, i chose small agricultural parishes in warwickshire. [footnote : it has greatly changed since this was written.] by the courteous permission of dr. farr, i was enabled to procure extracts from the census returns concerning "families" of factory hands at coventry, in which the age of the mother was neither less than nor more than years, and concerning another families of agricultural labourers in rural parishes of warwickshire, under the same limitations as to the age of the mother. when these returns were classified (see table i., p. ), i found the figures to run in such regular sequence as to make it certain that the cases were sufficiently numerous to give trustworthy results. it appeared that: (a) the families of factory hands comprised children, and the of agricultural labourers comprised ; hence, the children in the urban "families," the mothers being between the ages of and , are on the whole about per cent, less numerous than the rural. i see no reason why these numbers should not be accepted as relatively correct for families, in the ordinary sense of that word, and for mothers of all ages. an inspection of the table does indeed show that if the selection had begun at an earlier age than , there would have been an increased proportion of sterile and of small families among the factory hands, but not sufficient to introduce any substantial modification of the above results. it is, however, important to recollect that the small error, whatever its amount may be, is a concession in favour of the towns. (b) i next make an allowance for the mortality between childhood and maturity, which will diminish the above figures in different proportions, because the conditions of town life are more fatal to children than those of the country. no life tables exist for coventry and warwickshire; i am therefore obliged to use statistics for similarly conditioned localities, to determine the amount of the allowance that should be made. the life tables of manchester [ ] will afford the data for towns, and those of the "healthy districts" [ ] will suffice for the country. by applying these, we could calculate the number of the children of ages specified in the census returns who would attain maturity. i regret extremely that when i had the copies taken, i did not give instructions to have the ages of all the children inserted; but i did not, and it is too late now to remedy the omission. i am therefore obliged to make a very rough, but not unfair, estimate. the average age of the children was about years, and years may be taken as representing the age of maturity. now it will be found that per cent. of children in manchester, of the age of , reach the age of , while per cent. of children do so in the "healthy districts." therefore, if my rough method be accepted as approximately fair, the number of adults who will be derived from the children of the factory families should be reckoned at ( Ã� / ) = , and those from the agricultural at ( Ã� / ) = . [footnote : "seventh annual report of registrar-general."] [footnote : healthy districts life table, by dr. farr. _phil trans. royal society_, .] (c) the comparison we seek is between the total families produced by an equal number of urban and rural women who had survived the age of . many of these women will not marry at all; i postpone that consideration to the next paragraph. many of the rest will die before they reach the age of , and more of them will die in the town than in the country. it appears from data furnished by the above-mentioned tables, that if women of the age of had annually been added to a population, the number of those so added, living between the ages of and (an interval of seventeen years) would be under the conditions of life in manchester, and under those of the healthy districts. therefore the small factors to be applied respectively to the two cases, on account of this correction, are /( Ã� ) and /( Ã� ). (d) i have no trustworthy data for the relative prevalence of celibacy in town and country. all that i have learned from the census returns is, that when searching them for the families, bachelors were noted between the ages of and , among the factory hands, and among the agricultural labourers. if these figures be accepted as correct guides to the amount of celibacy among the women, it would follow that i must be considered to have discussed the cases of factory, and agricultural women, when dealing with those of mothers in either class. consequently that the respective corrections to be applied, are given by the factors / and / or . / and . / . this difference of less than per cent, is hardly worth applying, moreover i do not like to apply it, because it seems to me erroneous and to act in the wrong direction, inasmuch as unmarried women can obtain employment more readily in the town than in the country, and celibacy is therefore more likely to be common in the former than in the latter. (e) the possible difference in the length of an urban and rural generation must not be forgotten. we, however, have reason to believe that the correction on this ground will be insignificant, because the length of a generation is found to be constant under very different circumstances of race, and therefore we should expect it to be equally constant in the same race under different conditions; such as it is, it would probably tell against the towns. let us now sum up the results. the corrections are not to be applied for (d) and (e), so we have only to regard (a) Ã� (b) Ã� (c), that this-- Ã� / Ã� / ------------------------- = ---- = -- Ã� / Ã� / in other words, the rate of supply in towns to the next adult generation is only per cent., or, say, three-quarters of that in the country. this decay, if it continued constant, would lead to the result that the representatives of the townsmen would be less than half as numerous as those of the country folk after one century, and only about one fifth as numerous after two centuries, the proportions being / and / respectively. [transcriber's note: in the original manuscript, table i occupied two facing pages. this is the left-hand (sinister) page; the right-hand (dexter) page is immediately below.] table i. -- _census returns of families of factory hands in coventry, and families of agricultural labourers in warwickshire, grouped according to the age of the mother and the number of children in the family._ --------------------------------------------------- |number of children in family. | |---------|---------|---------|----------|--------| | . | . | . | . | . | |---------+---------+---------+----------+--------| | f | a | f | a | f | a | f | a | f | a | | a | g | a | g | a | g | a | g | a | g | | c | r | c | r | c | r | c | r | c | r | | t | i | t | i | t | i | t | i | t | i | | o | c | o | c | o | c | o | c | o | c | | r | u | r | u | r | u | r | u | r | u | age of mother | y | l | y | l | y | l | y | l | y | l | | . | t | . | t | . | t | . | t | . | t | --------------------------------------------------- to | | | | +-------------------+ | " | | | | | | " | [a] | | | | | " | [a] | | | | | " | [a] | | |---------+ | | " | | | | | +-------------------+ | | " | | | | | +---------+ | " | | | | | | ===============|=================================================| total within | | outline | | total between | | outlines | | total beyond | | outline | | ===============|=================================================| total | | ===============|=================================================| [footnote a: these three cases are anomalous, the factory being less than the agricultural. in the instance of - , the anomaly is double, because the sequence of the figures shows that neither of these can be correct; certainly not the first of them.] _note_.--it will be observed to the left of the outline, that is, in the upper and left hand of the table, where the mothers are young and the children few, the factory families predominate, while the agricultural are the most numerous between the outlines, that is, especially in the middle of the table, where the mothers are less young, and the family is from four to five in number. the two are equally numerous to the right of the outlines, that is, to the right of the table, where the families are large. [transcriber's note: in the original manuscript, table i occupied two facing pages. this is the right-hand (dexter) page; the left-hand (snister) page is immediately above.] table i. -- _census returns of families of factory hands in coventry, and families of agricultural labourers in warwickshire, grouped according to the age of the mother and the number of children in the family._ | number of children in family. | |-------------------------------------------------| | . | . | . | . | . | |---------+---------+---------+---------+---------| | f | a | f | a | f | a | f | a | f | a | | a | g | a | g | a | g | a | g | a | g | | c | r | c | r | c | r | c | r | c | r | | t | i | t | i | t | i | t | i | t | i | | o | c | o | c | o | c | o | c | o | c | | r | u | r | u | r | u | r | u | r | u | | y | l | y | l | y | l | y | l | y | l |age of mother | . | t | . | t | . | t | . | t | . | t | |---------+---------+---------+---------+---------|------------ | | | to | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | " | | | | | | |=================================================|-------------------- | |total within outline. | |total between outline | |total beyond outline. |=================================================|===================== | |total. |======================================================================= table ii. |----------------------------------------------------------------------| | | number of families | number of children | | |--------+--------------+------------------------| | | factory| agricultural | factory | agricultural | | within outline | | | | | | between outlines | | | | | | beyond outlines | | | | | |=============================================+========================| | total | | | | | |======================================================================| c -- an apparatus for testing the delicacy with which weights can be discriminated by handling them. [_read at the anthropological institute_, nov., .] i submit a simple apparatus that i have designed to measure the delicacy of the sensitivity of different persons, as shown by their skill in discriminating weights, identical in size, form, and colour, but different in specific gravity. its interest lies in the accordance of the successive test values with the successive graduations of a true scale of sensitivity, in the ease with which the tests are applied, and the fact that the same principle can be made use of in testing the delicacy of smell and taste. i use test-weights that mount in a series of "just perceptible differences" to an imaginary person of extreme delicacy of perception, their values being calculated according to weber's law. the lowest weight is heavy enough to give a decided sense of weight to the hand when handling it, and the heaviest weight can be handled without any sense of fatigue. they therefore conform with close approximation to a geometric series; thus-- _wr , wr , wr , wr _, etc., and they bear as register-marks the values of the successive indices, , , , , etc. it follows that if a person can just distinguish between any particular pair of weights, he can also just distinguish between any other pair of weights whose register-marks differ by the same amount. example: suppose a can just distinguish between the weights bearing the register-marks and , then it follows from the construction of the apparatus that he can just distinguish between those bearing the register-marks and , or and , or and , etc.; the difference being in each case. there can be but one interpretation of the phrase that the dulness of muscular sense in any person, b, is twice as great as in that of another person, a. it is that b is only capable of perceiving one grade of difference where a can perceive two. we may, of course, state the same fact inversely, and say that the delicacy of muscular sense is in that case twice as great in a as in b. similarly in all other cases of the kind. conversely, if having known nothing previously about either a or b, we discover on trial that a can just distinguish between two weights such as those bearing the register-marks and , and that b can just distinguish between another pair, say, bearing the register-marks and ; then since the difference between the marks in the latter case is twice as great as in the former, we know that the dulness of the muscular sense of b is exactly twice that of a. their relative dulness, or if we prefer to speak in inverse terms, and say their relative sensitivity, is determined quite independently of the particular pair of weights used in testing them. it will be noted that the conversion of results obtained by the use of one series of test-weights into what would have been given by another series, is a piece of simple arithmetic, the fact ultimately obtained by any apparatus of this kind being the "just distinguishable" fraction of real weight. in my own apparatus the unit of weight is per cent.; that is, the register-mark means per cent.; but i introduce weights in the earlier part of the scale that deal with half units; that is, with differences of per cent. in another apparatus the unit of weight might be per cent., then three grades of mine would be equal to two of the other, and mine would be converted to that scale by multiplying them by / . thus the results obtained by different apparatus are strictly comparable. a sufficient number of test-weights must be used, or trials made, to eliminate the influence of chance. it might perhaps be thought that by using a series of only five weights, and requiring them to be sorted into their proper order by the sense of touch alone, the chance of accidental success would be too small to be worth consideration. it might be said that there are Ã� Ã� Ã� , or different ways in which five weights can be arranged, and as only one is right, it must be to against a lucky hit. but this is many fold too high an estimate, because the possible mistakes are by no means equally probable. when a person is tested, an approximate value for his grade of sensitivity is rapidly found, and the inquiry becomes narrowed to finding out whether he can surely pass a particular mistake. he is little likely to make a mistake of double the amount in question, and it is almost certain that he will not make a mistake of treble the amount. in other words, he would never be likely to put one of the test-weights more than one step out of its proper place. if he had three weights to arrange in their consecutive order, , , , there are Ã� = ways of arranging them; of these, he would be liable to the errors of , , , and of , , , but he would hardly be liable to such gross errors as , , , or , , , or , , . therefore of the six permutations in which three weights may be arranged three have to be dismissed from consideration, leaving three cases only to be dealt with, of which two are wrong and one is right. for the same reason there are only four reasonable chances of error in arranging four weights, and only six in arranging five weights, instead of the that were originally supposed. these are-- but exception might be taken to two even of these, namely, those that appear in the third column, where is found in juxtaposition with in the first case, and with in the second. so great a difference between two adjacent weights would be almost sure to attract the notice of the person who was being tested, and make him dissatisfied with the arrangement. considering all this, together with the convenience of carriage and manipulation, i prefer to use trays, each containing only three weights, the trials being made three or four times in succession. in each trial there are three possibilities and only one success, therefore in three trials the probabilities against uniform success are as to , and in four trials at to . _values of the weights_.--after preparatory trials, i adopted grains as the value of _w_ and as that of _r_, but i am now inclined to think that would have been better. i made the weights by filling blank cartridges with shot, wool, and wads, so as to distribute the weight equally, and i closed the cartridges with a wad, turning the edges over it with the instrument well known to sportsmen. i wrote the corresponding value of the index of _r_ on the wad by which each of them was closed, to serve as a register number. thus the cartridge whose weight was _wr _ was marked '. the values were so selected that there should be as few varieties as possible. there are thirty weights in all, but only ten varieties, whose register numbers are respectively , , , , - / , - / , , , , , . the reason of this limitation of varieties was to enable the weights to be interchanged whenever there became reason to suspect that the eye had begun to recognise the appearance of any one of them, and that the judgment might be influenced by that recognition, and cease to be wholly guided by the sense of weight. we are so accustomed to deal with concurrent impressions that it is exceedingly difficult, even with the best intention of good faith, to ignore the influence of any corroborative impression that may be present. it is therefore right to take precautions against this possible cause of inaccuracy. the most perfect way would be to drop the weights, each in a little bag or sheath of light material, so that the operatee could not see the weights, while the ratio between the weights would not be sensibly changed by the additional weight of the bags. i keep little bags for this purpose, inside the box that holds the weights. _arrangement of the weights_.--the weights are placed in sets of threes, each set in a separate shallow tray, and the trays lie in two rows in a box. each tray bears the register-marks of each of the weights it contains. it is also marked boldly with a roman numeral showing the difference between the register-marks of the adjacent weights. this difference indicates the grade of sensitivity that the weights in the tray are designed to test. thus the tray containing the weights _wr _, _wr _, _wr _ is marked as in fig. , and that which contains _wr _, _wr _, _wr _ is marked as in fig. . [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] the following is the arrangement of the trays in the box. the triplets they contain suffice for ordinary purposes. |=========================================| | just | | | | perceptible | grade of | sequences | | ratio. | sensitivity | of weights | |-------------+-------------+-------------| | . | i. | , , | | . | i. / | , - / , | | . | ii. | , , | | . | ii. / | , - / , | | . | iii. | , , | | . | iii. / | , - / , | | . | iv. | , , | | . | iv. / | , - / , | | . | v. | , , | | . | vi. | , , | |=========================================| but it will be observed that sequences of / can also be obtained, and again, that it is easy to select doublets of weights for coarser tests, up to a maximum difference of xii., which may be useful in cases of morbidly diminished sensitivity. _manipulation_.--a tray is taken out, the three weights that it contains is shuffled by the operator who then passes them on to the experimenter. the latter sits at ease with his hand in an unconstrained position, and lifts the weights in turn between his finger and thumb, the finger pressing against the top, the thumb against the bottom of the cartridge. guided by the touch alone, he arranges them in the tray in what he conceives to be their proper sequence; he then returns the tray to the operator, who notes the result, the operator then reshuffles the weights and repeats the trial. it is necessary to begin with coarse preparatory tests, to accustom the operatee to the character of the work. after a minute or two the operator may begin to record results, and the testing may go for several minutes, until the hand begins to tire, the judgment to be confused, and blunders to arise. practice does not seem to increase the delicacy of perception after the first few trials, so much as might be expected. d.--whistles for testing the upper limits of audible sound in different individuals. the base of the inner tube of the whistle is the foremost end of a plug, that admits of being advanced or withdrawn by screwing it out or in; thus the depth of the inner tube of the whistle can be varied at pleasure. the more nearly the plug is screwed home, the less is the depth of the whistle and the more shrill does its note become, until a point is reached at which, although the air that proceeds from it vibrates as violently as before, as shown by its effect on a sensitive flame, the note ceases to be audible. the number of vibrations per second in the note of a whistle or other "closed pipe" depends on its depth. the theory of acoustics shows that the length of each complete vibration is four times that of the depth of the closed pipe, and since experience proves that all sound, whatever may be its pitch, is propagated at the same rate, which under ordinary conditions of temperature and barometric pressure may be taken at feet, or , inches per second,--it follows that the number of vibrations in the note of a whistle may be found by dividing , by four times the depth, measured in inches, of the inner tube of the whistle. this rule, however, supposes the vibrations of the air in the tube to be strictly longitudinal, and ceases to apply when the depth of the tube is less than about one and a half times its diameter. when the tube is reduced to a shallow pan, a note may still be produced by it, but that note has reference rather to the diameter of the whistle than to its depth, being sometimes apparently unaltered by a further decrease of depth. the necessity of preserving a fair proportion between the diameter and the depth of a whistle is the reason why these instruments, having necessarily little depth, require to be made with very small bores. the depth of the inner tube of the whistle at any moment is shown by the graduations on the outside of the instrument. the lower portion of the instrument as formerly made for me by the late mr. tisley, optician, brompton road,[ ] is a cap that surrounds the body of the whistle, and is itself fixed to the screw that forms the plug. one complete turn of the cap increases or diminishes the depth of the whistle, by an amount equal to the interval between two adjacent threads of the screw. for mechanical convenience, a screw is used whose pitch is to the inch; therefore one turn of the cap moves the plug one twenty-fifth of an inch, or ten two-hundred-and-fiftieths. the edge of the cap is divided into ten parts, each of which corresponds to the tenth of a complete turn; and, therefore, to one two-hundred-and-fiftieth of an inch. hence in reading off the graduations the tens are shown on the body of the whistle, and the units are shown on the edge of the cap. the scale of the instrument having for its unit the two-hundred-and- fiftieth part of an inch, it follows that the number of vibrations in the note of the whistle is to be found by dividing ( x )/ or , , by the graduations read off on its scale. a short table is annexed, giving the number of vibrations calculated by this formula, for different depths, bearing in mind that the earlier entries cannot be relied upon unless the whistle has a very minute bore, and consequently a very feeble note. =================================== | scale readings | corresponding | | (one division | number of | | = / | vibrations | | of an inch). | per second | |----------------+----------------| | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | | | , | =================================== [footnote : mr. hawksley, surgical instrument maker oxford street also makes these.] the largest whistles suitable for experiments on the human ear, have an inner tube of about . inches in diameter, which is equal to units of the scale. consequently in these instruments the theory of closed pipes ceases to be trustworthy when the depth of the whistle is less than about units. in short, we cannot be sure of sounding with them a higher note than one of , vibrations to the second, unless we use tubes of still smaller bore. in some of my experiments i was driven to use very fine tubes indeed, not wider than those little glass tubes that hold the smallest leads for mordan's pencils. i have tried without much success to produce a note that should be both shrill and powerful, and correspond to a battery of small whistles, by flattening a piece of brass tube, and passing another sheet of brass up it, and thus forming a whistle the whole width of the sheet, but of very small diameter from front to back. it made a powerful note, but not a very pure one. i also constructed an annular whistle by means of three cylinders, one sliding within the other two, and graduated as before. when the limits of audibility are approached, the sound becomes much fainter, and when that limit is reached, the sound usually gives place to a peculiar sensation, which is not sound but more like dizziness, and which some persons experience to a high degree. young people hear shriller sounds than older people, and i am told there is a proverb in dorsetshire, that no agricultural labourer who is more than forty years old, can hear a bat squeak. the power of hearing shrill notes has nothing to do with sharpness of hearing, any more than a wide range of the key-board of a piano has to do with the sound of the individual strings. we all have our limits, and that limit may be quickly found by these whistles in every case. the facility of hearing shrill sounds depends in some degree on the position of the whistle, for it is highest when it is held exactly opposite the opening of the ear. any roughness of the lining of the auditory canal appears to have a marked effect in checking the transmission of rapid vibrations when they strike the ear obliquely. i myself feel this in a marked degree, and i have long noted the fact in respect to the buzz of a mosquito. i do not hear the mosquito much as it flies about, but when it passes close by my ear i hear a "ping," the suddenness of which is very striking. mr. dalby, the aurist, to whom i gave one of these instruments, tells me he uses it for diagnoses. when the power of hearing high notes is wholly lost, the loss is commonly owing to failure in the nerves, but when very deaf people are still able to hear high notes if they are sounded with force, the nerves are usually all right, and the fault lies in the lining of the auditory canal. e.--questions on visualising and other allied faculties. the questions that i circulated were as follows; there was an earlier and uncomplete form, which i need not reproduce here. the object of these questions is to elicit the degree in which different persons possess the power of seeing images in their mind's eye, and of reviving past sensations. from inquiries i have already made, it appears that remarkable variations exist both in the strength and in the quality of these faculties, and it is highly probable that a statistical inquiry into them will throw light upon more than one psychological problem. before addressing yourself to any of the questions on the opposite page, think of some definite object--suppose it is your breakfast-table as you sat down to it this morning--and consider carefully the picture that rises before your mind's eye. . _illumination_.--is the image dim or fairly clear? is its brightness comparable to that of the actual scene? . _definition_.--are all the objects pretty well defined at the same time, or is the place of sharpest definition at any one moment more contracted than it is in a real scene? . _colouring_.--are the colours of the china, of the toast, bread crust, mustard, meat, parsley, or whatever may have been on the table, quite distinct and natural? . _extent of field of view_.--call up the image of some panoramic view (the walls of your room might suffice), can you force yourself to see mentally a wider range of it than could be taken in by any single glance of the eyes? can you mentally see more than three faces of a die, or more than one hemisphere of a globe at the same instant of time? . _distance of images_.--where do mental images appear to be situated? within the head, within the eye-ball, just in front of the eyes, or at a distance corresponding to reality? can you project an image upon a piece of paper? . _command over images_.--can you retain a mental picture steadily before the eyes? when you do so, does it grow brighter or dimmer? when the act of retaining it becomes wearisome, in what part of the head or eye-ball is the fatigue felt? . _persons_.--can you recall with distinctness the features of all near relations and many other persons? can you at will cause your mental image of any or most of them to sit, stand, or turn slowly round? can you deliberately seat the image of a well-known person in a chair and see it with enough distinctness to enable you to sketch it leisurely (supposing yourself able to draw)? . _scenery_.--do you preserve the recollection of scenery with much precision of detail, and do you find pleasure in dwelling on it? can you easily form mental pictures from the descriptions of scenery that are so frequently met with in novels and books of travel? . _comparison with reality_.--what difference do you perceive between a very vivid mental picture called up in the dark, and a real scene? have you ever mistaken a mental image for a reality when in health and wide awake? . _numerals and dates_.--are these invariably associated in your mind with any peculiar mental imagery, whether of written or printed figures, diagrams, or colours? if so, explain fully, and say if you can account for the association? .--_specialities_.--if you happen to have special aptitudes for mechanics, mathematics (either geometry of three dimensions or pure analysis), mental arithmetic, or chess-playing blindfold, please explain fully how far your processes depend on the use of visual images, and how far otherwise? . call up before your imagination the objects specified in the six following paragraphs, numbered a to f, and consider carefully whether your mental representation of them generally, is in each group very faint, faint, fair, good, or vivid and comparable to the actual sensation:-- a. _light and colour_.--an evenly clouded sky (omitting all landscape), first bright, then gloomy. a thick surrounding haze, first white, then successively blue, yellow, green, and red. b. _sound_.--the beat of rain against the window panes, the crack of a whip, a church bell, the hum of bees, the whistle of a railway, the clinking of tea-spoons and saucers, the slam of a door. c. _smells_.--tar, roses, an oil-lamp blown out, hay, violets, a fur coat, gas, tobacco. d. _tastes_.--salt, sugar, lemon juice, raisins, chocolate, currant jelly. e. _touch_.--velvet, silk, soap, gum, sand, dough, a crisp dead leaf, the prick of a pin. f. _other sensations_.--heat, hunger, cold, thirst, fatigue, fever, drowsiness, a bad cold. . _music_.--have you any aptitude for mentally recalling music, or for imagining it? . _at different ages_.--do you recollect what your powers of visualising, etc., were in childhood? have they varied much within your recollection? _general remarks_.--supplementary information written here, or on a separate piece of paper, will be acceptable. index _for an analysis of the several chapters, see table of contents._ abbadie, a. d' aborigines about, e. abstract ideas, like composite portraits; are formed with difficulty admiralty, records of lives of sailors adoption africa, oxen; captive animals; races of men _alert_, h.m.s., the crew of alexander the great, medals of; his help to aristotle america, captive animals; change of population animals and birds, their attachments and aversions antechamber of consciousness anthropometric registers; anthropometric committee; laboratories appold, mr. arabs, their migrations ashurakbal, his menagerie associations (_see also_ psychometric experiments) assyria, captive animals athletic feats in present and past generations augive, or ogive austin, a.l. australia, tame kites; change of population automatic thought aversion barclay, capt., of uri barrel barth, dr. bates, w.h. baume, dr. belief (_ie_ faith) bevington, miss l. bible, family bidder, g. blackburne, mr. blake, the artist bleuler and lehman blind, the blood, terror at bodily qualities boisbaudran, lecoq de breaking out (violent passion) brierre de boismont bruhl, prof. burton, capt. bushmen, their skill in drawing; in damara land campbell, j. (of islay) candidates, selection of captive animals (_see_ domestication of animals) cats can hear very shrill notes cattle, their terror at blood; gregariousness of; renders them easy to tend; cow guarding her newly-born calf; cattle highly prized by damaras celibacy as a religious exercise; effect of endowments upon; prudential; to prevent continuance of an inferior race centesimal grades chance, influence of, in test experiments change, love of, characteristic of civilised man character; observations on at schools; changing phases of charterhouse college cheltenham college chess, played blindfold children, mental imagery; associations; effect of illness on growth of head; moral impressions on; they and their parents understand each other; can hear shrill notes chinese, the clock face, origin of some number-forms colleges, celibacy of fellows of colour associations (_see_ also chap. on visionaries); colour blindness comfort, love of, a condition of domesticability competitive examinations composite portraiture; also memoirs i., ii., and iii. in appendix composite origin of some visions; of ideas; of memories composition, automatic; literary conclusion conscience, defective in criminals; its origin consciousness (_see_ antechamber of); ignorance of its relation to the unconscious lives of cells of organism; its limited ken consumption, types of features connected with cooper, miss criminals and the insane; criminals, their features; their peculiarities of character; their children cromwell's soldiers cuckoo dalton, colour blindness was a quaker damaras, their grade of sensitivity; their wild cattle and gregariousness; their pride in them; races of men in damara land dante darwin, charles, impulse given by him to new lines of thought; on conscience; notes on twins; letter of mr. a. l. austin forwarded by darwin, lieut., r.e., photographs of royal engineers deaf-mutes death, fear of; its orderly occurrence; death and reproduction of cells, and their unknown relation to consciousness despine, prosper difference, verbal difficulty in defining many grades of discipline, ascetic _discovery_, h.m.s., the crew of discrimination of weights by handling them, etc. dividualism; also doctrines, diversity of dogs, their capacity for hearing shrill notes domestication of animals dreaming du cane, sir e. duncan, dr. mathews earlswood asylum for idiots early and late marriages early sentiments ecstasy editors of newspapers egg, raw and boiled, when spun egypt, captive animals ellis, rev. mr. (polynesia) emigrants, value of their breed; migration of barbarian races endowments energy engineers, royal, features of english race, change of type; colour of hair; one direction in which it might be improved; change of stature; various components of enthusiasm epileptic constitution eskimo, faculty of drawing and map-making eugenic, definition of the word events, observed order of evolution, its effects are always behind-hand; its slow progress; man should deliberately further it exiles, families of experiments, psychometric faces seen in the fire, on wall paper, etc., faith family likenesses; records; merit, marks for fashion, changes of fasting, visions caused by; fasting girls features fellows of colleges fertility at different ages; is small in highly-bred animals fire-faces first cause, an enigma flame, sensitive, and high notes fleas are healthful stimuli to animals fluency of language and ideas forest clearing forms in which numerals are seen (_see_ number-forms); months; letters; dates foxes, preservation of france, political persecution in french, the, imaginative faculty of friends, the society of (_see_ quakers) garcilasso de la vega generations, length of and effect in population; in town and country populations generic images; theory of geometric series of test-objects; geometric mean gerard, jules gesture-language gibbon, amphitheatrical shows goethe and his visualised rose gomara goodwin, mr. grades, deficiency of in language; centesimal graham, dr., on idiots (note) gregarious and slavish instincts; gregariousness of cattle; gregarious animals quickly learn from one another gull, sir w., on vigour of members of large families; on medical life-histories guy's hospital reports (consumptive types) gypsies hair, colour of hall, capt. hallucinations, cases of; origin of; of great men handwriting; of twins hanwell asylum, lunatics when at exercise hatherley, lord haweis, mrs., words and faces; visions, head measured for curve of growth hearne (n. america) height, comparative, of present and past generation, henslow, rev. g., imagery; number-forms; visions, heredity, the family tie; of colour blindness in quakers; of criminality; of faculty of visualising; of seeing number-forms; of colour associations with sound; of seership; of enthusiasm; of character and its help in the teaching of children by their parents; that of a good stock is a valuable patrimony, hershon, mr., the talmud, hill, rev. a.d., hippocrates and snake symbol, history of twins, holbein, holland, f.m., hottentots, keenness of sight, (_see_ bushmen) human nature, variety of, humanity of the future, power of present generation of men upon it, hutchinson, mr., huxley, professor, on sucking pigs in new guinea; generic images, hysteria, idiots, deficient in energy; in sensitivity, illness, permanent effect on growth, illumination, method of regulating it when making composites; requires to be controlled, illusions, (_see_ also hallucinations, cases of) imagery, mental, indian civil service, candidates for, individuality, doubt of among the insane, among the sane, influence of man upon race, insane, the, similar forms of it in twins, inspiration analogous to ordinary fluency, morbid forms of, instability, instincts, variety of, criminal; slavish (_see_ chapter on gregarious and slavish instincts) intellectual differences, jesuits in s. america, jukes, criminal family, kensington gardens, the promenaders in, key, dr. j., kingsley, miss r., kirk, sir john, laboratories, anthropometric, larden, w., legros, prof., lehman and bleuler, (note) letters, association of colour with, lewis, g.h., lewis, miss, life-histories, their importance, livingstone, dr., longevity of families, macalister, dr., m'leod, prof. h., madness (_see_ insanity) mahomed, dr., malthus; marriage portions, man, his influence upon race, mann, dr., marks for family merit, marlborough college, marriages, early and late, with persons of good race; marriage portions; of fellows of colleges; promotion of, medians and quartiles, memory, physiological basis of; confusion of separate memories, mental imagery, meredith, mrs., milk offered by she-goats and wolves to children, moors, migrations of the, moreau, dr. j. (of tours), morphy, p., muscular and accompanying senses, tests of, mussulmans, small fear of death; things clean and unclean, namaquas in damara land, (_see_ also bushmen) napoleon i., views in connection with the faculty of visualising; his star, nature (_see_ nurture and nature) necessitarianism, negro displaced by berbers; by bushmen; exported as slaves; replaceable by chinese, nervous irritability, as distinct from sensitivity, new guinea, nicholson, sir c., notes, audibility of very shrill, nourse, prof. j.e., number-forms, numerals, their nomenclature; characters assigned to them; coloured, nurture and nature; history of twins, nussbaumer, brothers, observed order of events, octiles, ogive (statistical curve) osborn, mr. osten sacken, baron v. oswell, mr. oxen (_see_ cattle) parkyns, mansfield peculiarities, unconsciousness of persecution, its effect on the character of races peru, captive animals in pet animals petrie, flinders phantasmagoria photographic composites (_see_ composite portraiture); registers; summed effect of a thousand brief exposures; order of exposure is indifferent phthisis, typical features of piety, morbid forms of, in the epileptic and insane; in the hysterical pigafetta polynesia, pet eels ponies, their capacity for hearing shrill notes poole, r. stuart poole, w.h. population population in town and country; changes of; decays of; effects of early marriages on portraits, composite (_see_ composite portraiture); number of elements in a portrait; the national portrait gallery prejudices instilled by doctrinal teachers; affect the judgments of able men presence-chamber in mind pricker for statistical records princeton college, u.s. prisms, double image proudfoot, mr. psychometric experiments puritans quakers, frequency of colour blindness quartiles questions on visualising and other allied faculties quetelet race and selection; influence of man upon; variety and number of races in different countries; sexual apathy of decaying races; signs of superior race; pride in being of good race races established to discover the best horses to breed from rapp, general rapture, religious rayleigh, lord, sensitive flame and high notes reindeer, difficulty of taming religion renaissance republic of self-reliant men; of life generally; cosmic revivals, religious richardson, sir john roberts, c. (note) roget, j. rome, wild animals captured for use of rosiere, marriage portion to sailors, keenness of eyesight tested; admiralty life-histories of _st. james's gazette_ (phantasmagoria) savages, eyesight of schools, biographical notes at; opportunities of masters; observation of characters at schuster, prof. seal in pond, a simile; captured and tamed seemann, dr. seers (_see_ chapter on visionaries); heredity of segregation, passionate terror at among cattle selection and race self, becoming less personal sensitivity sentiments, early sequence of test weights serpent worship servility (_see_ gregarious and slavish instincts); its romantic side sexual differences in sensitivity; in character; apathy in highly-bred animals siberia, change of population in slavishness (_see_ gregarious and slavish instincts) smith, b. woodd; curious number-form communicated by smythe, g.f. snakes, horror of some persons at; antipathy to, not common among mankind socrates and his catalepsy solitude sound, association of colour with space and time spain, the races in speke, capt. spencer, h., blended outlines spiritual sense, the stars of great men statistical methods; statistical constancy; that of republics of self-reliant men; statistics of mental imagery; pictorial statistics stature of the english steinitz, mr. stones, miss stow, mr. suna, his menagerie talbot fox talmud, frequency of the different numerals in tameness, learned when young; tame cattle preserved to breed from tastes, changes in terror at snakes; at blood; is easily taught test objects, weights, etc. time and space town and country population trousseau, dr. turner, the painter twins, the history of typical centre tyranny ulloa unclean, the, and the clean unconcsciousness of peculiarities; in visionaries variety of human nature visionaries; visionary families and races watches, magnetised welch, mrs. kempe west indies, change, of population in wheel and barrel whistles for audibility of shrill notes wildness taught young wilkes, capt. winchester college wollaston, dr. wolves, children suckled by women, relative sensitivity of; coyness and caprice; visualising faculty woodfield, mr. (australia) words, visualised pictures associated with workers, solitary young, dr. yule, colonel zebras, hard to tame zoological gardens, whistles tried at; snakes fed; seal at zukertort, mr. essays in war-time further studies in the task of social hygiene by havelock ellis contents i. introduction ii. evolution and war iii. war and eugenics iv. morality in warfare v. is war diminishing vi. war and the birth-rate vii. war and democracy viii. feminism and masculinism ix. the mental differences of men and women x. the white slave crusade xi. the conquest of venereal disease xii. the nationalisation of health xiii. eugenics and genius xiv. the production of ability xv. marriage and divorce xvi. the meaning of the birth-rate xvii. civilisation and the birth-rate xviii. birth control index i introduction from the point of view of literature, the great war of to-day has brought us into a new and closer sympathy with the england of the past. dr. woods and mr. baltzly in their recent careful study of european warfare, _is war diminishing?_ come to the conclusion that england during the period of her great activity in the world has been "fighting about half the time." we had begun to look on war as belonging to the past and insensibly fallen into the view of buckle that in england "a love of war is, as a national taste, utterly extinct." now we have awakened to realise that we belong to a people who have been "fighting about half the time." thus it is, for instance, that we witness a revival of interest in wordsworth, not that wordsworth, the high-priest of nature among the solitary lakes, whom we have never forsaken, but the wordsworth who sang exultantly of carnage as god's daughter. to-day we turn to the war-like wordsworth, the stern patriot hurling defiance at the enemies who threatened our island fortress, as the authentic voice of england. but this new sense of community with the past comes to us again and again on every hand when to-day we look back to the records of the past. i chance to take down the _epistles_ of erasmus, and turn to the letters which the great humanist of rotterdam wrote from cambridge and london four hundred years ago when young henry viii had just suddenly (in ) plunged into war. one reads them to-day with vivid interest, for here in the supple and sensitive brain of the old scholar we see mirrored precisely the same thoughts and the same problems which exercise the more scholarly brains of to-day. erasmus, as his pan-german friends liked to remind him, was a sort of german, but he was, nevertheless, what we should now call a pacifist. he can see nothing good in war and he eloquently sets forth what he regards as its evils. it is interesting to observe, how, even in its small details as well as in its great calamities, war brought precisely the same experiences four centuries ago as to-day. prices are rising every day, erasmus declares, taxation has become so heavy that no one can afford to be liberal, imports are hampered and wine is scarce, it is difficult even to get one's foreign letters. in fact the preparations of war are rapidly changing "the genius of the island." thereupon erasmus launches into more general considerations on war. even animals, he points out, do not fight, save rarely, and then with only those of other species, and, moreover, not, like us, "with machines upon which we expend the ingenuity of devils." in every war also it is the non-combatants who suffer most, the people build cities and the folly of their rulers destroys them, the most righteous, the most victorious war brings more evil than good, and even when a real issue is in dispute, it could better have been settled by arbitration. the moral contagion of a war, moreover, lasts long after the war is over, and erasmus proceeds to express himself freely on the crimes of fighters and fighting. erasmus was a cosmopolitan scholar who habitually dwelt in the world of the spirit and in no wise expressed the general feelings either of his own time or ours. it is interesting to turn to a very ordinary, it may be typical, englishman who lived a century later, again in a period of war and also of quite ordinary and but moderately glorious war. john rous, a cambridge graduate of old suffolk family, was in appointed incumbent of santon downham, then called a town, though now it has dwindled away almost to nothing. here, or rather at weeting or at brandon where he lived, rous began two years later, on the accession of charles i, a private diary which was printed by the camden society sixty years ago, and has probably remained unread ever since, unless, as in the present case, by some person of antiquarian tastes interested in this remote corner of east anglia. but to-day one detects a new streak of interest in this ancient series of miscellaneous entries where we find that war brought to the front the very same problems which confront us to-day. santon downham lies in a remote and desolate and salubrious region, not without its attractions to-day, nor, for all its isolation, devoid of ancient and modern associations. for here in weeting parish we have the great prehistoric centre of the flint implement industry, still lingering on at brandon after untold ages, a shrine of the archaeologist. and here also, or at all events near by, at lackenheath, doubtless a shrine also for all men in khaki, the villager proudly points out the unpretentious little house which is the ancestral home of the kitcheners, who lie in orderly rank in the churchyard beside the old church notable for its rarely quaint mediaeval carvings. rous was an ordinary respectable type of country parson, a solid englishman, cautious and temperate in his opinions, even in the privacy of his diary, something of a country gentleman as well as a scholar, and interested in everything that went on, in the season's crops, in the rising price of produce, in the execution of a youth for burglary or the burning of a woman for murdering her husband. he frequently refers to the outbreak of plague in various parts of the country, and notes, for instance, that "cambridge is wondrously reformed since the plague there; scholars frequent not the streets and taverns as before; but," he adds later on better information, "do worse." and at the same time he is full of interest in the small incidents of nature around him, and notes, for instance, how a crow had built a nest and laid an egg in the poke of the topsail of the windmill. but rous's diary is not concerned only with matters of local interest. all the rumours of the world reached the vicar of downham and were by him faithfully set down from day to day. europe was seething with war; these were the days of that famous thirty years' war of which we have so often heard of late, and from time to time england was joining in the general disturbance, whether in france, spain, or the netherlands. as usual the english attack was mostly from the basis of the fleet, and never before, rous notes, had england possessed so great and powerful a fleet. soon after the diary begins the english expedition to rochelle took place, and a version of its history is here embodied. rous was kept in touch with the outside world not only by the proclamations constantly set up at thetford on the corner post of the bell inn--still the centre of that ancient town--but by as numerous and as varied a crop of reports as we find floating among us to-day, often indeed of very similar character. the vicar sets them down, not committing himself to belief but with a patient confidence that "time may tell us what we may safely think." in the meanwhile measures with which we are familiar to-day were actively in progress: recruits or "voluntaries" were being "gathered up by the drum," many soldiers, mostly irish, were billeted, sometimes not without friction, all over east anglia, the coasts were being fortified, the price of corn was rising, and even the problem of international exchange is discussed with precise data by rous. on one occasion, in , rous reports a discussion concerning the rochelle expedition which exactly counterparts our experience to-day. he was at brandon with two gentlemen named paine and howlet, when the former began to criticise the management of the expedition, disputing the possibility of its success and then "fell in general to speak distrustfully of the voyage, and then of our war with france, which he would make our king the cause of"; and so went on to topics of old popular discontent, of the great cost, the hazard to ships, etc. rous, like a good patriot, thought it "foul for any man to lay the blame upon our own king and state. i told them i would always speak the best of what our king and state did, and think the best too, till i had good grounds." and then in his diary he comments that he saw hereby, what he had often seen before, that men be disposed to speak the worst of state business, as though it were always being mismanaged, and so nourish a discontent which is itself a worse mischief and can only give joy to false hearts. that is a reflection which comes home to us to-day when we find the descendants of mr. paine following so vigorously the example which the parson of downham reprobated. that little incident at brandon, however, and indeed the whole picture of the ordinary english life of his time which rous sets forth, suggest a wider reflection. we realise what has always been the english temper. it is the temper of a vigorous, independent, opinionated, free-spoken yet sometimes suspicious people among whom every individual feels in himself the impulse to rule. it is also the temper of a people always prepared in the face of danger to subordinate these native impulses. the one tendency and the other opposing tendency are alike based on the history and traditions of the race. fifteen centuries ago, sidonius apollinaris gazed inquisitively at the saxon barbarians, most ferocious of all foes, who came to aquitania, with faces daubed with blue paint and hair pushed back over their foreheads; shy and awkward among the courtiers, free and turbulent when back again in their ships, they were all teaching and learning at once, and counted even shipwreck as good training. one would think, the bishop remarks, that each oarsman was himself the arch-pirate.[ ] these were the men who so largely went to the making of the "anglo-saxon," and sidonius might doubtless still utter the same comment could he observe their descendants in england to-day. every englishman believes in his heart, however modestly he may conceal the conviction, that he could himself organise as large an army as kitchener and organise it better. but there is not only the instinct to order and to teach but also to learn and to obey. for every englishman is the descendant of sailors, and even this island of britain seemed to men of old like a great ship anchored in the sea. nothing can overcome the impulse of the sailor to stand by his post at the moment of danger, and to play his sailorly part, whatever his individual convictions may be concerning the expedition to rochelle or the expedition to the dardanelles, or even concerning his right to play no part at all. that has ever been the englishman's impulse in the hour of peril of his island ship of state, as to-day we see illustrated in an almost miraculous degree. it is the saving grace of an obstinately independent and indisciplinable people. yet let us not forget that this same english temper is shown not only in warfare, not only in adventure in the physical world, but also in the greater, and--may we not say?--equally arduous tasks of peace. for to build up is even yet more difficult than to pull down, to create new life a still more difficult and complex task than to destroy it. our english habits of restless adventure, of latent revolt subdued to the ends of law and order, of uncontrollable freedom and independence, are even more fruitful here, in the organisation of the progressive tasks of life, than they are in the organisation of the tasks of war. that is the spirit in which these essays have been written by an englishman of english stock in the narrowest sense, whose national and family instincts of independence and warfare have been transmuted into a preoccupation with the more constructive tasks of life. it is a spirit which may give to these little essays--mostly produced while war was in progress--a certain unity which was not designed when i wrote them. [ ] o'dalton, _letters of sidonius_, vol. ii., p. . ii evolution and war the great war of to-day has rendered acute the question of the place of warfare in nature and the effect of war on the human race. these have long been debated problems concerning which there is no complete agreement. but until we make up our minds on these fundamental questions we can gain no solid ground from which to face serenely, or at all events firmly, the crisis through which mankind is now passing. it has been widely held that war has played an essential part in the evolutionary struggle for survival among our animal ancestors, that war has been a factor of the first importance in the social development of primitive human races, and that war always will be an essential method of preserving the human virtues even in the highest civilisation. it must be observed that these are three separate and quite distinct propositions. it is possible to accept one, or even two, of them without affirming them all. if we wish to clear our minds of confusion on this matter, so vital to our civilisation, we must face each of the questions by itself. it has sometimes been maintained--never more energetically than to-day, especially among the nations which most eagerly entered the present conflict--that war is a biological necessity. war, we are told, is a manifestation of the "struggle for life"; it is the inevitable application to mankind of the darwinian "law" of natural selection. there are, however, two capital and final objections to this view. on the one hand it is not supported by anything that darwin himself said, and on the other hand it is denied as a fact by those authorities on natural history who speak with most knowledge. that darwin regarded war as an insignificant or even non-existent part of natural selection must be clear to all who have read his books. he was careful to state that he used the term "struggle for existence" in a "metaphorical sense," and the dominant factors in the struggle for existence, as darwin understood it, were natural suitability to the organic and inorganic environment and the capacity for adaptation to circumstances; one species flourishes while a less efficient species living alongside it languishes, yet they may never come in actual contact and there is nothing in the least approaching human warfare. the conditions much more resemble what, among ourselves, we may see in business, where the better equipped species, that is to say, the big capitalist, flourishes, while the less well equipped species, the small capitalist, succumbs. mr. chalmers mitchell, secretary of the london zoological society and familiar with the habits of animals, has lately emphasised the contention of darwin and shown that even the most widely current notions of the extermination of one species by another have no foundation in fact.[ ] thus the thylacine or tasmanian wolf, the fiercest of the marsupials, has been entirely driven out of australia and its place taken by a later and higher animal, of the dog family, the dingo. but there is not the slightest reason to believe that the dingo ever made war on the thylacine. if there was any struggle at all it was a common struggle against the environment, in which the dingo, by superior intelligence in finding food and rearing young, and by greater resisting power to climate and disease, was able to succeed where the thylacine failed. again, the supposed war of extermination waged in europe by the brown rat against the black rat is (as chalmers mitchell points out) pure fiction. in england, where this war is said to have been ferociously waged, both rats exist and flourish, and under conditions which do not usually even bring them into competition with each other. the black rat (_mus rattus_) is smaller than the other, but more active and a better climber; he is the rat of the barn and the granary. the brown or norway rat (_mus decumanus_) is larger but less active, a burrower rather than a climber, and though both rats are omnivorous the brown rat is more especially a scavenger; he is the rat of sewers and drains. the black rat came to northern europe first--both of them probably being asiatic animals--and has no doubt been to some extent replaced by the brown rat, who has been specially favoured by the modern extension of drains and sewers, which exactly suit his peculiar tastes. but each flourishes in his own environment; neither of them is adapted to the other's environment; there is no war between them, nor any occasion for war, for they do not really come into competition with each other. the cockroaches, or "blackbeetles," furnish another example. these pests are comparatively modern and their great migrations in recent times are largely due to the activity of human commerce. there are three main species of cockroach--the oriental, the american, and the german (or croton bug)--and they flourish near together in many countries, though not with equal success, for while in england the oriental is most prosperous, in america the german cockroach is most abundant. they are seldom found in actual association, each is best adapted to a particular environment; there is no reason to suppose that they fight. it is so throughout nature. animals may utilise other species as food; but that is true of even, the most peaceable and civilised human races. the struggle for existence means that one species is more favoured by circumstances than another species; there is not the remotest resemblance anywhere to human warfare. we may pass on to the second claim for war: that it is an essential factor in the social development of primitive human races. war has no part, though competition has a very large part, in what we call "nature." but, when we come to primitive man the conditions are somewhat changed; men, unlike the lower animals, are able to form large communities--"tribes," as we call them--with common interests, and two primitive tribes can come into a competition which is acute to the point of warfare because being of the same, and not of two different, species, the conditions of life which they both demand are identical; they are impelled to fight for the possession of these conditions as animals of different species are not impelled to fight. we are often told that animals are more "moral" than human beings, and it is largely to the fact that, except under the immediate stress of hunger, they are better able to live in peace with each other, that the greater morality of animals is due. yet, we have to recognise, this mischievous tendency to warfare, so often (though by no means always, and in the earliest stages probably never) found in primitive man, was bound up with his superior and progressive qualities. his intelligence, his quickness of sense, his muscular skill, his courage and endurance, his aptitude for discipline and for organisation--all of them qualities on which civilisation is based--were fostered by warfare. with warfare in primitive life was closely associated the still more fundamental art, older than humanity, of dancing. the dance was the training school for all the activities which man developed in a supreme degree--for love, for religion, for art, for organised labour--and in primitive days dancing was the chief military school, a perpetual exercise in mimic warfare during times of peace, and in times of war the most powerful stimulus to military prowess by the excitement it aroused. not only was war a formative and developmental social force of the first importance among early men, but it was comparatively free from the disadvantages which warfare later on developed; the hardness of their life and the obtuseness of their sensibility reduced to a minimum the bad results of wounds and shocks, while their warfare, being free from the awful devices due to the devilry of modern man, was comparatively innocuous; even if very destructive, its destruction was necessarily limited by the fact that those accumulated treasures of the past which largely make civilisation had not come into existence. we may admire the beautiful humanity, the finely developed social organisation, and the skill in the arts attained by such people as the eskimo tribes, which know nothing of war, but we must also recognise that warfare among primitive peoples has often been a progressive and developmental force of the first importance, creating virtues apt for use in quite other than military spheres.[ ] the case is altered when we turn from savagery to civilisation. the new and more complex social order while, on the one hand, it presents substitutes for war in so far as war is a source of virtues, on the other hand, renders war a much more dangerous performance both to the individual and to the community, becoming indeed, progressively more dangerous to both, until it reaches such a climax of world-wide injury as we witness to-day. the claim made in primitive societies that warfare is necessary to the maintenance of virility and courage, a claim so fully admitted that only the youth furnished with trophies of heads or scalps can hope to become an accepted lover, is out of date in civilisation. for under civilised conditions there are hundreds of avocations which furnish exactly the same conditions as warfare for the cultivation of all the manly virtues of enterprise and courage and endurance, physical or moral. not only are these new avocations equally potent for the cultivation of virility, but far more useful for the social ends of civilisation. for these ends warfare is altogether less adapted than it is for the social ends of savagery. it is much less congenial to the tastes and aptitudes of the individual, while at the same time it is incomparably more injurious to society. in savagery little is risked by war, for the precious heirlooms of humanity have not yet been created, and war can destroy nothing which cannot easily be remade by the people who first made it. but civilisation possesses--and in that possession, indeed, civilisation largely consists--the precious traditions of past ages that can never live again, embodied in part in exquisite productions of varied beauty which are a continual joy and inspiration to mankind, and in part in slowly evolved habits and laws of social amenity, and reasonable freedom, and mutual independence, which under civilised conditions war, whether between nations or between classes, tends to destroy, and in so destroying to inflict a permanent loss in the material heirlooms of mankind and a serious injury to the spiritual traditions of civilisation. it is possible to go further and to declare that warfare is in contradiction with the whole of the influences which build up and organise civilisation. a tribe is a small but very closely knit unity, so closely knit that the individual is entirely subordinated to the whole and has little independence of action or even of thought. the tendency of civilisation is to create webs of social organisation which grow ever larger, but at the same time looser, so that the individual gains a continually growing freedom and independence. the tribe becomes merged in the nation, and beyond even this great unit, bonds of international relationship are progressively formed. war, which at first favoured this movement, becomes an ever greater impediment to its ultimate progress. this is recognised at the threshold of civilisation, and the large community, or nation, abolishes warfare between the units of which it is composed by the device of establishing law courts to dispense impartial justice. as soon as civilised society realised that it was necessary to forbid two persons to settle their disputes by individual fighting, or by initiating blood-feuds, or by arming friends and followers, setting up courts of justice for the peaceable settlement of disputes, the death-blow of all war was struck. for all the arguments that proved strong enough to condemn war between two individuals are infinitely stronger to condemn war between the populations of two-thirds of the earth. but, while it was a comparatively easy task for a state to abolish war and impose peace within its own boundaries--and nearly all over europe the process was begun and for the most part ended centuries ago--it is a vastly more difficult task to abolish war and impose peace between powerful states. yet at the point at which we stand to-day civilisation can make no further progress until this is done. solitary thinkers, like the abbé de saint-pierre, and even great practical statesmen like sully and penn, have from time to time realised this fact during the past four centuries, and attempted to convert it into actuality. but it cannot be done until the great democracies are won over to a conviction of its inevitable necessity. we need an international organisation of law courts which shall dispense justice as between nation and nation in the same way as the existing law courts of all civilised countries now dispense justice as between man and man; and we further need, behind this international organisation of justice, an international organisation of police strong enough to carry out the decisions of these courts, not to exercise tyranny but to ensure to every nation, even the smallest, that measure of reasonable freedom and security to go about its own business which every civilised nation now, in some small degree at all events, already ensures to the humblest of its individual citizens. the task may take centuries to complete, but there is no more urgent task before mankind to-day.[ ] these considerations are very elementary, and a year or two ago they might have seemed to many--though not to all of us--merely academic, chiefly suitable to put before schoolchildren. but now they have ceased to be merely academic; they have indeed acquired a vital actuality almost agonisingly intense. for one realises to-day that the considerations here set forth, widely accepted as they are, yet are not generally accepted by the rulers and leaders of the greatest and foremost nations of the world. thus germany, in its present prussianised state, through the mouths as well as through the actions of those rulers and leaders, denies most of the conclusions here set forth. in germany it is a commonplace to declare that war is the law of nature, that the "struggle for existence" means the arbitration of warfare, that it is by war that all evolution proceeds, that not only in savagery but in the highest civilisation the same rule holds good, that human war is the source of all virtues, the divinely inspired method of regenerating and purifying mankind, and every war may properly be regarded as a holy war. these beliefs have been implicit in the prussian spirit ever since the goths and vandals issued from the forests of the vistula in the dawn of european history. but they have now become a sort of religious dogma, preached from pulpits, taught in universities, acted out by statesmen. from this prussian point of view, whether right or wrong, civilisation, as it has hitherto been understood in the world, is of little consequence compared to german militaristic kultur. therefore the german quite logically regards the russians as barbarians, and the french as decadents, and the english as contemptibly negligible, although the russians, however yet dominated by a military bureaucracy (moulded by teutonic influences, as some maliciously point out), are the most humane people of europe, and the french the natural leaders of civilisation as commonly understood, and the english, however much they may rely on amateurish methods of organisation by emergency, have scattered the seeds of progress over a large part of the earth's surface. it is equally logical that the germans should feel peculiar admiration and sympathy for the turks, and find in turkey, a state founded on military ideals, their own ally in the present war. that war, from our present point of view, is a war of states which use military methods for special ends (often indeed ends that have been thoroughly evil) against a state which still cherishes the primitive ideal of warfare as an end in itself. and while such a state must enjoy immense advantages in the struggle, it is difficult, when we survey the whole course of human development, to believe that there can be any doubt about the final issue. for one who writes as an englishman, it may be necessary to point out clearly that that final issue by no means involves the destruction, or even the subjugation, of germany. it is indeed an almost pathetic fact that germany, which idealises warfare, stands to gain more than any country by an assured rule of international peace which would save her from warfare. placed in a position which renders militaristic organisation indispensable, the germans are more highly endowed than almost any people with the high qualities of intelligence, of receptiveness, of adaptability, of thoroughness, of capacity for organisation, which ensure success in the arts and sciences of peace, in the whole work of civilisation. this is amply demonstrated by the immense progress and the manifold achievements of germany during forty years of peace, which have enabled her to establish a prosperity and a good name in the world which are now both in peril. germany must be built up again, and the interests of civilisation itself, which germany has trampled under foot, demand that germany shall be built up again, under conditions, let us hope, which will render her old ideals useless and out of date. we shall then be able to assert as the mere truisms they are, and not as a defiance flung in the face of one of the world's greatest nations, the elementary propositions i have here set forth. war is not a permanent factor of national evolution, but for the most part has no place in nature at all; it has played a part in the early development of primitive human society, but, as savagery passes into civilisation, its beneficial effects are lost, and, on the highest stages of human progress, mankind once more tends to be enfolded, this time consciously and deliberately, in the general harmony of nature. [ ] p. chalmers mitchell, _evolution and the war_, . [ ] on the advantages of war in primitive society, see w. macdougal's _social psychology_, ch. xi. [ ] it is doubtless a task beset by difficulties, some of which are set forth, in no hostile spirit, by lord cromer, "thinking internationally," _nineteenth century_, july, ; but the statement of most of these difficulties is enough to suggest the solution. iii war and eugenics in dealing with war it is not enough to discuss the place of warfare in nature or its effects on primitive peoples. even if we decide that the general tendency of civilisation is unfavourable to war we have scarcely settled matters. it is necessary to push the question further home. primitive warfare among savages, when it fails to kill, may be a stimulating and invigorating exercise, simply a more dangerous form of dancing. but civilised warfare is a different kind of thing, to a very limited extent depending on, or encouraging, the prowess of the individual fighting men, and to be judged by other standards. _what precisely is the measurable effect of war, if any, on the civilised human breed?_ if we want to know what to do about war in the future, that is the question we have to answer. "wars are not paid for in war-time," said benjamin franklin, "the bill comes later." franklin, who was a pioneer in many so fields, seems to have been a pioneer in eugenics also by arguing that a standing army diminishes the size and breed of the human species. he had, however, no definite facts wherewith to demonstrate conclusively that proposition. even to-day, it cannot be said that there is complete agreement among biologists as to the effect of war on the race. thus we find a distinguished american zoologist, chancellor starr jordan, constantly proclaiming that the effect of war in reversing selection is a great overshadowing truth of history; warlike nations, he declares, become effeminate, while peaceful nations generate a fiercely militant spirit.[ ] another distinguished american scientist, professor ripley, in his great work, _the races of europe_, likewise concludes that "standing armies tend to overload succeeding generations with inferior types of men." a cautious english biologist, professor j. arthur thomson, is equally decided in this opinion, and in his recent galton lecture[ ] sets forth the view that the influence of war on the race, both directly and indirectly, is injurious; he admits that there may be beneficial as well as deteriorative influences, but the former merely affect the moral atmosphere, not the hereditary germ plasm; biologically, war means wastage and a reversal of rational selection, since it prunes off a disproportionally large number of those whom the race can least afford to lose. on the other hand, another biologist, dr. chalmers mitchell, equally opposed to war, cannot feel certain that the total effect of even a great modern war is to deteriorate the stock, while in germany, as we know, it is the generally current opinion, scientific and unscientific, equally among philosophers, militarists, and journalists, that not only is war "a biological necessity," but that it is peace, and not war, which effeminates and degenerates a nation. in germany, indeed, this doctrine is so generally accepted that it is not regarded as a scientific thesis to be proved, but as a religious dogma to be preached. it is evident that we cannot decide this question, so vital to human progress, except on a foundation of cold and hard fact. whatever may be the result of war on the quality of the breed, there can be little doubt of its temporary effect on the quantity. the reaction after war may create a stimulating influence on the birth-rate, leading to a more or less satisfactory recovery, but it seems clear that the drafting away of a large proportion of the manhood of a nation necessarily diminishes births. at the present time english schools are sending out an unusually small number of pupils into life, and this is directly due to the south-african war fifteen years ago. still more obvious is the direct effect of war, apart from diminishing the number of births, in actually pouring out the blood of the young manhood of the race. in the very earliest stage of primitive humanity it seems probable that man was as untouched by warfare as his animal ancestors, and it is satisfactory to think that war had no part in the first birth of man into the world. even the long early stone age has left no distinguishable sign of the existence of warfare.[ ] it was not until the transition to the late stone age, the age of polished flint implements, that we discern evidences of the homicidal attacks of man on man. even then we are concerned more with quarrels than with battles, for one of the earliest cases of wounding known in human records, is that of a pregnant young woman found in the cro-magnon cave whose skull had been cut open by a flint several weeks before death, an indication that she had been cared for and nursed. but, again at the beginning of the new stone age, in the caverns of the beaumes-chaudes people, who still used implements of the old stone type, we find skulls in which are weapons of the new stone type. evidently these people had come in contact with a more "civilised" race which had discovered war. yet the old pacific race still lingered on, as in the belgian people of the furfooz type who occupied themselves mainly with hunting and fishing, and have their modern representatives, if not their actual descendants, in the peaceful lapps and eskimo.[ ] it was thus at a late stage of human history, though still so primitive as to be prehistoric, that organised warfare developed. at the dawn of history war abounded. the earliest literature of the aryans--whether greeks, germans, or hindus--is nothing but a record of systematic massacres, and the early history of the hebrews, leaders in the world's religion and morality, is complacently bloodthirsty. lapouge considers that in modern times, though wars are fewer in number, the total number of victims is still about the same, so that the stream of bloodshed throughout the ages remains unaffected. he attempted to estimate the victims of war for each civilised country during half a century, and found that the total amounted to nine and a half millions, while, by including the napoleonic and other wars of the beginning of the nineteenth century, he considered that that total would be doubled. put in another form, lapouge says, the wars of a century spill , , gallons of blood, enough to fill three million forty-gallon casks, or to create a perpetual fountain sending up a jet of gallons per hour, a fountain which has been flowing unceasingly ever since the dawn of history. it is to be noted, also, that those slain on the battlefield by no means represent the total victims of a war, but only about half of them; more than half of those who, from one cause or another, perished in the franco-prussian war, it is said, were not belligerents. lapouge wrote some ten years ago and considered that the victims of war, though remaining about absolutely the same in number through the ages, were becoming relatively fewer. the great war of to-day would perhaps have disturbed his calculations, unless we may assume that it will be followed by a tremendous reaction against war. for when the war had lasted only nine months, it was estimated that if it should continue at the present rate (and as a matter of fact its scale has been much enlarged) for another twelve months, the total loss to europe in lives destroyed or maimed would be ten millions, about equal to five-sixths of the whole young manhood of the german empire, and nearly the same number of victims as lapouge reckoned as the normal war toll of a whole half-century of european "civilisation." it is scarcely necessary to add that all these bald estimates of the number of direct victims to war give no clue to the moral and material damage--apart from all question of injury to the race--done by the sudden or slow destruction of so large a proportion of the young manhood of the world, the ever widening circles of anguish and misery and destitution which every fatal bullet imposes on humanity, for it is probable that for every ten million soldiers who fall on the field, fifty million other persons at home are plunged into grief or poverty, or some form of life-diminishing trouble. the foregoing considerations have not, however, brought us strictly within the field of eugenics. they indicate the great extent to which war affects the human breed, but they do not show that war affects the quality of the breed, and until that is shown the eugenist remains undisturbed. there are various circumstances which, at the outset, and even in the absence of experimental verification, make it difficult, or impossible, that even the bare mortality of war (for the eugenical bearings of war are not confined to its mortality) should leave the eugenist indifferent. for war never hits men at random. it only hits a carefully selected percentage of "fit" men. it tends, in other words, to strike out, temporarily, or in a fatal event, permanently, from the class of fathers, precisely that percentage of the population which the eugenist wishes to see in that class. this is equally the case in countries with some form of compulsory service, and in countries which rely on a voluntary military system. for, however an army is recruited, it is only those men reaching a fairly high standard of fitness who are accepted, and these, even in times of peace are hampered in the task of carrying on the race, which the less fit and the unfit are free to do at their own good pleasure. nearly all the ways in which war and armies disturb the normal course of affairs seem likely to interfere with eugenical breeding, and none to favour it. thus at one time, in the napoleonic wars, the french age of conscription fell to eighteen, while marriage was a cause of exemption, with the result of a vast increase of hasty and ill-advised marriages among boys, certainly injurious to the race. armies, again, are highly favourable to the spread of racial poisons, especially of syphilis, the most dangerous of all, and this cannot fail to be, in a marked manner, dysgenic rather than eugenic. the napoleonic wars furnished the first opportunity of testing the truth of franklin's assertion concerning the disastrous effect of armies on the race, by the collection of actual and precise data. but the significance of the data proved unexpectedly difficult to unravel, and most writers on the subject have been largely occupied in correcting the mistakes of their predecessors. villermé in remarked that the long series of french wars up to must probably reduce the height of the french people, though he was unable to prove that this was so. dufau in was in a better position to judge, and he pointed out in his _traité de statistique_ that, comparing and , the number of young men exempted from the army had doubled in the interval, even though the regulation height had been lowered. this result, however, he held, was not so alarming as it might appear, and probably only temporary, for it was seemingly due to the fact that, in and the following years, the male population was called to arms in masses, even youths being accepted, so that a vast number of precocious marriages of often defective men took place. the result would only be terrible, dufau believed, if prolonged; his results, however, were not altogether reliable, for he failed to note the proportion of men exempted to those examined. the question was investigated more thoroughly by tschuriloff in .[ ] he came to the conclusion that the napoleonic wars had no great influence on stature, since the regulation height was lowered in , and abolished altogether for healthy men in , and any defect of height in the next generation is speedily repaired. tschuriloff agreed, however, that, though the influence of war in diminishing the height of the race is unimportant, the influence of war in increasing physical defects and infirmities in subsequent generations is a very different matter. he found that the physical deterioration of war manifested itself chiefly in the children born eight years afterwards, and therefore in the recruits twenty-eight years after the war. he regarded it as an undoubted fact that the french army of half a million men in increased by per cent. the proportion of hereditarily infirm persons. he found, moreover, that the new-born of , that is to say the military class of , showed that infirmities had risen from per cent. to . per cent., an increase of per cent. nor is the _status quo_ entirely brought back later on, for the bad heredity of the increased number of defectives tends to be still further propagated, even though in an attenuated form. as a matter of fact, tschuriloff found that the proportion of exemptions from the army for infirmity increased enormously from per cent. in - , to per cent. in - , declining later to per cent. in - , though he is careful to point out that this result must not be entirely ascribed to the reversed selection of wars. there could, however, be no doubt that most kinds of infirmities became more frequent as a result of military selection. lapouge's more recent investigation into the results of the franco-prussian war of were of similar character; when examining the recruits of - he found that these "children of the war" were inferior to those born earlier, and that there was probably an undue proportion of defective individuals among their fathers. it cannot be said that these investigations finally demonstrate the evil results of war on the race. the subject is complicated, and some authorities, like collignon in france and ammon in germany,--both, it may be well to note, army surgeons,--have sought to smooth down and explain away the dysgenic effects of war. but, on the whole, the facts seem to support those probabilities which the insight of franklin first clearly set forth. it is interesting in the light of these considerations on the eugenic bearings of warfare to turn for a moment to those who proclaim the high moral virtues of war as a national regenerator. it is chiefly in germany that, for more than a century past, this doctrine has been preached.[ ] "war invigorates humanity," said hegel, "as storms preserve the sea from putrescence." "war is an integral part of god's universe," said moltke, "developing man's noblest attributes." "the condemnation of war," said treitschke, "is not only absurd, it is immoral."[ ] these brave sayings scarcely bear calm and searching examination at the best, but, putting aside all loftier appeals to humanity or civilisation, a "national regenerator" which we have good reason to suppose enfeebles and deteriorates the race, cannot plausibly be put before us as a method of ennobling humanity or as a part of god's universe, only to be condemned on pain of seeing a company of german professors pointing the finger to our appalling "immorality," on their drill-sergeant's word of command. at the same time, this glorification of the regenerating powers of war quite overlooks the consideration that the fighting spirit tends to destroy itself, so that the best way to breed good fighters is not to preach war, but to cultivate peace, which is what the germans have, in actual practice, done for over forty years past. france, the most military, and the most gloriously military, nation of the napoleonic era, is now the leader in anti-militarism, altogether indifferent to the lure of military glory, though behind no nation in courage or skill. belgium has not fought for generations, and had only just introduced compulsory military service, yet the belgians, from their king and their cardinal-archbishop downwards, threw themselves into the war with a high spirit scarcely paralleled in the world's history, and belgian commercial travellers developed a rare military skill and audacity. all the world admires the bravery with which the germans face death and the elaborate detail with which they organise battle, yet for all their perpetual glorification of war there is no sign that they fight with any more spirit than their enemies. even if we were to feel ourselves bound to accept war as "an integral part of god's universe," we need not trouble ourselves to glorify war, for, when once war presents itself as a terrible necessity, even the most peaceable of men are equal to the task. this consideration brings us to those "moral equivalents of war" which william james was once concerned over, when he advocated, in place of military conscription, "a conscription of the whole youthful population to form for a certain number of years a part of the army enlisted against _nature_."[ ] such a method of formally organising in the cause of civilisation, instead of in the cause of savagery, the old military traditions of hardihood and discipline may well have its value. but the present war has shown us that in no case need we fear that these high qualities will perish in any vitally progressive civilisation. for they are qualities that lie in the heart of humanity itself. they are not created by the drill-sergeant; he merely utilises them for his own, as we may perhaps think, disastrous ends. this present war has shown us that on every hand, even in the unlikeliest places, all the virtues of war have been fostered by the cultivation of the arts and sciences of peace, ready to be transformed to warlike ends by men who never dreamed of war. in france we find many of the most promising young scientists, poets, and novelists cheerfully going forth to meet their death. on the other side, we find a kreisler, created to be the joy of the world, ready to be trampled to death beneath the hoofs of cossack horses. the friends of gordon mathison, the best student ever turned out from the medical faculty of the melbourne university and a distinguished young physiologist who seemed to be destined to become one of the first physicians of his time, viewed with foreboding his resolve to go to the front, for "wherever he was he had to be in the game," they said; and a few weeks later he was killed at gallipoli on the threshold of his career. the qualities that count in peace are the qualities that count in war, and the high-spirited man who throws himself bravely into the dangerous adventures of peace is fully the equal of the hero of the battlefield, and himself prepared to become that hero.[ ] it would seem, therefore, on the whole, that when the eugenist takes a wide survey of this question, he need not qualify his disapproval of war by any regrets over the loss of such virtues as warfare fosters. in every progressive civilisation the moral equivalents of war are already in full play. peace, as well as war, "develops the noblest attributes of man"; peace, rather than war, preserves the human sea from putrescence; it is the condemnation of peace, rather than the condemnation of war, which is not only absurd but immoral. we are not called upon to choose between the manly virtues of war and the effeminate degeneracy of peace. the great war of to-day may perhaps help us to realise that the choice placed before us is of another sort. the virtues of daring and endurance will never fail in any vitally progressive community of men, alike in the causes of war and of peace.[ ] but on the one hand we find those virtues at work in the service of humanity, creating ever new marvels of science and of art, adding to the store of the precious heirlooms of the race which are a joy to all mankind. on the other hand, we see these same virtues in the service of savagery, extinguishing those marvels, killing their creators, and destroying every precious treasure of mankind within reach. that--it seems to be one of the chief lessons of this war--is the choice placed before us who are to-day called upon to build the world of the future on a firmer foundation than our own world has been set. [ ] d.s. jordan, _war and the breed_, ; also articles on "war and manhood" in the _eugenics review_, july, , and on "the eugenics of war" in the same review for oct., . [ ] j. arthur thomson, "eugenics and war," _eugenics review_, april, . major leonard darwin (_journal royal statistical society_, march, ) sets forth a similar view. [ ] it is true that in the gourdon cavern, in the pyrenees, representing a very late and highly developed stage of magdalenian culture, there are indications that human brains were eaten (zaborowski, _l'homme préhistorique_, p. ). it is surmised that they were the brains of enemies killed in battle, but this remains a surmise. [ ] zaborowski, _l'homme préhistorique_, pp. , ; lapouge, _les sélections sociales_, p. . [ ] _revue d'anthropologie_, , pp. and . [ ] in france it is almost unknown except as preached by the syndicalist philosopher, georges sorel, who insists, quite in the german manner, on the purifying and invigorating effects of "a great foreign war," although, very unlike the german professors, he holds that "a great extension of proletarian violence" will do just as well as war. [ ] the recent expressions of the same doctrine in germany are far too numerous to deal with. i may, however, refer to professor fritz wilke's _ist der krieg sittlich berechtigt?_ ( ) as being the work of a theologian and biblical scholar of vienna who has written a book on the politics of isaiah and discussed the germs of historical veridity in the history of abraham. "a world-history without war," he declares, "would be a history of materialism and degeneration"; and again: "the solution is not 'weapons down!' but 'weapons up!' with pure hands and calm conscience let us grasp the sword." he dwells, of course, on the supposed purifying and ennobling effects of war and insists that, in spite of its horrors, and when necessary, "war is a divine institution and a work of love." the leaders of the world's peace movement are, thank god! not germans, but merely english and americans, and he sums up, with moltke, that war is a part of the moral order of the world. [ ] william james, _popular science monthly_, oct., . [ ] we still often fall into the fallacy of over-estimating the advantages of military training--with its fine air of set-up manliness and restrained yet vitalised discipline--because we are mostly compelled to compare such training with the lack of training fostered by that tame, dull sedentary routine of which there is far too much in our present phase of civilisation. the remedy lies in stimulating the heroic and strenuous sides of civilisation rather than in letting loose the ravages of war. as nietzsche long since pointed out (_human, all-too-human_, section ), the vaunted national armies of modern times are merely a method of squandering the most highly civilised men, whose delicately organised brains have been slowly produced through long generations; "in our day greater and higher tasks are assigned to men than _patria_ and _honor_, and the rough old roman patriotism has become dishonourable, at the best behind the times." [ ] the border of scotland and england was in ancient times, it has been said, "a very paradise for murderers and robbers." the war-like spirit was there very keen and deeds of daring were not too scrupulously effected, for the culprit knew that nothing was easier and safer than to become an outlaw on the other side of the border. yet these were the conditions that eventually made the border one of the great british centres of genius (the welsh border was another) and the home of a peculiarly capable and vigorous race. iv morality in warfare there are some idealistic persons who believe that morality and war are incompatible. war is bestial, they hold, war is devilish; in its presence it is absurd, almost farcical, to talk about morality. that would be so if morality meant the code, for ever unattained, of the sermon on the mount. but there is not only the morality of jesus, there is the morality of mumbo jumbo. in other words, and limiting ourselves to the narrower range of the civilised world, there is the morality of machiavelli and bismarck, and the morality of st. francis and tolstoy. the fact is, as we so often forget, and sometimes do not even know, morality is fundamentally custom, the _mores_, as it has been called, of a people. it is a body of conduct which is in constant motion, with an exalted advance-guard, which few can keep up with, and a debased rearguard, once called the black-guard, a name that has since acquired an appropriate significance. but in the substantial and central sense morality means the conduct of the main body of the community. thus understood, it is clear that in our time war still comes into contact with morality. the pioneers may be ahead; the main body is in the thick of it. that there really is a morality of war, and that the majority of civilised people have more or less in common a certain conventional code concerning the things which may or may not be done in war, has been very clearly seen during the present conflict. this moral code is often said to be based on international regulations and understandings. it certainly on the whole coincides with them. but it is the popular moral code which is fundamental, and international law is merely an attempt to enforce that morality. the use of expanding bullets and poison gases, the poisoning of wells, the abuse of the red cross and the white flag, the destruction of churches and works of art, the infliction of cruel penalties on civilians who have not taken up arms--all such methods of warfare as these shock popular morality. they are on each side usually attributed to the enemy, they are seldom avowed, and only adopted in imitation of the enemy, with hesitation and some offence to the popular conscience, as we see in the case of poison gas, which was only used by the english after long delay, while the french still hesitated. the general feeling about such methods, even when involving scientific skill, is that they are "barbarous." as a matter of fact, this charge of "barbarism" against those methods of warfare which shock our moral sense must not be taken too literally. the methods of real barbarians in war are not especially "barbarous." they have sometimes committed acts of cruelty which are revolting to us to-day, but for the most part the excesses of barbarous warfare have been looting and burning, together with more or less raping of women, and these excesses have been so frequent within the last century, and still to-day, that they may as well be called "civilised" as "barbarous." the sack of rome by the goths at the beginning of the fifth century made an immense impression on the ancient world, as an unparalleled outrage. st. augustine in his _city of god_, written shortly afterwards, eloquently described the horrors of that time. yet to-day, in the new light of our own knowledge of what war may involve, the ways of the ancient goths seem very innocent. we are expressly told that they spared the sacred christian places, and the chief offences brought against them seem to be looting and burning; yet the treasure they left untouched was vast and incalculable and we should be thankful indeed if any belligerent in the war of to-day inflicted as little injury on a conquered city as the goths on rome. the vague rhetoric which this invasion inspired scarcely seems to be supported by definitely recorded facts, and there can be very little doubt that the devastation wrought in many old wars exists chiefly in the writings of rhetorical chroniclers whose imaginations were excited, as we may so often see among the journalists of to-day, by the rumour of atrocities which have never been committed. this is not to say that no devastation and cruelty have been perpetrated in ancient wars. it seems to be generally agreed that in the famous thirty years' war, which the germans fought against each other, atrocities were the order of the day. we are constantly being told, in respect of some episode or other of the war of to-day, that "nothing like it has been seen since the thirty years' war." but the writers who make this statement, with an off-hand air of familiar scholarship, never by any chance bring forward the evidence for this greater atrociousness of the thirty years' war,[ ] and one is inclined to suspect that this oft-repeated allusion to the thirty years' war as the acme of military atrocity is merely a rhetorical flourish. in any case we know that, not so many years after the thirty years' war, frederick the great, who combined supreme military gifts with freedom from scruple in policy, and was at the same time a great representative german, declared that the ordinary citizen ought never to be aware that his country is at war.[ ] nothing could show more clearly the military ideal, however imperfectly it may sometimes have been attained, of the old european world. atrocities, whether regarded as permissible or as inevitable, certainly occurred. but for the most part wars were the concern of the privileged upper class; they were rendered necessary by the dynastic quarrels of monarchs and were carried out by a professional class with aristocratic traditions and a more or less scrupulous regard to ancient military etiquette. there are many stories of the sufferings of the soldiery in old times, in the midst of abundance, on account of military respect for civilian property. von der goltz remarks that "there was a time when the troops camped in the cornfields and yet starved," and states that in the prussian main army camped close to huge piles of wood and yet had no fires to warm themselves or cook their food.[ ] the legend, if legend it is, of the french officer who politely requested the english officer opposite him to "fire first" shows how something of the ancient spirit of chivalry was still regarded as the accompaniment of warfare. it was an occupation which only incidentally concerned the ordinary citizen. the english, especially, protected by the sea and always living in open undefended cities, have usually been able to preserve this indifference to the continental wars in which their kings have constantly been engaged, and, as we see, even in the most unprotected european countries, and the most profoundly warlike, the great frederick set forth precisely the same ideal of war. the fact seems to be that while war is nowadays less chronic than of old, less prolonged, and less easily provoked, it is a serious fallacy to suppose that it is also less barbarous. we imagine that it must be so simply because we believe, on more or less plausible grounds, that our life generally is growing less barbarous and more civilised. but war, by its very nature, always means a relapse from civilisation into barbarism, if not savagery.[ ] we may sympathise with the endeavour of the european soldiers of old to civilise warfare, and we may admire the remarkable extent to which they succeeded in doing so. but we cannot help feeling that their romantic and chivalrous notions of warfare were absurdly incongruous. the world in general might have been content with that incongruity. but germany, or more precisely prussia, with its ancient genius for warfare, has in the present war taken the decisive step in initiating the abolition of that incongruity by placing warfare definitely on the basis of scientific barbarism. to do this is, in a sense, we must remember, not a step backwards, but a step forward. it involved the recognition of the fact that war is not a game to be played for its own sake, by a professional caste, in accordance with fixed rules which it would be dishonourable to break, but a method, carried out by the whole organised manhood of the nation, of effectively attaining an end desired by the state, in accordance with the famous statement of clausewitz that war is state policy continued by a different method. if by the chivalrous method of old, which was indeed in large part still their own method in the previous franco-german war, the germans had resisted the temptation to violate the neutrality of luxemburg and belgium in order to rush behind the french defences, and had battered instead at the gap of belfort, they would have won the sympathy of the world, but they certainly would not have won the possession of the greater part of belgium and a third part of france. it has not alone been military instinct which has impelled germany on the new course thus inaugurated. we see here the final outcome of a reaction against ancient teutonic sentimentality which the insight of goldwin smith clearly discerned forty years ago.[ ] humane sentiments and civilised traditions, under the moulding hand of prussian leaders of kultur, have been slowly but firmly subordinated to a political realism which, in the military sphere, means a masterly efficiency in the aim of crushing the foe by overwhelming force combined with panic-striking "frightfulness." in this conception, that only is moral which served these ends. the horror which this "frightfulness" may be expected to arouse, even among neutral nations, is from the german point of view a tribute of homage. the military reputation of germany is so great in the world, and likely to remain so, whatever the issue of the present war, that we are here faced by a grave critical issue which concerns the future of the whole world. the conduct of wars has been transformed before our eyes. in any future war the example of germany will be held to consecrate the new methods, and the belligerents who are not inclined to accept the supreme authority of germany may yet be forced in their own interests to act in accordance with it. the mitigating influence of religion over warfare has long ceased to be exercised, for the international catholic church no longer possesses the power to exert such influence, while the national protestant churches are just as bellicose as their flacks. now we see the influence of morality over warfare similarly tending to disappear. henceforth, it seems, we have to reckon with a conception of war which accounts it a function of the supreme state, standing above morality and therefore able to wage war independently of morality. necessity--the necessity of scientific effectiveness--becomes the sole criterion of right and wrong. when we look back from the standpoint of knowledge which we have reached in the present war to the notions which prevailed in the past, they seem to us hollow and even childish. seventy years ago, buckle, in his _history of civilisation_, stated complacently that only ignorant and unintellectual nations any longer cherished ideals of war. his statement was part of the truth. it is true, for instance, that france is now the most anti-military of nations, though once the most military of all. but, we see, it is only part of the truth. the very fact, which buckle himself pointed out, that efficiency has in modern times taken the place of morality in the conduct of affairs, offers a new foundation for war when war is urged on scientific principle for the purpose of rendering effective the claims of state policy. to-day we see that it is not sufficient for a nation to cultivate knowledge and become intellectual, in the expectation that war will automatically go out of fashion. it is quite possible to become very scientific, most relentlessly intellectual, and on that foundation to build up ideals of warfare much more barbarous than those of assyria. the conclusion seems to be that we are to-day entering on an era in which war will not only flourish as vigorously as in the past, although not in so chronic a form, but with an altogether new ferocity and ruthlessness, with a vastly increased power of destruction, and on a scale of extent and intensity involving an injury to civilisation and humanity which no wars of the past ever perpetrated. moreover, this state of things imposes on the nations which have hitherto, by their temper, their position, or their small size, regarded themselves as nationally neutral, a new burden of armament in order to ensure that neutrality. it has been proclaimed on both sides that this war is a war to destroy militarism. but the disappearance of a militarism that is only destroyed by a greater militarism offers no guarantee at all for any triumph of civilisation or humanity. what then are we to do? it seems clear that we have to recognise that our intellectual leaders of old who declared that to ensure the disappearance of war we have but to sit still and fold our hands while we watch the beneficent growth of science and intellect were grievously mistaken. war is still one of the active factors of modern life, though by no means the only factor which it is in our power to grasp and direct. by our energetic effort the world can be moulded. it is the concern of all of us, and especially of those nations which are strong enough and enlightened enough to take a leading part in human affairs, to work towards the initiation and the organisation of this immense effort. in so far as the great war of to-day acts as a spur to such effort it will not have been an unmixed calamity. [ ] in so far as it may have been so, that seems merely due to its great length, to the fact that the absence of commissariat arrangements involved a more thorough method of pillage, and to epidemics. [ ] treitschke, _history of germany_ (english translation by e. and c. paul), vol. i., p. . [ ] von der goltz, _the nation in arms_, pp. _et seq._ this attitude was a final echo of the ancient truce of god. that institution, which was first definitely formulated in the early eleventh century in roussillon and was soon confirmed by the pope in agreement with nobles and barons, was extended to the whole of christendom before the end of the century. it ordained peace for several days a week and on many festivals, and it guaranteed the rights and liberties of all those following peaceful avocations, at the same time protecting crops, live-stock, and farm implements. [ ] it is interesting to observe how st. augustine, who was as familiar with classic as with christian life and thought, perpetually dwells on the boundless misery of war and the supreme desirability of peace as a point at which pagan and christian are at one; "nihil gratius soleat audiri, nihil desiderabilius concupisci, nihil postremo possit melius inveniri ... sicut nemo est qui gaudere nolit, ita nemo est qui pacem habere nolit" (_city of god_, bk. xix., chs. - ). [ ] _contemporary review_, . v is war diminishing? the cheerful optimism of those pacifists who looked for the speedy extinction of war has lately aroused much scorn. there really seem to have been people who believed that new virtues of loving-kindness are springing up in the human breast to bring about the universal reign of peace spontaneously, while we all still continued to cultivate our old vices of international greed, suspicion, and jealousy. dr. frederick adams woods, in the challenging and stimulating study of the prevalence of war in europe from to the present day which he has lately written in conjunction with mr. alexander baltzly, easily throws contempt upon such pacifists. all their beautiful arguments, he tells us in effect, count for nothing. war is to-day raging more furiously than ever in the world, and it is even doubtful whether it is diminishing. that is the subject of the book dr. woods and mr. baltzly have written: _is war diminishing?_ the method adopted by these authors is to count up the years of war since for each of the eleven chief nations of europe possessing an ancient history, and to represent the results by the aid of charts. these charts show that certainly there has been a great falling off in war during the period in question. wars, as there presented to us, seem to have risen to a climax in the century - and to have been declining ever since. the authors, themselves, however, are not quite in sympathy with their own conclusion. "there is only," dr. woods declares, "a moderate amount of probability in favour of declining war." he insists on the fact that the period under investigation represents but a very small fraction of the life of man. he finds that if we take england several centuries further back, and compare its number of war-years during the last four centuries with those during the preceding four centuries, the first period shows years of war, the second shows years, a negligible difference, while for france the corresponding number of war-years are and , an actual and rather considerable increase. there is the further consideration that if we regard not frequency but intensity of war--if we could, for instance, measure a war by its total number of casualties--we should doubtless find that wars are showing a tendency to ever-increasing gravity. on the whole, dr. woods is clearly rather discontented with the tendency of his own and his collaborator's work to show a diminution of war, and modestly casts doubt on all those who believe that the tendency of the world's history is in the direction of such a diminution. an honest and careful record of facts, however, is always valuable. dr. woods' investigation will be found useful even by those who are by no means anxious to throw cold water over the too facile optimism of some pacifists, and this little book suggests lines of thought which may prove fruitful in various directions, not always foreseen by the authors. dr. woods emphasises the long period in the history of the human race during which war has flourished. he seems to suggest that war, after all, may be an essential and beneficial element in human affairs, destined to endure to the end, just as it has been present from the beginning. but has it been present from the beginning? even though war may have flourished for many thousands of years--and it was certainly flourishing at the dawn of history--we are still very far indeed from the dawn of human life or even of human civilisation, for the more our knowledge of the past grows the more remote that dawn is seen to be. it is not only seen to be very remote, it is seen to be very important. darwin said that it was during the first three years of life that a man learnt most. that saying is equally true of humanity as a whole, though here one must translate years into hundreds of thousands of years. but neither infant man nor infant mankind could establish themselves firmly on the path that leads so far if they had at the very outset, in accordance with dr. woods' formula for more recent ages, "fought about half the time." an activity of this kind which may be harmless, or even in some degree beneficial at a later stage, would be fatally disastrous at an early stage. war, as mankind understands war, seems to have no place among animals living in nature. it seems equally to have had no place, so far as investigation has yet been able to reveal, in the life of early man. men were far too busy in the great fight against nature to fight against each other, far too absorbed in the task of inventing methods of self-preservation to have much energy left for inventing methods of self-destruction. it was once supposed that the homeric stories of war presented a picture of life near the beginning of the world. the homeric picture in fact corresponds to a stage in human barbarism, certainly in its european manifestation, a stage also passed through in northern europe, where, nearly fifteen hundred years ago, the greek traveller, posidonius, found the celtic chieftains in britain living much like the people in homer. but we now know that homer, so far from bringing before us a primitive age, really represents the end of a long stage of human development, marked by a slow and steady growth in civilisation and a vast accumulation of luxury. war is a luxury, in other words a manifestation of superfluous energy, not possible in those early stages when all the energies of men are taken up in the primary business of preserving and maintaining life. so it was that war had a beginning in human history. is it unreasonable to suppose that it will also have an end? there is another way, besides that of counting the world's war-years, to determine the probability of the diminution and eventual disappearance of war. we may consider the causes of war, and the extent to which these causes are, or are not, ceasing to operate. dr. woods passingly realises the importance of this test and even enumerates what he considers to be the causes of war, without, however, following up his clue. as he reckons them, they are four in number: racial, economic, religious, and personal. there is frequently a considerable amount of doubt concerning the cause of a particular war, and no doubt the causes are usually mixed and slowly accumulative, just as in disease a number of factors may have gradually combined to bring on the sudden overthrow of health. there can be no doubt that the four causes enumerated have been very influential in producing war. there can, however, be equally little doubt that nearly all of them are diminishing in their war-producing power. religion, which after the reformation seemed to foment so many wars, is now practically almost extinct as a cause of war in europe. economic causes which were once regarded as good and sound motives for war have been discredited, though they cannot be said to be abolished; in the middle ages fighting was undoubtedly a most profitable business, not only by the booty which might thus be obtained, but by the high ransoms which even down to the seventeenth century might be legitimately demanded for prisoners. so that war with france was regarded as an english gentleman's best method of growing rich. later it was believed that a country could capture the "wealth" of another country by destroying that country's commerce, and in the eighteenth century that doctrine was openly asserted even by responsible statesmen; later, the growth of political economy made clear that every nation flourishes by the prosperity of other nations, and that by impoverishing the nation with which it traded a nation impoverishes itself, for a tradesman cannot grow rich by killing his customers. so it came about that, as mill put it, the commercial spirit, which during one period of european history was the principal cause of war, became one of its strongest obstacles, though, since mill wrote, the old fallacy that it is a legitimate and advantageous method to fight for markets, has frequently reappeared.[ ] again, the personal causes of war, although in a large measure incalculable, have much smaller scope under modern conditions than formerly. under ancient conditions, with power centred in despotic monarchs or autocratic ministers, the personal causes of war counted for much. in more recent times it has been said, truly or falsely, that the crimean war was due to the wounded feelings of a diplomatist. under modern conditions, however, the checks on individual initiative are so many that personal causes must play an ever-diminishing part in war. the same can scarcely be said as regards dr. woods' remaining cause of war. if by racialism we are to understand nationalism, this has of late been a serious and ever-growing provocative of war. internationalism of feeling is much less marked now than it was four centuries ago. nationalities have developed a new self-consciousness, a new impulse to regain their old territories or to acquire new territories. not only pan-germanism, pan-slavism, and british imperialism, like all other imperialisms, but even the national ambitions of some smaller powers have acquired a new and dangerous energy. they are not the less dangerous when, as is indeed most frequently the case, they merely represent the ambition, not of the people as a whole, but merely of a military or bureaucratic clique, of a small chauvinistic group, yet noisy and energetic enough to win over unscrupulous politicians. a german soldier, a young journalist of ability, recently wrote home from the trenches: "i have often dreamed of a new europe in which all the nations would be fraternally united and live together as one people; it was an end which democratic feeling seemed to be slowly preparing. now this terrible war has been unchained, fomented by a few men who are sending their subjects, their slaves rather, to the battlefield, to slay each other like wild beasts. i should like to go towards these men they call our enemies and say, 'brothers, let us fight together. the enemy is behind us.' yes, since i have been wearing this uniform i feel no hatred for those who are in front, but my hatred has grown for those in power who are behind." that is a sentiment which must grow mightily with the growth of democracy, and as it grows the danger of nationalism as a cause of war must necessarily decrease. there is, however, one group of causes of war, of the first importance, which dr. woods has surprisingly omitted, and that is the group of political causes. it is by overlooking the political aspects of war that dr. woods' discussion is most defective. supposed political necessity has been in modern times perhaps the very chief cause of war. that is to say that wars are largely waged for what has been supposed to be the protection, or the furtherance, of the civilised organisation which orders the temporal benefits of a nation. this is admirably illustrated by all three of the great european wars in which england has taken part during the past four centuries: the war against spain, the war against france, and the present war against germany. the fundamental motive of england's participation in all these wars has been what was conceived to be the need of england's safety, it was essentially political. a small island power, dependent on its fleet, and yet very closely adjoining the continental mainland, is vitally concerned in the naval developments of possibly hostile powers and in the military movements which affect the opposite coast. spain, france, and germany all successively threatened england by a formidable fleet, and they all sought to gain possession of the coast opposite england. to england, therefore, it seemed a measure of political self-defence to strike a blow as each fresh menace arose. in every case belgium has been the battlefield on land. the neutrality of belgium is felt to be politically vital to england. therefore, the invasion of belgium by a great power is to england an immediate signal of war. it is not only england's wars that have been mainly political; the same is true of germany's wars ever since prussia has had the leadership of germany. the political condition of a country without natural frontiers and surrounded by powerful neighbours is a perpetual source of wars which, in germany's case, have been, by deliberate policy, offensively defensive. when we realise the fundamental importance of the political causation of warfare, the whole problem of the ultimate fate of war becomes at once more hopeful. the orderly growth and stability of nations has in the past seemed to demand war. but war is not the only method of securing these ends, and to most people nowadays it scarcely seems the best method. england and france have fought against each other for many centuries. they are now convinced that they really have nothing to fight about, and that the growth and stability of each country are better ensured by friendship than by enmity. there cannot be a doubt of it. but where is the limit to the extension of that same principle? france and germany, england and germany, have just as much to lose by enmity, just as much to gain by friendship, and alike on both sides. the history of europe and the charts of mr. baltzly clearly show that this consideration has really been influential. we find that there is a progressive tendency for the nations of europe to abandon warfare. sweden, denmark, and holland, all vigorous and warlike peoples, have long ceased to fight. they have found their advantage in the abandonment of war, but that abandonment has been greatly stimulated by awe of their mightier neighbours. and therein, again, we have a clue to the probable course of the future. for when we realise that the fundamental political need of self-preservation and good order has been a main cause of warfare, and when we further realise that the same ends may be more satisfactorily attained without war under the influence of a sufficiently firm external pressure working in harmony with the growth of internal civilisation, we see that the problem of fighting among nations is the same as that of fighting among individuals. once upon a time good order and social stability were maintained in a community by the method of fighting among the individuals constituting the community. no doubt all sorts of precious virtues were thus generated, and no doubt in the general opinion no better method seemed possible or even conceivable. but, as we know, with the development of a strong central power, and with the growth of enlightenment, it was realised that political stability and good order were more satisfactorily maintained by a tribunal, having a strong police force behind it, than by the method of allowing the individuals concerned to fight out their quarrels between themselves. fighting between national groups of individuals stands on precisely the same footing as fighting between individuals. the political stability and good order of nations, it is beginning to be seen, can be more satisfactorily maintained by a tribunal, having a strong police force behind it, than by the method of allowing the individual nations concerned to fight out quarrels between themselves. the stronger nations have for a large part imposed this peace upon the smaller nations of europe to the great benefit of the latter. how can we impose a similar peace upon the stronger nations, for their own benefit and for the benefit of the whole world? to that task all our energies must be directed. a long series of eminent thinkers and investigators, from comte and buckle a century ago to dr. woods and mr. baltzly to-day, have assured us that war is diminishing and even that the war-like spirit is extinct. it is certainly not true that the war-like spirit is extinct, even in the most civilised and peaceful peoples, and we need not desire its extinction, for it is capable of transformation into shapes of the finest use for humanity. but the vast conflagration of to-day must not conceal from our eyes the great central fact that war is diminishing, and will one day disappear as completely as the mediaeval scourge of the black death. to reach this consummation all the best humanising and civilising energies of mankind will be needed. [ ] it has been argued (as by filippi carli, _la ricchezza e la guerra_, ) that the germans are especially unable to understand that the prosperity of other countries is beneficial to them, whether or not under german control, and that they differ from the english and french in believing that economic conquests should involve political conquests. vi war and the birth-rate during recent years the faith had grown among progressive persons in various countries, not excluding germany, that civilisation was building up almost impassable barriers against any great war. these barriers were thought to be of various kinds, even apart from the merely sentimental and humanitarian developments of pacific feeling. they were especially of an economic kind, and that on a double basis, that of capital and that of labour. it was believed, on the one hand, that the international ramifications of capital, and the complicated commercial and financial webs which bind nations together, would cause so vivid a realisation of the disasters of war as to erect a wholesomely steadying effect whenever the danger of war loomed in sight. on the other hand, it was felt that the international unity of interest among the workers, the growth of labour's favourite doctrine that there is no conflict between nations, but only between classes, and even the actual international organisation and bonds of the workers' associations, would interpose a serious menace to the plans of war-makers. these influences were real and important. but, as we know, when the decisive moment came, the diplomatists and the militarists were found to be at the helm, to steer the ship of state in each country concerned, and those on board had no voice in determining the course. in england only can there be said to have been any show of consulting parliament, but at that moment the situation had already so far developed that there was little left but to accept it. the great war of to-day has shown that such barriers against war as we at present possess may crumble away in a moment at the shock of the war-making machine. we are to-day forced to undertake a more searching inquiry into the forces which, in civilisation, operate against war. i wish to call attention here to one such influence of fundamental character, which has not been unrecognised, but possesses an importance we are often apt to overlook. "a french gentleman, well acquainted with the constitution of his country," wrote thicknesse in ,[ ] "told me above eight years since that france increased so rapidly in peace that they must necessarily have a war every twelve or fourteen years to carry off the refuse of the people." recently a well-known german socialist, dr. eduard david, member of the reichstag and a student of the population question, setting forth the same great truth (in _die neue generation_ for november, ) states that it would have been impossible for germany to wage the present war if it had not been for the high german birth-rate during the past half-century. and the impossibility of this war would, for dr. david, have been indeed tragic. a more distinguished social hygienist, professor max gruber, of munich, who took a leading part in organising that marvellous exposition of hygiene at dresden which has been germany's greatest service to real civilisation in recent years, lately set forth an identical opinion. the war, he declares, was inevitable and unavoidable, and germany was responsible for it, not, he hastens to add, in any moral sense, but in a biological sense, because in forty-four years germans have increased in numbers from forty millions to eighty millions. the war was, therefore, a "biological necessity." if we survey the belligerent nations in the war we may say that those which took the initiative in drawing it on, or at all events were most prepared to welcome it, were russia, austria, germany, and serbia. we may also note that these include nearly all the nations in europe with a high birth-rate. we may further note that they are all nations which--putting aside their cultural summits and taking them in the mass--are among the most backward in europe; the fall in the birth-rate has not yet had time to permeate them. on the other hand, of the belligerent peoples of to-day, all indications point to the french as the people most intolerant, silently but deeply, of the war they are so ably and heroically waging. yet the france of the present, with the lowest birth-rate and the highest civilisation, was a century ago the france of a birth-rate higher than that of germany to-day, the most militarist and aggressive of nations, a perpetual menace to europe. for all those among us who have faith in civilisation and humanity, and are unable to believe that war can ever be a civilising or humanising method of progress, it must be a daily prayer that the fall of the birth-rate may be hastened. it seems too elementary a point to insist on, yet the mists of ignorance and prejudice are so dense, the cataract of false patriotism is so thick, that for many even the most elementary truths cannot be discerned. in most of the smaller nations, indeed, an intelligent view prevails. their smallness has, on the one hand, rendered them more open to international culture, and, on the other hand, enabled them to outgrow the illusions of militarism; there is a higher standard of education among them; their birth-rates are low and they accept that fact as a condition of progressive civilisation. that is the case in switzerland, as in norway, and notably in holland. it is not so in the larger nations. here we constantly find, even in those lands where the bulk of the population are civilised and reasonably level-headed, a small minority who publicly tear their hair and rage at the steady decline in the birth-rate. it is, of course, only the declining birth-rate of their own country that they have in view; for they are "patriots," which means that the fall of the birth-rate in all other countries but their own is a source of much gratification. "woe to us," they exclaim in effect, "if we follow the example of these wicked and degenerate peoples! our nation needs men. we have to populate the earth and to carry the blessings of our civilised culture all over the world. in executing that high mission we cannot have too much cannon-fodder in defending ourselves against the jealousy and aggression of other nations. let us promote parentage by law; let us repress by law every influence which may encourage a falling birth-rate; otherwise there is nothing left to us but speedy national disaster, complete and irremediable." this is not caricature,[ ] though these apostles of "race-suicide" may easily arouse a smile by the verbal ardour of their procreative energy. but we have to recognise that in germany for years past it has been difficult to take up a serious periodical without finding some anxiously statistical article about the falling birth-rate and some wild recommendations for its arrest, for it is the militaristic german who of all europeans is most worried by this fall; indeed germans often even refuse to recognise it. thus to-day we find professor gruber declaring that if the population of the german empire continues to grow at the rate of the first five years of the present century, at the end of the century it will have reached , , . by such a vast increase in population, the professor complacently concludes, "germany will be rendered invulnerable." we know what that means. the presence of an "invulnerable" nation among nations that are "vulnerable" means inevitable aggression and war, a perpetual menace to civilisation and humanity. it is not along that line that hope can be found for the world's future, or even germany's future, and gruber conveniently neglects to estimate what, on his basis, the population of russia will be at the end of the century. but gruber's estimate is altogether fallacious. german births have fallen, roughly speaking, about one per thousand of the population, every year since the beginning of the century, and it would be equally reasonable to estimate that if they continue to fall at the present rate (which we cannot, of course, anticipate) births will altogether have ceased in germany long before the end of the century. the german birth-rate reached its climax forty years ago ( - ) with . per , ; in it was per , ; in , per , ; in , per , ; in an almost measurable period of time, in all probability long before the end of the century, it will have reached the same low level as that of france, when there will be little difference between the "invulnerability" of france and of germany, a consummation which, for the world's sake, is far more devoutly to be wished than that anticipated by gruber. we have to remember, moreover, that this tendency is by no means, as we are sometimes tempted to suppose, a sign of degeneration or of decay; but, on the contrary, a sign of progress. when we survey broadly that course of zoological evolution of which we are pleased to regard man as the final outcome, we note that on the whole the mighty stream has become the less productive as it has advanced. we note the same of the various lines taken separately. we note, also, that intelligence and all the qualities we admire have usually been most marked in the less prolific species. progress, roughly speaking, has proved incompatible with high fertility. and the reason is not far to seek. if the creature produced is more evolved, it is more complex and more highly organised, and that means the need for much time and much energy. to attain this, the offspring must be few and widely spaced; it cannot be attained at all under conditions that are highly destructive. the humble herring, which evokes the despairing envy of our human apostles of fertility, is largely composed of spawn, and produces a vast number of offspring, of which few reach maturity. the higher mammals spend their lives in the production of a small number of offspring, most of whom survive. thus, even before man began, we see a fundamental principle established, and the relationship between the birth-rate and the death-rate in working order. all progressive evolution may be regarded as a mechanism for concentrating an ever greater amount of energy in the production of ever fewer and ever more splendid individuals. nature is perpetually striving to replace the crude ideal of quantity by the higher ideal of quality. in human history these same tendencies have continually been illustrated. the greeks, our pioneers in all insight and knowledge, grappled (as professor myres has lately set forth[ ]), and realised that they were grappling, with this same problem. even in the minoan age their population would appear to have been full to overflowing; "there were too many people in the world," and to the old greeks the trojan war was the earliest divinely-appointed remedy. wars, famines, pestilences, colonisation, wide-spread infanticide were the methods, voluntary and involuntary, by which this excessive birth-rate was combated, while the greatest of greek philosophers, a plato or an aristotle, clearly saw that a regulated and limited birth-rate, a eugenically improved race, is the road to higher civilisation. we may even see in greek antiquity how a sudden rise in industrialism leads to a crowded and fertile urban population, the extension of slavery, and all the resultant evils. it was a foretaste of what was seen during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when a sudden industrial expansion led to an enormously high birth-rate, a servile urban proletariat (that very word indicates, as roscher has pointed out, that a large family means inferiority), and a consequent outburst of misery and degradation from which we are only now emerging. as we are now able to realise, the sudden expansion of the population accompanying the industrial revolution was an abnormal and, from the point of view of society, a morbid phenomenon. all the evidence goes to show that previously the population tended to increase very slowly, and social evolution was thus able to take place equably and harmoniously. it is only gradually that the birth-rate has begun to right itself again. the movement, as is well known, began in france, always the most advanced outpost of european civilisation. it has now spread to england, to germany, to all europe, to the whole world indeed, in so far as the world is in touch with european civilisation, and has long been well marked in the united states. when we realise this we are also enabled to realise how futile, how misplaced, and how mischievous it is to raise the cry of "race-suicide." it is futile because no outcry can affect a world-wide movement of civilisation. it is misplaced because the rise and fall of the population is not a matter of the birth-rate alone, but of the birth-rate combined with the death-rate, and while we cannot expect to touch the former we can influence the latter. it is mischievous because by fighting against a tendency which is not only inevitable but altogether beneficial, we blind ourselves to the advance of civilisation and risk the misdirection of all our energies. how far this blindness may be carried we see in the false patriotism of those who in the decline of the birth-rate fancy they see the ruin of their own particular country, oblivious of the fact that we are concerned with a phenomenon of world-wide extension. the whole tendency of civilisation is to reduce the birth-rate, as leroy-beaulieu concludes in his comprehensive work on the population question. we may go further, and assert with the distinguished german economist, roscher, that the chief cause of the superiority of a highly civilised state over lower stages of civilisation is precisely a greater degree of forethought and self-control in marriage and child-bearing.[ ] instead of talking about race-suicide, we should do well to observe at what an appalling rate, even yet, the population is increasing, and we should note that it is everywhere the poorest and most primitive countries, and in every country (as in germany) the poorest regions, which show the highest birth-rate. on every hand, however, are hopeful signs. thus, in russia, where a very high birth-rate is to some extent compensated by a very high death-rate--the highest infantile death-rate in europe--the birth-rate is falling, and we may anticipate that it will fall very rapidly with the extension of education and social enlightenment among the masses. driven out of europe, the alarmist falls back on the "yellow peril." but in japan we find amid confused variations of the birth-rate and the death-rate nothing to indicate any alarming expansion of the population, while as to china we are in the dark. we only know that in china there is a high birth-rate largely compensated by a very high death-rate. we also know, however, that as lowes dickinson has lately reminded us, "the fundamental attitude of the chinese towards life is that of the most modern west,"[ ] and we shall probably find that with the growth of enlightenment the chinese will deal with their high birth-rate in a far more radical and thorough manner than we have ever ventured on. one last resort the would-be patriotic alarmist seeks when all others fail. he is good enough to admit that a general decline in the birth-rate might be beneficial. but, he points out, it affects social classes unequally. it is initiated, not by the degenerate and the unfit, whom we could well dispense with, but by the very best classes in the community, the well-to-do and the educated. one is inclined to remark, at once, that a social change initiated by its best social classes is scarcely likely to be pernicious. where, it may be asked, if not among the most educated classes, is any process of amelioration to be initiated? we cannot make the world topsy-turvy to suit the convenience of topsy-turvy minds. all social movements tend to begin at the top and to permeate downwards. this has been the case with the decline in the birth-rate, but it is already well marked among the working classes, and has only failed to touch the lowest social stratum of all, too weak-minded and too reckless to be amenable to ordinary social motives. the rational method of meeting this situation is not a propaganda in favour of procreation--a truly imbecile propaganda, since it is only carried out and only likely to be carried out, by the very class which we wish to sterilise--but by a wise policy of regulative eugenics. we have to create the motives, and it is not an impossible task, which will act even upon the weak-minded and reckless lowest social stratum. these facts have a significance which many of us have failed to realise. the great war has brought home the gravity of that significance. it has been the perpetual refrain of the pan-germanists for many years that the vast and sudden expansion of the german peoples makes necessary a new movement of the german nations into the world and a new enlargement of frontiers, in other words, war. it is not only among the germans, though among them it may have been more conscious, that a similar cause has led to the like result. it has ever been so. the expanding nation has always been a menace to the world and to itself. the arrest of the falling birth-rate, it cannot be too often repeated, would be the arrest of all civilisation and of all humanity. [ ] ralph thicknesse, _a year's journey through france and spain_, , p. . [ ] the last twelve words quoted are by miss ethel elderton in an otherwise sober memoir (_report on the english birth-rate_, , p. ) which shows that the birth control movement has begun, just where we should expect it to begin, among the better instructed classes. [ ] j.l. myres, "the causes of rise and fall in the population of the ancient world," eugenics review, april, . [ ] roscher, _grundlagen der nationalÂ�konomie_, rd ed., , bk. vi. [ ] g. lowes dickinson, _the civilisation of india, china, and japan_, , p. . vii war and democracy when we read our newspapers to-day we are constantly met by ingenious plans for bringing to an end the activities of germany after the war. german military activity, it is universally agreed, must be brought to an end; germany will have no further need of a military system save on the most modest scale. germany must also be deprived of any colonial empire and shut out from eastward expansion. that being the case, germany no longer needs a fleet, and must be brought back to bismarck's naval attitude. moreover, the industrial activities of germany must also be destroyed; the allied opponents of germany will henceforth manufacture for themselves or for one another the goods they have hitherto been so foolish as to obtain from germany, and though this may mean cutting themselves aloof from the country which has hitherto been their own best customer, that is a sacrifice to be cheerfully borne for the sake of principle. it is further argued that the world has no need of german activities in science; they are, it appears, much less valuable than we had been led to believe, and in any case no self-respecting people would encourage a science tainted by kultur. the puzzled reader of these arguments, overlooking the fallacies they contain, may perhaps sometimes be tempted to ask: but what are germans to be allowed to do? the implied answer is clear: nothing. the writers who urge these arguments with such conviction may be supposed to have an elementary knowledge of the history of the germans. we are concerned, that is to say, with a people which has displayed an irrepressible energy, in one field or another, ever since the time, more than fifteen hundred years ago, when it excited the horror of the civilised world by sacking rome. the same energy was manifested, a thousand years later, when the germans again knocked at the door of rome and drew away half the world from its allegiance to the church. still more recently, in yet other fields of industry and commerce and colonisation, these same germans have displayed their energy by entering into more or less successful competition with that "modern rome," as some have termed it, which has its seat in the british islands. here is a people,--still youthful as we count age in our european world, for even the celts had preceded them by nearly a thousand years,--which has successfully displayed its explosive or methodical force in the most diverse fields, military, religious, economic. from henceforth it is invited, by an allied army of terrified journalists, to expend these stupendous and irresistible energies on just nothing. we know, of course, what would happen were it possible to subject germany to any such process of attempted repression. whenever an individual or a mass of individuals is bidden to do nothing, it merely comes about that the activities aimed at, far from being suppressed, are turned into precisely the direction most unpleasant for the would-be suppressors. when in the germans tried to "crush" france, the result was the reverse of that intended. the effects of "crushing" had been even more startingly reverse, on the other side--and this may furnish us with a precedent--when napoleon trampled down germany. two centuries ago, after the brilliant victories of marlborough, it was proposed to crush permanently the militarism of france. but, as swift wrote to archbishop king just before the peace of utrecht, "limiting france to a certain number of ships and troops was, i doubt, not to be compassed." in spite of the exhaustion of france it was not even attempted. in the present case, when the war is over it is probable that germany will still hold sufficiently great pledges to bargain with in safeguarding her own vital interests. if it were not so, if it were possible to inflict permanent injury on germany, that would be the greatest misfortune that could happen to us; for it is clear that we should then be faced by a yet more united and yet more aggressively military germany than the world has seen.[ ] in germany itself there is no doubt on this point. germans are well aware that german activities cannot be brought to a sudden full stop, and they are also aware that even among germany's present enemies there are those who after the war will be glad to become her friends. any doubt or anxiety in the minds of thoughtful germans is not concerning the continued existence of german energy in the world, but concerning the directions in which that energy will be exerted. what is germany's greatest danger? that is the subject of a pamphlet by rudolf goldscheid, of vienna, now published in switzerland, with a preface by professor forel, as originally written a year earlier, because it is believed that in the interval its conclusions have been confirmed by events.[ ] goldscheid is an independent and penetrating thinker in the economic field, and the author of a book on the principles of social biology (_höherentwicklung und menschenökonomie_) which has been described by an english critic as the ablest defence of socialism yet written. by the nature of his studies he is concerned with problems of human rather than merely national development, but he ardently desires the welfare of germany, and is anxious that that welfare shall be on the soundest and most democratic basis. after the war, he says, there must necessarily be a tendency to approximate between the central powers and one or other of their present foes. it is clear (though this point is not discussed) that italy, whose presence in the triple alliance was artificial, will not return, while french resentment at german devastation is far too great to be appeased for a long period to come. there remain, therefore, russia and england. after the war german interests and german sympathies must gravitate either eastwards towards russia or westwards towards england. which is it to be? there are many reasons why germany should gravitate towards russia. such a movement was indeed already in active progress before the war, notwithstanding russia's alliance with france, and may easily become yet more active after the war, when it is likely that the bonds between russia and france may grow weaker, and when it is possible that the germans, with their immense industry, economy and recuperative power, may prove to be in the best position--unless america cuts in--to finance russia. industrially russia offers a vast field for german enterprise which no other country can well snatch away, and german is already to some extent the commercial language of russia.[ ] politically, moreover, a close understanding between the two supreme autocratic and anti-democratic powers of europe is of the greatest mutual benefit, for any democratic movement within the borders of either power is highly inconvenient to the other, so that it is to the advantage of both to stimulate each other in the task of repression.[ ] it is this aspect of the approximation which arouses goldscheid's alarm. it is mainly on this ground that he advocates a counter-balancing approximation between germany and england which would lay germany open to the west and serve to develop her latent democratic tendencies. he admits that at some points the interests of germany and england run counter to each other, but at yet a greater number of points their interests are common. it is only by the development of these common interests, and the consequent permeation of germany by democratic english ideas, that goldscheid sees any salvation from czarism, for that is "germany's greatest danger," and at the same time the greatest danger to europe. that is goldscheid's point of view. our english point of view is necessarily somewhat different. with our politically democratic tendencies we see very little difference between russia and prussia. as they are at present constituted, we have no wish to be in very close political intimacy with either. it so happens, indeed, that, for the moment, the chances of fellowship in war have brought us into a condition of almost sentimental sympathy with the russian people, such as has never existed among us before. but this sympathy, amply justified, as all who know russia agree, is exclusively with the russian people. it leaves the russian government, the russian bureaucracy, the russian political system, all that goldscheid concentrates into the term "czarism," severely alone. our hostility to these may be for the moment latent, but it is as profound as it ever was. czarism is even more remote from our sympathies than kaiserism. all that has happened is that we cherish the pious hope that russia is becoming converted to our own ideas on these points, although there is not the smallest item of solid fact to support that hope. otherwise, russian oppression of the finns is just as odious to us as prussian oppression of the poles, and russian persecution of liberals as alien as german persecution of war-prisoners.[ ] our future policy, in the opinion of many, should, however, be to isolate germany as completely as possible from english influence and to cultivate closer relations with russia.[ ] such a policy, goldscheid argues, will defeat its own ends. the more stringently england holds aloof from germany the more anxiously will germany cultivate good relationships with russia. such relationships, as we know, are easy to cultivate, because they are much in the interests of both countries which possess so large an extent of common frontier and so admirably supply each other's needs; it may be added also that the russian commercial world is showing no keen desire to enter into close relations with england. moreover, after the war, we may expect a weakening of french influence in russia, for that influence was largely based on french gold, and a france no longer able or willing to finance russia would no longer possess a strong hold over russia. a russo-german understanding, difficult to prevent in any case, is inimical to the interests of england, but it would be rendered inevitable by an attempt on the part of england to isolate germany.[ ] such an attempt could not be carried out completely and would break down on its weakest side, which is the east. so that the way lies open to a league of the three kaisers, the dreikaiserbündnis which would form a great island fortress of militarism and reaction amid the surrounding sea of democracy, able to repress those immense possibilities of progress within its own walls which would have been liberated by contact with the vital currents outside. so long as the war lasts it is the interest of england to strike germany and to strike hard. that is here assumed as certain. but when the war is over, it will no longer be in the interests of england, it will indeed be directly contrary to those interests, to continue cultivating hostility, provided, that is, that no rankling wounds are left. the fatal mistake of bismarck in annexing alsace-lorraine introduced a poison into the european organism which is working still. but the russo-japanese war produced a more amicable understanding than had existed before, and the boer war led to still more intimate relationships between the belligerents. it may be thought that the impression in england of german "frightfulness," and in germany of english "treachery," may prove ineffaceable. but the germans have been considered atrocious and the english perfidious for a long time past, yet that has not prevented english and germans fighting side by side at waterloo and on many another field; nor has it stood in the way of german worship of the quintessential englishman, shakespeare, nor english homage to the quintessential german goethe. the question of the future relations of england and germany may, indeed, be said to lie on a higher plane than that of interest and policy, vitally urgent as their claims may be. it is the merit of goldscheid's little book that--with faith in a future united states of europe in which every country would develop its own peculiar aptitudes freely and harmoniously--he is able to look at the war from that european standpoint which is so rarely attained in england. he sees that more is at stake than a mere question of national rivalries; that democracy is at stake, and the whole future direction of civilisation. he looks beyond the enmities of the moment, and he knows that, unless we look beyond them, we not only condemn europe to the prospect of unending war, we do more: we ensure the triumph of reaction and the destruction of democracy. "war and reaction are brethren"; on that point goldscheid is very sure, and he foretells and laments the temporary "demolition of democracy" in england. we have only too much reason to believe his prophetic words, for since he wrote we have had a coalition government which is predominantly democratic, liberal and labour, and yet has been fatally impelled towards reaction and autocracy.[ ] that the impulse is really fatal and inevitable we cannot doubt, for we see exactly the same movement in france, and even in russia, where it might seem that reaction has so few triumphs to achieve. "the blood of the battlefield is the stream that drives the mills of reaction." the elementary and fundamental fact that in democracy the officers obey the men, while in militarism the men obey the officers, is the key to the whole situation. we see at once why all reactionaries are on the side of war and a military basis of society. the fate of democracy in europe hangs on this question of adequate pacification. "democratisation and pacification march side by side."[ ] unless we realise that fact we are not competent to decide on a sound european policy. for there is an intimate connection between a country's external policy and its internal policy. an internal reactionary policy means an external aggressive policy. to shut out english influence from germany, to fortify german junkerism and militarism, to drive germany into the arms of a yet more reactionary russia, is to create a perpetual menace, alike to peace and to democracy, which involves the arrest of civilisation. however magnanimous the task may seem to some, it is not only the interest of england, but england's duty to europe, to take the initiative in preparing the ground for a clear and good understanding with germany. it is, moreover, only through england that france can be brought into harmonious relations with germany, and when russia then approaches her neighbour it will be in sympathy with her more progressive western allies and not in reactionary response to a reactionary germany. it is along such lines as these that amid the confusion of the present we may catch a glimpse of the europe of the future. we have to remember that, as goldscheid reminds us, this war is making all of us into citizens of the world. a world-wide outlook can no longer be reserved merely for philosophers. some of the old bridges, it is true, have been washed away, but on every side walls are falling, and the petty fears and rivalries of european nations begin to look worse than trivial in the face of greater dangers. as our eyes begin to be opened we see europe lying between the nether millstone of asia and the upper millstone of america. it is not by constituting themselves a mutual suicide club that the nations of europe will avoid that peril.[ ] a wise and far-seeing world-policy can alone avail, and the enemies of to-day will see themselves compelled, even by the mere logic of events, to join hands to-morrow lest a worse fate befall them. in so doing they may not only escape possible destruction, but they will be taking the greatest step ever taken in the organisation of the world. which nation is to assume the initiative in such combined organisation? that remains the fateful question for democracy. [ ] treitschke in his _history_ (bk. i., ch. iii.) has well described "the elemental hatred which foreign injury pours into the veins of our good-natured people, for ever pursued by the question: 'art thou yet on thy feet, germania? is the day of thy revenge at hand!'" [ ] rudolf goldscheid, _deutschlands grösste gefahr_, institut orell füssli, zürich, . [ ] one may remark that up to the outbreak of war fifty per cent. of the import trade of russia has been with germany. to suppose that that immense volume of trade can suddenly be transferred after the war from a neighbouring country which has intelligently and systematically adapted itself to its requirements to a remote country which has never shown the slightest aptitude to meet those requirements argues a simplicity of mind which in itself may be charming, but when translated into practical affairs it is stupendous folly. [ ] sir valentine chirol remarks of bismarck, in an oxford pamphlet on "germany and the fear of russia":--"friendship with russia was one of the cardinal principles of his foreign policy, and one thing he always relied upon to make russia amenable to german influence was that she should never succeed in healing the polish sore." [ ] in making these observations on the russians and the prussians, i do not, of course, overlook the fact that all nations, like individuals, "compound for sins they are inclined to by damning those they have no mind to," and the english treatment of the conscientious objector in the great war has been just as odious as russian treatment of the finns or prussian treatment of war prisoners, and even more foolish, since it strikes at our own most cherished principles. [ ] there is, indeed, another school which would like to shut off all foreign countries by a tariff wall and make the british empire mutually self-supporting, on the economic basis adopted by those three old ladies in decayed circumstances who subsisted by taking tea in one another's houses. [ ] even if partially successful, as has lately been pointed out, the greater the financial depression of germany the greater would be the advantage to russia of doing business with germany. [ ] it may be proper to point out that i by no means wish to imply that democracy is necessarily the ultimate and most desirable form of political society, but merely that it is a necessary stage for those peoples that have not yet reached it. even treitschke in his famous _history_, while idealising the prussian state, always assumes that movement towards democracy is beneficial progress. for the larger question of the comparative merits of the different forms of political society, see an admirable little book by c. delisle burns, _political ideals_ ( ). and see also the searching study, _political parties_ (english translation, ), by robert michels, who, while accepting democracy as the highest political form, argues that practically it always works out as oligarchy. [ ] professor d.s. jordan has quoted the letter of a german officer to a friend in roumania (published in the bucharest _adverul_, aug., ): "how difficult it was to convince our emperor that the moment had arrived for letting loose the war, otherwise pacifism, internationalism, anti-militarism, and so many other noxious weeds would have infected our stupid people. that would have been the end of our dazzling nobility. we have everything to gain by the war, and all the chimeras and stupidities of democracy will be chased from the world for an infinite time." [ ] "let us be patient," a japanese is reported to have said lately, "until europe has completed her _hara-kiri_." viii feminism and masculinism during more than a century we have seen the slow but steady growth of the great women's movement, of the movement of feminism in the wide sense of that term. the conquests of this movement have sometimes been described by rhetorical feminists as triumphs over "man." that is scarcely true. the champions of feminism have nearly as often been men as women, and the forces of anti-feminism have been the vague massive inert forces of an order which had indeed made the world in an undue degree "a man's world," but unconsciously and involuntarily, and by an instrumentation which was feminine as well as masculine. the advocates of woman's rights have seldom been met by the charge that they were unjustly encroaching on the rights of man. feminism has never encountered an aggressive and self-conscious masculinism. now, however, when the claims of feminism are becoming practically recognised in our social life, and some of its largest demands are being granted, it is interesting to observe the appearance of a new attitude. we are, for the first time, beginning to hear of "masculinism." just as feminism represents the affirmation of neglected rights and functions of womanhood, so masculinism represents the assertion of the rights and functions of manhood which, it is supposed, the rising tide of feminism threatens to submerge. those who proclaim the necessity of an assertion of the rights of masculinism usually hold up america as an awful example of the triumph of feminism. thus fritz voechting in a book published in germany, "on the american cult of woman," is appalled by what he sees in the united states. to him it is "the american danger," and he thinks it may be traced partly to the influence of the matriarchal system of the american indians on the early european invaders and partly to the effects of co-education in undermining the fundamental conceptions of feminine subordination. this state of things is so terrible to the german mind, which has a constitutional bias to masculinism, that to herr voechting america seems a land where all the privileges have been captured by woman and nothing is left to man, but, like a good little boy, to be seen and not heard. that is a slight exaggeration, as other germans, even since the war, have pointed out in german periodicals. even if it were true, however, as a german feminist has remarked, it would still be a pleasant variation from a rule we are so familiar with in the old world. that it should be put forward at all indicates the growing perception of a cleavage between the claims of masculinism and the claims of feminism. it is not altogether easy at present to ascertain whom we are to recognise as the champions and representatives of masculinism. various notable figures are mentioned, from nietzsche to mr. theodore dreiser. nietzsche, however, can scarcely be regarded as in all respects an opponent to feminism, and some prominent feminists even count themselves his disciples. one may also feel doubtful whether mr. dreiser feels himself called upon to put on the armour of masculinism and play the part assigned to him. another distinguished novelist, mr. robert herrick, whose name has been mentioned in this connection, is probably too well-balanced, too comprehensive in his outlook, to be fairly claimed as a banner-bearer of masculinism. the name of strindberg is most often mentioned, but surely very unfortunately. however great strindberg's genius, and however acute and virulent his analysis of woman, strindberg with his pronounced morbidity and sensitive fragility seems a very unhappy figure to put forward as the ideal representative of the virtues of masculinity. much the same may be said of weininger. the name of mr. belfort bax, once associated with william morris in the socialistic campaign, may fairly be mentioned as a pioneer in this field. for many years he has protested vigorously against the encroachment of feminism, and pointed out the various privileges, social and legal, which are possessed by women to the disadvantage of men. but although he is a distinguished student of philosophy, it can scarcely be said that mr. bax has clearly presented in any wide philosophic manner the demands of the masculinistic spirit or definitely grasped the contest between feminism and masculinism. the name of william morris would be an inspiring battle-cry if it could be fairly raised on the side of masculinism. unfortunately, however, the masculine figures scarcely seem eager to put on the armour of masculinism. they are far too sensitive to the charm of womanhood ever to rank themselves actively in any anti-feministic party. at the most they remain neutral. thus it is that the new movement cannot yet be regarded as organised. there is, however, a temptation for those among us who have all their lives been working in the cause of feminism to belittle the future possibilities of masculinism. there can be no doubt that all civilisation is now, and always has been to some extent, on the side of feminism. wherever a great development of civilisation has occurred--whether in ancient egypt, or in later rome, or in eighteenth-century france--there the influence of woman has prevailed, while laws and social institutions have taken on a character favourable to women. the whole current of civilisation tends to deprive men of the privileges which belong to brute force, and to confer on them the qualities which in ruder societies are especially associated with women. whenever, as in the present great european war, brute force becomes temporarily predominant, the causes associated with feminism are roughly pushed into the background. it is, indeed, the war which gives a new actuality to this question. war has always been regarded as the special and peculiar province of man, indeed, the sacred refuge of the masculine spirit and the ultimate appeal in human affairs. that is not the view of feminism, nor yet the standpoint of eugenics. yet, to-day, in spite of all our homage to feminism and eugenics, we witness the greatest war of the world. it is an instructive spectacle from our present point of view. we realise, for one thing, how futile it is for feminism to adopt the garb of masculine militancy. the militancy of the suffragettes, which looked so brave and imposing in times of peace, disappeared like child's play at the first touch of real militancy. that was patriotic of the suffragettes, no doubt; but it was also a necessary measure of self-preservation, for non-combatants who carry bombs about in time of war, when armed sentries are swarming everywhere, are not likely to have much time for hunger-striking. we witness another feature of war which has a bearing on eugenics. it is sometimes said that war is necessary for the preservation of heroic and virile qualities which, without war and the cultivation of military ideals, would be lost to the race, and that so the race would degenerate. to-day france, which is the chief seat of anti-militarism, and belgium, a land of peaceful industrialism which had no military service until a few years ago, and england, which has always been content to possess a contemptible little army, and russia whose popular ideals are humane and mystical, have sent to the front swarms of professional men and clerks and artisans and peasants who had never occupied themselves with war at all. yet these men have proved as heroic and even as skilful in the game of war as the men of germany, where war is idolised and where the practice of military virtues and military exercises is regarded as the highest function alike of the individual and of the state. we see that we need not any longer worry over the possible extinction of these heroic qualities. what we may more profitably worry over is the question whether there is not some higher and nobler way of employing them than in the destruction of the finest fruits of civilisation and the slaughter of those very stocks on which eugenics mainly relies for its materials. we can also realise to-day that war is not only an opportunity for the exercise of virtues. it is also an opportunity for the exercise of vices. "war is hell" said sherman, and that is the opinion of most great reflective soldiers. we see that there is nothing too brutal, too cruel, too cowardly, too mean, and too filthy for some, at all events, of modern civilised troops to commit, whether by, or against, the orders of their officers. in france, a few months before the present war, i found myself in a railway train at laon with two or three soldiers; a young woman came to the carriage door, but, seeing the soldiers, she passed on; they were decent, well-behaved men, and one of them remarked, with a smile, on the suspicion which the military costume arouses in women. perhaps, however, it is a suspicion that is firmly based on ancient traditions. there is the fatally seamy side of be-praised militarism, and there feminism has a triumphant argument. in this connection i may allude in passing to a little conflict between masculinism and feminism which has lately taken place in germany. germany, as we know, is the country where the claims of masculinism are most loudly asserted, and those of feminism treated with most contempt. it is the country where the ideals of men and of women are in sharpest conflict. there has been a great outcry among men in germany against the "treachery" and "unworthiness" of german women in bestowing chocolates and flowers on the prisoners, as well as doing other little services for them. the attitude towards prisoners approved by the men--one trusts it is not to be regarded as a characteristic outcome of masculinism--is that of petty insults, of spiteful cruelty, and mean deprivations. dr. helene stöcker, a prominent leader of the more advanced band of german feminists, has lately published a protest against this treatment of enemies who are helpless, unarmed, and often wounded--based, not on sentiment, but on the highest and most rational grounds--which is an honour to german women and to their feminist leaders.[ ] taken altogether, it seems probable that when this most stupendous of wars is ended, it will be felt--not only from the side of feminism, but even of masculinism,--that war is merely an eruption of ancient barbarism which in its present virulent forms would not have been tolerated even by savages. such methods are hopelessly out of date in days when wars may be engineered by a small clique of ambitious politicians and self-interested capitalists, while whole nations fight, with or without enthusiasm, merely because they have no choice in the matter. all the powers of civilisation are working towards the elimination of wars. in the future, it seems evident, militarism will not furnish the basis for the masculinistic spirit. it must seek other supports. that is what will probably happen. we must expect that the increasing power of women and of the feminine influence will be met by a more emphatic and a more rational assertion of the qualities of men and the masculine spirit in life. it was unjust and unreasonable to subject women to conditions that were primarily made by men and for men. it would be equally unjust and unreasonable to expect men to confine their activities within limits which are more and more becoming adjusted to feminine preferences and feminine capacities. we are now learning to realise that the _tertiary_ physical, and psychic sexual differences--those distinctions which are only found on the average, but on the average are constant[ ]--are very profound and very subtle. a man is a man throughout, a woman is a woman throughout, and that difference is manifest in all the energies of body and soul. the modern doctrine of the internal secretions--the hormones which are the intimate stimulants to physical and psychic activity in the organism--makes clear to us one of the deepest and most all-pervading sources of this difference between men and women. the hormonic balance in men and women is unlike; the generative ferments of the ductless glands work to different ends.[ ] masculine qualities and feminine qualities are fundamentally and eternally distinct and incommensurate. energy, struggle, daring, initiative, originality, and independence, even though sometimes combined with rashness, extravagance, and defect, seem likely to remain qualities in which men--_on the average_, it must be remembered--will be more conspicuous than women. their manifestation will resist the efforts put forth to constrain them by the feminising influences of life. such considerations have a real bearing on the problem of eugenics. as i view that problem, it is first of all concerned, in part with the acquisition of scientific knowledge concerning heredity and the influences which affect heredity; in part with the establishment of sound ideals of the types which the society of the future demands for its great tasks; and in part--perhaps even in chief part--with the acquisition of a sense of personal responsibility. eugenic legislation is a secondary matter which cannot come at the beginning. it cannot come before our knowledge is firmly based and widely diffused; it cannot come until we are clear as to the ideals which we wish to see embodied in human character and human action; it cannot come until the sense of personal responsibility towards the race is so widely spread throughout the community that its absence is universally felt to be either a crime or a disease. i fear that point of view is not always accepted in england and still less in america. it is widely held throughout the world that america is not only the land of feminism, but the land in which laws are passed on every possible subject, and with considerable indifference as to whether they are carried out, or even whether they could be carried out. this tendency is certainly well illustrated by eugenic legislation in the united states. in the single point of sterilisation for eugenic ends--and i select a point which is admirable in itself and for which legislation is perhaps desirable--at least twelve states have passed laws. yet most of these laws are a dead letter; every one of them is by the best experts considered at some point unwise; and the remarkable fact remains that the total number of eugenical sterilising operations performed in the states _without any law at all_ is greater than the total of those performed under the laws. so that the laws really seem to have themselves a sterilising effect on a most useful eugenic operation.[ ] i refrain from mentioning the muddles and undesigned evils produced by other legislation of a much less admirable nature.[ ] but i may perhaps be allowed to mention that it has seemed to some observers that there is a connection between the feminism of america and the american mania for hasty laws which will not, and often cannot, be carried out in practice. certainly there is no reason to suppose that women are firmly antagonistic to such legislation. nice, pretty, virtuous little laws, complete in every detail, seem to appeal irresistibly to the feminine mind. (and, of course, many men have feminine minds.) it is true that such laws are only meant for show. but then women are so accustomed to things that are only meant for show, and are well aware that if one attempted to use such things they would fall to pieces at once. however that may be, we shall probably find at last that we must fall back on the ancient truth that no external regulation, however pretty and plausible, will suffice to lead men and women to the goal of any higher social end. we must realise that there can be no sure guide to fine living save that which comes from within, and is supported by the firmly cultivated sense of personal responsibility. our prayer must still be the simple, old-fashioned prayer of the psalmist: "create in me a clean heart, o god"--and to hell with your laws! in other words, our aim must be to evolve a social order in which the sense of freedom and the sense of responsibility are both carried to the highest point, and that is impossible by the aid of measures which are only beneficial for the children of perdition. that there are such beings, incapable alike either of freedom or of responsibility, we have to recognise. it is our business to care for them--until with the help of eugenics we can in some degree extinguish their stocks--in such refuges and reformatories as may be found desirable. but it is not our business to treat the whole world as a refuge and a reformatory. that is fatal to human freedom and fatal to human responsibility. by all means provide the halt and the lame with crutches. but do not insist that the sound and the robust shall never stir abroad without crutches. the result will only be that we shall all become more or less halt and lame. it is only by such a method as this--by segregating the hopelessly feeble members of society and by allowing the others to take all the risks of their freedom and responsibility even though we strongly disapprove--that we can look for the coming of a better world. it is only by such a method as this that we can afford to give scope to all those varying and ever-contradictory activities which go to the making of any world worth living in. for conflict, even the conflict of ideals, is a part of all vital progress, and each party to the conflict needs free play if that conflict is to yield us any profit. that is why masculinists have no right to impede the play of feminism, and feminists no right to impede the play of masculinism. the fundamental qualities of man, equally with the fundamental qualities of woman, are for ever needed in any harmonious civilisation. there is a place for masculinism as well as a place for feminism. from the highest standpoint there is not really any conflict at all. they alike serve the large cause of humanity, which equally includes them both. [ ] "würdelose weiber," _die neue generation_, aug.-sept., . [ ] havelock ellis, _man and woman_, fifth ed., , p. . [ ] the conception of sexuality as dependent on the combined operation of various internal ductless glands, and not on the sexual glands proper alone, has been especially worked out by professor w. blair bell, _the sex complex_, . [ ] h.h. laughlin, _the legal, legislative, and administrative aspects of sterilisation_, eugenics record office bulletin, no. , ob, . [ ] i have discussed these already in a chapter of my book, _the task of social hygiene_. ix the mental differences of men and women the great war, which has changed so many things, has nowhere effected a greater change than in the sphere of women's activities. in all the belligerent countries women have been called upon to undertake work which they had never been offered before. europe has thus become a great experimental laboratory for testing the aptitudes of women. the results of these tests, as they are slowly realised, cannot fail to have permanent effects on the sexual division of labour. it is still too early to speak confidently as to what those effects will be. but we may be certain that, whatever they are, they can only spring from deep-lying natural distinctions. the differences between the minds of men and the minds of women are, indeed, presented to all of us every day. it should, therefore, we might imagine, be one of the easiest of tasks to ascertain what they are. and yet there are few matters on which such contradictory and often extravagant opinions are maintained. for many people the question has not arisen; there are no mental differences, they seem to take for granted, between men and women. for others the mental superiority of man at every point is an unquestionable article of faith, though they may not always go so far as to agree with the german doctor, mobius, who boldly wrote a book on "the physiological weak-mindedness of women." for others, again, the predominance of men is an accident, due to the influences of brute force; let the intelligence of women have freer play and the world generally will be straightened out. in these conflicting attitudes we may trace not only the confidence we are all apt to feel in our intimate knowledge of a familiar subject we have never studied, but also the inevitable influence of sexual bias. of such bias there is more than one kind. there is the egoistic bias by which we are led to regard our own sex as naturally better than any other could be, and there is the altruistic bias by which we are led to find a charming and mysterious superiority in the opposite sex. these different kinds of sexual bias act with varying force in particular cases; it is usually necessary to allow for them. notwithstanding the fantastic divergencies of opinion on this matter, it seems not impossible to place the question on a fairly sound and rational base. in so complex a question there must always be room for some variations of individual opinion, for no two persons can approach the consideration of it with quite the same prepossessions, or with quite the same experience. at the outset there is one great fundamental fact always to be borne in mind: the difference of the sexes in physical organisation. that we may term the _biological_ factor in determining the sexual mental differences. a strong body does not involve a strong brain nor a weak body a weak brain; but there is still an intimate connection between the organisation of the body generally and the organisation of the brain, which may be regarded as an executive assemblage of delegates from all parts of the body. fundamental differences in the organisation of the body cannot fail to involve differences in the nervous system generally, and especially in that supreme collection of nervous ganglia which we term the brain. in this way the special adaptation of woman's body to the exercise of maternity, with the presence of special organs and glands subservient to that object, and without any important equivalents in man's body, cannot fail to affect the brain. we now know that the organism is largely under the control of a number of internal secretions or hormones, which work together harmoniously in normal persons, influencing body and mind, but are liable to disturbance, and are differently balanced and with a different action in the two sexes.[ ] it is not, we must remember, by any means altogether the exercise of the maternal function which causes the difference; the organs and aptitudes are equally present even if the function is not exercised, so that a woman cannot make herself a man by refraining from childbearing. in another way this biological factor makes itself felt, and that is in the differences in the muscular systems of men and women. these we must also consider fundamental. although the extreme muscular weakness of average civilised women as compared to civilised men is certainly artificial and easily possible to remove by training, yet even in savages, among whom the women do most of the muscular work, they seldom equal or exceed the men in strength; any superiority, when it exists, being mainly shown in such passive forms of exertion as bearing burdens. in civilisation, even under the influence of careful athletic training, women are unable to compete muscularly with men; and it is a significant fact that on the variety stage there are very few "strong women." it would seem that the difficulty in developing great muscular strength in women is connected with the special adaptation of woman's form and organisation to the maternal function. but whatever the cause may be, the resulting difference is one which has a very real bearing on the mental distinctions of men and women. it is well ascertained that what we call "mental" fatigue expresses itself physiologically in the same bodily manifestation as muscular fatigue. the avocations which we commonly consider mental are at the same time muscular; and even the sensory organs, like the eye, are largely muscular. it is commonly found in various great business departments where men and women may be said to work more or less side by side that the work of women is less valuable, largely because they are not able to bear additional strain; under pressure of extra work they give in before men do. it is noteworthy that the claims for sick benefit made by women under the national insurance system in england have proved much greater (even three times greater) than the actuaries anticipated beforehand; while the sick insurance societies of germany, france, austria, and switzerland also report that women are ill oftener and for longer periods than men. largely, no doubt, that is due to the special strain and the rigid monotony of our modern industrial system, but not entirely. nearly two hundred years ago (in ) swift wrote of women to bolingbroke: "i protest i never knew a very deserving person of that sex who had not too much reason to complain of ill-health." the regulations of the world have been mainly made by men on the instinctive basis of their own needs, and until women have a large part in making them on the basis of their needs, women are not likely to be so healthy as men. this by no means necessarily implies any mental inferiority; it is much more the result of muscular inferiority. even in the arts muscular qualities count for much and are often essential, since a solid muscular system is needed even for very delicate actions; the arts of design demand muscular qualities; to play the violin is a muscular strain, and only a robust woman can become a famous singer. the greater precocity of girls is another aspect of the biological factor in sexual mental differences. it is a psychic as well as a physical fact. this has been shown conclusively by careful investigation in many parts of the civilised world and notably in america, where the school system renders such sexual comparison easy and reliable at all ages. there can now be no doubt that a girl at, let us say, the age of fourteen is on the average taller and heavier than a boy at the same age, though the degrees of this difference and the precise age at which it occurs vary with the individual and the race. corresponding to this is a mental difference; in many branches of study, though not all, the girl of fourteen is superior to the boy, quicker, more intelligent, gifted with a better memory. precocity, however, is a quality of dubious virtue. it is frequently found, indeed, in men of the highest genius; but, on the other hand, it is found among animals and among savages, and is here of no good augury. many observers of the lower races have noted how the child is highly intelligent and well disposed, but seems to degenerate as he grows older; in the comparison of girls and boys, both as regards physical and mental qualities, it is constantly found that while the girls hold their own, and in many respects more than hold their own, with boys up to the age of fifteen or sixteen, after that the girls remain almost or quite stationary, while in the boys the curve of progress is continued without interruption. some people have argued, hypothetically, that the greater precocity of girls is an artificial product of civilisation, due to the confined life of girls, produced, as it were, by the artificial overheating of the system in the hothouse of the home. this is a mistake. the same precocity of girls appears to exist even among the uncivilised, and independently of the special circumstances of life. it is even found among animals also, and is said to be notably obvious in giraffes. it will hardly be argued that the female giraffe leads a more confined and domestic life than her brother. yet another aspect of the biological factor is to be found in the bearing of heredity on this question. to judge by the statements that one sometimes sees, men and women might be two distinct species, separately propagated. the conviction of some men that women are not fitted to exercise various social and political duties, and the conviction of some women that men are a morally inferior sex, are both alike absurd, for they both rest on the assumption that women do not inherit from their fathers, nor men from their mothers. nothing is more certain than that--when, of course, we put aside the sexual characters and the special qualities associated with those characters--men and women, on the average, inherit equally from both of their parents, allowing for the fact that that heredity is controlled and modified by the special organisation of each sex. there are, indeed, various laws of heredity which qualify this statement, and notably the tendency whereby extremes of variation are more common in the male sex--so that genius and idiocy are alike more prevalent in men. but, on the whole, there can be no doubt that the qualities of a man or of a woman are a more or less varied mixture of those of both parents; and, even when there is no blending, both parents are almost equally likely to be influential in heredity. the good qualities of the one parent will therefore benefit the child of the opposite sex, and the bad qualities will equally be transmitted to the offspring of opposite sex. there is another element in the settlement of this question which may also be fairly called objective, and that is the _historical_ factor. we are prone to believe that the particular status of the sexes that prevails among ourselves corresponds to a universal and unchangeable order of things. in reality this is far from being the case. it may, indeed, be truly said that there is no kind of social position, no sort of avocation, public or domestic, among ourselves exclusively appertaining to one sex, which has not at some time or in some part of the world belonged to the opposite sex, and with the most excellent results. we regard it as alone right and proper for a man to take the initiative in courtship, yet among the papuans of new guinea a man would think it indecorous and ridiculous to court a girl; it was the girl's privilege to take the initiative in this matter, and she exercised it with delicacy and skill and the best moral results, until the shocked missionaries upset the native system and unintentionally introduced looser ways. there is, again, no implement which we regard as so peculiarly and exclusively feminine as the needle. yet in some parts of africa a woman never touches a needle; that is man's work, and a wife who can show a neglected rent in her petticoat is even considered to have a fair claim for a divorce. innumerable similar examples appear when we consider the human species in time and space. the historical aspect of this matter may thus be said in some degree to counterbalance the biological aspect. if the fundamental constitution of the sexes renders their mental characters necessarily different, the difference is still not so pronounced as to prevent one sex sometimes playing effectively the parts which are generally played by the other sex. it is not necessary to go outside the white european race to find evidences of the reality of this historical factor of the question before us. it would appear that at the dawn of european civilisation women were taking a leading part in the evolution of human progress. various survivals which are enshrined in the myths and legends of classic antiquity show us the most ancient deities as goddesses; and, moreover, we encounter the significant fact that at the origin nearly all the arts and industries were presided over by female, not by male, deities. in greece, as well as in asia minor, india, and egypt, as paul lafargue has pointed out, woman seems to have taken divine rank before men; all the first inventions of the more useful arts and crafts, except in metals, are ascribed to goddesses; the muses presided over poetry and music long before apollo; isis was "the lady of bread," and demeter taught men to sow barley and corn instead of eating each other. thus even among our own forefathers we may catch a glimpse of a state of things which, as various anthropologists have shown (notably otis mason in his _woman's share in primitive culture_), we may witness in the most widely separated parts of the world. thus among the xosa kaffirs, as well as other a-bantu stocks, fritsch states that "the man claims for himself war, hunting, occupation with cattle; all household cares, even the building of the house, as well as the cultivation of the ground, are woman's affair; hardly in the most laborious work will a man lend a hand."[ ] so that when to-day we see women entering the most various avocations, that is not a dangerous innovation, but perhaps merely a return to ancient and natural conditions. it is not until specialisation becomes necessary and until men are relieved from the constant burden of battle and the chase that the frequent superiority of woman is lost. the modern industrial activities are dangerous, when they are dangerous, not because the work is too hard--for the work of primitive women is harder--but because it is an unnaturally and artificially dreary and monotonous work which stifles the mind, depresses the spirits, and injures the body, so that, it is said, per cent. of married women who have been factory girls are treated for pelvic disorders before they are thirty. it is the conditions of women's work which need changing in order that they may become, like those of primitive women, so various that they develop the mind and fortify the body. this, however, is an evil which will be righted by the development of the mechanical side of industry, for machines tend constantly to become larger, heavier, speedier, more numerous and more automatic, requiring fewer workers to tend them, and these more frequently men.[ ] it may be added that the early predominance of woman in the work of civilisation is altogether independent of that conception of a primitive matriarchate, or government of women, which was set forth some fifty years ago by bachofen, and has since caused so much controversy. descent in the female line, not uncommonly found among primitive peoples, undoubtedly tended to place women in a position of great influence; but it by no means necessarily involved any gynecocracy, or rule of women, and such rule is merely a hypothesis which by some enthusiasts has been carried to absurd lengths. we see, therefore, that when we are approaching the question of the mental differences of the sexes among ourselves to-day, it is not impossible to find certain guiding clues which will save us from running into extravagance in either direction. without doubt the only way in which we can obtain a satisfactory answer to the numerous problems which meet us when we approach the question is by experiment. i have, indeed, insisted on the importance of these preliminary biological and historical considerations mainly because they indicate with what safety and freedom from risk we may trust to experiment. the sexes are far too securely poised by organic constitution and ancient tradition for any permanently injurious results to occur from the attempt to attain a better social readjustment in this matter. when the experiment fails, individuals may to some extent suffer, but social equilibrium swiftly and automatically rights itself. practically, however, nearly every social experiment of this kind means that certain restrictions limiting the duties or privileges of women are removed, and when artificial coercions are thus taken away it can merely happen, as mary wollstonecraft long ago put it, that by the common law of gravity the sexes fall into their proper places. that, we may be sure, will be the final result of the interesting experiments for which the laboratory to-day is furnished by all the belligerent countries. definitely formulated statistical data of these results are scarcely yet available. but we may study the action of this natural process on one great practical experiment in mental sexual differences which has been going on for some time past. at one time in the various administrations of the international postal union there was a sudden resolve to introduce female labour to a very large extent; it was thought that this would be cheaper than male labour and equally efficient. there was consequently a great outcry at the ousting of male labour, the introduction of the thin end of a wedge which would break up society. we can now see that that outcry was foolish. within recent years nearly all the countries which previously introduced women freely into their postal and telegraph services are now doing so only under certain conditions, and some are ceasing to admit them at all. this great practical experiment, carried out on an immense scale in thirty-five different countries, has, on the whole, shown that while women are not inferior to men, at all events within the ordinary range of work, the substitution of a female for a male staff always means a considerable increase of numbers, that women are less rapid than men, less able to undertake the higher grade work, less able to exert authority over others, more lacking both in initiative and in endurance, while they require more sick leave and lose interest and energy on marriage. the advantages of female labour are thus to some extent neutralised, and in the opinions of the administrations of some countries more than neutralised, by certain disadvantages. the general result is that men are found more fitted for some branches of work and women more fitted for other branches; the result is compensation without any tendency for one sex to oust the other. it may, indeed, be objected that in practical life no perfectly satisfactory experiments exist as to the respective mental qualities of men and women, since men and women are never found working under conditions that are exactly the same for both sexes. if, however, we turn to the psychological laboratory, where it is possible to carry on experiments under precisely identical conditions, the results are still the same. there are nearly always differences between men and women, but these differences are complex and manifold; they do not always agree; they never show any general piling up of the advantages on the side of one sex or of the other. in reaction-time, in delicacy of sensory perception, in accuracy of estimation and precision of movement, there are nearly always sexual differences, a few that are fairly constant, many that differ at different ages, in various countries, or even in different groups of individuals. we cannot usually explain these differences or attach any precise significance to them, any more than we can say why it is that (at all events in america) blue is most often the favourite colour of men and red of women. we may be sure that these things have a meaning, and often a really fundamental significance, but at present, for the most part, they remain mysterious to us. when we attempt to survey and sum up all the variegated facts which science and practical life are slowly accumulating with reference to the mental differences between men and women[ ] we reach two main conclusions. on the one hand there is a fundamental equality of the sexes. it would certainly appear that women vary within a narrower range than men--that is to say, that the two extremes of genius and of idiocy are both more likely to show themselves in men. this implies that the pioneers in progress are most likely to be men. that, indeed, may be said to be a biological fact. "in all that concerns the evolution of ornamental characters the male leads; in him we see the trend which evolution is taking; the female and young afford us the measure of their advance along the new line which has to be taken."[ ] in the human sphere of the arts and sciences, similarly, men, not women, take the lead. that men were the first decorative artists, rather than women, is indicated by the fact that the natural objects designed by early pre-historic artists were mainly women and wild beasts, that is to say, they were the work of masculine hunters, executed in idle intervals of the chase. but within the range in which nearly all of us move, there are always many men who in mental respects can do what most women can do, many women who can do what most men can do. we are not justified in excluding a whole sex absolutely from any field. in so doing we should certainly be depriving the world of some portion of its executive ability. the sexes may always safely be left to find their own levels. on the other hand, the mental diversity of men and women is equally fundamental. it is rooted in organisation. the well-intentioned efforts of many pioneers in women's movements to treat men and women as identical, and, as it were, to force women into masculine moulds, were both mischievous and useless. women will always be different from men, mentally as well as physically. it is well for both sexes that it should be so. it is owing to these differences that each sex can bring to the world's work various aptitudes that the other lacks. it is owing to these differences also that men and women have their undying charm for each other. we cannot change them, and we need not wish to. [ ] see, for instance, blair bell's _the sex complex_, , though the deductions drawn in this book must not always be accepted without qualifications. [ ] g. fritsch, _die eingeborene süd-afrikas_, , p. . [ ] d.r. malcolm keir, "women in industry," _popular science monthly_, october, . [ ] see, for many of the chief of these, havelock ellis, _man and woman_, th edition, . [ ] w.p. pycraft, _the courtship of animal_, p. . x the white slave crusade during recent years we have witnessed a remarkable attempt--more popular and more international in character than any before--to deal with that ancient sexual evil which has for some time been picturesquely described as the white slave traffic. less than forty years ago professor sheldon amos wrote that this subject can scarcely be touched upon by journalists, and "can never form a topic of common conversation." nowadays churches, societies, journalists, legislators have all joined the ranks of the agitators. not only has there been no voice on the opposite side, which was scarcely to be expected--for there has never been any anxiety to cry aloud the defence of "white slavery" from the house-tops--but there has been a new and noteworthy conquest over indifference and over that sacred silence which was supposed to encompass all sexual topics with suitable darkness. the banishment of that silence in the cause of social hygiene is, indeed, not the least significant feature of this agitation. it is inevitable, however, that these periodical fits of virtuous indignation by which society is overtaken should speedily be spent. the victim of the moral fever finds himself exhausted by the struggle, scarcely able to cope with the complications of the disease, and, at the best, only too anxious to forget what he has passed through. he has an uneasy feeling that in the course of his delirium he has said and done many foolish things which it would now be unpleasant to recall too precisely. there is no use in attempting to disguise the fact that this is what happened in the white slave traffic agitation. it became clear that we had been largely misled in regard to the evils to be combated, and that we were seduced into sanctioning various remedies for these evils which in cold blood it is impossible to approve of, even if we could believe them to be effective. it is not even clear that all those who have talked about the "white slave traffic" have been quite sure what they meant by the term. some people, indeed, have seemed to think that it meant prostitution in general. that is, of course, an absurd misapprehension. we are concerned with a trade which flourishes on prostitution, but that trade is not itself the trade or (as some prefer to call it) the profession of prostitutes. indeed, the prostitute, under ordinary conditions and unharassed by persecution, is in many respects anything but a slave. she is much less a slave than the ordinary married woman. she is not fettered in humble dependence on the will of a husband from whom it is the most difficult thing in the world to escape; she is bound to no man and free to make her own terms in life; while if she should have a child, that child is absolutely her own, and she is not liable to have it torn from her arms by the hands of the law. apart from arbitrary and accidental circumstances, due to the condition of social feeling, the prostitute enjoys a position of independence which the married woman is still struggling to obtain. the white slave traffic, therefore, is not prostitution; it is the _commercialised exploitation of prostitutes_. the independent prostitute, living alone, scarcely lends herself to the white slave trader. it is on houses of prostitution, where the less independent and usually weaker-minded prostitutes are segregated, that the traffic is based. such houses cannot even exist without such traffic. there is little inducement for a girl to enter such a house, in full knowledge of what it involves, on her own initiative. the proprietors of such houses must therefore give orders for the "goods" they desire, and it is the business of procurers, by persuasion, misrepresentation, deceit, intoxication, to supply them. "the white slave traffic," as kneeland states, "is thus not only a hideous reality, but a reality almost wholly dependent on the existence of houses of prostitution," and as the authors of _the social evil_ state, it is "the most shameful species of business enterprise in modern times."[ ] in this intimate dependence of the white slave traffic on houses of prostitution, there lies, it may be pointed out, a hope for the future. we are concerned, for the most part, with the more coarse-grained part of the masculine population and with the more ignorant, degraded, and weak-minded part of the army of prostitutes. although much has been said of the enormous extension of the white slave traffic during recent years, it is important to remember that that extension is chiefly marked in connection with the great new centres of population in the younger countries. it is fostered by the conditions prevailing in crude, youthful, prosperous, but incompletely blended, communities, which have too swiftly attained luxury, but have not yet attained the more humane and refined developments of civilisation, and among whom women are often scarce.[ ] although there are not yet any very clear signs of the decay of prostitution in civilisation, there can hardly be a doubt that civilisation is unfavourable to houses of prostitution. they offer no inducements to the more intelligent and independent prostitutes, and their inmates usually present little attraction to any men save those whose demands are of the humblest character. there is, therefore, a tendency to the natural and spontaneous decay of organised houses of prostitution under modern civilised conditions; the prostitute and her clients alike shun such houses. along this line we may foresee the disappearance of the white slave traffic, apart altogether from any social or legal attempts at its direct suppression.[ ] it is sometimes said that the relation of the isolated prostitute to her _souteneur_ constitutes a form of "white slavery." undoubtedly that may sometimes be the case. we are here in a confused field where the facts are complicated by a number of considerations, and where circumstances may very widely differ, for the "fancy boy"--selected from affection by the prostitute herself--may easily become the _souteneur_, or "cadet" as he is termed in new york, who seduces and trains to prostitution a large number of girls. the prostitute is so often a little weak in character and a little defective in intelligence; she is so often regarded as a legitimate prey by the world in which she moves, and a legitimate object of contempt and oppression by the social world above her and its legal officers, that she easily becomes abjectly dependent on the man who in some degree protects her from this extortion, contempt, and oppression, even though he sometimes trains her to his own ends and exploits her professional activities for his own advantage. these circumstances so often occur that some investigators consider that they represent the general rule. no doubt they are the most conspicuous cases. but they can scarcely be regarded as representing the normal relations of the prostitute to the man she is attracted to. she is earning her own living, and if she possesses a little modicum of character and intelligence, she knows that she can choose her own lover and dismiss him when she so pleases. he may beat her occasionally, but all over the world this is not always displeasing to the primitively feminine woman. "it is indeed true," as kneeland remarks, "that many prostitutes do not believe their lovers care for them unless they 'beat them up' occasionally." the woman in this position is not more of a "white slave" than many wives, and some husbands, who submit to the whims and tyrannies of their conjugal partners, with, indeed, the additional hardship and misfortune that they are legally bound to them. and the _souteneur_, although from the respectable point of view he has put himself into a low-down moral position, is, after all, not so very unlike those parasitic wives who, on a higher social level, live lazily on their husbands' professional earnings, and sometimes give much less than the _souteneur_ in return. when, however, we put aside the complicated question of the prostitute's relationship to the man who is her lover, protector, and "bully," we have to recognise that there really is a "white slave traffic," carried on in a ruthlessly business-like manner and on an international scale, with watchful agents, men and women, ever ready to detect and lure the victims. but even this too amply demonstrated fact was not found sufficiently highly spiced by the white slave traffic agitators. it was necessary to excite the public mind by sensational incidents. everyone was told stories, as of incidents that had lately occurred in the next street, of innocent, refined, and well-bred girls who were snatched away by infamous brigands beneath the eyes of their friends, to be immured in dungeons of vice and never more heard of. such incidents, if they ever occurred, would be too bizarre to be justifiably taken into account in great social movements. but it is even doubtful whether they ever occur. the white slave traders are not heroes of romance, even of infamous romance; less so, indeed, than many more ordinary criminals; they are engaged in a very definite and very profitable business. they have no need to run serious risks. the world is full of girls who are over-worked, ill-paid, ignorant, weak, vain, greedy, lazy, or even only afflicted with a little innocent love of adventure, and it is among these that white slave traders may easily find what their business demands, while experience enables them to detect the most likely subjects. careful inquiry, even among those who have made it their special business to collect all the evidence that can be brought together to prove the infamous character of the white slave traffic, has apparently failed to furnish any reliable evidence of these sensational stories. it is easy to find prostitutes who are often dissatisfied with the life (in what occupation is it not easy?), but it is not easy to find prostitutes who cannot escape from that life when they sufficiently wish to do so, and are willing to face the difficulty of finding some other occupation. the very fact that the whole object of their exploitation is to bring them in contact with men belonging to the outside world is itself a guarantee that they are kept in touch with that world. mrs. billington-grieg, a well-known pioneer in social movements, has carefully investigated the alleged cases of forcible abduction which were so freely talked about when the white slave bill was passed into law in england, but even the vigilance societies actively engaged in advocating the bill could not enable her to discover a single case in which a girl had been entrapped against her will.[ ] no other result could reasonably have been expected. when so many girls are willing, and even eager, to be persuaded, there is little need for the risky adventure of capturing the unwilling. the uneasy realisation of these facts cannot fail to leave many honest vice-crusaders with unpleasant memories of their past. it is not only in regard to alleged facts, but also in regard to proposed remedies, that the white slave agitation may properly be criticised. in england it distinguished itself by the ferocity with which the lash was advocated, and finally legalised. benevolent bishops joined with genteel old maids in calling loudly for whips, and even in desiring to lay them personally on the backs of the offenders, notwithstanding that these crusaders were nominally christians, the followers of a master who conspicuously reserved his indignation, not for sinners and law-breakers, but for self-satisfied saints and scrupulous law-keepers--just the same kind of excellent people, in fact, who are most prone to become vice-crusaders. here again, it is probable, many unpleasant memories have been stored up. it is well recognised by criminologists that the lash is both a barbarous and an ineffective method of punishment. "the history of flagellation," as collas states in his great work on this subject, "is the history of a moral bankruptcy."[ ] the survival of barbarous punishments from barbarous days, when ferocious punishments were a matter of course and the death penalty was inflicted for horse-stealing without in the least diminishing that offence, may be intelligible. but the re-enactment of such measures in so-called civilised days is an everlasting discredit to those who advocate it, and a disgrace to the community which permits it. this was pointed out at the time by a large body of social reformers, and will no doubt be realised at leisure by the persons concerned in the agitation. apart altogether from its barbarity, the lash is peculiarly unsuited for use in the white slave trade, because it will never descend on the back of the real trader. the whip has no terrors for those engaged in illegitimate financial transactions, for in such transactions the principal can always afford to arrange that it shall fall on a subordinate who finds it worth while to run the risks. this method has long been practised by those who exploit prostitution for profit. to increase the risks merely means that the subordinate must be more heavily paid. that means that the whole business must be carried on more actively to cover the increased risks and expenses. it is a very ancient fact that moral legislation increases the evil it is designed to combat.[ ] it is necessary to point out some of the unhappy features of this agitation, not in order to minimise the evils it was directed against, nor to insinuate that they cannot be lessened, but as a warning against the reaction which follows such ill-considered efforts. the fiery zealot in a fury of blind rage strikes wildly at the evil he has just discovered, and then flings down his weapon, glad to forget all about his momentary rage and the errors it led him into. it is not so that ancient evils are destroyed, evils, it must be remembered, that derive their vitality in part from human nature and in part from the structure of our society. by ensuring that our workers, and especially our women workers, are decently paid, so that they can live comfortably on their wages, we shall not indeed have abolished prostitution, which is more than an economic phenomenon,[ ] but we shall more effectually check the white slave trader than by the most draconic legislation the most imaginative vice-crusader ever devised. and when we ensure that these same workers have ample time and opportunity for free and joyous recreation, we shall have done more to kill the fascination of the white slave traffic than by endless police regulations for the moral supervision of the young. no doubt the element of human nature in the manifestations we are concerned with will still be at work, an obscure instinct often acting differently in each sex, but tending to drive both into the same risks. here we need even more fundamental social changes. it is sheer foolishness to suppose that when we raise our little dams in the path of a great stream of human impulse that stream will forthwith flow calmly back to its source. we must make our new channels concurrently with our dams. if we wish to influence prostitution we must re-make our marriage laws and modify our whole conception of the sexual relationships. in the meanwhile, we can at least begin to-day a task of education which must slowly though surely undermine the white slave trader's stronghold. such an education needs to be not merely instruction in the facts of sex and wise guidance concerning all the dangers and risks of the sexual life; it must also involve a training of the will, a development of the sense of responsibility, such as can never be secured by shutting our young people up in a hot-house, sheltered from every fortifying breath of the outside world. certainly there are many among us--and precisely the most hopeless persons from our present point of view--who can never grow into really responsible persons.[ ] neither should they ever have been born. it is our business to see that they are not born; and that, if they are, they are at least placed under due social guardianship, so that we may not be tempted to make laws for society in general which are only needed by this feeble and infirm folk. thus it is that when we seek to deal with the white slave trader and his victims and his patrons we have to realise that they are all very much, as we have made them, moulded by their parents before birth, nourished on their mothers' knees. the task of making them over again next time, and making them better, is a revolutionary task, but it begins at home, and there is no home in which some part of the task cannot be carried out. it is possible that at some period in the world's history, not only will the white slave traffic disappear, but even prostitution itself, and it is for us to work towards that day. but we may be quite sure that the social state which sees the last of the "social evil" will be a social state very unlike ours. [ ] the nature of prostitution and of the white slave traffic and their relation to each other may clearly be studied in such valuable first-hand investigations of the subject as _the social evil: with special reference to conditions existing in the city of new york_, nd edition, edited by e.r.a. seligman, putnam's, ; _commercialised prostitution in new york city_, by g.j. kneeland, new york century co., ; _prostitution in europe_, by abraham flexner, new york century co., ; _the social evil in chicago_, by the vice-commission of chicago, . as regards prostitution in england and its causes i should like to call attention to an admirable little book, _downward paths_, published by bell & sons, . the literature of the subject is, however, extensive, and a useful bibliography will be found in the first-named volume. [ ] this is especially true of many regions in america, both north and south, where a hideous mixture of disparate nationalities furnishes conditions peculiarly favourable to the "white slave traffic," when prosperity increases. see, for instance, the well-informed and temperately written book by miss jane addams, _a new conscience and an ancient evil_, . [ ] see havelock ellis: _sex in relation to society (studies in the psychology of sex)_, vol. vi., ch. vii. [ ] "the white slave traffic," _english review_, june, . it is just just the same in america. mr. brand-whitlock, when mayor of toledo, thoroughly investigated a sensational story of this kind brought to him in great detail by a social worker and found that it possessed not the slightest basis of truth. "it was," he remarks in an able paper on "the white slave" (_forum_, feb., ), "simply another variant of the story that had gone the rounds of the continents, a story which had been somehow psychologically timed to meet the hysteria which the pulpit, the press, and the legislature had displayed." [ ] g.f. collas, _geschichte des flagellantismus_, , vol. i., p. . [ ] i have brought together some of the evidence on this point in the chapter on "immorality and the law" in my book, _the task of social hygiene_. [ ] the idea is cherished by many, especially among socialists, that prostitution is mainly an economic question, and that to raise wages is to dry up the stream of prostitution. that is certainly a fallacy, unsupported by careful investigators, though all are agreed that the economic condition of the wage-earner is one factor in the problem. thus commissioner adelaide cox, at the head of the women's social wing of the salvation army, speaking from a very long and extensive acquaintance with prostitutes, while not denying that women are often "wickedly underpaid," finds that the cause of prostitution is "essentially a moral one, and cannot be successfully fought by other than moral weapons."--(_westminster gazette_, dec. nd, ). in a yet wider sense, it may be said that the question of the causes of prostitution is essentially social. [ ] this is a very important clue indeed in dealing with the problem of prostitution. "it is the weak-minded, unintelligent girl," goddard states in his valuable work on _feeblemindedness_, "who makes the white slave traffic possible." dr. hickson found that over per cent. of the women brought before the morals court in chicago were distinctly feeble-minded, and dr. olga bridgeman states that among the girls committed for sexual delinquency to the training school of geneva, illinois, per cent. were feeble-minded by the binet tests, and to be regarded as "helpless victims." (walter clarke, _social hygiene_, june, , and _journal of mental science_, jan., , p. .) there are fallacies in these figures, but it would appear that about half of the prostitutes in institutions are to be regarded as mentally defective. xi the conquest of venereal disease the final report of the royal commission on venereal diseases has brought to an end an important and laborious investigation at what many may regard as an unfavourable moment. perhaps, however, the moment is not so unfavourable as it seems. there is no period when venereal diseases flourish so exuberantly as in war time, and we shall have a sad harvest to gather here when the war is over.[ ] moreover, the war is teaching us to face the real facts of life more frankly and more courageously than ever before, and there is no field, scarcely even a battlefield, where a training in frankness and courage is so necessary as in this of venereal disease. it is difficult even to say that there is any larger field, for it has been found possible to doubt whether the great war of to-day, when all is summed up, will have produced more death, disease, and misery than is produced in the ordinary course of events, during a single generation, by venereal disease. there are, as every man and woman ought to know, two main and quite distinct diseases (any other being unimportant) poetically termed "venereal" because chiefly, though not by any means only, propagated in the intercourse over which the roman goddess venus once presided. these two diseases are syphilis and gonorrhoea. both these diseases are very serious, often terrible, in their effects on the individual attacked, and both liable to be poisonous to the race. there has long been a popular notion that, while syphilis is indeed an awful disease, gonorrhoea may be accepted with a light heart. that, we now know, is a grave mistake. gonorrhoea may seem trivial at the outset, but its results, especially for a woman and her children (when it allows her to have any), are anything but trivial; while its greater frequency, and the indifference with which it is regarded, still further increase its dangers. about the serious nature of syphilis there is no doubt. it is a comparatively modern disease, not clearly known in europe before the discovery of america at the end of the fifteenth century, and by some authorities[ ] to-day supposed to have been imported from america. but it soon ravaged the whole of our world, and has continued to do so ever since. during recent years it has perhaps shown a slight tendency to decrease, though nothing to what could be achieved by systematic methods; but its evils are still sufficiently alarming. exactly how common it is cannot be ascertained with certainty. at least per cent., probably more, of the population in our large cities have been infected by syphilis, some before birth. in for an average strength of , men in the english navy, nearly , days were lost as a result of venereal disease, while among , soldiers in the home army for the same year, an average of nearly men were constantly sick from the same cause. we may estimate from this small example how vast must be the total loss of working power due to venereal disease. moreover, in sir william osler's words, "of the killing diseases syphilis comes third or fourth." its prevalence varies in different regions and different social classes. the mortality rate from syphilis for males above fifteen is highest for unskilled labour, then for the group intermediate between unskilled and skilled labour, then for the upper and middle class, followed by the group intermediate between this class and skilled labour, while skilled labour, textile workers, and miners follow, and agricultural labourers come out most favourably of all. these differences do not represent any ascending grade in virtue or sexual abstinence, but are dependent upon differences in social condition; thus syphilis is comparatively rare among agricultural labourers because they associate only with women they know and are not exposed to the temptation of strange women, while it is high among the upper class because they are shut out from sexual intimacy with women of their own class and so resort to prostitutes. on the whole, however, it will be seen, the poison of syphilis is fairly diffused among all classes. this poison may work through many years or even the whole of life, and its early manifestations are the least important. it may begin before birth: thus, one recent investigation shows that in syphilitic families there were only seemingly healthy children to infant deaths, stillbirths, and miscarriages (as against in healthy families), the great majority of these failures being infant deaths and thus representing a large amount of wasted energy and expense.[ ] syphilis is, again, the most serious single cause of the most severe forms of brain disease and insanity, this often coming on many years after the infection, and when the early symptoms were but slight. blindness and deafness from the beginning of life are in a large proportion of cases due to syphilis. there is, indeed, no organ of the body which is not liable to break down, often with fatal results, through syphilis, so that it has been well said that a doctor who knows syphilis thoroughly is familiar with every branch of his profession. gonorrhoea is a still commoner disease than syphilis; how common it is very difficult to say. it is also an older disease, for the ancient egyptians knew it, and the biblical king esarhaddon of assyria, as the records of his court show, once caught it. it seems to some people no more serious than a common cold, yet it is able to inflict much prolonged misery on its victims, while on the race its influence in the long run is even more deadly than that of syphilis, for gonorrhoea is the chief cause of sterility in women, that is to say, in from to per cent. of such cases, while of cases of sterility in men (which form a quarter to a third of the whole) gonorrhoea is the cause in from to per cent. the inflammation of the eyes of the new-born leading to blindness is also in per cent. cases due to gonorrhoea in the mother, and this occurs in over six per , births. three years ago a royal commission was appointed to investigate the best methods of controlling venereal disease, as small-pox, typhus, and to a large extent typhoid, have already been controlled. the commission was well composed, not merely of officials and doctors, but of experienced men and women in various fields, and the final report is signed by all the members, any difference of opinion being confined to minor points (which it is unnecessary to touch on here) and to two members only. the recommendations are conceived in the most practical and broad-minded spirit. they are neither faddy nor goody-goody. some indeed may wish that they had gone further. the commission leave over for later consideration the question of notifying venereal disease as other infectious diseases are notified, and there is no recommendation for the provision of preventive methods against infection for use before intercourse, such as are officially favoured in germany. but at both these points the commissioners have been wise, for they are points to which sections of public opinion are still strongly hostile.[ ] as they stand, the recommendations should carry conviction to all serious and reasonable persons. already, indeed, the government, without opposition, has expressed its willingness to undertake the financial burden which the commission would impose on it. the main recommendations made by the commission, if we put aside the suggestions for obtaining a more exact statistical knowledge, may be placed under the heads of treatment and prevention. as regards the first, it is insisted that measures should be taken to render the best modern treatment, which should be free to all, readily available for the whole community, in such a way that those affected will have no hesitation in taking advantage of the facilities thus offered. the means of treatment should be organised by county councils and boroughs, under the local government board, which should have power to make independent arrangements when the local authorities fail in their duties. institutional treatment should be provided at all general hospitals, special arrangements made for the treatment of out-patients in the evenings, and no objection offered to patients seeking treatment outside their own neighbourhoods. the expenditure should be assisted by grants from imperial funds to the extent of per cent. it may be added that, however heavy such expenditure may be, an economy can scarcely fail to be effected. the financial cost of venereal disease to-day is so vast as to be beyond calculation. it enters into every field of life. it is enough merely to consider the significant little fact that the cost of educating a deaf child is ten times as great as that of educating an ordinary child. under the head of prevention we may place such a suggestion as that the existence of infective venereal disease should constitute legal incapacity for marriage, even when unknown, and be a sufficient cause for annulling the marriage at the discretion of the court. but by far the chief importance under this head is assigned by the commission to education and instruction. we see here the vindication of those who for years have been teaching that the first essential in dealing with venereal disease is popular enlightenment. there must be more careful instruction--"through all types and grades of education"--on the sexual relations in regard to conduct, while further instruction should be provided in evening continuation schools, as well as factories and works, with the aid of properly constituted voluntary associations. these are sound and practical recommendations which, as the government has realised, can be put in action at once. a few years ago any attempt to control venereal disease was considered by many to be almost impious. such disease was held to be the just visitation of god upon sin and to interfere would be wicked. we know better now. a large proportion of those who are most severely struck by venereal disease are new-born children and trustful wives, while a simple kiss or the use of towels and cups in common has constantly served to spread venereal disease in a family. even when we turn to the commonest method of infection, we have still to remember that we are dealing largely with inexperienced youths, with loving and trustful girls, who have yielded to the deepest and most volcanic impulse of their natures, and have not yet learnt that that impulse is a thing to be held sacred for their own sakes and the sake of the race. in so far as there is sin, it is sin which must be shared by those who have failed to train and enlighten the young. a pharisaic attitude is not only highly mischievous in its results, but is here altogether out of place. much harm has been done in the past by the action of benefit societies in withholding recognition and treatment from venereal disease. it is evident that this thought was at the back of the minds of those who framed these wise recommendations. we cannot expect to do away all at once with the feeling that venereal disease is "shameful." it may not even be desirable. but we can at least make clear that, in so far as there is any shame, it must be a question between the individual and his own conscience. from the point of view of science, syphilis and gonorrhoea are just diseases, like cancer and consumption, the only diseases with which they can be compared in the magnitude and extent of their results, and therefore it is best to speak of them by their scientific names, instead of trying to invent vague and awkward circumlocutions. from the point of view of society, any attitude of shame is unfortunate, because it is absolutely essential that these diseases should be met in the open and grappled with methodically and thoroughly. otherwise, as the commission recognises, the sufferer is apt to become the prey of ignorant quacks whose inefficient treatment is largely responsible for the development of the latest and worst afflictions these diseases produce when not effectually nipped in the bud. that they can be thus cut short--far more easily than consumption, to say nothing of cancer--is the fact which makes it possible to hope for a conquest over venereal disease. it is a conquest that would make the whole world more beautiful and deliver love from its ugliest shadow. but the victory cannot be won by science alone, not even in alliance with officialdom. it can only be won through the enlightened co-operation of the whole nation. [ ] the increase of venereal disease during the great war has been noted alike in germany, france, and england. thus, as regards france, gaucher has stated at the paris academy of medicine (_journal de medicine_, may th, ) that since mobilisation syphilis had increased by nearly one half, alike among soldiers and civilians; it had much increased in quite young people and in elderly men. in germany, neisser, a leading authority, states (_deutsche medizinische wochenschrift_, th jan., ) that the prevalence of venereal disease is much greater than in the war of , and that "every day many thousands, not to say tens of thousands, of otherwise able-bodied men are withdrawn from the service on this account." [ ] the chief is iwan bloch who, in his elaborate work, _der ursprung der syphilis_ ( vols., , ), has fully investigated the evidence. [ ] n. bishop harman, "the influence of syphilis on the chances of progeny," _british medical journal_, feb. th, . [ ] it is true that in my book, _sex in relation to society_ (ch. viii.) i have stated my belief that notification, as in the case of other serious infectious diseases, is the first step in the conquest of venereal disease. i still think it ought to be so. but a yet more preliminary step is popular enlightenment as to the need for such notification. the recommendations seem to me to go as far as it is possible to go at the moment in english-speaking countries without producing friction and opposition. in so far as they are carried out the recommendations will ensure the necessary popular enlightenment. xii the nationalisation of health it was inevitable that we should some day have to face the problem of medical reorganisation on a social basis. along many lines social progress has led to the initiation of movements for the improvement of public health. but they are still incomplete and imperfectly co-ordinated. we have never realised that the great questions of health cannot safely be left to municipal tinkering and the patronage of bumbledom. the result is chaos and a terrible waste, not only of what we call "hard cash," but also of sensitive flesh and blood. health, there cannot be the slightest doubt, is a vastly more fundamental and important matter than education, to say nothing of such minor matters as the post office or the telephone system. yet we have nationalised these before even giving a thought to the nationalisation of health. at the present day medicine is mainly in the hands, as it was two thousand years ago, of the "private practitioner." his mental status has, indeed, changed. to-day he is submitted to a long and arduous training in magnificently equipped institutions; all the laboriously acquired processes and results of modern medicine and hygiene are brought within the student's reach. and when he leaves the hospital, often with the largest and noblest conception of the physician's place in life, what do we do with him? he becomes a "private practitioner," which means, as duclaux, the late distinguished director of the pasteur institute, put it, that we place him on the level of a retail grocer who must patiently stand behind his counter (without the privilege of advertising himself) until the public are pleased to come and buy advice or drugs which are usually applied for too late to be of much use, and may be thrown away at the buyer's good pleasure, without the possibility of any protest by the seller. it is little wonder that in many cases the doctor's work and aims suffer under such conditions; his nature is subdued to what it works in; he clings convulsively to his counter and its retail methods. the fact is--and it is a fact that is slowly becoming apparent to all--that the private practice of medicine is out of date. it fails to answer the needs of our time. there are various reasons why this should be the case, but two are fundamental. in the first place, medicine has outgrown the capacity of any individual doctor; the only adequate private practitioner must have a sound general knowledge of medicine with an expert knowledge of a dozen specialties; that is to say, he must give place to a staff of doctors acting co-ordinately, for the present system, or lack of system, by which a patient wanders at random from private practitioner to specialist, from specialist to specialist _ad infinitum_, is altogether mischievous. moreover, not only is it impossible for the private practitioner to possess the knowledge required to treat his patients adequately: he cannot possess the scientific mechanical equipment nowadays required alike for diagnosis and treatment, and every day becoming more elaborate, more expensive, more difficult to manipulate. it is installed in our great hospitals for the benefit of the poorest patient; it could, perhaps, be set up in a millionaire's palace, but it is hopelessly beyond the private practitioner, though without it his work must remain unsatisfactory and inadequate.[ ] in the second place, the whole direction of modern medicine is being changed and to an end away from private practice; our thoughts are not now mainly bent on the cure of disease but on its prevention. medicine is becoming more and more transformed into hygiene, and in this transformation, though the tasks presented are larger and more systematic, they are also easier and more economical. these two fundamental tendencies of modern medicine--greater complexity of its methods and the predominantly preventive character of its aims--alone suffice to render the position of the private practitioner untenable. he cannot cope with the complexity of modern medicine; he has no authority to enforce its hygiene. the medical system of the future must be a national system co-ordinating all the conditions of health. at the centre we should expect to find a minister of health, and every doctor of the state would give his whole time to his work and be paid by salary which in the case of the higher posts would be equal to that now fixed for the higher legal offices, for the chief doctor in the state ought to be at least as important an official as the lord chancellor. hospitals and infirmaries would be alike nationalised, and, in place of the present antagonism between hospitals and the bulk of the medical profession, every doctor would be in touch with a hospital, thus having behind him a fully equipped and staffed institution for all purposes of diagnosis, consultation, treatment, and research, also serving for a centre of notification, registration, preventive and hygienic measures. in every district the citizen would have a certain amount of choice as regards the medical man to whom he may go for advice, but no one would be allowed to escape the medical supervision and registration of his district, for it is essential that the central health authority of every district should know the health conditions of all the inhabitants of the district. only by some such organised and co-ordinated system as this can the primary conditions of health, and preventive measures against disease, be genuinely socialised. these views were put forward by the present writer twenty years ago in a little book on _the nationalisation of health_, which, though it met with wide approval, was probably regarded by most people as utopian. since then the times have moved, a new generation has sprung up, and ideas which, twenty years ago, were brooded over by isolated thinkers are now seen to be in the direct line of progress; they have become the property of parties and matters of active propaganda. even before the introduction of state insurance professor benjamin moore, in his able book, _the dawn of the health age_, anticipating the actual march of events, formulated a state insurance scheme which would lead on, as he pointed out, to a genuinely national medical service, and later, dr. macilwaine, in a little book entitled _medical revolution_, again advocated the same changes: the establishment of a ministry of health, a medical service on a preventive basis, and the reform of the hospitals which must constitute the nucleus of such a service. it may be said that for medical men no longer engaged in private practice it is easy to view the disappearance of private practice with serenity; but it must be added that it is precisely that disinterested serenity which makes possible also a clear insight into the problems and a wider view of the new horizons of medicine. thus it is that to-day the dreamers of yesterday are justified. the great scheme of state insurance was certainly an important step towards the socialisation of medicine. it came short, indeed, of the complete nationalisation of health as an affair of state. but that could not possibly be introduced at one move. apart even from the difficulty of complete reorganisation, the two great vested interests of private medical practice on the one hand and friendly societies on the other would stand in the way. a complicated transitional period is necessary, during which those two interests are conciliated and gradually absorbed. it is this transitional period which state insurance has inaugurated. to compare small things to great--as we may, for the same laws run all through nature and society--this scheme corresponds to the ancient ptolomaean system of astronomy, with its painfully elaborate epicycles, which preceded and led on to the sublime simplicity of the copernican system. we need not anticipate that the transitional stage of national insurance will endure as long as the ancient astronomy. professor moore estimated that it would lead to a completely national medical service in twenty-five years, and since the introduction of that method he has, too optimistically, reduced the period to ten years. we cannot reach simplicity at a bound; we must first attempt to systematise the recognised and established activities and adjust them harmoniously. the organised refusal of the medical profession at the outset to carry on, under the conditions offered, the part assigned to it in the great national insurance scheme opened out prospects not clearly realised by the organisers. no doubt its immediate aspects were unfortunate. it not only threatened to impede the working of a very complex machine, but it dismayed many who were not prepared to see doctors apparently taking up the position of the syndicalists, and arguing that a profession which is essential to the national welfare need not be carried out on national lines, but can be run exclusively by itself in its own interests. such an attitude, however, usefully served to make clear how necessary it is becoming that the extension of medicine and hygiene in the national life should be accompanied by a corresponding extension in the national government. if we had had a council of national health, as well as of national defence, or a board of health as well as a board of trade, a minister of health with a seat in the cabinet, any scheme of insurance would have been framed from the outset in close consultation with the profession which would have the duty of carrying it out. no subsequent friction would have been possible. had the insurance scheme been so framed, it is perhaps doubtful whether it would have been so largely based on the old contract system. club medical practice has long been in discredit, alike from the point of view of patient and doctor. it furnishes the least satisfactory form of medical relief for the patient, less adequate than that he could obtain either as a private patient or as a hospital patient. the doctor, on his side, though he may find it a very welcome addition to his income, regards club practice as semi-charitable, and, moreover, a form of charity in which he is often imposed on; he seldom views his club patients with much satisfaction, and unless he is a self-sacrificing enthusiast, it is not to them that his best attention, his best time, his most expensive drugs, are devoted. to perpetuate and enlarge the club system of practice and to glorify it by affixing to it a national seal of approval, was, therefore, a somewhat risky experiment, not wisely to be attempted without careful consultation with those most concerned. another point might then also have become clear: the whole tendency of medicine is towards a recognition of the predominance of hygiene. the modern aim is to prevent disease. the whole national system of medicine is being slowly though steadily built up in recognition of the great fact that the interests of health come before the interests of disease. it has been an unfortunate flaw in the magnificent scheme of insurance that this vital fact was not allowed for, that the old-fashioned notion that treatment rather than prevention is the object of medicine was still perpetuated, and that nothing was done to co-ordinate the insurance scheme with the existing health services. it seems probable that in a service of state medical officers the solution may ultimately be found. such a solution would, indeed, immensely increase the value of the insurance scheme, and, in the end, confer far greater benefits than at present on the millions of people who would come under its operation. for there can be no doubt the club system is not only unscientific; it is also undemocratic. it perpetuates what was originally a semi-charitable and second-rate method of treatment of the poorer classes. a state medical officer, devoting his whole time and attention to his state patients, has no occasion to make invidious distinctions between public and private patients. a further advantage of a state medical service is that it will facilitate the inevitable task of nationalising the hospitals, whether charitable or poor-law. the insurance act, as it stands, opens no definite path in this direction. but nowadays, so vast and complicated has medicine become, even the most skilful doctor cannot adequately treat his patient unless he has a great hospital at his back, with a vast army of specialists and research-workers, and a manifold instrumental instalment. a third, and even more fundamental, advantage of a state medical service is that it would help to bring treatment into touch with prevention. the private practitioner, as such, inside or outside the insurance scheme, cannot conveniently go behind his patient's illness. but the state doctor would be entitled to ask: _why_ has this man broken down? the state's guardianship of the health of its citizens now begins at birth (is tending to be carried back before birth) and covers the school life. if a man falls ill, it is, nowadays, legitimate to inquire where the responsibility lies. it is all very well to patch up the diseased man with drugs or what not. but at best that is a makeshift method. the consumptive sanatoriums have aroused enthusiasm, and they also are all very well. but the charity organisation society has shown that only about per cent. of those who pass through such institutions become fit for work. it is not more treatment of disease that we want, it is less need for treatment. and a state medical service is the only method by which medicine can be brought into close touch with hygiene. the present attitude of the medical profession sometimes strikes people as narrow, unpatriotic, and merely self-interested. but the insurance act has brought a powerful ferment of intellectual activity into the medical profession which in the end will work to finer issues. a significant sign of the times is the establishment of the state medical service association, having for its aim the organisation of the medical profession as a state service, the nationalisation of hospitals, and the unification of preventive and curative medicine. to many in the medical profession such schemes still seem "utopian"; they are blind to a process which has been in ever increasing action for more than half a century and which they are themselves taking part in every day. [ ] the result sometimes is that the ambitious doctor seeks to become a specialist in at least one subject, and instals a single expensive method of treatment to which he enthusiastically subjects all his patients. this would be comic if it were not sometimes rather tragic. xiii eugenics and genius the cry is often heard to-day from those who watch with disapproval the efforts made to discourage the reckless procreation of the degenerate and the unfit: you are stamping out the germs of genius! it is widely held that genius is a kind of flower, unknown to the horticulturist, which only springs from diseased roots; make the plant healthily sound and your hope of blossoms is gone, you will see nothing but leaves. or, according to the happier metaphor of lombroso, the work of genius is an exquisite pearl, and pearls are the product of an obscure disease. to the medical mind, especially, it has sometimes been, naturally and properly no doubt, a source of satisfaction to imagine that the loveliest creations of human intellect may perhaps be employed to shed radiance on the shelves of the pathological museum. thus we find eminent physicians warning us against any effort to decrease the vigour of pathological processes, and influential medical journals making solemn statements in the same sense. "already," i read in a recent able and interesting editorial article in the _british medical journal_, "eugenists in their kind enthusiasm are threatening to stamp out the germs of possible genius." now it is quite easy to maintain that the health, happiness, and sanity of the whole community are more precious even than genius. it is so easy, indeed, that if the question of eugenics were submitted to the referendum on this sole ground there can be little doubt what the result would be. there are not many people, even in the most highly educated communities, who value the possibility of a new poem, symphony, or mathematical law so highly that they would sacrifice their own health, happiness, and sanity to retain that possibility for their offspring. of course we may declare that a majority which made such a decision must be composed of very low-minded uncultured people, altogether lacking in appreciation of pathology, and reflecting no credit on the eugenic cause they supported; but there can be little doubt that we should have to admit their existence. we need not hasten, however, to place the question on this ground. it is first necessary to ascertain what reason there is to suppose that a regard for eugenic considerations in mating would tend to stamp out the germs of genius. is there any reason at all? that is the question i am here concerned with. the anti-eugenic argument on this point, whenever any argument is brought forward, consists in pointing to all sorts of men of genius and of talent who, it is alleged, were poor citizens, physical degenerates the prey of all manner of constitutional diseases, sometimes candidates for the lunatic asylum which they occasionally reached. the miscellaneous data which may thus be piled up are seldom critically sifted, and often very questionable, for it is difficult enough to obtain any positive biological knowledge concerning great men who died yesterday, and practically impossible in most cases to reach an unquestionable conclusion as regards those who died a century or more ago. many of the most positive statements commonly made concerning the diseases even of modern genius are without any sure basis. the case of nietzsche, who was seen by some of the chief specialists of the day, is still really quite obscure. so is that of guy de maupassant. rousseau wrote the fullest and frankest account of his ailments, and the doctors made a _post-mortem_ examination. yet nearly all the medical experts--and they are many--who have investigated rousseau's case reach different conclusions. it would be easy to multiply indefinitely the instances of great men of the past concerning whose condition of health or disease we are in hopeless perplexity. this fact is, however, one that, as an argument, works both ways, and the important point is to make clear that it cannot concern us. no eugenic considerations can annihilate the man of genius when he is once born and bred. if eugenics is to stamp out the man of genius it must do so before he is born, by acting on his parents. nor is it possible to assume that if the man of genius, apart from his genius, is an unfit person to procreate the race, therefore his parents, not possessing any genius, were likewise unfit to propagate. it is easy to find persons of high ability who in other respects are unfit for the ends of life, ill-balanced in mental or physical development, neurasthenic, valetudinarian, the victims in varying degrees of all sorts of diseases. yet their parents, without any high ability, were, to all appearance, robust, healthy, hard-working, commonplace people who would easily pass any ordinary eugenic tests. we know nothing as to the action of two seemingly ordinary persons on each other in constituting heredity, how hypertrophied intellectual aptitude comes about, what accidents, normal or pathological, may occur to the germ before birth, nor even how strenuous intellectual activity may affect the organism generally. we cannot argue that since these persons, apart from their genius, were not seemingly the best people to carry on the race, therefore a like judgment should be passed on their parents and the germs of genius thus be stamped out. we only arrive at the crucial question when we ask: have the characters of the parents of men of genius been of such an obviously unfavourable kind that eugenically they would nowadays be dissuaded from propagation, or under a severe _régime_ of compulsory certificates (the desirability of which i am far indeed from assuming) be forbidden to marry? have the parents of genius belonged to the "unfit"? that is a question which must be answered in the affirmative if this objection to eugenics has any weight. yet so far as i know, none of those who have brought forward the objection have supported it by any evidence of the kind whatever. thirty years ago dr. maudsley dogmatically wrote: "there is hardly ever a man of genius who has not insanity or nervous disorder of some form in his family." but he never brought forward any evidence in support of that pronouncement. nor has anyone else, if we put aside the efforts of more or less competent writers--like lombroso in his _man of genius_ and nisbet in his _insanity of genius_--to rake in statements from all quarters regarding the morbidities of genius, often without any attempt to authenticate, criticise, or sift them, and never with any effort to place them in due perspective.[ ] it so happens that, some years ago, with no relation to eugenic considerations, i devoted a considerable amount of attention to the biological characters of british men of genius, considered, so far as possible, on an objective and impartial basis.[ ] the selection, that is to say, was made, so far as possible, without regard to personal predilections, in accordance with certain rules, from the _dictionary of national biography_. in this way one thousand and thirty names were obtained of men and women who represent the flower of british genius during historical times, only excluding those persons who were alive at the end of the last century. what proportion of these were the offspring of parents who were insane or mentally defective to a serious extent? if the view of maudsley--that there is "hardly ever" a man of genius who is not the product of an insane or nervously-disordered stock--had a basis of truth, we should expect that in one or other parents of the man of genius actual insanity had occurred in a very large proportion of cases; per cent. would be a moderate estimate. but what do we find? in not per cent. can definite insanity be traced among the parents of british men and women of genius. no doubt this result is below the truth; the insanity of the parents must sometimes have escaped the biographer's notice. but even if we double the percentage to escape this source of error, the proportion still remains insignificant. there is more to be said. if the insanity of the parent occurred early in life, we should expect it to attract attention more easily than if it occurred late in life. those parents of men of genius falling into insanity late in life, the critic may argue, escape notice. but it is precisely to this group to which all the ascertainably insane parents of british men of genius belong. there is not a single recorded instance, so far as i have been able to ascertain, in which the parent had been definitely and recognisably insane before the birth of the distinguished child; so that any prohibition of the marriage of persons who had previously been insane would have left british genius untouched. in all cases the insanity came on late in life, and it was usually, without doubt, of the kind known as senile dementia. this was so in the case of the mother of bacon, the most distinguished person in the list of those with an insane parent. charles lamb's father, we are told, eventually became "imbecile." turner's mother became insane. the same is recorded of archbishop tillotson's mother and of archbishop leighton's father. this brief list includes all the parents of british men of genius who are recorded (and not then always very definitely) as having finally died insane. in the description given of others of the parents of our men of genius it is not, however, difficult to detect that, though they were not recognised as insane, their mental condition was so highly abnormal as to be not far removed from insanity. this was the case with gray's father and with the mothers of arthur young and andrew bell. even when we allow for all the doubtful cases, the proportion of persons of genius with an insane parent remains very low, less than per cent. senile dementia, though it is one of the least important and significant of the forms of insanity, and is entirely compatible with a long and useful life, must not, however, be regarded, when present in a marked degree, as the mere result of old age. entirely normal people of sound heredity do not tend to manifest signs of pronounced mental weakness or abnormality even in extreme old age. we are justified in suspecting a neurotic strain, though it may not be of severe degree. this is, indeed, illustrated by our records of british genius. some of the eminent men of genius on my list (at least twelve) suffered before death from insanity which may probably be described as senile dementia. but several of these were somewhat abnormal during earlier life (like swift) or had a child who became insane (like bishop marsh). in these and in other cases there has doubtless been some hereditary neurotic strain. it is clearly, however, not due to any intensity of this strain that we find the incidence of insanity in men of genius, as illustrated, for example, by senile dementia, so much more marked than its incidence on their parents. there is another factor to be invoked here: convergent morbid heredity. if a man and a woman, each with a slight tendency to nervous abnormality, marry each other, there is a much greater chance of the offspring manifesting a severe degree of nervous abnormality than if they had married entirely sound partners. now both among normal and abnormal people there is a tendency for like to mate with like. the attraction of the unlike for each other, which was once supposed to prevail, is not predominant, except within the sphere of the secondary sexual characters, where it clearly prevails, so that the ultra-masculine man is attracted to the ultra-feminine woman, and the feminine man to the boyish or mannish woman. apart from this, people tend to marry those who are both psychically and physically of the same type as themselves. it thus happens that nervously abnormal people become mated to the nervously abnormal. this is well illustrated by the british men of genius themselves. although insanity is more prevalent among them than among their parents, the same can scarcely be said of them in regard to their wives. it is notable that the insane wives of these men of genius are almost as numerous as the insane men of genius, though it rarely happens (as in the case of southey) that both husband and wife go out of their minds. but in all these cases there has probably been a mutual attraction of mentally abnormal people. it is to this tendency in the parents of men of genius, leading to a convergent heredity, that we must probably attribute the undue tendency of the men of genius themselves to manifest insanity. each of the parents separately may have displayed but a minor degree of neuropathic abnormality, but the two strains were fortified by union and the tendency to insanity became more manifest. this was, for instance, the case as regards charles lamb. the nervous abnormality of the parents in this case was less profound than that of the children, but it was present in both. under such circumstances what is called the law of anticipation comes into play; the neurotic tendency of the parents, increased by union, is also antedated, so that definite insanity occurs earlier in the life of the child than, if it had appeared at all, it occurred in the life of the parent. lamb's father only became weak-minded in old age, but since the mother also had a mentally abnormal strain, lamb himself had an attack of insanity early in life, and his sister was liable to recurrent insanity during a great part of her life. notwithstanding, however, the influence of this convergent heredity, it is found that the total insanity of british men and women of genius is not more, so far as can be ascertained--even when slight and dubious cases are included--than . per cent. that ascertainable proportion must be somewhat below the real proportion, but in any case it scarcely suggests that insanity is an essential factor of genius. let us, however, go beyond the limits of british genius, and consider the evidence more freely. there is, for instance, tasso, who was undoubtedly insane for a good part of his life, and has been much studied by the pathologists. de-gaudenzi, who has written one of the best psychopathological studies of tasso, shows clearly that his father, bernardo, was a man of high intelligence, of great emotional sensibility, with a tendency to melancholy as well as a mystical idealism, of somewhat weak character, and prone to invoke divine aid in the slightest difficulty. it was a temperament that might be considered a little morbid, outside a monastery, but it was not insane, nor is there any known insanity among his near relations. this man's wife, porzia, tasso's mother, arouses the enthusiasm of all who ever mention her, as a creature of angelic perfection. no insanity here either, but something of the same undue sensitiveness and melancholy as in the father, the same absence of the coarser and more robust virtues. moreover, she belonged to a family by no means so angelic as herself, not insane, but abnormal--malevolent, cruel, avaricious, almost criminal. the most scrupulous modern alienist would hesitate to deprive either bernardo or porzia of the right to parenthood. yet, as we know, the son born of this union was not only a world-famous poet, but an exceedingly unhappy, abnormal, and insane man. let us take the case of another still greater and more famous man, rousseau. it cannot reasonably be doubted that, at some moments in his life at all events, and perhaps during a considerable period, rousseau was definitely insane. we are intimately acquainted with the details of the life and character of his relations and of his ancestry. we not only possess the full account he set forth at the beginning of his _confessions_, but we know very much more than rousseau knew. geneva was paternal--paternal in the most severe sense--in scrutinising every unusual act of its children, and castigating every slightest deviation from the straight path. the whole life of the citizens of old geneva may be read in genevan archives, and not a scrap of information concerning the conduct of rousseau's ancestors and relatives as set down in these archives but has been brought to the light of day. if there is any great man of genius whom the activities of these fanatical eugenists would have rendered impossible, it must surely have been rousseau. let us briefly examine his parentage. rousseau's father was the outcome of a fine stock which for two generations had been losing something of its fine qualities, though without sinking anywhere near insanity, criminality, or pauperism. the rousseaus still exercised their craft with success; they were on the whole esteemed; jean-jacques's father was generally liked, but he was somewhat unstable, romantic, with no strong sense of duty, hot-tempered, easily taking offence. the mother, from a modern standpoint, was an attractive, highly accomplished, and admirable woman. in her neighbours' eyes she was not quite puritanical enough, high-spirited, independent, adventurous, fond of innocent gaiety, but a devoted wife when, at last, at the age of thirty, she married. more than once before marriage she was formally censured by the ecclesiastical authorities for her little insubordinations, and these may be seen to have a certain significance when we turn to her father; he was a thorough _mauvais sujet_, with an incorrigible love of pleasure, and constantly falling into well-deserved trouble for some escapade with the young women of geneva. thus on both sides there was a certain nervous instability, an uncontrollable wayward emotionality. but of actual insanity, of nervous disorder, of any decided abnormality or downright unfitness in either father or mother, not a sign. isaac rousseau and susanne bernard would have been passed by the most ferocious eugenist. it is again a case in which the chances of convergent heredity have produced a result which in its magnitude, in its heights and in its depths, none could foresee. it is one of the most famous and most accurately known examples of insane genius in history, and we see what amount of support it offers to the ponderous dictum concerning the insane heredity of genius. let us turn from insanity to grave nervous disease. epilepsy at once comes before us, all the more significantly since it has been considered, more especially by lombroso, to be the special disease through which genius peculiarly manifests itself. it is true that much importance here is attached to those minor forms of epilepsy which involve no gross and obvious convulsive fit. the existence of these minor attacks is, in the case of men of genius, usually difficult to disprove and equally difficult to prove. it certainly should not be so as regards the major form of epilepsy. yet among the thousand and thirty persons of british genius i was only able to find epilepsy mentioned twice, and in both cases incorrectly, for the national biographer had attributed it to lord herbert of cherbury through misreading a passage in herbert's _autobiography_, while the epileptic fits of sir w.r. hamilton in old age were most certainly not true epilepsy. without doubt, no eugenist could recommend an epileptic to become a parent. but if epilepsy has no existence in british men of genius it is improbable that it has often occurred among their parents. the loss to british genius through eugenic activity in this sphere would probably, therefore, have been _nil_. putting aside british genius, however, one finds that it has been almost a commonplace of alienists and neurologists, even up to the present day, to present glibly a formidable list of mighty men of genius as victims of epilepsy. thus i find a well-known american alienist lately making the unqualified and positive statement that "mahomet, napoleon, molière, handel, paganini, mozart, schiller, richelieu, newton and flaubert" were epileptics, while still more recently a distinguished english neurologist, declaring that "the world's history has been made by men who were either epileptics, insane, or of neuropathic stock," brings forward a similar and still larger list to illustrate that statement, with alexander the great, julius caesar, the apostle paul, luther, frederick the great and many others thrown in, though unfortunately he fails to tell us which members of the group he desires us to regard as epileptic. julius caesar was certainly one of them, but the statement of suetonius (not an unimpeachable authority in any case) that caesar had epileptic fits towards the close of his life is disproof rather than proof of true epilepsy. of mahomet, and st. paul also, epilepsy is alleged. as regards the first, the most competent authorities regard the convulsive seizures attributed to the prophet as perhaps merely a legendary attempt to increase the awe he inspired by unmistakable evidence of divine authority. the narrative of st. paul's experience on the road to damascus is very unsatisfactory evidence on which to base a medical diagnosis, and it may be mentioned that, in the course of a discussion in the columns of the _british medical journal_ during , as many as six different views were put forward as to the nature of the apostle's "thorn in the flesh." the evidence on which richelieu, who was undoubtedly a man of very fragile constitution is declared to be epileptic, is of the very slenderest character. for the statement that newton was epileptic there is absolutely no reliable evidence at all, and i am quite ignorant of the grounds on which mozart, handel and schiller are declared epileptics. the evidence for epilepsy in napoleon may seem to carry slightly more weight, for there is that in the moral character of napoleon which we might very well associate with the epileptic temperament. it seems clear that napoleon really had at times convulsive seizures which were at least epileptoid. thus talleyrand describes how one day, just after dinner (it may be recalled that napoleon was a copious and exceedingly rapid eater), passing for a few minutes into josephine's room, the emperor came out, took talleyrand into his own room, ordered the door to be closed, and then fell down in a fit. bourrienne, however, who was napoleon's private secretary for eleven years, knew nothing about any fits. it is not usual, in a true epileptic fit, to be able to control the circumstances of the seizure to this extent, and if napoleon, who lived so public a life, furnished so little evidence of epilepsy to his environment, it may be regarded as very doubtful whether any true epilepsy existed, and on other grounds it seems highly improbable.[ ] of all these distinguished persons in the list of alleged epileptics, it is naturally most profitable to investigate the case of the latest, flaubert, for here it is easiest to get at the facts. maxime du camp, a friend in early life, though later incompatibility of temperament led to estrangement, announced to the world in his _souvenirs_ that flaubert was an epileptic, and goncourt mentions in his _journal_ that he was in the habit of taking much bromide. but the "fits" never began until the age of twenty-eight, which alone should suggest to a neurologist that they are not likely to have been epileptic; they never occurred in public; he could feel the fit coming on and would go and lie down; he never lost consciousness; his intellect and moral character remained intact until death. it is quite clear that there was no true epilepsy here, nor anything like it.[ ] flaubert was of fairly sound nervous heredity on both sides, and his father, a distinguished surgeon, was a man of keen intellect and high character. the novelist, who was of robust physical and mental constitution, devoted himself strenuously and exclusively to intellectual work; it is not surprising that he was somewhat neurasthenic, if not hysterical, and dumesnil, who discusses this question in his book on flaubert, concludes that the "fits" may be called hysterical attacks of epileptoid form. it may well be that we have in flaubert's case a clue to the "epilepsy" of the other great men who in this matter are coupled with him. they were nearly all persons of immense intellectual force, highly charged with nervous energy; they passionately concentrated their energy on the achievement of life tasks of enormous magnitude, involving the highest tension of the organism. under such conditions, even in the absence of all bad heredity or of actual disease, convulsive discharges may occur. we may see even in healthy and sound women that occasionally some physiological and unrelieved overcharging of the organism with nervous energy may result in what is closely like a hysterical fit, while even a violent fit of crying is a minor manifestation of the same tendency. the feminine element in genius has often been emphasised, and it may well be that under the conditions of the genius-life when working at high pressure we have somewhat similar states of nervous overcharging, and that from time to time the tension is relieved, naturally and spontaneously, by a convulsive discharge. this, at all events, seems a possible explanation. it is rather strange that in these recklessly confident lists of eminent "epileptics" we fail to find the one man of distinguished genius whom perhaps we are justified in regarding as a true epileptic. dostoievsky appears to have been an epileptic from an early age; he remained liable to epileptic fits throughout life, and they plunged him into mental dejection and confusion. in many of his novels we find pictures of the epileptic temperament, evidently based on personal experience, showing the most exact knowledge and insight into all the phases of the disease. moreover, dostoievsky in his own person appears to have displayed the perversions and the tendency to mental deterioration which we should expect to find in a true epileptic. so far as our knowledge goes, he really seems to stand alone as a manifestation of supreme genius combined with epilepsy. yet, as dr. loygue remarks in his medico-psychological study of the great russian novelist, epilepsy only accounts for half of the man, and leaves unexplained his passion for work; "the dualism of epilepsy and genius is irreducible." there is one other still more recent man of true genius, though not of the highest rank, who may possibly be counted as epileptic: vincent van gogh, the painter.[ ] a brilliant and highly original artist, he was a definitely abnormal man who cannot be said to have escaped mental deterioration. simple and humble and suffering, recklessly sacrificing himself to help others, always in trouble, van gogh had many points of resemblance to dostoievsky. he has, indeed, been compared to the "idiot" immortalised by dostoievsky, in some aspects an imbecile, in some aspects a saint. yet epilepsy no more explains the genius of van gogh than it explains the genius of dostoievsky. thus the impression we gain when, laying aside prejudice, we take a fairly wide and impartial survey of the facts, or even when we investigate in detail the isolated facts to which significance is most often attached, by no means supports the notion that genius springs entirely, or even mainly, from insane and degenerate stocks. in some cases, undoubtedly, it is found in such stocks, but the ability displayed in these cases is rarely, perhaps never, of any degree near the highest. it is quite easy to point to persons of a certain significance, especially in literature and art, who, though themselves sane, possess many near relatives who are highly neurotic and sometimes insane. such cases, however, are far from justifying any confident generalisations concerning the intimate dependence of genius on insanity. we see, moreover, that to conclude that men of genius are rarely or never the offspring of a radically insane parentage is not to assume that the parents of men of genius are usually of average normal constitution. that would in any case be improbable. apart from the tendency to convergent heredity already emphasised, there is a wider tendency to slight abnormality, a minor degree of inaptness for ordinary life in the parentage of genius. i found that in per cent. cases (certainly much below the real mark) of the british people of genius, one parent, generally the father, had shown abnormality from a social or parental point of view. he had been idle, or extravagant, or restless, or cruel, or intemperate, or unbusinesslike, in the great majority of these cases "unsuccessful." the father of dickens (represented by his son in micawber), who was always vainly expecting something to turn up, is a good type of these fathers of genius. shakespeare's father may have been of much the same sort. george meredith's father, again, who was too superior a person for the outfitting business he inherited, but never succeeded in being anything else, is another example of this group of fathers of genius. the father in these cases is a link of transition between the normal stock and its brilliantly abnormal offshoot. in this transitional stage we see, as it were, the stock _reculer pour mieux sauter_, but it is in the son that the great leap is made manifest. this peculiarity will serve to indicate that in a large proportion of cases the parentage of genius is not entirely sound and normal. we must dismiss absolutely the notion that the parents of persons of genius tend to exhibit traits of a grossly insane or nervously degenerate character. the evidence for such a view is confined to a minute proportion of cases, and even then is usually doubtful. but it is another matter to assume that the parentage of genius is absolutely normal, and still less can we assert that genius always springs from entirely sound stocks. the statement is sometimes made that all families contain an insane element. that statement cannot be accepted. there are many people, including people of a high degree of ability, who can trace no gross mental or nervous disease in their families, unless remote branches are taken into account. not many statistics bearing on this point are yet available. but jenny roller, in a very thorough investigation, found at zurich in that "healthy" people had in per cent. cases directly, and in per cent. cases indirectly and altogether, a neuropathic heredity, while otto diem in found that the corresponding percentages were still higher-- and . it should not, therefore, be matter for surprise if careful investigation revealed a traceable neuropathic element at least as frequent as this in the families which produce a man of genius. it may further, i believe, be argued that the presence of a neuropathic element of this kind in the ancestry of genius is frequently not without a real significance. aristotle said in his _poetics_ that poetry demanded a man with "a touch of madness," though the ancients, who frequently made a similar statement to this, had not our modern ideas of neuropathic heredity in their minds, but merely meant that inspiration simulated insanity. yet "a touch of madness," a slight morbid strain, usually neurotic or gouty, in a preponderantly robust and energetic stock, seems to be often of some significance in the evolution of genius; it appears to act, one is inclined to think, as a kind of ferment, leading to a process out of all relation to its own magnitude. in the sphere of literary genius, milton, flaubert, and william morris may help to illustrate this precious fermentative influence of a minor morbid element in vitally powerful stocks. without some such ferment as this the energy of the stock, one may well suppose, might have been confined within normal limits; the rare and exquisite flower of genius, we know, required an abnormal stimulation; only in this sense is there any truth at all in lombroso's statement that the pearl of genius develops around a germ of disease. but this is the utmost length to which the facts allow us to go in assuming the presence of a morbid element as a frequent constituent of genius. even then we only have one of the factors of genius, to which, moreover, undue importance cannot be attached when we remember how often this ferment is present without any resultant process of genius. and we are in any case far removed from any of those gross nervous lesions which all careful guardianship of the race must tend to eliminate. thus we are brought back to the point from which we started. would eugenics stamp out genius? there is no need to minimise the fact that a certain small proportion of men of genius have displayed highly morbid characters, nor to deny that in a large proportion of cases a slightly morbid strain may with care be detected in the ancestry of genius. but the influence of eugenic considerations can properly be brought to bear only in the case of grossly degenerate stocks. here, so far as our knowledge extends, the parentage of genius nearly always escapes. the destruction of genius and its creation alike elude the eugenist. if there is a tendency in modern civilisation towards a diminution in the manifestations of genius--which may admit of question---it can scarcely be due to any threatened elimination of corrupt stocks. it may perhaps more reasonably be sought in the haste and superficiality which our present phase of urbanisation fosters, and only the most robust genius can adequately withstand. [ ] a danish alienist, lange, has, however, made an attempt on a statistical basis to show a connection between mental ability and mental degeneracy. (f. lange, _degeneration in families_, translated from the danish, ). he deals with families which have provided insane or neuropathic persons within a few generations, and during the same period a large number also of highly distinguished members, cabinet ministers, bishops, artists, poets, etc. but lange admits that the forms of insanity found in these families are of a slight and not severe character, while it is clear that the forms of ability are also in most cases equally slight; they are mostly "old" families, such as naturally produce highly-trained and highly placed individuals. moreover, lange's methods and style of writing are not scientifically exact, and he fails to define precisely what he means by a "family." his investigation indicates that there is a frequent tendency for men of ability to belong to families which are not entirely sound, and that is a conclusion which is not seriously disputed. [ ] havelock ellis, _a study of british genius_, . [ ] dr. cabanès (_indiscrétions de l'histoire_, rd series) similarly concludes that, while in temperament napoleon may be said to belong to the epileptic class, he was by no means an epileptic in the ordinary sense. kanngiesser (_prager medizinische wochenschrift_, , no. ) suggests that from his slow pulse ( to ) napoleon's attacks may have originated in the heart and vessels. [ ] genuine epilepsy usually comes on before the age of twenty-five; it very rarely begins after twenty-five, and never after thirty. (l.w. weber, _münchener medizinische wochenschrift_, july th and aug. th, .) in genuine epilepsy, also, loss of consciousness accompanies the fits; the exceptions to this rule are rare, though audenino, a pupil of lombroso, who sought to extend the sphere of epilepsy, believes that the exceptions are not so rare as is commonly supposed (_archivio di psichiatria_, fasc. vi., ). moreover, true epilepsy is accompanied by a progressive mental deterioration which terminates in dementia; in the craig colony for epileptics of new york, among , epileptics this progressive deterioration is very rarely absent (_lancet_, march st, ); but it is not found in the distinguished men of genius who are alleged to be epileptic. epileptic deterioration has been elaborately studied by maccurdy, _psychiatric bulletin_, new york, april, . [ ] see, _e.g._, elizabeth du quesne van gogh, _personal recollections of vincent van gogh_, p. . these epileptic attacks are, however, but vaguely mentioned, and it would seem that they only appeared during the last years of the artist's life. xiv the production of ability the growing interest in eugenics, and the world-wide decline in the birth-rate, have drawn attention to the study of the factors which determine the production of genius in particular and high ability in general. the interest in this question, thus freshly revived and made more acute by the results of the great war, is not indeed new. it is nearly half a century since galton wrote his famous book on the heredity of genius, or, as he might better have described the object of his investigation, the heredity of ability. at a later date my own _study of british genius_ collectively summarised all the biological data available concerning the parentage and birth of the most notable persons born in england, while numerous other studies might also be named. such investigations are to-day acquiring a fresh importance, because, while it is becoming realised that we are gaining a new control over the conditions of birth, the production of children has itself gained in importance. the world is no longer bombarded by an exuberant stream of babies, good, bad, and indifferent in quality, with mankind to look on calmly at the struggle for existence among them. whether we like it or not, the quantity is relatively diminishing, and the question of quality is beginning to assume a supreme significance. what are the conditions which assure the finest quality in our children? a german scientist, dr. vaerting, of berlin, published on the eve of the war a little book on the most favourable age in parents for the production of children of ability (_das günstigste elterliche zeugungsalter_).[ ] he approaches the question entirely in this new spirit, not as a merely academic topic of discussion, but as a practical matter of vital importance to the welfare of society. he starts with the assertion that "our century has been called the century of the child,"[ ] and for the child all manner of rights are now being claimed. but the prime right of all, the right of the child to the best ability that his parents are able to transmit to him, is never even so much as considered. yet this right is the root of all children's rights. and when the mysteries of procreation have been so far revealed as to enable this right to be won, we shall, at the same time, dr. vaerting adds, renew the spiritual aspect of the nations. the most easily ascertainable and measurable factor in the production of ability, and certainly a factor which cannot be without significance, is the age of the parents at the child's birth. it is this factor with which vaerting is mainly concerned, as illustrated by over one hundred german men of genius concerning whom he has been able to obtain the required data. later on, he proposes to extend the inquiry to other nations. vaerting finds--and this is probably the most original, though, as we shall see, not the most unquestionable of his findings--that the fathers who are themselves of no notable intellectual distinction have a decidedly more prolonged power of procreating distinguished children than is possessed by distinguished fathers. the former, that is to say, may become the fathers of eminent children from the period of sexual maturity up to the age of forty-three or beyond. when, however, the father is himself of high intellectual distinction, vaerting finds that he was nearly always under thirty, and usually under twenty-five years of age at his distinguished son's birth, although the proportion of youthful fathers in the general population is relatively small. the eleven youngest fathers on vaerting's list, from twenty-one to twenty-five years of age, were (with one exception) themselves more or less distinguished, while the fifteen oldest, from thirty-nine to sixty years of age, were all without exception undistinguished. among these sons are to be found much greater names (goethe, bach, kant, bismarck, wagner, etc.) than are to be found among the sons of young and more distinguished fathers, for here there is only one name (frederick the great) of the same calibre. the elderly fathers belonged to large cities and were mostly married to wives very much younger than themselves. vaerting notes that the most eminent geniuses have most frequently been the sons of fathers who were not engaged in intellectual avocations at all, but earned their livings as simple craftsmen. he draws the conclusion from these data that strenuous intellectual energy is much more unfavourable than hard physical labour to the production of ability in the offspring. intellectual workers, therefore, he argues, must have their children when young, and we must so modify our social ideals and economic conditions as to render this possible. that the mother should be equally young is not, he holds, necessary; he finds some superiority, indeed, provided the father is young, in somewhat elderly mothers, and there were no mothers under twenty-three. the rarity of genius among the offspring of distinguished parents is attributed to the unfortunate tendency to marry too late, and vaerting finds that the distinguished men who marry late rarely have any children at all. speaking generally, and apart from the production of genius, he holds that women have children too early, before their psychic development is completed, while men have children too late, when they have already "in the years of their highest psychic generative fitness planted their most precious seed in the mud of the street." the eldest child was found to have by far the best chance of turning out distinguished, and in this fact vaerting finds further proof of his argument. the third son has the next best chance, and then the second, the comparatively bad position of the second being attributed to the too brief interval which often follows the birth of the first child. he also notes that of all the professions the clergy come beyond comparison first as the parents of distinguished sons (who are, however, rarely of the highest degree of eminence), lawyers following, while officers in the army and physicians scarcely figure at all. vaerting is inclined to see in this order, especially in the predominance of the clergy, the favourable influence of an unexhausted reserve of energy and a habit of chastity on intellectual procreativeness. this is one of his main conclusions. it so happens that in my own _study of british genius_, with which dr. vaerting was unacquainted when he made his first investigation, i dealt on a larger scale, and perhaps with somewhat more precise method, with many of these same questions as they are illustrated by english genius. vaerting's results have induced me to re-examine and to some extent to manipulate afresh the english data. my results, like dr. vaerting's, showed a special tendency for genius to appear in the eldest child, though there was no indication of notably early marriage in the parents.[ ] i also found a similar predominance of the clergy among the fathers and a similar deficiency of army officers and physicians. the most frequent age of the father was thirty-two years, but the average age of the father at the distinguished child's birth was . years, and when the fathers were themselves distinguished their age was not, as vaerting found in germany, notably low at the birth of their distinguished sons, but higher than the general average, being . years. there have been fifteen distinguished english sons of distinguished fathers, but instead of being nearly always under thirty and usually under twenty-five, as vaerting found in germany, the english distinguished father has only five times been under thirty and among these five only twice under twenty-five. moreover, precisely the most distinguished of the sons (francis bacon and william pitt) had the oldest fathers and the least distinguished sons the youngest fathers. i made some attempt to ascertain whether different kinds of genius tend to be produced by fathers who were at different periods of life. i refrained from publishing the results as i doubted whether the numbers dealt with were sufficiently large to carry any weight. it may, however, be worth while to record them, as possibly they are significant. i made four classes of men of genius: ( ) men of religion, ( ) poets, ( ) practical men, and ( ) scientific men and sceptics. (it must not, of course, be supposed that in this last group all the scientific men were sceptics, or all the sceptics scientific.) the average age of the fathers at the distinguished son's birth was, in the first group, years, in the second and third groups years, and in the last group years. (it may be noted, however, that the youngest father of all in the history of british genius, aged sixteen, produced napier, who introduced logarithms.) it is difficult not to believe that as regards, at all events, the two most discrepant groups, the first and last, we here come on a significant indication. it is not unreasonable to suppose that in the production of men of religion, in whose activity emotion is so potent a factor, the youthful age of the father should prove favourable, while for the production of genius of a more coldly intellectual and analytic type more elderly fathers are demanded. if that should prove to be so, it would become a source of happiness to religious parents to have their children early, while irreligious persons should be advised to delay parentage. it is scarcely necessary to remark that the age of the mothers is probably quite as influential as that of the fathers. concerning the mothers, however, we always have less precise information. my records, so far as they go, agree with vaerting's for german genius, in indicating that an elderly mother is more likely to produce a child of genius than a very youthful mother. there were only fifteen mothers recorded under twenty-five years of age, while thirteen were over thirty-nine years; the most frequent age of the mothers was twenty-seven. on all these points we certainly need controlling evidence from other countries. thus, before we insist with vaerting that an elderly mother is a factor in the production of genius, we may recall that even in germany the mothers of goethe and nietzsche were both eighteen at their distinguished sons' birth. a rule which permits of such tremendous exceptions scarcely seems to bear the strain of emphasis. it must always be remembered that while the study of genius is highly interesting, and even, it is probable, not without significance for the general laws of heredity, we must not too hastily draw conclusions from it to bear on practical questions of eugenics. genius is rare and abnormal; laws meant to apply to the general population must be based on a study of the general population. vaerting, who is alive to the practical character which such problems are to-day assuming, realises how inadequate it is to confine our study to genius. marro, in his valuable book on puberty, some years ago brought forward interesting data showing the result of the age of the parents on the moral and intellectual characters of school-children in north italy. he found that children with fathers below twenty-six at their birth showed the maximum of bad conduct and the minimum of good; they also yielded the greatest proportion of children of irregular, troublesome, or lazy character, but not of really perverse children who were equally distributed among fathers of all ages. the largest number of cheerful children belonged to young fathers, while the children tended to become more melancholy with ascending age of the fathers. young fathers produced the largest proportion of intelligent, as well as of troublesome children, but when the very exceptionally intelligent children were considered separately they were found to be more usually the offspring of elderly fathers. as regards the mothers, marro found that the children of young mothers (under twenty-one) are superior, both as regards conduct and intelligence, though the more exceptionally intelligent children tended to belong to more mature mothers. when the parents were both in the same age-group the immature and the elderly groups tended to produce more children who were unsatisfactory, both as regards conduct and intelligence, than the intermediate group.[ ] but we need to have such inquiries made on a more wholesale and systematic scale. they are no longer of a merely speculative character. we no longer regard children as the "gifts of god," flung into our helpless hands; we are beginning to realise that the responsibility is ours to see that they come into the world under the best conditions, and at the moments when their parents are best fitted to produce them. vaerting proposes that it should be the business of all school authorities to register the ages of the pupils' parents. this is scarcely a provision to which even the most susceptible parent could reasonably object, though there is no cause to make the declaration compulsory where a "conscientious" objection existed, and in any case the declaration would not be public. it would be an advantage--though this might be more difficult to obtain--to have the date of the parents' marriage, and of the birth of previous children, as well as some record of the father's standing in his occupation. but even the ages of the parents alone would teach us much when correlated with the school position of the pupil in intelligence and in conduct. it is quite true that there are unavoidable fallacies. we are not, as in the case of genius, dealing with people whose life-work is complete and open to the whole world's examination. the good and clever child is not necessarily the forerunner of the first-class man or woman; and many capable and successful men have been careless in attendance at lectures and rebellious to discipline. moreover, the prejudice and limitations of the teachers have also to be recognised. yet when we are dealing with millions most of these fallacies would be smoothed out. we should be, once for all, in a position to determine authoritatively the exact bearing of one of the simplest and most vital factors of the betterment of the race. we should be in possession of a new clue to guide us in the creation of the man of the coming world. why not begin to-day? [ ] he has further discussed the subject in _die neue generation_, aug.-nov., , and in a more recent ( ) pamphlet which i have not seen. [ ] the reference is to _the century of the child_, by ellen key, who writes (english translation, p. ): "my conviction is that the transformation of human nature will take place, not when the whole of humanity becomes christian, but when the whole of humanity awakens to the consciousness of the 'holiness of generation.' this consciousness will make the central work of society the new race, its origin, its management, and its education; about these all morals, all laws, all social arrangements will be grouped." [ ] it is not only ability, but idiocy, criminality and many other abnormalities which specially tend to appear in the first-born. the eldest-born represents the point of greatest variation in the family, and the variation thus yielded may be in either direction, useful or useless, good or bad. see, _e.g._, havelock ellis, _a study of british genius_, pp. - . sören hansen, "the inferior quality of the first-born children," _eugenics review_, oct., . [ ] marro, _la pubertà_ (french translation _la puberté_), ch. xi. xv marriage and divorce we contemplate our marriage system with satisfaction. we remember the many unquestionable evidences in favour of it, and we marvel that it so often proves a failure. for while we remember the evidence in favour of it, we forget the evidence against it, and we overlook the important fact that our favourable evidence is largely based on the vision of an abstract or idealised monogamy which fails to correspond to the detailed and ever varying system which in practice we cherish. we point to the fact that monogamic marriage has probably flourished throughout the history of the world, that it exists among savages, even among animals, but we fail to observe how far that monogamy differs from ours, even assuming that our monogamy is a real monogamy and not a disguised polygamy, especially in the fact that it is a free union and only subject to the inherent penalties that follow its infraction, not to external penalties. ours is not free; our faith in its natural virtues is not quite so firm as we assert; we are always meddling with it and worrying over its health and anxiously trying to bolster it up. we are not by any means willing to let it rest on the sanction of its own natural or divine laws. our feeling is, as james hinton used ironically to express it: "poor god with no one to help him!" the fact is that when we compare our civilised marriage system with marriage as it exists in nature, we fail to realise a fundamental distinction. our marriage system is made up of two absolutely different elements which cannot blend. on the one hand, it is the manifestation of our deepest and most volcanic impulses. on the other hand, it is an elaborate web of regulations--legal, ecclesiastical, economic--which is to-day quite out of relation to our impulses. on the one hand, it is a force which springs from within; on the other hand, it is a force which presses on us from without.[ ] one says broadly that these two elements of marriage, as we understand it, are out of relation to each other. but there is an important saving qualification to be made. the inner impulse is not without law, and the external pressure is not without an ultimate basis of nature. that is to say, that under free and natural conditions the inner impulse tends to develop itself, not licentiously but with its own order and restraints, while, on the other hand, our inherited regulations are largely the tradition of ancient attempts to fix and register that natural order and restraint. the disharmony comes in with the fact that our regulations are traditional and ancient, not our own attempts to fix and register the natural order but inextricably mixed up with elements that are entirely alien to our civilised habits of life. whatever our attitude towards mediaeval canon law may be--whether reverence or indifference or disgust--it yet holds us and is ingrained into our marriage system to-day. canon law was a good and vital thing under the conditions which produced it. the survival of canon law to-day, with the antiquated and ascetic conception of the subordination of women associated with it, is the chief reason why we in the twentieth century have not yet progressed so far towards a reasonable system of marriage as the romans had reached on the basis of their law, nearly two thousand years ago.[ ] marriage is conditioned both by inner impulse and outward pressure. but a healthy impulse bears within it an order and restraint of its own, while a truly moral outward pressure is based, not on the demands of mediaeval days, but on the demands of our own day. how far this is from being the case yet we find well illustrated by our divorce methods. all our modern culture favour a sense of the sacredness of the sexual relations; we cherish a delicate reserve concerning all the intimacies of personal relationship. but when the magic word "divorce" is uttered we fling all our civilisation to the winds, and in the desecrated name of law we proceed to an inquisition which scarcely differs at all from those public tests of mediaeval law-courts which now we dare not venture even to put into words. it is true that we are not bound to be consistent when it is an advantage to be inconsistent. and if there were a method in our madness it would be justified. but there is no method. from first to last the history of divorce (read it, for instance, in howard's _matrimonial institutions_) is an ever shifting record of cruel blunders and ridiculous absurdities. divorce began in modern times in flagrant injustice to one of the two partners, the wife, and it has ended--if we may hope that the end is approaching--in imbecilities that to future ages will be incredible. for no legal jargon has ever been invented that will express the sympathies and the antipathies of human relationship; they even escape the subtlest expression. law-makers have tortured their brains to devise formulas which will cover the legitimate grounds for divorce. how vain their efforts are is sufficiently shown by the fact that by no chance can they ever agree on their formulas, and that they are changing them constantly with feverish haste, dimly realising that they are but the antiquated representatives of mediaevalism, and that soon their occupation will be gone for ever. the reasons for the making or the breaking of human relationships can never be formulated. the only result of such legal formulas is that they bring law into contempt because they have to be ingeniously and methodically cheated in order to adapt them in any degree to civilised human needs. thus such laws not only degrade the name of law, but they degrade the whole community which tolerates them. there is only one ultimate reason for either marriage or divorce, and that is that the two persons concerned consent to the marriage or consent to the divorce. why they consent is no concern of any third party, and, maybe, they cannot even put it into words. at the same time, let us not forget, marriage and divorce are a very real concern of the state, and law cannot ignore either. it is the business of the state to see to it that no interests are injured. the contract of marriage and the contract of divorce are private matters, but it is necessary to guard that no injury is thereby done to either of the contracting persons, or to third parties, or to the community as a whole. the state may have a right to say what persons are unfit for marriage, or at all events for procreation; the state must take care that the weaker party is not injured; the state is especially bound to watch over the interests of children, and this involves, in the best issue, that each child shall have two effective parents, whether or not those parents are living together. a large scope--we are beginning to recognise--must be left alike to freedom of marriage and freedom of divorce, but the state must mark out the limits within which that freedom is exercised. the loosening hold of the state on marriage is by no means connected with any growing sense of the value of divorce. at the best, it is probable that divorce is merely a necessary evil. one of the chief reasons why we should seek to promote education in relation to sexual relationships and to inculcate the responsibilities of such relationships, so making the approach to marriage more circumspect, is in order to obviate the need for divorce. for divorce is always a confession of failure. very often, indeed, it involves not only a confession of failure in one particular marriage but of failure for marriage generally. one notes how often the people who fail in a first marriage fail even more hopelessly in the second. they have chosen the wrong partners; but one suspects that for them all partners will prove the wrong partners. one sometimes hears nowadays that a succession of marriage relationships is desirable in order to develop character. but that depends on many things. it very much depends on what character there is to develop. a man may have relationships with a hundred women and develop much less character out of his experience, and even acquire a much less intimate knowledge of women, than the man who has spent his life in an endless series of adventures with one woman. it depends a good deal on the man and not a little on the woman. thus the work of marriage in the world must depend entirely on the nature of that world. a fine marriage system can only be produced by a fine civilisation of which it is the exquisite flower. laws cannot better marriage; even education, by itself, is powerless, necessary as it is in conjunction with other influences. the love-relationships of men and women must develop freely, and with due allowance for the variations which the complexities of civilisation demand. but these relationships touch the whole of life at so infinite a number of points that they cannot even develop at all save in a society that is itself developing graciously and harmoniously. do not expect to pluck figs from thistles. as a society is, so will its marriages be. [ ] it is this artificial and external pressure which often produces a revolt against marriage. the author of a remarkable paper entitled, "our incestuous marriage," in the _forum_ (dec., ), advocates a reform of social marriage customs "in conformance with the freedom-loving modern nature," and the introduction of "a fresh atmosphere for married life in which personality can be made to appear so sacred and free that marriage will be undertaken and borne as lightly and gracefully as a secret sin." [ ] see sir james donaldson, _woman: her position and influence in ancient greece and rome, _; also s.b. kitchin's excellent _history of divorce_, ; this author believes that the tendency in modern civilisation is to return to the simple principles of roman law involving divorce by consent. see also havelock ellis, _sex in relation to society_, ch. x. xvi the meaning of the birth-rate the history of educated opinion concerning the birth-rate and its interpretation during the past seventy years is full of interest. the actual operative factors--natural, pathological, economic, social, and educational--in raising or lowering the birth-rate, are numerous and complicated, and it is difficult to determine exactly how large a part each factor plays. but without determining that at all, it is still very instructive to observe the evolution of popular intelligent opinion concerning the significance of a high and a low birth-rate. popular opinion on this matter may be said to have passed through three stages. i am referring to western europe and more particularly to england and germany, for it must be remembered that, in this matter, england and germany are running a parallel course. england happens to be, on the whole, a little ahead, having reached its period of full expansion at a somewhat earlier period than germany, but each people is pursuing the same course. in the first stage--let us say about the middle of the last century and the succeeding thirty years--the popular attitude was one of jubilant satisfaction in a high and rising birth-rate. there had been an immense expansion of industry. the whole world seemed nothing but a great field for the energetic and industrial nations to exploit. workers were needed to keep up with the expansion and to keep down wages to a rate which would make industrial expansion easy; soldiers and armaments were needed to protect the movements of expansion. it seemed to the more exuberant spirits that a vast british empire, or a mighty pan-germany, might be expected to cover the whole world. france, with its low and falling birth-rate, was looked down at with contempt as a decadent country inhabited by a degenerate population. no attempts to analyse the birth-rate, to ascertain what are really the biological, social, and economic accompaniments of a high birth-rate, made any impression on the popular mind. they were drowned in the general shout of exultation. that era of optimism was followed by a swift reaction. towards the upward movement of the birth-rate began to be arrested; it soon began steadily to fall, as it is continuing to do to-day. in france it is falling slowly, in italy more rapidly, in england and prussia still more rapidly. as, however, the fall began earliest in france, the birth-rate is lower there than in the other countries named; for the same reason it is lower in england than in prussia, although england stands in this respect at almost exactly the same distance from prussia to-day as thirty years ago, the fall having occurred at the same rate in both countries. it is quite possible that in the future it may become more rapid in prussia than in england, for the birth-rate of berlin is lower than the birth-rate of london, and urbanisation is proceeding at a more rapid rate in germany than in england. the realisation of such facts as these produced a period of pessimism which marks the second stage in this evolution. the great movement of expansion, which seemed to promise so much to ambitious nations anxious for world-power, was being arrested. moreover, it began to be realised that the rapid growth of a community was accompanied by phenomena which had not been foreseen by the enthusiasts of the first period of optimism. they had argued--not indeed verbally but in effect--that the higher the birth-rate the cheaper labour and lives would become, and the cheaper labour and lives were, the easier it would be for a nation with its industrial armies and its military armies to get ahead of other rival nations. but they had not realised that, with the growth of popular education in modern democratic states, cheap labour is no longer willing to play without protest this humble and suffering part in national progress. the workers of the nations began to declare, clearly or obscurely, as they were able, that they no longer intended to sell their labour and their lives so cheaply. the rising birth-rate of the middle of the nineteenth century coincided with, and to a large extent doubtless produced, the organisation of labour, trades unions, the political activity of the working classes, socialism, as well as the extreme forms of anarchism and syndicalism. it was when these movements began to attain a high degree of organisation and power that the birth-rate began to decline. thus the pessimists of the second period were faced by horrors on both sides. on the one hand, they saw that the ever-increasing rate of human production which seemed to them the essential condition of national, social, even moral progress, had not only stopped but was steadily diminishing. on the other hand, they saw that, even in so far as it was maintained, it involved, under modern conditions, nothing but social commotion and economic disturbance. there are still many pessimists of this second period alive among us, and actively proclaiming their gospel of despair, alike in england and in germany. but a new generation is growing up, and this question is now entering a third period. the new generation rejects alike the passive optimism of the first period and the passive pessimism of the second period. its attitude is hopeful but it realises that mere hope is vain unless there is clear intellectual vision and unless there is individual and social action in accordance with that vision. it is to-day beginning to be seen that the old notion of progress by means of reckless multiplication is vain. it can only be effected at a ruinous cost of death, disease, poverty, and misery. we see this in the past history of western europe, as we still see it in the history of russia. any progress effected along that line--if "progress" it can be called--is now barred, for it is absolutely opposed to those democratic conceptions which are ever gaining greater influence among us. moreover, we are now better able to analyse demographic phenomena and we are no longer satisfied with any crude statements regarding the birth-rate. we realise that they need interpretation. they have to be considered in relation to the sex-constitution and the age-constitution of the population, and, above all, they must be viewed in relation to the infant mortality-rate. the bad aspect of the french birth-rate is not so much its lowness as that it is accompanied by a high infantile mortality. the fact that the german birth-rate is higher than the english ceases to be a matter of satisfaction when it is realised that german infantile mortality is vastly greater than english. a high birth-rate is no sign of a high civilisation. but we are beginning to feel that a high infantile death-rate is a sign of a very inferior civilisation. a low birth-rate with a low infant death-rate not only produces the same increase in the population as a high birth-rate with the high death-rate, which always accompanies it (for there are no examples of, a high birth-rate with a low death-rate), but it produces it in a way which is far more worthy of our admiration in this matter than the way of russia and china where opposite conditions prevail.[ ] it used to be thought that small families were immoral. we now begin to see that it was the large families of old which were immoral. the excessive birth-rate of the early industrial period was directly stimulated by selfishness. there were no laws against child-labour; children were produced that they might be sent out, when little more than babies, to the factories and the mines to increase their parents' incomes. the diminished birth-rate has accompanied higher moral transformation. it has introduced a finer economy into life, diminished death, disease, and misery. it is indirectly, and even directly, improving the quality of the race. the very fact that children are born at longer intervals is not only beneficial to the mother's health, and therefore to the children's general welfare, but it has been proved to have a marked and prolonged influence on the physical development of children. social progress, and a higher civilisation, we thus see, involve a reduced birth-rate and a reduced death-rate; the fewer the children born, the fewer the risks of death, disease, and misery to the children that are born. the fact that civilisation involves small families is clearly shown by the tendency of the educated and upper social classes to have small families. as the proletariat class becomes educated and elevated, disciplined to refinement and to foresight--as it were aristocratised--it also has small families. civilisational progress is here in a line with biological progress. the lower organisms spawn their progeny in thousands, the higher mammals produce but one or two at a time. the higher the race the fewer the offspring. thus diminution in quantity is throughout associated with augmentation in quality. quality rather than quantity is the racial ideal now set before us, and it is an ideal which, as we are beginning to learn, it is possible to cultivate, both individually and socially. the day is coming, as engel remarks in his useful book on _the elements of child protection_, when fatherhood and motherhood will only be permitted to the strong. that is why the new science of eugenics or racial hygiene is acquiring so immense an importance. in the past racial selection has been carried out crudely by the destructive, wasteful, and expensive method of elimination, through death. in the future it will be carried out far more effectively by conscious and deliberate selection, exercised not merely before birth, but before conception and even before mating. it is idle to suppose that such a change can be exerted by mere legislation, for which, besides, our scientific knowledge is still inadequate. we cannot, indeed, desire any compulsory elimination of the unfit or any regulated breeding of the fit. such notions are idle. man can only be bred from within, through the medium of his intelligence and will, working together under the control of a high sense of responsibility. galton, who recognised the futility of mere legislation to elevate the race, believed that the hope of the future lay in eugenics becoming a part of religion. the good of the race lies, not in the production of a super-man, but of a super-humanity. this can only be attained through personal individual development, the increase of knowledge, the sense of responsibility towards the race, enabling men to act in accordance with responsibility. the leadership in civilisation belongs not to the nation with the highest birth-rate but to the nation which has thus learnt to produce the finest men and women. [ ] for a more detailed discussion of these points see the author's _task of social hygiene_. xvii civilisation and the birth-rate it was inevitable that the great war of to-day should lead to an outcry, in all the countries engaged, for more children and larger families. in germany and in austria, in france and in england, panic-stricken fanatics are found who preach to the people that the birth-rate is falling and the nation is decaying. no scheme is too wild for the supposed benefit of the country in a fierce coming fight for commercial supremacy, as well as with due regard to the requirements in cannon fodder of another great war twenty years hence. it may be well, however, to pause before we listen to these quixotic plans.[ ] we may then find reason to think, not only that any attempt to arrest the falling birth-rate is scarcely likely to be effective in view of the fact that it affects not one country only but all the countries that count, but that even if it could be successful it would be mischievous. whatever the results of the war may be, one result is fairly certain and that is that, under the most favourable circumstances, every country will emerge laden with misery and debt; whatever prosperity may follow, living will be expensive for a long time to come and the incomes of all classes heavily burdened. a bounty on babies would hardly make up for these difficulties. the happy family, under the conditions that seem to be immediately ahead of us, is likely to be the small family. the large family--as indeed has been the case in the past--is likely to be visited by disease and death. but there is more to be said than this. we must dismiss altogether the statement so often made that a falling birth-rate means "an old and dying community." the germans have for years been making this remark contemptuously regarding the french. but to-day they have to recognise a vitality in the french which they had not expected, while in recent years, also, their own birth-rate has been falling more rapidly than that of france. nor is it true that a falling birth-rate means a falling population; the french birth-rate has long been steadily falling, yet the french population has been steadily increasing all the time, though less rapidly than it would had not the death-rate been abnormally high. it is not the number of babies born that counts, but the net result in surviving children. an enormous number of babies are born in china; but an enormous number die while still babies. so that it is better to have a few babies of good quality than a large number of indifferent quality, for the falling birth-rate is more than compensated by the falling death-rate. that is what we are attaining in england, and, as we know, our steadily falling birth-rate results in a steadily growing population. there is still more to be said. small families and a falling birth-rate are not merely no evil, they are a positive good. they are a gain for humanity. they represent an evolutionary rise in nature and a higher stage in civilisation. we are here in the presence of great fundamental principles of progress which have been working through life from the beginning. at the beginning of life on the earth reproduction ran riot. of one minute organism it is estimated that, if its reproduction were not checked by death or destruction, in thirty days it would form a mass a million times larger than the sun. the conger-eel lays fifteen million eggs, and if they all grew up, and reproduced themselves on the same scale, in two years the whole sea would become a wriggling mass of fish. as we approach the higher forms of life reproduction gradually dies down. the animals nearest to man produce few offspring, but they surround them with parental care, until they are able to lead independent lives with a fair chance of surviving. the whole process may be regarded as a mechanism for slowly subordinating quantity to quality, and so promoting the evolution of life to ever higher stages. this process, which is plain to see on the largest scale throughout living nature, may be more minutely studied, as it acts within a narrower range, in the human species. here we statistically formulate it in the terms of birth-rate and death-rate; by the mutual relationship of the two courses of the birth-rate and the death-rate we are able to estimate the evolutionary rank of a nation, and the degree in which it has succeeded in subordinating the primitive standard of quantity to the higher and later standard of quality. it is especially in europe that we can investigate this relationship by the help of statistics which in some cases extend for nearly a century back. we can trace the various phases through which each nation passes, the effects of prosperity, the influence of education and sanitary improvement, the general complex development of civilisation, in each case moving forward, though not regularly and steadily, to higher stages by means of a falling birth-rate, which is to some extent compensated by a falling death-rate, the two rates nearly always running parallel, so that a temporary rise in the birth-rate is usually accompanied by a rise in the death-rate, by a return, that is to say, towards the conditions which we find at the beginning of animal life, and a steady fall in the birth-rate is always accompanied by a fall in the death-rate. the modern phase of this movement, soon after which our precise knowledge begins, may be said to date from the industrial expansion, due to the introduction of machinery, which professor marshall places in england about the year . that represents the beginning of an era in which all civilised and semi-civilised countries are still living. for the earlier centuries we lack precise data, but we are able to form certain probable conclusions. the population of a country in those ages seems to have grown very slowly and sometimes even to have retrograded. at the end of the sixteenth century the population of england and wales is estimated at five millions and at the end of the seventeenth at six millions--only per cent. increase during the century--although during the nineteenth century the population nearly quadrupled. this very gradual increase of the population seems to have been by no means due to a very low birth-rate, but to a very high death-rate. throughout the middle ages a succession of virulent plagues and pestilences devastated europe. small-pox, which may be considered the latest of these, used to sweep off large masses of the youthful population in the eighteenth century. the result was a certain stability and a certain well-being in the population as a whole, these conditions being, however, maintained in a manner that was terribly wasteful and distressing. the industrial revolution introduced a new era which began to show its features clearly in the early nineteenth century. on the one hand, a new motive had arisen to favour a more rapid increase of population. small children could tend machinery and thereby earn wages to increase the family takings. this led to an immediate result in increased population and increased prosperity. but, on the other hand, the rapid increase of population always tended to outrun the rapid increase of prosperity, and the more so since the rise of sanitary science began to drive back the invasions of the grosser and more destructive infectious diseases which had hitherto kept the population down. the result was that new forms of disease, distress, and destitution arose; the old stability was lost, and the new prosperity produced unrest in place of well-being. the social consciousness was still too immature to deal collectively with the difficulties and frictions which the industrial era introduced, and the individualism which under former conditions had operated wholesomely now acted perniciously to crush the souls and bodies of the workers, whether men, women, or children. as we know, the increase of knowledge and the growth of the social consciousness have slowly acted wholesomely during the past century to remedy the first evil results of the industrial revolution. the artificial and abnormal increase of the population has been checked because it is no longer permissible in most countries to stunt the minds and bodies of small children by placing them in factories. an elaborate system of factory legislation was devised, and is still ever drawing fresh groups of workers within its protective meshes. sanitary science began to develop and to exert an enormous influence on the health of nations. at the same time the supreme importance of popular education was realised. the total result was that the nature of "prosperity" began to be transformed; instead of being, as it had been at the beginning of the industrial era, a direct appeal to the gratification of gross appetites and reckless lusts, it became an indirect stimulus to higher gratifications and more remote aspirations. foresight became a dominating motive even in the general population, and a man's anxiety for the welfare of his family was no longer forgotten in the pleasure of the moment. the social state again became more stable, and mere "prosperity" was transformed into civilisation. this is the state of things now in progress in all industrial countries, though it has reached varying levels of development among different peoples. it is thus clear that the birth-rate combined with the death-rate constitutes a delicate instrument for the measurement of civilisation, and that the record of their combined curves registers the upward or downward course of every nation. the curves, as we know, tend to be parallel, and when they are not parallel we are in the presence of a rare and abnormal state of things which is usually temporary or transitional. it is instructive from this point of view to study the various nations of europe, for here we find a large number of small nations, each with its own statistical system, confined within a small space and living under fairly uniform conditions. let us take the latest official figures (which are usually for ) and attempt to measure the civilisation of european countries on this basis. beginning with the lowest birth-rate, and therefore in gradually descending rank of superiority, we find that the european countries stand in the following order: france, belgium, ireland, sweden, the united kingdom, switzerland, norway, scotland, denmark, holland, the german empire, prussia, finland, spain, austria, italy, hungary, serbia, bulgaria, roumania, russia. if we take the death-rate similarly, beginning with the lowest rate and gradually proceeding to the highest, we find the following order: holland, denmark, norway, sweden, switzerland, the united kingdom, belgium, scotland, prussia, the german empire, finland, ireland, france, italy, austria, serbia, spain, bulgaria, hungary, roumania, russia. now we cannot accept the birth-rates and death-rates of the various countries exactly at their face value. temporary conditions, as well as the special composition of a population, not to mention peculiarities of registration, exert a disturbing effect. roughly and on the whole, however, the figures are acceptable. it is instructive to find how closely the two rates agree. the agreement is, indeed, greater at the bottom than at the top; the eight countries which constitute the lowest group as regards birth-rate are the identical eight countries which furnish the heaviest death-rates. that was to be expected; a very high birth-rate seems fatally to involve a very high death-rate. but a very low birth-rate (as we see in the cases of france and ireland) is not invariably associated with a very low death-rate, though it is never associated with a high death-rate. this seems to indicate that those qualities in a highly civilised nation which restrain the production of offspring do not always or at once produce the eugenic racial qualities possessed by hardier peoples living under simpler conditions. but with these reservations it is not difficult to combine the two lists in a fairly concordant order of descending rank. most readers will agree, that taking the european populations in bulk, without regard to the production of genius (for men of genius are always a very minute fraction of a nation), the european populations which they are accustomed to regard as standing at the head in the general diffusion of character, intelligence, education, and well-being, are all included in the first twelve or thirteen nations, which are the same in both lists though they do not follow the same order. these peoples, as peoples--that is, without regard to their size, their political importance, or their production of genius--represent the highest level of democratic civilisation in europe. it is scarcely necessary to add that various countries outside europe equal or excel them; the death-rate of the united states, so far as statistics show, is the same as that of sweden; that of ontario, still better, is the same as denmark; while the death-rate of the australian commonwealth, with a medium birth-rate, is lower than that of any european country, and new zealand holds the world's championship in this field with the lowest death-rate of all. on the other hand, some extra-european countries compare less favourably with europe; japan, with a rather high birth-rate, has the same high death-rate as spain, and chile, with a still higher birth-rate, has a higher death-rate than russia. so it is that among human peoples we find the same laws prevailing as among animals, and the higher nations of the world differ from those which are less highly evolved precisely as the elephant differs from the herring, though within a narrower range, that is to say, by producing fewer offspring and taking better care of them. the whole of this evolutionary process, we have to remember, is a natural process. it has been going on from the beginning of the living world. but at a certain stage in the higher development of man, without ceasing to be natural, it becomes conscious and deliberate. it is then that we have what may properly be termed _birth control_. that is to say, that a process which had before been working slowly through the ages, attaining every new forward step with waste and pain, is henceforth carried out voluntarily, in the light of the high human qualities of reason and foresight and self-restraint. the rise of birth control may be said to correspond with the rise of social and sanitary science in the first half of the nineteenth century, and to be indeed an essential part of that movement. it is firmly established in all the most progressive and enlightened countries of europe, notably in france and in england; in germany, where formerly the birth-rate was very high, birth control has developed with extraordinary rapidity during the present century. in holland its principle and practice are freely taught by physicians and nurses to the mothers of the people, with the result that there is in holland no longer any necessity for unwanted babies, and this small country possesses the proud privilege of the lowest death-rate in europe. in the free and enlightened democratic communities on the other side of the globe, in australia and new zealand, the same principles and practice are generally accepted, with the same beneficent results. on the other hand, in the more backward and ignorant countries of europe, birth control is still little known, and death and disease flourish. this is the case in those eight countries which come at the bottom of both our lists. even in the more progressive countries, however, birth control has not been established without a struggle, which has frequently ended in a hypocritical compromise, its principles being publicly ignored or denied and its practice privately accepted. for, at the great and vitally important point in human progress which birth control represents, we really see the conflict of two moralities. the morality of the ancient world is here confronted by the morality of the new world. the old morality, knowing nothing of science and the process of nature as worked out in the evolution of life, based itself on the early chapters of genesis, in which the children of noah are represented as entering an empty earth which it is their business to populate diligently. so it came about that for this morality, still innocent of eugenics, recklessness was almost a virtue. children were given by god; if they died or were afflicted by congenital disease, it was the dispensation of god, and, whatever imprudence the parents might commit, the pathetic faith still ruled that "god will provide." but in the new morality it is realised that in these matters divine action can only be made manifest in human action, that is to say through the operation of our own enlightened reason and resolved will. prudence, foresight, self-restraint--virtues which the old morality looked down on with benevolent contempt--assume a position of the first importance. in the eyes of the new morality the ideal woman is no longer the meek drudge condemned to endless and often ineffectual child-bearing, but the free and instructed woman, able to look before and after, trained in a sense of responsibility alike to herself and to the race, and determined to have no children but the best. such were the two moralities which came into conflict during the nineteenth century. they were irreconcilable and each firmly rooted, one in ancient religion and tradition, the other in progressive science and reason. nothing was possible in such a clash of opposing ideas but a feeble and confused compromise such as we still find prevailing in various countries of old europe. it was not a satisfactory solution, however inevitable, and especially unsatisfactory by the consequent obscurantism which placed difficulties in the way of spreading a knowledge of the methods of birth control among the masses of the population. for the result has been that while the more enlightened and educated have exercised a control over the size of their families, the poorer and more ignorant--who should have been offered every facility and encouragement to follow in the same path--have been left, through a conspiracy of secrecy, to carry on helplessly the bad customs of their forefathers. this social neglect has had the result that the superior family stocks have been hampered by the recklessness of the inferior stocks. we may see these two moralities in conflict to-day in america. up till recently america had meekly accepted at old europe's hands the traditional prescription of our mediterranean book of genesis, with its fascinating old-world fragrance of mount ararat. on the surface, the ancient morality had been complacently, almost unquestionably, accepted in america, even to the extent of permitting a vast extension of abortion--a criminal practice which ever flourishes where birth-control is neglected. but to-day we suddenly see a new movement in the united states. in a flash, america has awakened to the true significance of the issue. with that direct vision of hers, that swift practicality of action, and, above all, that sense of the democratic nature of all social progress, we see her resolutely beginning to face this great problem. in her own vigorous native tongue we hear her demanding: "what in the thunder is all the secrecy about, anyhow?" and we cannot doubt that america's own answer to that demand will be of immense significance to the whole world. thus it is that as we get to the root of the matter the whole question becomes clear. we see that there is really no standing ground in any country for the panic-monger who bemoans the fall of the birth-rate and storms against small families. the falling birth-rate is a world-wide phenomenon in all countries that are striving toward a higher civilisation along lines which nature laid down from the beginning. we cannot stop it if we would, and if we could we should merely be impeding civilisation. it is a movement that rights itself and tends to reach a just balance. it has not yet reached that balance with us in this country. that may be seen by anyone who has read the letters from mothers lately published under the title of _maternity_ by the women's co-operative guild; there is still far more misery caused by having too many babies than by having too few; a bonus on babies would be a misfortune, alike for the parents and the state--whether bestowed at birth as proposed in new zealand, or at the age of twelve months as proposed in france, or fourteen years as proposed in england--unless it were confined to children who were not merely alive at the appointed age, but able to pass examination as having reached a definitely high standard. the falling birth-rate, which, it must be remembered, is affecting all civilised countries, should be a matter for joy rather than for grief. but we need not therefore fold our hands and do nothing. there is still much to be effected for the protection of motherhood and the better care of children. we cannot, and should not, attempt to increase the number of children. but we may well attempt to work for their better quality. there we shall be on very safe ground. more knowledge is necessary so that all would-be parents may know how they may best become parents and how they may, if necessary, best avoid it. procreation by the unfit should be, if not prohibited by law, at all events so discouraged by public opinion that to attempt it would be counted disgraceful. much greater public provision is necessary for the care of mothers during the months before, as well as during the period after, the child's birth. the system of schools for mothers needs to be universalised and systematically carried out. along such lines as these we may hope to increase the happiness of the people and the strength of the state. we need not worry over the falling birth-rate. [ ] those who wish to study the latest restatements of opinions in england may be recommended to read the report of the commission of inquiry into great britain's falling birth-rate, appointed in by the national council of public morals, under the title of _the declining birth-rate: its causes and effects_, . xviii birth control i. reproduction and the birth-rate the study of the questions relating to sex, so actively carried on during recent years, has become more and more concentrated on to the practical problems of marriage and the family. that was inevitable. it is only reasonable that, with our growing scientific knowledge of the mysteries of sex, we should seek to apply that knowledge to those questions of life which we must ever regard as central. how can we add to the stability or to the flexibility of marriage? how can we most judiciously regulate the size of our families? at the outset, however, we cannot too deeply impress upon our minds the fact that these questions are not new in the world. if we try to find an answer to them by confining our attention to the phenomena presented by our own species, at our own particular moment of civilisation, it is very likely indeed that we may fall into crude, superficial, even mischievous conclusions. the fact is that these questions, which are agitating us to-day, have agitated the world ever since it has been a world of life at all. the difference is that whereas we seek to deal with them consciously, voluntarily, and deliberately, throughout by far the greater part of the world's life they have been dealt with unconsciously, by methods of trial and error, of perpetual experiment, which has often proved costly, but has all the more clearly brought out the real course of natural progress. we cannot solve problems so ancient and deeply rooted as those of sex by merely rational methods which are only of yesterday. to be of value our rational methods must be the revelation in deliberate consciousness of unconscious methods which go far back into the remote past. our conscious, deliberate, and purposive methods, carried out on the plane of reason, will not be sound unless they are a continuation of those methods which have already, in the slow evolution of life, been found sound and progressive on the plane of instinct. this must be borne in mind by those people--always to be found among us, though not always on the side of social advance--who desire their own line of conduct in matters of sex to be so closely in accord with natural and divine law that to question it would be impious. a medical friend of my own, when once in the dentist's chair under the influence of nitrous oxide anaesthesia (a condition, as william james showed, which frequently leads us to believe we are solving the problems of the universe), imagined himself facing the almighty and insistently demanding the real object of the existence of the world. and the almighty's answer came in one word: "reproduction." my friend is a man of philosophic mind, and the solution of the mystery of the world's purpose thus presented to him in vision may perhaps serve as a simple and ultimate statement of the object of life. from the very outset the great object of nature to our human eyes seems to be primarily reproduction, in the long run, indeed, an effort after economy of method in the attainment of an ever greater perfection, but primarily reproduction. this tendency to reproduction is indeed so fundamental, it is impressed on vital organisation with so great a violence of emphasis, that we may regard the course of evolution as much more an effort to slow down reproduction than to furnish it with any new facilities. we must remember that reproduction appears in the history of life before sex appears. the lower forms of animal and plant life often reproduce themselves without the aid of sex, and it has even been argued that reproduction and sex are directly antagonistic, that active propagation is always checked when sexual differentiation is established. "the impression one gains of sexuality," remarks professor coulter, foremost of american botanists, "is that it represents reproduction under peculiar difficulties."[ ] bacteria among primitive plants and protozoa among primitive animals are patterns of rapid and prolific reproduction, though sex begins to appear in a rudimentary form in very lowly forms of life, even among the protozoa, and is at first compatible with a high degree of reproduction. a single infusorian becomes in a week the ancestor of millions, that is to say, of far more individuals than could proceed under the most favourable conditions from a pair of elephants in five centuries, while huxley calculated that the progeny of a single parthenogenetic aphis, under favouring circumstances, would in a few months outweigh the whole population of china.[ ] that proviso--"under favouring conditions"--is of great importance, for it reveals the weak point in this early method of nature's for conducting evolution by enormously rapid multiplication. creatures so easily produced could be, and were, easily destroyed; no time had been spent on imparting to them the qualities that would enable them to lead, what we should call in our own case, long and useful lives. yet the method of rapid multiplication was not readily or speedily abandoned by nature. still speaking in our human way, we may say that she tried to give it every chance. among insects that have advanced so far as the white ants, we find that the queen lays eggs at an enormous rate during the whole of her active life, according to some estimates at the rate of , a day. even in the more primitive members of the great vertebrate group, to which we ourselves belong, reproduction is sometimes still on almost as vast a scale as among lower organisms. thus, among herrings, nearly , eggs have been found in a single female; but the herring, nevertheless, does not tend to increase in the seas, for it is everywhere preyed upon by whales and seals and sharks and birds, and, not least, by man. thus early we see the connection between a high death-rate and a high birth-rate. the evidence against reckless reproduction at last, however, proved overwhelming. with whatever hesitation, nature finally decided, once and for all, that it was better, from every point of view, to produce a few superior beings than a vast number of inferior beings. for while the primary end of nature may be said to be reproduction, there is a secondary end of scarcely less equal urgency, and that is evolution. in other words, while nature seems to our human eyes to be seeking after quantity, she is also seeking, and with ever greater eagerness, after quality. now the method of rapid and easy reproduction, it had become clear, not only failed of its own end, for the inferior creatures thus produced were unable to maintain their position in life, but it was distinctly unfavourable to any advance in quality. the method of sexual reproduction, which had existed in a germinal form more or less from the beginning, asserted itself ever more emphatically, and a method like that of parthenogenesis, or reproduction by the female unaided by the male (illustrated by the aphis), which had lingered on even beside sexual reproduction, absolutely died out in higher evolution. now the fertilisation involved by the existence of two sexes is, as weismann insisted, simply an arrangement which renders possible the intermingling of two different hereditary tendencies. the object of sex, that is to say, is by no means to aid reproduction, but rather to subordinate and check reproduction in order to evolve higher and more complex beings. here we come to the great principle, which herbert spencer developed at length in his _principles of biology_, that, as he put it, individuation and genesis vary inversely, whence it followed that advancing evolution must be accompanied by declining fertility. individuation, which means complexity of structure, has advanced, as genesis, the unrestricted tendency to mere multiplication, has receded. this involves a diminished number of offspring, but an increased amount of time and care in the creation and breeding of each; it involves also that the reproductive life of the organism is shortened and more or less confined to special periods; it begins much later, it usually ends earlier, and even in its period of activity it tends to fall into cycles. nature, we see, who, at the outset, had endowed her children so lavishly with the aptitude for multiplication, grown wiser now, expends her fertile imagination in devising preventive checks on reproduction for her children's use. the result is that, though reproduction is greatly slackened, evolution is greatly accelerated. the significance of sex, as coulter puts it, "lies in the fact that it makes organic evolution more rapid and far more varied." it is scarcely necessary to emphasise that a highly important, and, indeed, essential aspect of this greater individuation is a higher survival value. the more complex and better equipped creature can meet and subdue difficulties and dangers to which the more lowly organised creature that came before--produced wholesale in a way which nature seems now to look back on as cheap and nasty--succumbed helplessly without an effort. the idea of economy begins to assert itself in the world. it became clear in the course of evolution that it is better to produce really good and highly efficient organisms, at whatever cost, than to be content with cheap production on a wholesale scale. they allowed greater developmental progress to be made, and they lasted better. even before man began it was proved in the animal world that the death-rate falls as the birth-rate falls. if we wish to realise the vast progress in method which has been made, even within the limits of the vertebrates to which we ourselves belong, we have but to compare with the lowly herring, already cited, the highly evolved elephant. the herring multiplies with enormous rapidity and on a vast scale, and it possesses a very small brain, and is almost totally unequipped to grapple with the special difficulties of its life, to which it succumbs on a wholesale scale. a single elephant is carried for about two years in his mother's womb, and is carefully guarded by her for many years after birth; he possesses a large brain; his muscular system is as remarkable for its delicacy as for its power and is guided by the most sensitive perceptions. he is fully equipped for all the dangers of his life, save for those which have been introduced by the subtle devilry of modern man, and though a single pair of elephants produces so few offspring, yet their high cost is justified, for each of them has a reasonable chance of surviving to old age. the contrast from the point of view of reproduction of the herring and the elephant, the low vertebrate and the high vertebrate, well illustrates the tendency of evolution. it clearly brings before us the difference between nature's earlier and later methods, the ever growing preference for quality of offspring over quantity. it has been necessary to touch on the wider aspects of reproduction in nature, even when our main concern is with particular aspects of reproduction in man, for unless we understand the progressive tendency of reproduction in nature, we shall probably fail to understand it in man. with these preliminary observations, we may now take up the question as it affects man. it is not easy to ascertain the exact tendencies of reproduction in our own historical past or among the lower races of to-day. on the whole, it seems fairly clear that, under ordinary savage and barbarous conditions, rather more children are produced and rather more children die than among ourselves; there is, in other words, a higher birth-rate and a higher infantile death-rate.[ ] a high birth-rate with a low death-rate seems to have been even more exceptional than among ourselves, for under inelastic social conditions the community cannot adjust itself to the rapid expansion that would thus be rendered necessary. the community contracts, as it were, on this expanding portion and largely crushes it out of life by the forces of neglect, poverty, and disease.[ ] the only part of europe in which we can to-day see how this works out on a large scale is russia, for here we find in an exaggerated form conditions, which once tended to rule all over europe, side by side with the beginnings of better things, with scientific progress and statistical observation. yet in russia, up till recently, if not even still, there has only been about one doctor to every twelve thousand inhabitants, and the witch-doctor has flourished. small-pox, scarlet fever, diphtheria, typhoid, and syphilis also flourish, and not only flourish, but show an enormously higher mortality than in other european countries. more significant still, famine and typhus, the special disease of filth and overcrowding and misery--both of them banished, save in the most abnormal times, from the rest of europe--have in modern times ravaged russia on a vast scale. ignorance, superstition, insanitation, filth, bad food, impure water, lead to a vast mortality among children which has sometimes destroyed more than half of them before they reach the age of five; so that, enormously high as the russian birth-rate is, the death-rate has sometimes exceeded it.[ ] nor is it found, as some would-be sagacious persons confidently assert, that the high birth-rate is justified by the better quality of the survivors. on the contrary, there is a very large proportion of chronic and incurable diseases among the survivors; blindness and other defects abound; and though there are many very large and fine people in russia, the average stature of the russians is lower than that of most european peoples.[ ] russia is in the era of expanding industrialism--a fateful period for any people, as we shall see directly--and the results resemble those which followed, and to some extent exist still, further west. the workers, whose hours often extended to twelve or fourteen, frequently had no homes but slept in the factory itself, in the midst of the machinery, or in a sort of dormitory above it, with a minimum of space and fresh air, men and women promiscuously, on wooden shelves, one above the other, under the eye of government inspectors whose protests were powerless to effect any change. this is, always and everywhere, even among so humane a people as the russians, the natural and inevitable result of a high birth-rate in an era of expanding industrialism. here is the goal of unrestricted reproduction, the same among men as among herrings. this is the ideal of those persons, whether they know it or not, who in their criminal rashness would dare to arrest that fall in the birth-rate which is now beginning to spread its beneficent influence in every civilised land. we have no means of ascertaining precisely the birth-rate in western europe before the nineteenth century, but the estimates of the population which have been made by the help of various data indicate that the increase during a century was very moderate. in england, for instance, families scarcely seem to have been very large, and, even apart from wars, many plagues and pestilences, during the eighteenth century more especially small-pox, constantly devastated the population, so that, with these checks on the results of reproduction, the population was able to adjust itself to its very gradual expansion. the mortality fell heavily on young children, as we observe in old family records, where we frequently find two or even three children of the same christian name, the first child having died and its name been given to a successor. during the last quarter of the eighteenth century, a new phase of social life, profoundly affecting the reproductive habits of the community, made its appearance in western europe, at first in england. this was the new industrial era, due to the introduction of machinery. all the social methods of gradual though awkward adaptation to a slow expansion were dislocated. easy expansion of population became a possibility, for factories were constantly springing up, and "hands" were always in demand. moreover, these "hands" could be children for it was possible to tend machinery at a very early age. the richest family was the family with most children. the population began to expand rapidly. it was an era of prosperity. but when it began to be realised what this meant it was seen that such "prosperity" was far from an enviable condition. a community cannot suddenly adjust itself to a sudden expansion, still less can it adjust itself to a continuous rapid expansion. disease, misery, and poverty flourished in this prosperous new industrial era. filth and insanitation, immorality and crime, were fostered by overcrowding in ill-built urban areas. ignorance and stupidity abounded, for the child, placed in the monotonous routine of the factory when little more than an infant, was deprived alike of the education of the school and of the world. higher wages brought no higher refinement and were squandered on food and drink, on the lowest vulgar tastes. such "prosperity" was merely a brutalising influence; it meant nothing for the growth of civilisation and humanity. then a wholesome movement of reaction set in. the betterment of the environment--that was the great task that social pioneers and reformers saw before them. they courageously set about the herculean task of cleansing this augean stable of "prosperity." the era of sanitation began. the endless and highly beneficent course of factory legislature was inaugurated.[ ] that is the era which, in every progressive country of the world, we are living in still. the final tendency of it, however, was not foreseen by its great pioneers, or even its humble day-labourers of the present time. for they were not attacking reproduction; they were fighting against bad conditions, and may even have thought that they were enabling reproduction to expand more freely. they had not realised that to improve the environment is to check reproduction, being indeed the one and only way in which undue reproduction can be checked. that may be said to be an aspect of the opposition between genesis and individuation, on which herbert spencer insisted, for by improving the environment we necessarily improve the individual who is rooted in that environment. it is not, we must remember, a matter of conscious and voluntary action. that is clearly manifest by the fact that it occurs even among the most primitive micro-organisms; when placed under unfavourable conditions as to food and environment they tend to pass into a reproductive phase and by sporulation or otherwise begin to produce new individuals rapidly. it is the same in man. improve the environment and reproduction is checked.[ ] that is, as professor benjamin moore has said, "the simple biological reply to good economic conditions." it is only among the poor, the ignorant, and the wretched that reproduction flourishes. "the tendency of civilisation," as leroy-beaulieu concludes, "is to reduce the birth-rate." those who desire a high birth-rate are desiring, whether they know it or not, the increase of poverty, ignorance, and wretchedness. so far we have been dealing with fundamental laws and tendencies, which were established long before man appeared on the earth, although man has often illustrated, and still illustrates, their inevitable character. we have not been brought in contact with the influence of conscious design and deliberate intention. at this point we reach a totally new aspect of reproduction. ii. the origin and results of birth control in tracing the course of reproduction we have so far been concerned with what are commonly considered the blind operations of nature in the absence of conscious and deliberate volition. we have seen that while at the outset nature seems to have impressed an immense reproductive impetus on her creatures, all her energy since has been directed to the imposition of preventive checks on that reproductive impetus. the end attained by these checks has been an extreme diminution in the number of offspring, a prolongation of the time devoted to the breeding and care of each new member of the family, in harmony with its greatly prolonged life, a spacing out of the intervals between the offspring, and, as a result, a vastly greater development of each individual and an ever better equipment for the task of living. all this was slowly attained automatically, without any conscious volition on the part of the individuals, even when they were human beings, who were the agents. now occurred a change which we may regard as, in some respects, the most momentous sudden advance in the whole history of reproduction: the process of reproductive progress became conscious and deliberately volitional. we often fancy that when natural progress becomes manifested in the mind and will of man it is somehow unnatural. it is one of the wisest of shakespeare's utterances in one of the most mature of his plays that "nature is made better by no mean but nature makes that mean ... this is an art which does mend nature, change it rather, but the art itself is nature." birth control, when it ceases to be automatic and becomes conscious, is an art. but it is an art directed precisely to the attainment of ends which nature has been struggling after for millions of years, and, being consciously and deliberately an art, it is enabled to avoid many of the pitfalls which the unconscious method falls into. it is an art, but "the art itself is nature." it is always possible for the narrow-eyed fanatic to object to the employment of birth control, precisely as he might object to the use of clothes, as "unnatural." but, if we look more deeply into the matter, we see that even clothes are not truly unnatural. a vast number of creatures may be said to be born in clothes, clothes so naturally such that, when stripped from the animals they belong to, we are proud to wear them ourselves. even our own ancestors were born in clothes, which they lost by the combined or separate action of natural selection, sexual selection, and the environment, which action, however, has not sufficed to abolish the desirability of clothes.[ ] so that the impulse by which we make for ourselves clothes is merely a conscious and volitional form of an impulse which, in the absence of consciousness and will, had acted automatically. it is just the same with the control and limitation of reproductive activity. it is an attempt by open-eyed intelligence and foresight to attain those ends which nature through untold generations has been painfully yet tirelessly struggling for. the deliberate co-operation of man in the natural task of birth-control represents an identification of the human will with what we may, if we choose, regard as the divinely appointed law of the world. we can well believe that the great pioneers who, a century ago, acted in the spirit of this faith may have echoed the thought of kepler when, on discovering his great planetary law, he exclaimed in rapture: "o god! i think thy thoughts after thee." as a matter of fact, however, it was in no such spirit of ecstasy that the pioneers of the movement for birth control acted. the divine command is less likely to be heard in the whirlwind than in the still small voice. these great pioneers were thoughtful, cautious, hard-headed men, who spoke scarcely above a whisper, and were far too modest to realise that a great forward movement in natural evolution had in them begun to be manifested. early man could not have taken this step because it is even doubtful whether he knew that the conjunction of the sexes had anything to do with the production of offspring, which he was inclined to attribute to magical causes. later, although intelligence grew, the uncontrolled rule of the sexual impulse obtained so firm a grip on men that they laughed at the idea that it was possible to exercise forethought and prudence in this sphere; at the same time religion and superstition came into action to preserve the established tradition and to persuade people that it would be wicked to do anything different from what they had always done. but a saner feeling was awakening here and there, in various parts of the world. at last, under the stress of the devastation and misery caused by the reproductive relapse of the industrial era, this feeling, voiced by a few distinguished men, began to take shape in action. the pioneers were english. among them malthus occupies the first place. that distinguished man, in his great and influential work, _the principle of population_, in , emphasised the immense importance of foresight and self-control in procreation, and the profound significance of birth limitation for human welfare. malthus relied, however, on ascetic self-restraint, a method which could only appeal to the few; he had nothing to say for the prevention of conception in intercourse. that was suggested, twenty years later, very cautiously by james mill, the father of john stuart mill, in the _encyclopedia britannica_. four years afterwards, mill's friend, the radical reformer, francis place, advocated this method more clearly. finally, in , robert dale owen, the son of the great robert owen, published his _moral physiology_, in which he set forth the ways of preventing conception; while a little later the drysdale brothers, ardent and unwearying philanthropists, devoted their energies to a propaganda which has been spreading ever since and has now conquered the whole civilised world. it was not, however, in england but in france, so often at the head of an advance in civilisation, that birth control first became firmly established, and that the extravagantly high birth-rate of earlier times began to fall; this happened in the first half of the nineteenth century, whether or not it was mainly due to voluntary control.[ ] in england the movement came later, and the steady decline in the english birth-rate, which is still proceeding, began in . in the previous year there had been a famous prosecution of bradlaugh and mrs. besant for disseminating pamphlets describing the methods of preventing conception; the charge was described by the lord chief justice, who tried the case, as one of the most ill-advised and injudicious ever made in a court of justice. but it served an undesigned end by giving enormous publicity to the subject and advertising the methods it sought to suppress. there can be no doubt, however, that even apart from this trial the movement would have proceeded on the same lines. the times were ripe, the great industrial expansion had passed its first feverish phase, social conditions were improving, education was spreading. the inevitable character of the movement is indicated by the fact that at the very same time it began to be manifested all over europe, indeed in every civilised country of the world. at the present time the birth-rate (as well as usually the death-rate) is falling in every country of the world sufficiently civilised to possess statistics of its own vital movement. the fall varies in rapidity. it has been considerable in the more progressive countries; it has lingered in the more backward countries. if we examine the latest statistics for europe (usually those for ) we find that every country, without exception, with a progressive and educated population, and a fairly high state of social well-being, presents a birth-rate below per , . we also find that every country in europe in which the mass of the people are primitive, ignorant, or in a socially unsatisfactory condition (even although the governing classes may be progressive or ambitious) shows a birth-rate above per , . france, great britain, belgium, holland, the scandinavian countries and switzerland are in the first group. russia, austro-hungary, italy, spain and the balkan countries are in the second group. the german empire was formerly in this second group but now comes within the first group, and has carried on the movement so energetically that the birth-rate of berlin is already below that of london, and that at the present rate of decline the birth-rate of the german empire will before long sink to that of france. outside europe, in the united states just as much as in australia and new zealand, the same great progressive movement is proceeding with equal activity. the wide survey of the question of birth limitation here taken may seem to some readers unnecessary. why not get at once to matters of practical detail? but, if we think of it, our wide survey has been of the greatest practical help to us. it has, for instance, settled the question of the desirability of the adoption of methods of preventing conception and finally silenced those who would waste our time with their fears lest it is not right to control conception. we know now on whose side are the laws of god and nature. we realise that in exercising control over the entrance gate of life we are not only performing, consciously and deliberately, a great human duty, but carrying on rationally a beneficial process which has, more blindly and wastefully, been carried on since the beginning of the world. there are still a few persons ignorant enough or foolish enough to fight against the advance of civilisation in this matter; we can well afford to leave them severely alone, knowing that in a few years all of them will have passed away. it is not our business to defend the control of birth, but simply to discuss how we may most wisely exercise that control. many ways of preventing conception have been devised since the method which is still the commonest was first introduced, so far as our certainly imperfect knowledge extends, by a clever jew, onan (_genesis_, chap. xxxviii), whose name has since been wrongly attached to another practice with which the mosaic record in no way associates him. there are now many contraceptive methods, some dependent on precautions adopted by the man, others dependent on the woman, others again which take the form of an operation permanently preventing conception, and, therefore, not to be adopted save by couples who already have as many children as they desire, or else who ought never to have children at all and thus wisely adopt a method of sterilisation. it is unnecessary here, even if it were otherwise desirable, to discuss these various methods in detail. it is even useless to do so, for we must bear in mind that no method can be absolutely approved or absolutely condemned. each may be suitable under certain conditions and for certain couples, and it is not easy to recommend any method indiscriminately. we need to know the intimate circumstances of individual cases. for the most part, experience is the final test. forel compared the use of contraceptive devices to the use of eyeglasses, and it is obvious that, without expert advice, the results in either case may sometimes be mischievous or at all events ineffective. personal advice and instruction are always desirable. in holland nurses are medically trained in a practical knowledge of contraceptive methods, and are thus enabled to enlighten the women of the community. this is an admirable plan. considering that the use of contraceptive measures is now almost universal, it is astonishing that there are yet so many so-called "civilised" countries in which this method of enlightenment is not everywhere adopted. until it is adopted, and a necessary knowledge of the most fundamental facts of the sexual life brought into every home, the physician must be regarded as the proper adviser. it is true that until recently he was generally in these matters a blind leader of the blind. nowadays it is beginning to be recognised that the physician has no more serious and responsible duty than that of giving help in the difficult path of the sexual life. very frequently, indeed, even yet, he has not risen to a sense of his responsibilities in this matter. it is as well to remember, however, that a physician who is unable or unwilling to give frank and sound advice in this most important department of life, is unlikely to be reliable in any other department. if he is not up to date here he is probably not up to date anywhere. whatever the method adopted, there are certain conditions which it must fulfil, even apart from its effectiveness as a contraceptive, in order to be satisfactory. most of these conditions may be summed up in one: the most satisfactory method is that which least interferes with the normal process of the act of intercourse. every sexual act is, or should be, a miniature courtship, however long marriage may have lasted.[ ] no outside mental tension or nervous apprehension must be allowed to intrude. any contraceptive proceeding which hastily enters the atmosphere of love immediately before or immediately after the moment of union is unsatisfactory and may be injurious. it even risks the total loss of the contraceptive result, for at such moments the intended method may be ineffectively carried out, or neglected altogether. no method can be regarded as desirable which interferes with the sense of satisfaction and relief which should follow the supreme act of loving union. no method which produces a nervous jar in one of the parties, even though it may be satisfactory to the other, should be tolerated. such considerations must for some couples rule out certain methods. we cannot, however, lay down absolute rules, because methods which some couples may find satisfactory prove unsatisfactory in other cases. experience, aided by expert advice, is the only final criterion. when a contraceptive method is adopted under satisfactory conditions, with a due regard to the requirements of the individual couple, there is little room to fear that any injurious results will be occasioned. it is quite true that many physicians speak emphatically concerning the injurious results to husband or to wife of contraceptive devices. although there has been exaggeration, and prejudice has often been imported into this question, and although most of the injurious results could have been avoided had trained medical help been at hand to advise better methods, there can be no doubt that much that has been said under this head is true. considering how widespread is the use of these methods, and how ignorantly they have often been carried out, it would be surprising indeed if it were not true. but even supposing that the nervously injurious effects which have been traced to contraceptive practices were a thousandfold greater than they have been reported to be--instead of, as we are justified in believing, considerably less than they are reported--shall we therefore condemn contraceptive methods? to do so would be to ignore all the vastly greater evils which have followed in the past from unchecked reproduction. it would be a condemnation which, if we exercised it consistently, would destroy the whole of civilisation and place us back in savagery. for what device of man, since man had any history at all, has not proved sometimes injurious? every one of even the most useful and beneficent of human inventions has either exercised subtle injuries or produced appalling catastrophes. this is not only true of man's devices, it is true of nature's in general. let us take, for instance, the elevation of man's ancestors from the quadrupedal to the bipedal position. the experiment of making a series of four-footed animals walk on their hind-legs was very revolutionary and risky; it was far, far more beset by dangers than is the introduction of contraceptives; we are still suffering all sorts of serious evils in consequence of nature's action in placing our remote ancestors in the erect position. yet we feel that it was worth while; even those physicians who most emphasise the evil results of the erect position do not advise that we should go on all-fours. it is just the same with a great human device, the introduction of clothes. they have led to all sorts of new susceptibilities to disease and even tendencies to direct injury of many kinds. yet no one advocates the complete disuse of all clothing on the ground that corsets have sometimes proved harmful. it would be just as absurd to advocate the complete abandonment of contraceptives on the ground that some of them have sometimes been misused. if it were not, indeed, that we are familiar with the lengths to which ignorance and prejudice may go we should question the sanity of anyone who put forward so foolish a proposition. every great step which nature and man have taken in the path of progress has been beset by dangers which are gladly risked because of the advantages involved. we have still to enumerate some of the immense advantages which man has gained in acquiring a conscious and deliberate control of reproduction. iii. birth control in relation to morality and eugenics anyone who has followed this discussion so far will not easily believe that a tendency so deeply rooted in nature as birth control can ever be in opposition to morality. it can only seem to be so when we confuse the eternal principles of morality, whatever they may be, with their temporary applications, which are always becoming modified in adaptation to changing circumstances. we are often in danger of doing injustice to the morality of the past, and it is important, even in order to understand the morality of the present, that we should be able to put ourselves in the place of those for whom birth control was immoral. to speak of birth control as having been immoral in the past is, indeed, to underestimate the case; it was not only immoral, it was unnatural, it was even irreligious, it was almost criminal. we must remember that throughout the christian world the divine command, "increase and multiply," has seemed to echo down the ages from the beginning of the world. it was the authoritative command of a tribal god who was, according to the scriptural narrative, addressing a world inhabited by eight people. from such a point of view a world's population of several thousand persons would have seemed inconceivably vast, though to-day by even the most austere advocate of birth limitation it would be allowed with a smile. but the old religious command has become a tradition which has survived amid conditions totally unlike those under which it arose. in comparatively modern times it has been reinforced from unexpected quarters, on the one hand by all the forces that are opposed to democracy and on the other by all the forces of would-be patriotic militarism, both alike clamouring for plentiful and cheap men. even science, under primitive conditions, was opposed to birth control. creation was regarded as a direct process in which man's will had no part, and knowledge of nature was still too imperfect for the recognition of the fact that the whole course of the world's natural history has been an erection of barriers against wholesale and indiscriminate reproduction. thus it came about that under the old dispensation, which is now for ever passing away, to have as many children as possible and to have them as often as possible--provided certain ritual prescriptions were fulfilled--seemed to be a religious, moral, natural, scientific, and patriotic duty. to-day the conditions have altogether altered, and even our own feelings have altered. we no longer feel with the ancient hebrew who has bequeathed his ideals though not his practices to christendom, that to have as many wives and concubines and as large a family as possible is both natural and virtuous, as well as profitable. we realise, moreover, that the divine commands, so far as we recognise any such commands, are not external to us, but are manifested in our own deliberate reason and will. we know that to primitive men, who lacked foresight and lived mainly in the present, only that divine command could be recognisable which sanctified the impulse of the moment, while to us, who live largely in the future, and have learnt foresight, the divine command involves restraint on the impulse of the moment. we no longer believe that we are divinely ordered to be reckless or that god commands us to have children who, as we ourselves know, are fatally condemned to disease or premature death. providence, which was once regarded as the attribute of god, we regard as the attribute of men; providence, prudence, self-restraint--these are to us the characteristics of moral men, and those persons who lack these characteristics are condemned by our social order to be reckoned among the dregs of mankind. it is a social order which in the sphere of procreation could not be reached or maintained except by the systematic control of offspring. we may realise the difference between the morality of to-day and the morality of the past when we come to details. we may consider, for instance, the question of the chastity of women. according to the ideas of the old morality, which placed the whole question of procreation under the authority (after god) of men, women were in subjection to men, and had no right to freedom, no right to responsibility, no right to knowledge, for, it was believed, if entrusted with any of these they would abuse them at once. that view prevails even to-day in some civilised countries, and middle-class italian parents, for instance, will not allow their daughter to be conducted by a man even to mass, for they believe that as soon as she is out of their sight she will be unchaste. that is their morality. our morality to-day, however, is inspired by different ideas, and aims at a different practice. we are by no means disposed to rate highly the morality of a girl who is only chaste so long as she is under her parents' eyes; for us, indeed, that is much more like immorality than morality. we are to-day vigorously pursuing a totally different line of action. we wish women to be reasonably free, we wish them to be trained in the sense of responsibility for their own actions, we wish them to possess knowledge, more especially in that sphere of sex, once theoretically closed to them, which we now recognise as peculiarly their own domain. nowadays, moreover, we are sufficiently well acquainted with human nature to know, not only that at best the "chastity" merely due to compulsion or to ignorance is a poor thing, but that at worst it is really the most degraded and injurious form of unchastity. for there are many ways of avoiding pregnancy besides the use of contraceptives, and such ways can often only be called vicious, destructive to purity, and harmful to health. our ideal woman to-day is not she who is deprived of freedom and knowledge in the cloister, even though only the cloister of her home, but the woman who, being instructed from early life in the facts of sexual physiology and sexual hygiene, is also trained in the exercise of freedom and self-responsibility, and able to be trusted to choose and to follow the path which seems to her right. that is the only kind of morality which seems to us real and worth while. and, in any case, we have now grown wise enough to know that no degree of compulsion and no depth of ignorance will suffice to make a girl good if she doesn't want to be good. so that, even as a matter of policy, it is better to put her in a position to know what is good and to act in accordance with that knowledge. the relation of birth control to morality is, however, by no means a question which concerns women alone. it equally concerns men. here we have to recognise, not only that the exercise of control over procreation enables a man to form a union of faithful devotion with the woman of his choice at an earlier age than would otherwise be possible, but it further enables him, throughout the whole of married life, to continue such relationship under circumstances which might otherwise render them injurious or else undesirable to his wife. that the influence thus exerted by preventive methods would suffice to abolish prostitution it would be foolish to maintain, for prostitution has other grounds of support. but even within the sphere of merely prostitutional relationships the use of contraceptives, and the precautions and cleanliness they involve, have an influence of their own in diminishing the risks of venereal disease, and while the interests of those who engage in prostitution are by some persons regarded as negligible, we must always remember that venereal disease spreads far beyond the patrons of prostitution and is a perpetual menace to others who may become altogether innocent victims. so that any influence which tends to diminish venereal disease increases the well-being of the whole community. apart from the relationship to morality, although the two are intimately combined, we are thus led to the relationship of birth control to eugenics, or to the sound breeding of the race. here we touch the highest ground, and are concerned with our best hopes for the future of the world. for there can be no doubt that birth control is not only a precious but an indispensable instrument in moulding the coming man to the measure of our developing ideals. without it we are powerless in the face of the awful evils which flow from random and reckless reproduction. with it we possess a power so great that some persons have professed to see in it a menace to the propagation of the race, amusing themselves with the idea that if people possess the means to prevent the conception of children they will never have children at all. it is not necessary to discuss such a grotesque notion seriously. the desire for children is far too deeply implanted in mankind and womankind alike ever to be rooted out. if there are to-day many parents whose lives are rendered wretched by large families and the miseries of excessive child-bearing, there are an equal number whose lives are wretched because they have no children at all, and who snatch eagerly at any straw which offers the smallest promise of relief to this craving. certainly there are people who desire marriage, but--some for very sound and estimable reasons and others for reasons which may less well bear examination--do not desire any children at all. so far as these are concerned, contraceptive methods, far from being a social evil, are a social blessing. for nothing is so certain as that it is an unmixed evil for a community to possess unwilling, undesirable, or incompetent parents. birth control would be an unmixed blessing if it merely enabled us to exclude such persons from the ranks of parenthood. we desire no parents who are not both competent and willing parents. only such parents are fit to father and to mother a future race worthy to rule the world. it is sometimes said that the control of conception, since it is frequently carried out immediately on marriage, will tend to delay parenthood until an unduly late age. birth control has, however, no necessary result of this kind, and might even act in the reverse direction. a chief cause of delay in marriage is the prospect of the burden and expense of an unrestricted flow of children into the family, and in great britain, since , with the extension of the use of contraceptives, there has been a slight but regular increase not only in the general marriage rate but in the proportion of early marriages, although the _general_ mean age at marriage has increased. the ability to control the number of children not only enables marriage to take place at an early age but also makes it possible for the couple to have at least one child soon after marriage. the total number of children are thus spaced out, instead of following in rapid succession. it is only of recent years that the eugenic importance of a considerable interval between births has been fully recognised, as regards not only the mother--this has long been realised--but also the children. the very high mortality of large families has long been known, and their association with degenerate conditions and with criminality. the children of small families in toronto, canada, are taller than those of larger families, as is also the case in oakland, california, where the average size of the family is smaller than in toronto.[ ] of recent years, moreover, evidence has been obtained that families in which the children are separated from each other by intervals of more than two years are both mentally and physically superior to those in which the interval is shorter. thus ewart found in a northern english manufacturing town that children born at an interval of less than two years after the birth of the previous child remain notably defective, even at the age of six, both as regards intelligence and physical development. when compared with children born at a longer interval and with first-born children, they are, on the average, three inches shorter and three pounds lighter than first-born children.[ ] such observations need to be repeated in various countries, but if confirmed it is obvious that they represent a fact of the most vital significance. thus when we calmly survey, in however summary a manner, the great field of life affected by the establishment of voluntary human control over the production of the race, we can see no cause for anything but hope. it is satisfactory that it should be so, for there can be no doubt that we are here facing a great and permanent fact in civilised life. with every rise in civilisation, indeed with all evolutionary progress whatever, there is what seems to be an automatic fall in the birth-rate. that fall is always normally accompanied by a fall in the death-rate, so that a low birth-rate frequently means a high rate of natural increase, since most of the children born survive.[ ] thus in the civilised world of to-day, notwithstanding the low birth-rate which prevails as compared with earlier times, the rate of increase in the population is still, as leroy-beaulieu points out, appalling, nearly half a million a year in great britain, over half a million in austro-hungary, and three-quarters of a million in germany. when we examine this excess of births in detail we find among them a large proportion of undesired and undesirable children. there are two opposed alternative methods working to diminish this proportion: the method of preventing conception, with which we have here been concerned, and the method of preventing live birth by producing abortion. there can be no doubt about the enormous extension of this latter practice in all civilised countries, even although some of the estimates of its frequency in the united states, where it seems especially to flourish, may be extravagant. the burden of excessive children on the overworked underfed mothers of the working classes becomes at last so intolerable that anything seems better than another child. "i'd rather swallow the druggist's shop and the man in it than have another kid," as, miss elderton reports, a woman in yorkshire said.[ ] now there has of late years arisen a movement, especially among german women, for bringing abortion into honour and repute, so that it may be carried out openly and with the aid of the best physicians. this movement has been supported by lawyers and social reformers of high position. it may be admitted that women have an abstract right to abortion and that in exceptional cases that right should be exerted. yet there can be very little doubt to most people that abortion is a wasteful, injurious, and almost degrading method of dealing with the birth-rate, a feeble apology for recklessness and improvidence. a society in which abortion flourishes cannot be regarded as a healthy society. therefore, a community which takes upon itself to encourage abortion is incurring a heavy responsibility. i am referring more especially to the united states, where this condition of things is most marked. for, there cannot be any doubt about it, just as all those who work for birth control are diminishing the frequency of abortion, so _every attempt to discourage birth control promotes abortion_. we have to approach this problem calmly, in the light of nature and reason. we have each of us to decide on which side we shall range ourselves. for it is a vital social problem concerning which we cannot afford to be indifferent. there is here no desire to exaggerate the importance of birth control. it is not a royal road to the millennium, and, as i have already pointed out, like all other measures which the course of progress forces us to adopt, it has its disadvantages. yet at the present moment its real and vital significance is acutely brought home to us. flinders petrie, discussing those great migrations due to the unrestricted expansion of barbarous races which have devastated europe from the dawn of history, remarks: "we deal lightly and coldly with the abstract facts, but they represent the most terrible tragedies of all humanity--the wreck of the whole system of civilisation, protracted starvation, wholesale massacre. can it be avoided? that is the question, before all others, to the statesman who looks beyond the present time."[ ] since petrie wrote, only ten years ago, we have had occasion to realise that the vast expansions which he described are not confined to the remote past, but are at work and producing the same awful results, even at the very present hour. the great and only legitimate apology which has been put forward for the aggressive attitude of germany in the present war has been that it was the inevitable expansive outcome of the abnormally high birth-rate of germany in recent times; as dr. dernburg, not long ago, put it: "the expansion of the german nation has been so extraordinary during the last twenty-five years that the conditions existing before the war had become insupportable." in other words, there was no outlet but a devastating war. so we are called upon to repeat, with fresh emphasis, petrie's question: _can it be avoided_? all humanity, all civilisation, call upon us to take up our stand on this vital question of birth control. in so doing we shall each of us be contributing, however humbly, to "one far-off divine event, to which the whole creation moves." [ ] j.m. coulter, _the evolution of sex in plants_, ; geoffrey smith, "the biology of sex," _eugenics review_, april, . [ ] see, _e.g._, geddes and thomson, _the evolution of sex_, ch. xx.; and t.h. morgan, _heredity and sex_, ch. i. [ ] to quote one of the most careful investigators of this point, northcote thomas, among the edo-speaking people of nigeria, found that the average number of living children per husband was . ; including all children, alive and dead, the average number was per husband . , and per wife . . "infant mortality is heavy" (northcote thomas, _anthropological report of edo-speaking people of nigeria_, , part i., pp. , ). [ ] the same end has been rather more mercifully achieved in earlier periods by infanticide (see westermarck, _origin and development of the moral ideas_, vol. i., ch. ). it must not be supposed that infanticide was opposed to tenderness to children. thus the australian dieyerie, who practised infanticide, were kind to children, and a mother found beating her child was herself beaten by her husband. [ ] see havelock ellis, _the nationalisation of health_. [ ] similar results appear to follow in china where also the birth-rate is very high and the mortality very great. it is stated that physical development is much inferior and pathological defects more numerous among chinese as compared with american students. (_new york medical journal_, nov. th, , p. .) the bad conditions which produce death in the weakest produce deterioration in the survivors. [ ] the law is thus laid down by p. leroy-beaulieu (_la question de la population_, , p. ): "the first degree of prosperity in a rude population with few needs develops prolificness; a later degree of prosperity, accompanied by all the feelings and ideas stimulated by the development of education and a democratic environment, leads to a gradual reduction of prolificness." [ ] this is too often forgotten. birth control is a natural process, and though in civilised men, endowed with high intelligence, it necessarily works in some measure voluntarily and deliberately, it is probable that it still also works, as in the evolution of the lower animals, to some extent automatically. sir shirley murphy (_lancet_, aug. th, ), while admitting that intentional restriction has been operative, remarks: "it does not appear to me that there is any more reason for ignoring the likelihood that nature has been largely concerned in the reduction of births than for ignoring the effects of nature in reducing the death-rate. the decline in both has points of resemblance. both have been widely manifest over europe, both have in the main declined in the period of - , and indeed both appear to be behaving in like manner." [ ] i do not overlook the fact that the artificial clothing of primitive man is in its origin mainly ornament, having myself insisted on that fact in discussing this point in "the evolution of modesty" (_studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. i.). it is to be remembered that, in animals--and very conspicuously, for instance, in birds--natural clothing is also largely ornament of secondary sexual significance. [ ] at the end of the eighteenth century there were in france four children on the average to a family; a movement of rapid increase in the population reached its climax in ; by the average number of children to a family had slowly fallen to but little over three. broca, writing in ("sur la prétendue dégénérescence de la population francaise"), mentioned that the slow fall in the birth-rate was only slightly due to prudent calculation and mainly to more general causes such as delay in marriage. [ ] havelock ellis, _studies in the psychology of sex_, vol. vi., "sex in relation to society," ch. xi., the art of love. [ ] the exact results are presented by f. boas (abstract of report on _changes in bodily form of descendants of immigrants_, washington, , p. ), who concludes that "the physical development of children, as measured by stature, is the better the smaller the family." [ ] r.j. ewart, "the influence of parental age on offspring," _eugenics review_, oct., . [ ] in new zealand the birth-rate is very low; but the death-rate of children in the first year is only per thousand as against in england. [ ] e.m. elderton, _report on the english birth-rate_, part i., . see also the collection of narratives of their experiences by working-class mothers, published under the title of _maternity_ (women's co-operative guild, ). [ ] flinders petrie, _journal of the anthropological institute_, , p. . none produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) eugenics as a factor in the prevention of mental disease by horatio m. pollock, ph.d. statistician, new york state hospital commission the national committee for mental hygiene, inc. seventh avenue new york city the national committee for mental hygiene founded incorporated seventh avenue, new york city _president_ dr. walter b. james _vice-presidents_ charles w. eliot dr. bernard sachs dr. william h. welch _executive committee_ dr. william l. russell, chairman dr. owen copp stephen p. duggan dr. walter e. fernald matthew c. fleming dr. walter b. james dr. george h. kirby _treasurer_ otto t. bannard _committee on mental deficiency_ dr. walter e. fernald, chairman _committee on education_ dr. c. macfie campbell, chairman edith m. furbush, statistician _executive officers_ dr. thomas w. salmon, medical director dr. frankwood e. williams, associate medical director dr. v. v. anderson, associate medical director dr. clarence j. d'alton, executive assistant clifford w. beers, secretary general purposes the national committee for mental hygiene and its affiliated state societies and committees are organized to work for the conservation of mental health; to help prevent nervous and mental disorders and mental defect; to help raise the standards of care and treatment for those suffering from any of these disorders or mental defect; to secure and disseminate reliable information on these subjects and also on mental factors involved in problems related to industry, education, delinquency, dependency, and the like; to aid ex-service men disabled in the war, to coöperate with federal, state, and local agencies and with officials and with public and private agencies whose work is in any way related to that of a society or committee for mental hygiene. though methods vary, these organizations seek to accomplish their purposes by means of education, encouraging psychiatric social service, conducting surveys, promoting legislation, and through coöperation with the many agencies whose work touches at one point or another the field of mental hygiene. when one considers the large groups of people who may be benefited by organized work in mental hygiene, the importance of the movement at once becomes apparent. such work is not only for the mentally disordered and those suffering from mental defect, but for all those who, through mental causes, are unable so to adjust themselves to their environment as to live happy and efficient lives. [reprinted from mental hygiene, vol. v, no. , october, , pp. - .] eugenics as a factor in the prevention of mental disease[ ] horatio m. pollock, ph.d _statistician, new york state hospital commission_ the burden of mental disease is each year becoming heavier. state hospitals for mental disease throughout the country are overcrowded, and the construction of new hospitals does not keep pace with the increase of patients. fairly complete censuses show that the number of patients with mental disease under treatment in institutions increased from , in to , in . the rate per , of population increased from . to . . careful estimates based on statistics of the new york state hospital commission indicate that approximately out of persons becomes insane at some period of life. the economic loss to the united states on account of mental disease, including loss of earnings as well as maintenance of patients, is now over $ , , per year. although much of the apparent increase in the prevalence of mental disease may be due to causes that do not involve weakened resistance to the stresses of life, the load born by the public is clearly becoming more oppressive. associated burdens are those of mental defect, epilepsy, dependency, and delinquency. these combined cause an economic loss even greater than that caused by mental disease. taxpayers are groaning under excessive loads and calling in vain for relief, but their cries are faint compared with those of the persons whose relatives are mentally diseased or defective. as less than one-fourth of those who develop psychoses can be cured by present methods of treatment, we cannot hope for any permanent relief by treating patients in hospitals. the most skillful treatment should of course be given, but the problem must be attacked in other ways before any adequate solution can be hoped for. the fact of inheritance of the neuropathic constitution may be taken for granted. much evidence has been adduced to prove that such inheritance occurs in accordance with mendelian laws, but the subject is so complicated that more comprehensive studies must be made before we may consider the matter as settled. the application of skillfully devised measures of intelligence has shown us that there are many grades of intelligence between the idiot and the super-average. the so-called normals represent many types, the extremes of which are as far apart as the moron is from the low-grade normal. recent studies of temperamental abnormalities have also revealed a wide variety of types and combinations. these abnormalities or marked peculiarities seem to be more or less dissociated from intellectual capacity. children with super-average intelligence are frequently seclusive and morons often seem to be temperamentally normal. it becomes difficult, therefore, to establish standards of normality and to draw fixed lines between the normal and the neuropathic. this is especially true in studying family histories, when judgment must be based on reports of untrained observers. mental disease may occur in a person of almost any type of intellectual or temperamental make-up. this fact was clearly demonstrated during the recent world war. men of strong intellect and of exceptional poise who had withstood the strain of intense warfare for several months at last succumbed when weakened by wounds and deprivation of food and drink. these were extreme cases, but they illustrate the important principle that all men have limitations and may develop a psychosis or expire when their limit is reached. psychopathic personalities give way to the common stresses of life, while stronger personalities yield only to extraordinary mental strain. it is evident, therefore, that the whole etiology of a case of mental disease must be carefully studied before the related family stock can be safely discredited. the data we have collected in the new york state hospital commission relative to the family history of patients seem to indicate that slightly more than half of our ascertained cases have no discoverable hereditary basis. if more thorough inquiries were made, the proportion of patients with unfavorable family history might be increased, but the significance of the history in relation to the family stock is open to question in many cases. in our hospitals for some years past, we have studied both the intellectual and temperamental make-up of the first admissions and have tried to apply uniform standards throughout the service. in it was found that of the ascertained cases per cent were temperamentally normal and per cent were rated as intellectually normal. only about per cent of the patients were both temperamentally and intellectually abnormal. the proportion of patients with abnormal make-up varied considerably in the different groups of psychoses. for example, in the dementia-praecox group in , per cent were rated as temperamentally abnormal while in the manic-depressive group only per cent were so rated. the absence of marked abnormalities in individuals prior to the onset of the psychosis cannot be construed as conclusive evidence that there are no hereditary defects in the make-up, neither can the development of the psychosis be taken as proof of a defective constitution. all the facts in connection with the onset of the mental disorder and previous reactions must be brought together before the constitutional make-up of the patient can be positively determined. psychiatrists have recently emphasized the connection between bodily states and behavior and the importance of the sexual and endocrine organs in relation to the psychoses. what part of the disorders related to these organs is due to hereditary and what part to environmental factors have yet to be determined. notwithstanding these and many other complications, there is abundant evidence that mental disorders occur much more frequently in some family stocks than in others, and that prolonged inbreeding of degenerate stocks is productive of most disastrous results. with the limited knowledge at hand, what is to be done to lessen the burdens imposed on society by the prevalence of mental disease? three lines of action are suggested: . environmental stresses may be lessened and natural resistance strengthened. . procreation of defective stock may be checked. . procreation of normal stock may be increased. the methods now in use to prevent physical disease may be applied to a considerable extent in preventing mental disease. they include the dissemination of knowledge of hygiene and sanitation, prompt treatment of incipient diseases, segregation of those suffering from contagious diseases, and immunization of those liable to exposure to pathogenic germs. another line of attack consists in safeguarding the public from injurious food and artificial beverages and from polluted air and water. the abolition of the liquor traffic and the movement to check the spread of syphilis are examples of effective work along these lines. economic and social stresses should be lightened for those unable to withstand them. it is far easier to relieve an overburdened man by taking part of his load than to wait until he is exhausted and then carry him together with his burden. physicians, parents, and teachers should be alert to detect signs of mental disorder and apply the proper remedy before complete breakdown occurs. mental clinics and social workers are of large service in giving treatment in incipient cases. many a case of mental disease is averted by adjusting the environment to the individual and by giving him a clear understanding of his mental difficulties and the best methods of meeting them. wide extension of mental-clinic work is clearly indicated. the new science of mental hygiene is teaching us that individuals with unfavorable heredity may do much to overcome their constitutional tendencies and to preserve their mental health. it is of the highest importance, therefore, that mental hygiene be taught and practiced in the public schools along with physical hygiene. a decade ago sterilization of defectives was widely advocated and laws making provision for it were passed in several states. these measures have availed little because they have not been supported by active public sentiment. judging from the present outlook, we cannot hope that sterilization will soon be an effective means of preventing mental disease. segregation of the mentally defective and epileptic is the prevailing method of limiting procreation among these classes. its eugenic value is beyond question, but the enormous cost limits its application. as a rule the mental defectives and epileptics cared for in institutions are of low grade. these, if left at liberty, would multiply far less than those of higher grade. much is to be hoped from the colony plan of segregating mental defectives, as colonies care for high-grade defectives and under wise management become self-supporting and may be increased without limit. a new departure has been made by the state of new york in establishing a separate institution for defective delinquents at napanoch. this troublesome group has been a serious problem in the jails and prisons of the state, and heretofore there has been no satisfactory way of dealing with them. their segregation should have large eugenic significance. segregation of the insane is fairly complete, but as only about one-fourth of the first admissions are under thirty years of age on admission, its value in preventing procreation in this group is not as great as would appear when only the number of patients under treatment is considered. overcrowding and the expense of maintenance cause patients to be promptly released on improvement of their mental condition, regardless of the eugenic factors involved. something can be done to lessen reproduction among the unfit by enlightened public sentiment and by better marriage laws. marriage of persons with marked intellectual or temperamental abnormalities should be entirely prohibited. to prevent the marriage of normal persons with those carrying a neuropathic taint more knowledge of family stocks must be made available. at the present time genealogical records of the average family are woefully meager and comparatively few are available for public inspection. if we are to improve the race by better marriages, genealogical or eugenic bureaus must be established in cities and villages. data concerning family stocks should show the defects as well as the excellencies and achievements of the individuals recorded and be available to interested parties. love is proverbially blind, but few normal persons would be rash enough knowingly to join fortunes with a neuropathic or degenerate family stock. unfortunately very little thought is now given to the eugenic significance of marriage and few signs warn impetuous youth of the danger ahead. eugenic bureaus, by collecting data concerning family histories and by emphasizing the importance of family stock, would naturally promote marriages among persons of good stock and thereby increase procreation of a desirable kind. the increase of good stock would raise the general level of the race, even if there were no decrease of poor stock, but we may safely assume that more definite knowledge would gradually lessen reproduction among the unfit. the elimination of mental defects and diseases is after all principally a matter of education. we must learn by careful research what should be done and what should not be done and then disseminate the information so that it will be shared by every household. action will slowly follow knowledge, but ultimately a more perfect race will be evolved. mental hygiene quarterly magazine of the national committee for mental hygiene, inc. publication office: columbia street, albany. n. y. editorial office: seventh avenue, new york city editorial board thomas w. salmon, m.d., _medical director, the national committee for mental hygiene_ frankwood e. williams, m.d., _associate medical director, the national committee for mental hygiene_ walter e. fernald, m.d., _superintendent, massachusetts school for feebleminded_ c. macfie campbell, _director, boston psychopathic hospital_ stephen p. duggan, ph.d., _professor of education, college of the city of new york_ stewart paton, m.d., _lecturer in neuro-biology, princeton university_ vol. v, no. index october, the significance of the conditioned reflex in mental hygiene, _william h. burnham_ the elementary school and the individual child _esther loring richards_ extra-medical service in the management of misconduct problems in children _marion e. kenworthy_ mental hygiene and the college student--twenty years after _anonymous_ mental hygiene problems of normal adolescence _jessie taft_ suicide in massachusetts _albert warren stearns_ the function of the correctional institution _herman m. adler_ what is a "nervous breakdown"? _alice e. johnson_ mental hygiene and the public library _mary vida clark_ inadequate social examinations in psychopathic clinics _dorothy q. hale_ eugenics as a factor in the prevention of mental disease _horatio m. pollock_ mental hygiene problems of maladjusted children as seen in a public clinic _a. l. jacoby_ speech defects in school children _smiley blanton_ extra-institutional care of mental defectives _earl w. fuller_ abnormal psychology _barrington gates_ abstracts: the problem of a psychopathic hospital connected with a reformatory institution. by edith r. spaulding a psychological study of some mental defects in the normal dull adolescent. by l. pierce clark the social worker's approach to the family of the syphilitic. by maida h. solomon some practical points in the organization of treatment of syphilis in a state hospital. by aaron j. rosanoff the mental clinic and the community. by everett s. elwood an analysis of suicidal attempts. by lawson g. lowrey book reviews: psychopathology. by edward j. kempf _bernard glueck_ the unconscious. by morton prince _william a. white_ a general introduction to psychoanalysis. by sigmund freud _bernard glueck_ sleepwalking and moon walking. b. j. sadger _c. macfie campbell_ from the unconscious to the conscious. by gustave geley _william a. white_ suggestion and auto-suggestion. by charles baudouin _bernard glueck_ psychology and psychotherapy. by william brown _c. macfie campbell_ our social heritage. by graham wallas _miriam c. gould_ august strindberg: a psychoanalytic study with special reference to the oedipus complex. by axel johan uppvall _frankwood e. williams_ notes and comments current bibliography _dorothy e. morrison_ directory of committees and societies for mental hygiene members and directors of the national committee for mental hygiene mental hygiene will aim to bring dependable information to everyone whose interest or whose work brings him into contact with mental problems. writers of authority will present original communications and reviews of important books; noteworthy articles in periodicals out of convenient reach of the general public will be republished; reports of surveys, special investigations, and new methods of prevention or treatment in the broad field of mental hygiene and psychopathology will be presented and discussed in as non-technical a way as possible. it is our aim to make mental hygiene indispensable to all thoughtful readers. physicians, lawyers, educators, clergymen, public officials, and students of social problems will find the magazine of especial interest. the national committee for mental hygiene does not necessarily endorse or assume responsibility for opinions expressed or statements made. articles presented are printed upon the authority of their writers. the reviewing of a book does not imply its recommendation by the national committee for mental hygiene. though all articles in this magazine are copyrighted, others may quote from them freely provided appropriate credit be given to mental hygiene. subscription: two dollars a year; fifty cents a single copy. publication office: columbia st., albany, n. y. correspondence should be addressed and checks made payable to "mental hygiene," columbia st., albany, n. y., or to the national committee for mental hygiene, inc., seventh avenue, new york city. copyright, , by the national committee for mental hygiene, inc. footnote: [ ] read before the section on eugenics and the state of the second international eugenics congress, new york city, september , . generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) transcriber note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. "make no more giants, god but elevate the race." browning. race improvement or eugenics _a little book on a great subject_ by la reine helen baker [illustration] new york dodd, mead and company copyright, by dodd, mead and company _published, september, _ contents chapter page i introductory ii heredity, environment iii the child, its heritage iv marriage v possibilities of race improvement vi education, eugenics vii eugenics, the modern feminist movement viii positive, negative eugenics appendices a. state endowment of motherhood b. sterilisation in u. s. a. chapter i introductory the aim of this little volume is to interest the american public in an important and neglected subject. the writer has her own views on art, politics, religion and other topics which divide mankind, she does not intrude those opinions here, although conscious that "to see life steadily and see it whole" much more is wanted than a single branch of study, however vital. it is not possible, however, to remain silent and, at least passively, acquiescent when the interests of the race are in danger of neglect. need for apology is not considered when great and influential journals, magazines and volumes dissipate their powers on all the feeble foolings of the hour. there are many honourable exceptions. there are organs of opinion in nearly all directions of intellectual speculation, education and philosophy and there are of course necessary volumes of information on cooking, travel, dress and amusement. every material interest except the basic material interest of our human existence is represented in our periodical press. an expedition to the pole, a prodigious attempt to attract the attention of martian observers whose very existence is denied by more than half our scientists, or a commission to inquire into the relative merits of various manurial nitrates, for these time and money, private enterprise and state aid are readily forthcoming. professorial chairs are easily financed for lectures on every necessary and unnecessary subject other than that of direct race improvement. churches, universities and other institutions have been endowed for the sake of schisms which have no direct bearing on any human need. i deny that people do not care what becomes of the race. there never has been a time in the history of the world when parents would not rather have a healthy progeny than an unhealthy. the nation would always prefer to be able to boast of improvement instead of blushing for its deteriorating citizenship. as long as mothers love their own young and as long as the average man sympathises with undeserved suffering there will be perpetual possibilities for rousing interest in the most promising of all sciences, eugenics. eugenics is a word invented by francis galton to cover the philosophy, collection of facts, the science, whatever we can call it, which regards race improvement as a desirable and practicable process. stirpiculture is an older word for a similar idea. new descriptive or misleading phrases will be invented from time to time, sometimes by friends, sometimes by enemies of the movement. it may be well from the first to clear away some misinterpretations. accusations against new ideas commonly take the form of attempting to show that the new and possibly good idea is irretrievably committed to some other idea, generally an older and discredited one. it is the universal rule, particularly in anglo-saxon countries, to regard sex-relationships as so sacrosanct that merely to mention them is to outrage modesty and shock morality. fortunately or otherwise we have had to overcome this silly secretiveness. the horrible white-slave traffic, the loathsome increase of venereal diseases, the frequent revelations such as the thaw case forced on the public, the necessity for protecting children from outrage--all these and other things have made not only possible but obviously desirable that decency, wisdom and humanity should make their voice heard. the time has come when we will not tolerate the daily scandal of having our newspapers polluted with details of sexual abnormalities while we are refused the opportunity of educating the people in the direction of purity, health, and efficiency in the sexual relation. eugenics is concerned primarily and materially with the normal sex relationship, which in modern civilised lands means the ordinary legal monogamic marriage. it is perfectly true that there have been pioneer reformers, to whom the world owes much who have linked their ideals of race improvement to an advocacy of freer sex relationships. modern eugenists have no such divided council. they aim at encouraging the best births and discouraging the worst, and all details of their propaganda must be subordinate to this great aspiration. seeing then that through monogamic marriage the anglo-saxon race must overwhelmingly flow now and in all the sighted future, we resolutely direct our attention to this institution as we find it. on the lines of which the race has approved we shall proceed for our reforms. the united states great in a thousand ways, although often the despair of the reformer, offers the most promising field of the whole world in the direction of eugenics. comprising within her catholic embrace many varieties of monogamic marriage she possesses contrasts, comparisons, examples and warnings, which will be of infinite use in the eugenist's laboratory. well may we be content to show from these differences how on the present basis of marriage a nobler race may be reared. it is of course only one aspect of marriage that interests eugenists, but as according to the teaching of most churches and the theory of most governments the origin, basis and reason of marriage is procreation, it will be seen that race improvement does not look on the least important side of marriage. in other words it is in its public and universal relations that marriage will be regarded by eugenists. in comparatively socialised states like ours where education and a hundred other concerns of every child are the constant care of representative institutions it would be retrogression if we did not now begin to consider the child as having from its birth a public interest. seeing the advance being made in our understanding of some of the laws of heredity it must not be considered wonderful that this public interest in the future citizen should begin even before birth. for this purpose it is not at all necessary, i hold it to be eminently undesirable, that the state or any outside authority should attempt the ridiculous task of organising who shall marry and mate, or dictate by law or force the conditions of marriages which satisfy the contracting parties. but this laisser faire doctrine obviously has no applicability to the much more disputable proposition that the state has no right to deal with the source of its future responsibilities, the root by which may arrive human wrecks for which the state must provide in the days to come. this brings me to a further protest. it has been suggested that eugenists are anarchists, tearing up the roots of government, blindly striking at civilised institutions, putting a bomb to the foundations of church, state, and family. let it be said here and now in such clear phrase as may be that eugenics is the antithesis of anarchy. it means order. eugenics opposes chaos in the interests of the race. it is the most profoundly patriotic proposition ever laid before the people of these united states. its conception is for the national good. american eugenists will never rest until our race becomes the fittest on earth. other nations shall teach us if they can, we will better their instruction. monarchical old world peoples, restrained by traditions, tied down by red tape, drugged by the dread of progress, may justify their own inertia, we cannot sink with them. we are leaders and pioneers. in the united states respect is still accorded to those who have new truths to teach for the benefit of the race. if "national efficiency" has to some extent failed in its appeal, if the answer has been an admission of unaccomplished desires, the reason must be ascribed to the limited scope of the inquiry. the nation has to take itself seriously in hand. we need to get beyond the citizen of to-day, we have to consider the citizen of to-morrow. as to religion, i appeal both to those who love god and to those who love their fellow-man. it is futile at this time of day to quote against the living race the dictates of a dead age. it is monstrous also to slander the noble men and women who are at present engaged in the secular activities of our churches by pretending to believe that they are not most keenly anxious to aid in any uplifting work for the regeneration of the world. every institution which is teaching, feeding or otherwise helping children is a nucleus for eugenic enterprise. the neglect of eugenics in the last generation has clogged the wheels of progress in this generation. we cannot and must not forget the victims of our national neglect, but we can do greatest honour to our philanthropists and workers for the general uplift by seriously endeavouring to eliminate from the coming generation the hopelessly unfit and by encouraging the multiplication of the efficient. there is no immorality in our proposals, as a glance at these pages will abundantly prove. the family of the future is going to be sweeter, purer and nobler. it may even be more numerous, for while eugenists resolutely set themselves to discourage the national burdening by debt, danger and decay which inevitably follow in the footsteps of a deteriorating race, we have nevertheless no opinions whatever as to whether a numerically large or small family is best. race suicide is no worse than race murder. we cannot imagine a nobler sight than an enormous and increasing race of the vitally fit. a temporary and deliberate discouragement of certain unwelcome elements may be momentarily embarrassing, but this is only half the story. our ports of entry are firmly closed in the face of undesirable aliens, not for the purpose of reducing our population, far from it. our stability, our greatness, our very existence depend on the success with which we have attracted to our shores those immigrants whose children to-day are our boast and pride. eugenics, it cannot be too often said, is no mere phase of malthusianism. it is not _a_ population question it is _the_ population question. it dismisses malthus as a spent force, as a prophet whose message was only half delivered, as a jeremiah who would have deprived the world of its saviours as well as of its betrayers. of malthus it may truly be said that in forbidding those who would "wade through slaughter to a throne" he "shut the gates of mercy on mankind." no philosophy to-day can meet the needs of to-day if it indiscriminately decreases both. both methods are evil. we must weigh as well as count. the sphinx of civilisation sits waiting our answer to her riddle. we have mingled the seeds of evil with the seeds of good. mere mechanical multiplication only accentuates the evil because weeds are always of quicker growth than the flower plants which they deprive of their due share of light and air. patient division of the seeds, careful sorting, subtracting as far as possible the contaminating elements, and giving all the needful attention to the sturdy but perverse, encouraging those seeds which in various ways will one day grow into perfect trees so as to show flower; to bear fruit, give shade, make timber or in any other way serve the multifarious needs of the nation. chapter ii heredity and environment eugenics is not committed to the darwinian doctrine of evolution, although it would probably never have reached the stage of practical politics but for the encouragement given to all systematic scientific studies by darwin's magnificent generalisations. eugenics takes its stand on the ascertained fact of heredity, and it owes an immense debt to the patience with which lamarck, the darwins, weissman and others have piled instance upon instance to illustrate the fact that "the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children unto the third and fourth generation" and "the fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children's teeth are set on edge." the doctrine of heredity has never been more resonantly expressed than in these words although they show only one side and that not the better side of heredity. we are indeed "begotten not made." nurture, or environment, has its place, and an important one, in race improvement, but the overwhelming fact remains that more than three-fourths of the elements which build up a human soul are in its nature, not its nurture. the formative factor of greatest importance in the making of human life and character is heredity. mankind has hitherto failed to grasp the full significance of this admission. horticulturists have made it the starting point of their experiments until to-day the luther burbanks can almost create what they will in plant life. cattle-breeders, dog-fanciers, and horse-farmers, are able to raise the value of their breeds to a wonderful degree. ornithologists have been equally successful; from the original stock a hundred varieties come at the touch of the scientific magician's wand. in each case even where at first quantity was considered of no importance compared with quality, there has been a steady and unmistakable increase in the effective numbers side by side with a gigantic development of those elements of strength or beauty which have been arrived at. race suicide is a metaphysical phrase not easily open to definition, but two things may be said about it at this stage. race improvement is utterly inconsistent with any intelligent conception of race suicide. an increasing birthrate is not in itself a guarantee of progress and may indeed be the means of a nation's retrogression. experience and logic lead to the confident conclusion that increased vitality means increased fecundity. to acknowledge the law of heredity with its concomitant scientific implications, must inevitably change our mental outlook in many directions. accordingly as we relatively place heredity or environment first, our views on social politics will be fundamentally sound or unsound. taking a large view of society it must make an abysmal difference whether we think the race can or cannot be improved (not merely polished or even enlightened but really changed) by _modifications of environment_. we can no longer pursue the same and by the same means if we come to the conclusion that the individual is either born a potential asset to society or "damned into existence," a permanent drain on his fellows' comfort and wealth, even a possible miasma of infectious criminality. i am a eugenist because i believe that the nature we have received from hereditary sources transcends in effectiveness all the nurture which follows birth. eugenics means seeking for facts and applying them to solve the greatest of all problems--looking for light by which the race may control its destiny. heredity in the animal and vegetable world may be considered dispassionately enough. geology and astronomy are only hereditary studies affecting the birth of worlds. but from human birth and sex, the mysteries of creation in their divinest form, from _these_ branches of the study of heredity the flaming sword of prudery warns us away. the subject of human sex has been the play-ground of neglect, ignorance, bigotry, superstition, persecution and every other foe to inquiry. it has been the object of worship but not of explanation, of romance but not of science, of abuse, mutilation, misunderstanding, but not of study, reason and generalization. eugenics of course aims at expressing the scientific side of the process of which love is the artistic. the rare handful of brave men and women who against unique opposition have forced this question to the front are not to be blamed if up to now eugenics can hardly be said to exist as a systematised science. it is in the nature of things that as a philosophy eugenics is hardly more than a guess, a probability, an hypothesis. doubt, uncertainty and half-heartedness inevitably accompany a movement so undeservedly discredited as this has been. without the means to collect the enormous body of facts required to justify national action the eugenists have been content to rely upon personal experiences, isolated family histories and the normal and abnormal facts which newspapers, biographies and daily life presented to them. eugenists have wrestled against difficulties like hercules in the augean stable or paul in the ephesian arena. in fact the stable and the arena throw more light on eugenics than any at present available from the human animal. the existent biology of eugenics means a study of non-human life. there is a sufficiently extensive literature and digest of experiments relating to animal and plant life to serve as the stock in trade of a fairly complete system of eugenics--if only fuschias were men or men were mules. external observations of animal and plant life cannot universally apply to man even passively, while the active interference of the human botanist in the affairs of the unprotesting plants separates these from men by an unpassable chasm. the first need then for eugenic study is some systematic collection of the ascertainable facts as far as they relate to human beings. this implies sufficient scientific interest in the phenomena of parentage to encourage widespread earnest patient desire to exchange information and to steadily accumulate enough knowledge to justify experiment in positive and negative eugenics. no sane eugenist advocates universal state action based on the existent records, but it would be against all good precedent if the absence of sufficient knowledge on a vital subject were allowed to stultify the efforts of those who seek for fuller information. nothing but good will ensue if positive experiments are boldly labelled as such, instead of pretending that our twilight of investigation is the full light of perfect knowledge. experiments in positive eugenics will take various forms. they began with the most ordinary baby-shows; they proceeded through municipal prizes for the healthiest offsprings. an important stage arose when premiums in some cities began to be offered to all parents whose babies survived the critical first year of life. these were elementary experiments, based on the right motive but ignoring the element of heredity. the experiments of the future must be on a surer foundation. the current criteria of judgment are sound enough as far as they go, they encourage careful nurture, but the limitations of the experiments are those of an unscientific age. obviously the next step in the same direction is to discriminate. the haphazard chance that of fifty children properly nourished one may be distinguished by its superior physique does not materially help us to solve our problem if we stop at this phase. having found our healthiest child we might at least try to discover the hereditary history of its progenitors and take steps to encourage further offsprings from so promising a source. imagine a scientific cattle-breeder possessing a perfect bull, contented that one of its offsprings should take a single prize! not to unduly strain the analogy we might with all decorum and wisdom circulate what knowledge we can glean of those facts which have made perfection possible. are we to be everlastingly contented with news of the romantic, sensational, abnormal and criminal phenomena of sex while our newspapers and official records are silent concerning ordinary and desirable experiences, their causes and their results? heredity as the basis of legislation is never dreamt of, while our statute books are crowded with laws passed in a panic, laws which bear no ratio to essential facts, and laws which look at the elementary passions of mankind through the refractory media of prejudice, ignorance and well-meaning misconception. it rarely if ever occurs to legislators that a scientific system of society demands an acquaintance with the recently accepted conclusions of our greatest thinkers. we are suffering to-day from a pre-darwinian government in almost all our states. "authorities" of all kinds are quoted in support of and against any given proposal, but the "authorities" are seldom the fittest. in earlier days latin tags were considered a worthy conclusion to a speech in senate or legislature. nowadays poetry or literature is called into requisition. darwin, spencer and galton should at least have taught us to take trouble to learn all about the subject in hand and what bearing the scientific discoveries of our generation have upon particular problems. it is a disease of the age that we are conscious of our national short-comings in only the vaguest possible way. we are ignorant of the full extent of our misfortunes and we do not apply to them the time, trouble and money which are a preliminary necessity to discovering a remedy, and we forget the dynamic difference which must be made in our treatment of race problems as soon as we accept heredity as the controlling factor. but the preliminaries must be insisted on. investigation, collation, classification, generalisation, and legislation, must be taken in their right order. the difficulties in the way of investigating the laws which govern heredity have as usual led to shirking the issue altogether. even when we look the difficulty straight in the face, we pass it by. we have made a god of environment. our best social efforts hitherto in legislation, social conventions, conduct and educational ideals (and in modern times even our religions), have come to consider environment as of paramount importance. but take environment at its highest it can only be the best soil for the best seed. _that_ is a eugenic ideal also but it cannot convert a disease germ into a desirable citizen. over-emphasis of reform dependent on improved environment implies that a deadly upas tree, if transplanted and properly watered and "given a better chance," will reward society with a plentiful harvest of edible nourishing fruit. the heartless school which on principles hates all reform derives its chief support from the fact that the reform which regards only environment too often descends to veneering vice with respectability or dissipates itself in futilities of a grandmotherly kind. the reformer of the future must study causes as well as phenomena. the skilled physician regards symptoms as of importance only to the extent that they assist the diagnosis of disease. accurate analysis must consider hereditary causes as well as local symptoms. environment when properly subordinated to and illuminated by heredity does not cease to be important. environment may provide wings to fly with and an atmosphere capable of sustaining weight, even when it cannot provide the will to fly. to return to our agricultural symbolism: environment cannot make or change the nature of the seed, it is the soil, the sunshine and the succulence, but it has to take the seed as it is. heredity is inside the seed and goes behind the seed to the mother plant. heredity is what our ancestors meant when they said predestination, necessity, destiny. philosophers of pre-darwin days have lured mankind into the pleasant but dangerously untrue belief that human nature is essentially and universally good. this crude generalisation of rousseau's gospel does some injustice to that great man's philosophy which represented a necessary revolt from the soul-destroying perversion of heredity which described man as uniformly "born in sin and shaped in iniquity." experience has revolted against both extremes. the heavenly father is no longer a fiend who destines "one to heav'n and ten to hell," and the earthly parent emerges from his ancient unimportance. man is in neither case fortuitous, his nature, potentiality and destiny are writ large in the study of his heredity. we are all, like poets, born not made; as we are: we remain: we develop on lines long ago laid down for us by other forces than those environment can control and it is still impossible to make a silk purse out of a sow's ear. this consideration puts into proper perspective the things which matter, and warns us to cease vain expenditure on unscientific philanthropy. the efforts wasted on watering weeds might have made the garden smile with fragrant flowers. environment means opportunity. we shall understand better how and why environments need reconstruction when we recognise the superior importance of heredity. we shall begin to realise the uselessness of forcing qualities into the human organism, and become all the more anxious to afford opportunity for developing whatever utilisable qualities are already there existent. we shall learn to educate, in the old sense of the word. we shall bring out the maximum of the good within. we will no longer tolerate the cruelties and crudities of abortive attempts to instil properties and qualities of character which not being inherent can never be successfully inoculated. chapter iii the child and its heritage the previous chapter suggests that unless due regard is given to heredity an increased population will merely aggravate the existing social problems. it is necessary also to emphasise the importance of watching our death statistics as well as our birth returns. obviously a nation with a low percentage of births compared with its population may be increasing the latter much more largely as well as more healthily than a nation with a much larger percentage of births. the pulse of each hand must be felt. infant mortality is as easily ascertainable and is of at least equal importance. infant efficiency is unfortunately less easily ascertainable statistically. subject to these qualifications the eugenics school welcomes mr. roosevelt's protests against race suicide, and gladly identifies itself with any religious, political or social effort to bring to our citizens a sense of what we owe to the commonwealth. it is not a matter to be dismissed with a speech or a magazine article when we see almost every career in the world glorified, and parentage alone sneered at. believers in eugenics regard with a horror based on a certainty of evil consequence when they contemplate a state in which the noble task of motherhood is left to the poor while the rich evade their duties. it is stupid as well as abominable to reproach heroic but uninstructed mothers of the less wealthy classes. year after year they think they are fulfilling their destined purpose in life by adding to their families a burden difficult to bear. in the long run, after nature has exercised a cruel elimination, this burden of the individual becomes the glory of the race, the very bloom and blossom of the future. neither can reproach be given to the parents in the slums. nature here seems to be prodigal indeed. the children come, only the doctors know the terrible tale of them. to the registrar they are but a name, to the statistician a number, but to the city and the state they mean cemeteries, hospitals, prisons, asylums, as well as barracks. but i am not dealing here with the whole problem of poverty. eugenics aims at breeding the fittest from the fittest and it sees "how many a gem of purest ray serene the dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear." even in the most unpromising surroundings one sees noble sparks of life not to be quenched by poverty or any other vital enemy. the christ continues to be born in a stable. it is when we reach the exclusive circles of the rich that we see how the race is decaying. children are at a discount. parentage is coming to be considered a waste of time. a man cannot spare his wife from social functions. dressmakers agree that the coming of a child destroys symmetry and prevents fashionable tight-lacing. besides there are other pastimes to consider. neither the state nor the individual will make the public believe that the production of healthy children is as important as baseball, horse-racing or stamp collecting. millions of dollars are spent on securing the best breeds of horses. seven thousand dollars recently was the price of a single four-cent stamp. dogs, in the highest circles, have luxuries of food, clothing and housing which the servants who feed them never possessed. dog-cemeteries exist where more money is spent on the tombstone of a dead dog than would keep a live human family for a year. "foxes have holes, the birds of the air have nests" but the children of the poor starve and the rich prefer the pastime of the moment to the permanent interests of the race. degeneracy is not a disease by specific intention, it is an attribute to our social neglect, it is the result of our inattention to vital issues, it is a sign that we are no longer keenly anxious to elevate the race. race improvement requires, under modern conditions of life, eternal vigilance and deliberate aim. the prolific character of the degenerate type has often been remarked. it finds expression in the homely proverb "ill weeds grow apace." but the "growth" is in the undesirable direction--they do not grow better. if it were not for the wasteful cruelty of it all one would see some gleam of satisfaction in the admitted fact that many of these breeds of degenerates are almost as short-lived as they are prolific. the handsome villain of contemporary romance, healthy in physique and mentally alert is a misleading picture entirely at variance with fact. the degenerate child is neither beautiful, robust nor mentally sound. while the number of children per family is four on the average, dr. tredgold tells us that the average of births in a degenerate family is over seven, in addition to the still-born who in the case of the degenerates amount to about fifteen per cent of the children born. almost every prison in the civilised world bears record to the direct injury inflicted on the community by the degenerate class. the feeble-minded alone amount to an appreciable percentage of the ordinary population of our prisons, and, if to these are added other victims of hereditary degeneracy, there will be left only what may be described as the "criminals by accident." i am not claiming too much for the science when i say that eugenics is capable of revolutionising these terrible conditions. the hereditary nature of the taint of criminality is proved by the history and bodily characteristics of its unhappy victims. eugenists as such have no special remedy for the present day criminality. their work is to point to the breeding of the criminal and to urge the importance of stopping his multiplication. as soon as society begins to take steps towards cutting off the supply of the degenerate there will be no object in perpetuating cruel punishments whose only object was deterrence. alcoholism may be treated as a separate phase of this great question or it may be regarded as but a manifestation of feeble-mindedness. in either case it can be shown that the children of degenerates are those most often prone to the drink evil. it is not a fact that a drunkard's children necessarily grow up drunkards. this assertion which is sometimes met with in temperance literature is based on a misconception of what heredity is and a misunderstanding of what alcoholism is. alcoholism tends to eliminate the alcoholic. the children of the drunkard may not be drunkards but they may exhibit weaknesses, cravings for destructive media or absence of self-control which at length terminate their generation. there is only one final cure for national intemperance and that is a more humane imitation of nature's own plan. nature seems cruel in its work because its effectiveness is not hindered by moral or humane considerations. man cannot and must not imitate nature's ruthlessness even if the process of elimination becomes a slower one. we can imitate nature's methodical incisiveness without following nature's murderous indifference. in some directions we may even accelerate nature's processes, not by increasing the pains and penalties which she inflicts on a gradually disappearing progeny, but by narrowing the circle of the victims; by declining to longer tolerate the procreation of a hopeless generation. i do not deny that temperance and similar effort at moral suasion form a valuable buttress against the worst phenomena of alcoholism. it serves the same purpose of help that bread does to the starving destitute, it does not solve the problem but it is a necessary work all the same, a valuable adjunct to a radical cure, and only objectionable if it stands in the way of prevention which is better than cure. there is a heritage for children worse, perhaps, than criminality, feeble-mindedness or a tendency to alcoholic excess. i refer to venereal diseases. painful or otherwise the subject must be discussed in this connection sooner or later. like alcoholism, this disease contributes to its own elimination, its victims do not survive many generations. it is impossible to obtain statistics reasonably complete of the depredations wrought by these diseases. professor fournier regards them as social danger ( ) by the individual damage inflicted, ( ) the damage inflicted on the family, ( ) the hereditary consequences, especially the infant mortality which is terrible, ( ) the race deterioration and depopulation entailed. public opinion is ripe for eugenic treatment of this subject for one good reason, namely that every other remedy has either failed after trial or is in the nature of things incapable of adequate enforcement. state regulation of vice, with its corollary, state examination of women, is nowadays opposed by medical authorities because of the illusory security from infection which it implies, and is bitterly resented by all reformers as an intolerable tyranny applicable only to a single sex. if i have emphasised the evils which are the heritage of so large a number of our children, it must never be forgotten that great as is the proportion of the unfit, we have not yet reached the stage when there are more unfit than fit. the heritage of evil represents the need for eugenics in its negative aspect. we are perfectly well aware of the characteristics which we desire to eliminate, and this is of very great importance, not only because of the active harm which a decadent type represents in our civilisation, but there is the further consideration that ninety-nine per cent of the reformative effort of our legislative and social crusades, and of the philanthropic side of our religious life, is concentrated on this appalling problem. the release of much of this effort would tend towards enlightening the nation in other directions. it is not at all wonderful that we should recognise our national agreement about the types we would gladly eliminate while we disagree very widely about the types we would most value. this arises largely from the fact that our attention for many years has been riveted on "the submerged tenth," on "degeneracy" on "the criminal classes" and on the various other descriptions of the undesirable. what a little share in our organised study of man has the best type had. we have fed the unfit and left the healthy unheeded. actually while we have been discussing the problem of improvement we have seen the destruction and disappearance through war, disease and poverty of representatives of types which stood in no need of improvement but only of perpetuating. but in the main if we do not agree as to the most desirable heritage a child should have there is very much common ground between us all. we believe that every child has the right to a good constitution. we regard as a misfortune every obstacle which renders healthy parents unwilling or unable to add their contribution to the welfare of the state by increasing the number of happy children growing into efficient men and women. why wonder at the anti-social elements to be found in every city? what claim has the state on its children when the state has neglected the duty of a parent. to be a citizen is too great an honor to bestow on the hopeless children of degenerate parents. these children's heritage is sorrow, the nation's remorse is unavailing, nemesis overtakes the neglectful state. chapter iv marriage forty years ago it would have been possible to say that all encouragements to marriage necessarily meant increasing the birth rate. economic and other causes contribute to the decline of both marriage and birth-rates. in this chapter i am not concerned with the discouragements to race increase. i remark elsewhere on the absence of national inspiration to race improvement. i am at present concerned only with marriage as the medium for procreation, no other aspect of marriage is the concern of eugenists. to encourage those marriages which will tend to produce a noble race might well befit the consideration of a great people. the views uttered here, while i think they would be largely shared by eugenists as a whole, are more or less personal to the writer who alone is responsible for their statement. the legitimatisation in some way of the illegitimate seems to me a necessary, urgent duty of the state. the stigma, implying moral blame and sometimes meeting with actual ill-treatment on that account, is as unjust and undeserved as anything that can be imagined. to overcome the difficulty by making the marriage of the parents the sole method of removing the reproach seems to me as unjust as it is illogical. there is no sense in making a child suffer unnecessarily. the absence of a home with a pair of loving parents is often the natural sufferings inflicted on a "natural" child. we ought not to encourage any discrimination between the adopted and the unadopted illegitimate child. public opinion must learn to regard all children from the moment of their birth as having an inherent right to the best possible welcome and the treatment best fitted to make them desirable citizens. eugenics studies the parents and on occasion challenges their right to produce seed, and one of its basic reasons for doing so must inevitably be that there can be no post-natal challenge to the child's right to exist. illegitimacy however greatly deprecated morally has justified itself historically. it has produced some of earth's chosen heroes. it can be condemned ethically because it so often inflicts hardship, privation and misery on the unhappy mother and the innocent child. that subsequent marriage of the parents should bring into the family records the acknowledged previous offspring is obvious common sense, but the child whose father refuses to do its mother the sometimes doubtful "honour" of marriage should be regarded in this respect as a child whose father is dead. as our records demand a name for the father, "anon" should serve where paternity is doubtful and the real father's name should be acknowledged in every official document in every case where paternity orders are obtained. in other words illegitimacy should be abolished and, marriage or no marriage, every child should be duly entitled to every right of inheritance, etc., which the laws at present confine to the fruit of wedlock. it is not the form of marriage or its absence but the racial result with which eugenics is concerned. morality, religion, or the law which holds society together may have its reproach, its deprecatory warnings, and even its punishments for _parents_ who transgress its conventions, but humanity demands that no stone shall be thrown at the _child_. eugenics is so seriously concerned with the race that it cannot accept the pretentious puerilities which so often masquerade under the title of marriage-law reforms. the mere refusal of a marriage certificate to couples who cannot pass certain medical shibboleths, while their offspring is unconsidered (except in so far as it demands immediate public assistance) seems to be a mockery of a serious subject. the marriage of the unfit is the concern of the eugenists primarily because deception on either side may lead to terrible evil. physical examinations and medical certificates before marriage are an urgent necessity--not as a bar to marriage but as a hindrance to deceit. wives must know the man they are marrying. men must be informed what kind of wife is hidden beneath the attractive dress. a danger of marriage is that a perfectly capable healthy person may unsuspectingly marry an impotent, barren or deformed consort. love capable of conquering a wholesome physical repulsion is one thing; love, blinded by custom, delivered bound into the hands of disease is a vile thing incapable of defence. partners for life can even now demand a certificate on the portal of marriage, but public opinion and legislation must make such certificates an essential preliminary to the marriage contract. all legal barriers to breaking an engagement on grounds of physical and mental ill-health must be swept away, and the enlightened public must be led to learn that some promises are better broken than kept. if these ante-matrimonial conditions are observed eugenists will look with a charitable if discouraging glance at marriages of the unfit. marriage between two "unfit" persons can be defended on very many grounds so long as children are not born. it is, generally speaking, improbable that the unfit at their worst will either be drawn to each other or that they will wish to enter on any career which may tend to deprive them of what vitality they still possess. most often such unions would be inevitably fruitless whatever vain attempts were made to make the dry bones live. such unions would in nearly every instance simply mean that to prevent scandal a form of marriage is gone through and thereafter two weaklings give each other the comfort of communion; their common diet is suited to their needs, they live (as far as they can afford it) in an atmosphere adapted to their complaint. i do not envy the state of soul of their critics who would mar the placid satisfaction of mutual comfort which would solace their declining childless days. the union of the fit and the unfit is a calamity or a catastrophe in cases of knowledge, it is a crime where the victim is deceived into ignorance. the union of two unfit persons entered into in complete knowledge will be an infinitely smaller evil. to make marriage attractive we must very greatly increase the facilities for unmaking it, and we must lay down some general principles for its healthy continuance. the absolute right of a woman to her own person, and her prerogative to refuse to bear children, seem elementary conditions of civilised wedlock. woman must be protected from outrage, be she wife or not. a married woman must have the same right over her own person and her own children that an unmarried woman has over hers. it is an unmistakable slight on marriage to compel a woman to relinquish any of the legal or social rights she would enjoy if unmarried. we cannot afford to throw these obstacles in the way of marriage, we want the best women to marry and not to abstain on account of the altogether unnecessary and unnatural disabilities which laws and men have made. eugenists are willing to concede that divorce should be cheap, easy and free from shameful scandal. this can only be done however without grave injustice to women and the race if, apart from religious and moral considerations, the family is made the first consideration. the problem is largely an economic one. it is not likely that the state willingly intends to take upon itself the burden of maintaining thousands of wives unable to maintain themselves discarded by husbands wealthy enough to incur new responsibilities and expense. whether marriage should be regarded as giving a claim to equal shares in the property and income of either partner is worthy of discussion. it is likely enough that the thinking woman of the present day and her successors will insist on wages for wives, wages for motherhood, and wages for housekeeping, and that these stipulations will receive the sanction of state law wherever they are reasonably scheduled and definitely approved. the children of divorced parents occupy an onerous position. mr. henry james, in "what maisie knew," has touched convincingly on this point. it cannot be dismissed as unimportant for there is hardly a single good environment in children's lives so potent as that of a happy home in which the two parents' love for each other is only rivalled by their united love for the young lives their love has so miraculously created. but there is no worse condition for children than the home of hate. divorce may be horrid, but the atmosphere of love turned to indifference and hate is hell for all who breathe there. while marriage does not exhaust all the possibilities of increasing the race it may be said to be not only the best but the only socially desirable way. preventing divorce, or railing marriage round with difficulties not only encourages illicit relations outside marriage, it inevitably tends to prevent marriages being as fecund as the interests of the race demands. there is no need to sigh for a uniform marriage-law. if the ideal rule could be discovered it would be a pity not to make it universal. states which have experimented under present conditions become valuable examples or warnings, and the only need is that the least enlightened (or the least speculative) state should come into line with the most advanced without undue delay. fortunately already there has been a number of very interesting enterprises by individual states, and the time is ripe for the more general adoption of those marriage laws which have given general satisfaction where tried. the "age of consent" and the age of marriage must be brought to a common minimum. if a girl is mature enough for one she is mature enough for the other. the condition of parental consent seems at first glance an anachronism, but may have some eugenic value if modified to mean that the age of consent can be pre-dated in exceptional cases. no husband or wife should be tied for life to a person who develops symptoms of such diseases as tuberculosis, syphilis, chronic alcoholism and the like. felony and even incurable laziness or incapacity should be good grounds for divorce. there is no necessary connection between socialism and eugenics but neither is there any essential antagonism. eugenics recognises the responsibilities of parenthood and to that extent is individualistic; it claims also that the children born to all men, rich or poor, are bound to be born as healthy as advancing science can make them. that is why eugenics is sometimes regarded as socialistic, but we have long ago decided that health is a national concern and therefore the state builds hospitals, passes sanitary laws and insists on the notification of certain diseases. in a republic it ought not to be necessary to say that classes should not exist. at the risk of accentuating the socialistic accusation it has to be made plain that matrimonial selection must ignore distinctions of wealth and class and creed. the fit must wed the fittest, that is the keynote of eugenics. eugenics speaks with no uncertain voice on the "colour question"--every race must work out its own salvation, and in the interests of each race there must be no intermarrying. it is a healthy and natural objection which causes a white woman to shudder at the idea of a mixed marriage. the mating of a black woman with a white man is seldom a wedding, it generally means degradation to both and excessive suffering to the victims--the woman and the child. after we have done all we can to make marriage a more perfect institution we are only beginning the ideal of eugenic life. we have to know more than we know at present of what characteristics are best combined with what others, and to know which unions are fraught with dangers both to the partners and still more to the offspring. the old stirpiculturists have very much to say on the subject of "likes and contrasts" from the days of byrd powell up till the time when scientific eugenics under sir francis galton gave new light to the study: phrenology, freed from its showman and charlatan element, may yet help us in our quest. for there is no divorce law which can ever cure the ills of ill-assorted marriage. our ignorance may not be criminal, it is nevertheless deplorable. science gathers increasing information about all other things and we spend our millions on investigating the prevention of utilisation of waste, shall we not hope that this great institution of marriage may too in its turn be the subject of our scientists', philosophers' and statisticians' concern. marriage has its origin in the profoundest needs of social man. the _raison d'etre_ of marriage is human happiness now and in the generations to follow. throwing legislative obstacles in the way of marriage has never had any effect except the increase of illegitimacy. the scientific remedy here as elsewhere is enlightenment. we have to safeguard the race and educate the present generation. we cannot tell those who would marry more than we know ourselves, but every ascertained fact and every reasonable probability about marriage should be at the disposal of every candidate for the "holy order." the mere necessity of systematising our knowledge ready for distribution will be a gain, the sum of actual fact about the mating of various temperaments and characteristics may be larger than we think. anyhow it offers a promising field of research. eugenics will encourage the endowment of such knowledge, it will seek subsidies from the state towards its acquisition, it will strive to popularise it in every way until it will be much rarer than it is to-day unhappily to hear the complaints "if youth but knew," and "it might have been." chapter v possibilities of race improvement it is unnecessary to argue the desirability of race improvement. it is the avowed ultimate object of every religious, moral, social and individual reform. in the light of history we know that race improvement is possible. degeneration is the scientists' formula for the theologian's "fall from grace," evolution is the darwinian phrase for "that far-off divine event to which the whole creation moves." the eugenist does not say that religion, morality, and education are ineffective, he only claims that these great forces should apply to the foundations of society instead of being spent and dissipated in a thousand less important directions. eugenics is not a step in the dark. the theory is based on observation and its practice on a selection of the innumerable experiences of mankind. since the first man married the first bride mankind has been unconsciously offering an accumulation of experiments in improvement, deterioration and stagnation of the race. it is only inexplicable reticence which has diverted man's study from these phenomena. failure to appreciate relative values, the prejudice arising from a debased or immature morality, the bigotry of misunderstood religion and the dread of wounding prudish susceptibilities have led competent writers to devote to pigs and sheep volumes which should have had man for their subject. "the noblest study of mankind is man," but our naturalists have not advertised it sufficiently. charles darwin, whose powers of minute observation are admitted to have been supreme even by those who dispute his conclusions, recognised the racial bias against "the noblest study." writing to a. r. wallace in he said: "you ask whether i shall discuss 'man.' i think i shall avoid the subject, as so surrounded with prejudice; though i admit it is the highest and most interesting problem for the naturalist." the old attempts to divide mankind into good and bad have failed beyond recall. the first lesson we can learn from a study of the past is to recognise the probably infinite variety of type which exists, not only in the attainments, but in the potentialities of various types of man and woman. we no longer wonder at differences of mentality when we know the variations in bodily form and structure. we see that some are capable of endurance, some are physically weak, some are almost leonine in strength. each variation in strength may be united with differing degrees of other qualities, of sight, of motion, of temperament--there is no end to the combinations. we are well on the road to the elements of eugenics when we have grasped two facts, the analysable distinctions between individuals, and the fact that broadly speaking a child is endowed with its essential characteristics from birth. the qualifications of the hereditary principle need not be set forth here. darwin's theory is being modified in our day on important but not vital details. eugenics is only interested in so far as we admit this broad generalisation to which no scholar of to-day would substantially demur. we cannot in every case disentangle human characteristics with sufficient precision to warrant us in saying which combinations are desirable and which are undesirable. we can, however, get into our minds the idea that one good quality may be happily supplemented by another, or that certain characteristics might prove irreconcilable in combination. for instance strong sexuality allied to moral responsibility would prove an admirable combination, but the former quality in conjunction with weak mentality would work for certain ill. the marriage of near relations has been demonstrated to stereotype existent combinations, the evil is not as was once feared that the act was in itself categorically immoral and therefore followed by nature's punishment. it amounted to the same thing in many cases because nature's law is progress or retrogression; to stand still is to stultify the law of the universe. the highest and noblest physically, morally and mentally are the most complicated, and there is little danger that they will find their match amongst those with whom they are likely to marry. the risk of like marrying like is more inherently probable amongst the commonplace and mediocre. the danger becomes a terrible one when the lowest rung of the ladder is reached and it is here that intermarriage is most common if not invariable. the lowest degenerates, the most vulgar criminals the absolute failures, the "creatures who once were men" rarely have sexual unions of any sort or kind outside their own degraded circle. the unfit breed more of their kind and do not improve. the commonplace may by happy chance or on wise information mingle just those characteristics which raise the race to a higher level. the highest like those in the last category, may in the next generation lead to still higher heights or they may maintain their standard of efficiency, or their caste may sink to lower circles. in any of these cases of course there is the alternative that their race may be extinguished. all this is merely to state the case as it stands. there are few who dispute the facts, the eugenic remedy is either not appreciated or it is ignored. it cannot be a subject of indifference whether the best types increase or the worst. it must matter to the race, it must seriously affect the present generation, it must be of increasing importance to each generation. cruel, harsh, severe, repressive laws have been discarded as ineffective and inhuman. we cannot go back to an abortive policy which failed even a torquemada. on the contrary we have repressed natural checks to population and must increasingly continue to do so wherever we discover new methods of foiling nature's indiscriminate destructiveness. the stream of tendency cannot be dammed, we must adapt our social mill-wheels to the new channels which the river of time has cut in the fields of experience. we must discard the old unscientific view of existence as an inexplicable riddle, of marriage as a lucky bag, of crime as a mere chance occurrence, of genius as a "sport," of events as casualties or accidents and of goodness as accessible to all and badness the deliberate choice of the wilful. a few years ago a well-known publisher exposed a huge poster advertising his encyclopædia. it was called "the child; what will he become?" two series of pictures were given, the top line indicating the gradual ascent of the child fortunate enough to read the encyclopædia. by easy stages he passed through the sabbath school, emerged into the business office where he accumulated wealth and a cheerful countenance, he ascended into the paradise of benevolent baldness and appeared in the final picture a happy patriarch breathing out blessings and probably platitudes at every pore. contrasted with these series, the bottom line pictorially followed the awful fate of the child who did not read this wonderful work. he deteriorated rapidly, first a pickpocket, then a forger, finally a murderer, and a drunkard all the time. this is the classic exaggeration of the unscientific view actually held by some well-meaning reformers. and if we ridicule this discredited theory of life why do we not frankly disavow the hopeless "reforms" which are the natural product of this haphazard view? we accept the doctrine on which eugenics is based because all the facts conform it, but we continue to spend our time and money on methods of reform which have lost their root and now only cumber the ground. the "points" of an animal have for ages been the subject of the breeders' successful efforts, but they are not more certainly inherited than are the form of a man's head, his stature, the colour of his eyes, and the length of his life, all of which are hereditary like the colour of a horse, the scent of a flower and the shape of an apple. naturalists no more than farmers can with exactness predict that live lambs will be born on one farm, that every flower of the same class will give equally abundant perfume, or that every fruit on the same tree will weigh just the same to an ounce. we are still more ignorant or at least equally ignorant about the exact results in a particular instance of the character of the individual offspring even when we are reasonably well acquainted with all its antecedents. we can say with certainty, however, as dr. karl pearson says that "of all the children of a definite class of parents like a and b we can assert that a definite proportion will have a definite amount of any character of a and b, with a certainty as great as that of any scientific prediction whatever. i am not speaking from belief or from theory but simply from facts, from thousands of instances recorded by my fellow-workers or myself. here is a great principle of life, something apparently controlling all life from its simplest to its most complex forms, and yet, though we too often see its relentless effects we go on hoping that at any rate we and our offspring shall be the exceptions to its rules. for one of us as an individual this may be true, but for the _average_ of us all, for the nation as a whole, it is an idle hope. you cannot change the leopard's spots, and you cannot change bad stock to good; you may dilute it, but until it ceases to multiply, it will not cease to be." (national life from the standpoint of science.) the reformer sees in these facts the basis of his highest hopes as certainly as he sees therein the condemnation of all attempts at reform which ignore these bed-rock truths. permanent maintenance of good standards, gradual elimination of the hopelessly bad stock, and experimentation designed to utilise all the good elements on the border line between the desirable and the undesired--this is the eugenist's programme in the immediate present. his ideal goes beyond this practicable programme, for the eugenist aims at some final justification of nature. without worshipping nature he desires to understand her processes and walk in harmony with her tendencies. the most potent of all the beneficent influences in the organic world has been the law of natural selection. by "law" of course we merely mean the observed invariable sequence of events, and whether or not this universe has a guiding intelligence behind it, the "survival of the fittest" has taken its course by means of this particular law or process. it is impossible to deny that this selection has more often been instinctive than conscious. it is easy to predict that conscious intelligent selection may produce as real an improvement in the human race as has been obtained in the animal and vegetable kingdoms where man has so long directed the survival of the desired or elimination of undesired "points." patience, study, discrimination and courage are the principal weapons in the eugenic armoury. with these qualities assured eugenics may be trusted in the long run to outdistance all other competitors in the field of race improvement. study is a _sine qua non_, because eugenics means probability based on experience, and the more extensive our researches the safer our generalisations will be. patience is needed because unlike other cures eugenics will help the individual less than it will assist society, and it will always place the interests of the race first and foremost. accordingly its cures will not be apparent in the current generation. this may discourage the unthinking, it will tire the hand-to-mouth reformer, the superficial will dismiss the whole thing as useless. wisdom in discrimination will be essential because sometimes "the stone which the builders reject" has a way of becoming "the headstone of the corner." but when we have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt the qualities we want to preserve and the characteristics we desire to eliminate we must be courageous in the application of our remedy. we look not only at the worst but also at the best when we ask ourselves can the race be improved? the highest type of man known to men must be our model. we must constantly and actively believe that what man has been man may be. if mankind be truly one we are linked to the grants as well as to the guiteaus, to the saviours as well as to the assassins of society. our kinship with the lowest must make us more merciful, our kinship with the highest may make us more ambitious to be contented with nothing short of the best. chapter vi education and eugenics a healthy wave of reaction seems setting in against the old ideal of "cramming" which once masqueraded as education. already signs are apparent that in order to have a healthy mind a healthy body is necessary. a sentiment in favour of physical education is slowly arising and may some day be translated into statutes and administrative rule. at present the sentiment is a vague one and is not wholly free from the suspicion of ulterior motives connected with national defence. it cannot be gainsaid that the army and navy will gain in strength and efficiency by the improvement of the racial physique but the same forces might be equally increased by some new discovery in aviation, some new invention in machinery or some new combination in explosives peculiar to america. methods of education must justify themselves first and last by their conformity to the physical, and moral and intellectual needs of the human basis of society. they must not be devoted to the development of a healthy manhood only, the interests of the race demand that healthy womanhood shall be the care of any truly national system of education. until we have built up the body we are little likely to succeed in creating a race of pure-thinking, pure-living men and women. this is the universal need. higher education, the highest intellectual culture is for the few, not for the wealthy few--but for the proved fit, for those whose antecedents and character show that their brain is capable of receiving and their powers are capable of using a fully developed education which would otherwise be a ridiculously wasted acquisition. the intellectual education of the future will probably average a higher standard than at present but we must revise our criterion of judgment. we must realise that our current ideals tend rather towards making a nation of priggish inefficients than of happy, healthy home builders. if our teachers have aimed in the past at cramming comparatively useless knowledge into every brain independent of individual capacity, it is not strange that our educational faults have been to neglect the physical side and to ignore the vital teaching which might have led our scholars in the direction of their own physical development. these two things must inevitably stand or fall together. if you neglect physical training it will be because you do not realise its importance. if you realise its importance you will not only devote your principal educational efforts towards its universal practice in the schools but you will see that nothing is left undone to induce the young to adopt in the privacy of their own lives the principles which make for physical perfection. heredity and environment alike teach this lesson. the child is father to the man, the parents of to-morrow are now being made. the weak should learn early their limitations, the strong should be taught how best to economise their strength. no eugenist believes in over-emphasis of sexual knowledge, but every eugenist believes in the absolute importance of early familiarity with the essential information of sex-life. to emphasise this knowledge would mean being guilty of the same _kind_ of error as is at present prevalent. a knowledge of the laws of sex should never be separated from other physiological and moral education, its acquisition should be gradual, its full meaning should be so well prepared for that its physical manifestations in the youth of both sexes would be understood, without the necessity of a sudden jump from abysmal ignorance to overwhelming experience. co-education, the schooling together of boys and girls until puberty, is a step in the right direction. it familiarises children with each other in quite the best and most innocent manner; it is no more likely to create evil results than the daily life at home of the perfect family of boys and girls meeting under the protection of their own parents. co-education renders unnecessary that departing into separate schools which is so mysterious in early life. it aims at giving girls the benefit of boys' play, encouraging them in the boys' code of honour, and tending to prepare them for a citizenship they have to share with the boys whom they may even now regard as "chums." for boys the familiarity with girls' ways and girls' characteristics will help them to be courteous without being weak and to lose that shamefaced sex-consciousness which is the opposite to a healthy knowledge of the existence of another sex. in the early years of infancy only the parents can impart information about sex to their own offspring, and generally speaking only the mother will be the desirable source of information. this in itself justifies the necessity of the eugenist demand for educationally preparing girls for motherhood. in the nursery the time for teaching intimate things may be left to date itself. the earliest questions of a child fix the time when the earliest information must be given. when a child asks questions you either tell him the truth or a lie. the truth can be told so delicately that no one need blush to repeat it. a lie may be directly more indelicate and in its future results may be a source of deadly demoralisation. children ask about the "secret" of birth when a baby brother or sister is born. their questions and our answers are a frequent subject for jest, when the only reasonable excuse for our failure to impart accurate knowledge is either our own unfitness to teach, or our child's incapacity to understand. if the first is not incurable it should be the object of immediate study with a view to reform. the incapacity of youthful intelligence to grasp elementary facts is greatly exaggerated, but anyhow it is no excuse for deliberate deception. the immature mind can wait for knowledge, its development need not be prejudiced before it begins to know anything. if we cannot feed it on facts at least do not fill it with falsehood. on entering school the children are introduced to a person whose profession is to teach. how easy now it would be to obtain a child's confidence, how easy to lead a child to believe that there is no hidden knowledge, no subject which is taboo, no function of a healthy body which is unhealthy, and no process of nature which cannot be made an interesting and helpful study. to impart an unnecessary sense of shame to a child is a shocking outrage from which a sensitive soul never recovers. exceptional children will require exceptional care but the average child need never know from experience the meaning of sexual shame. healthy boys and girls will learn that as their parents made them they will one day themselves qualify for all those joys, pains, excitements and interests which are so intimately wrapt round the functions of parenthood. to prepare boys and girls to become parents may seem a big proposition. i am convinced it is practicable, desirable and in the best interests of the race. the human relationship, the human parentage, the human processes should be the foundation of natural history lessons. botany and biology should be interesting because of their relation to humanity. information about the human processes of life and sex should not be made contingent on the possibility of divulging it in scattered fragments incidental to remarks on the habits of polar bears or the functions of the stamen and pollen of the flower. on this subject at least there is no possibility of permanent secrecy. the plan for eugenic school-teaching is only a plea for the wise, discreet well-timed truth from a capable and trusted source, against indiscreet and often indecently ill-timed half-truth from the worst sources. children need to be informed, warned and helped. why should it be regarded as indecent to give kindly warning against disease? children are often over sensitive about fancied or discovered differences between themselves and other children, and about natural developments or even small defects which the uninformed mind magnifies into first-class abnormalities. they would often be reassured by learning of the enormous varieties which can exist within the average and the normal. children should neither be frightened by the well-meant exaggerations which sometimes are used to warn children and growing youth from the very real evil results of self-abuse, nor should such evils be encouraged by a prudish ignoring of the possible danger. masturbation can be shown to stand in the way of all that youth rightly values in its present happy school life and play, it can be proved to prevent the accomplishment of what every healthy school ideal demands as the future functions of maturity. restraint is impossible because onanism is essentially a secret vice, and therefore when these appeals to reason, idealism, self-respect, and self-interest fail everything fails. fear is opposed to the very basis of school honour. if the nobler motives are inadequate the physician is required rather than the teacher, for there is a pathological reason for such abnormal minds. the danger of contracting sexual diseases must be very carefully taught. the body must be saved but the soul must not be simultaneously lost. sexual disease problems must not be mixed up with sexual morality, or we shall pervert the noblest part of youth. sexual disease should be referred to, like all other sexual questions, as incidental to the whole subject of the body and its functions, abuses and diseases. the idea that any disease may justly be regarded as a fitting "punishment" for any particular crime, is as evil in its effect as it is vicious in its principle. to encourage the notification of every disease, especially the worst, is a public duty we can only evade at enormous cost in innocent lives. grappling with the sexual scourge called syphilis is horribly hindered by the reticence, concealment and shame, directly or indirectly to be traced to a mistaken ethic about nemesis. to prepare children for parenthood involves finding a reasonable regard for fatherhood as well as for motherhood. no system of economics that relegates fatherhood to unimportance is good for the state. the boy must learn that the father has responsibilities, different from the mother's but worthy of his own very best. fortunately the pages of history teem with illustrations of this theme for those who desire examples and warnings from the past, it may even be necessary to point out that the father's function has been over valued in our annals as compared with that of the still more important but less praised mother. inasmuch, however, as the mother's function is so much more continuous than the father's, the perpetuation of such degree of perfection as a boy is endowed with must be secured by constant vigilance, lest he fail in the one great act which earns the right of giving his name to his offspring. the eugenic education of girls is generally easier than that of boys for many reasons. girls see more than boys of the management of a home, they are used to children younger than themselves, they are fond of babies and will nurse dolls for an amusement, deriving much pleasure from a pastime fraught with eugenic suggestiveness. later on certain signs of adolescence precipitate explanations and stimulate inquiry. there is no need for any restrictions of the facilities women enjoy educationally. as with boys the best education should be given to those girls who show capacity for using it. it has never been claimed that culture should be withheld from a man, as inconsistent with fatherhood; motherhood must not be made an excuse for denying education. the safest policy is to make preparations for life independent of preparations for a career. the don and the bluestocking have to live, so have the cowboy and the cook. all must have the universal knowledge whereby they may serve their race as healthy parents of healthy children, even though the college, the study, the ranch and the kitchen have their own particular technicalities to be mastered by the interested individuals. of study in general eugenics will find much to say. it is impossible to neglect any branch of knowledge. the human will no less than human necessity presses forward in every direction. we may be like king solomon surrounded by material wealth and possessions, but, like him, if we are forced to choose between them and knowledge, the noblest thing within us will cry for knowledge. we must learn to discriminate between knowledge-values, and endeavour to frame our study-time so that even the least of us may be encouraged to learn all that we can. for those who can rapidly digest huge continents of study the prizes of scholarship are assured. it is not in the interests of eugenics that knowledge should be acquired with this rapidity by those constitutionally unfitted for the strain. an educational system devised for men may not necessarily be suited to women equally anxious to know and willing to give as long a period to study. it may be found practicable on eugenic grounds to give more facilities than we do for broken studies, for studies which go slower and last longer, and for studies where the honours are not given to those who can cram most in the least time. it is impossible for any view of eugenics in relation to education to ignore the terrible danger of child-labour. economic consideration of this subject is common enough; it is time that eugenics made its voice heard in denunciation of a system which cannot fail to demoralise the race if persisted in. the energy of a growing youth is required for building up his own constitution, and if his early labours are spent in occupations inconsistent with physical development he becomes a stunted weakling from whose loins we cannot expect the issue of a noble race. in the case of girl-labour the trouble is intensified, partly because the occupations of young girls are mostly of a description requiring a bodily posture which works untold evil in their future health and fitness. needlework, laundry-work and typewriting are cases in point. housework, with which every young girl should be familiar at a reasonably early age, becomes an intolerable check to womanly growth when overdone. factory life and "home" labour are equally objectionable where children are forced by parental pressure, or the exigences of economic circumstance to earn bread for themselves or to contribute to the family sustenance. i close this chapter abruptly, fully realising that eugenic zeal has carried me beyond any narrow view of elementary education, and will inevitably lead the nation into economic controversy. the history of all reform encourages us to persevere. neither fears of expense, nor metaphysical considerations of parental duty, nor sentimental objections to state intrusion have prevented a nation (when faced with a foreign foe) pledging all its resources, taking sons from mothers and husbands from wives, and using land, railways and stores to prosecute a war deemed necessary for national defence. i am convinced that we have only to realise the national danger and we shall heartily follow the eugenic lead, even if it costs us the price of a fifth-rate war. chapter vii eugenics and the modern feminist movement eugenics is not essentially concerned with the right to vote nor is eugenics specially interested in such abstract questions as the relative voting qualifications of the sexes. if these things really weighed at all eugenics would naturally favour fitness instead of sex as the qualification for electoral enfranchisement. at present eugenics views the feminist movement from the point of view of political power as a means to national efficiency. this standpoint is the more natural because there is every reason to believe that while the objective of the feminist is nominally votes for women it is actually an assertion of woman's all-round equality with men. i believe it will be a perilous enterprise, fraught with grave danger to the state if women successfully organise as a sex-party, prepared to study every question from the special interests or supposed interests of women. however much this definite policy may be repudiated it is a genuine danger, to which a prolonged suffrage agitation is bound, ostensibly or unintentionally, to contribute. it is to the interest of all who do not take a sex-party view of citizenship to abbreviate this struggle. it seems illogical, unnatural and undesirable that there should be a sex-basis of citizenship rights. all deprecation of anything even remotely approaching a sex-war is an argument for the acknowledgment of women's claim to electoral equality with men. it is incredible that the mere extension of the franchise can create a revolution; a revolution is historically rather to be expected from refusing the suffrage to a class containing intelligent, capable law-abiding adults. let us not deceive ourselves, however, as to the real meaning of the claim for women's electoral emancipation. whether that demand is granted or not the moral and intellectual driving-force of the agitation comes from a genuine reforming spirit, which will succeed with or without the vote in elevating woman to a position more worthy of civilisation than she has hitherto occupied. so much is certain to those who recognise in mrs. chapman catt, dr. anna shaw and the english suffragettes the inspiration of mary woolstonecraft, the radical pioneer who first said "woman must be free." a conspiracy of men to hinder women's emancipation might provoke a sex-war, the granting of such freedom as women claim can only end in mutual honour. women will learn to realise and respect the differences between men and women when those differences do not wear the unmistakable taint of inequalities. the eugenists' hope is for a peaceful solution, for the peace of the home is the hope of the child. the child is apt to be forgotten when men and women quarrel. there are undoubtedly many property questions mixed up with the electoral claim, and the former have a genuine eugenic side to them. it is not in the interests of the race that mothers should be in any doubt as to their immunity from financial worry during child-birth pains, or that they should have to consider any merely sordid question in deciding whether or not a perfectly healthy mother should increase the nation's stock of perfectly fit citizens. the position of a wealthy man's wife in the present day is often an anomalous one. where the husband was rich at the time of his wedding, marriage-contracts usually protect the wife's interests to some extent. in the much commoner cases of gradually increasing wealth, of wealth coming unexpectedly or as the result of years of protected operations, the wife depends absolutely on her husband's good will. often enough her exertions have helped to find this fortune. her influence on his life is frequently an indispensable asset. her care of the children she has borne give her a sentimental claim which justice cannot ignore. it is intolerable that husbands becoming rich men should be entitled to speculate and gamble with the whole of what should be considered the joint capital of the family, without obtaining the consent of the actual working partner. he should be at liberty neither to "deal" unauthorisedly with what might be considered the family's share of his fortune, nor to alienate by testamentary legacy anything beyond a fair proportion away from those who have the first claim upon his goods. in order to defraud his creditors or for less criminal reasons a man has often used his wife as a convenient banker. it will be easier to check this species of cheating when the wife herself becomes a creditor. in the poorest circles where man and woman are equally destitute of worldly wealth this woman's property question is too inseparably mixed with the whole economic problem to be stated solely in terms of eugenics. eugenics does not profess to point out the lines on which the problem of poverty is to be solved. eugenics only says that certain conditions (inconsistent with destitution) have to be observed if we want the race to improve and to save the nation from absolute decay. it is up to our politicians to find the means by which these conditions can be observed. a nation converted to the gospel of eugenics will not boggle at providing the means for saving itself. middle-class women have a genuine grievance which is becoming articulate. the women-workers claim equal wages for equal work, and married women claim wages for the work they perform as housekeepers, nurses or cooks, or all three. if there is anything at all in the idea of attracting the best workers by high wages the women will win. it will be a misfortune to eugenics if for any monetary reason the best women are attracted to commercial careers rather than to domestic duties, but women-workers will succeed by combination while wives will win only if legislation favours them. legislation must and will be forthcoming to prevent the comparative attractiveness of motherhood from sinking still lower in the scale than at present. the most important question which many suffragists are preparing to face is to whom shall women look for their support. there is of course for the daughters of the rich an inheritance which places them above the vulgar struggle which ninety per cent. of our women have to face. for this great majority the alternatives to state-maintenance are generally speaking marriage or the labour-market. there is much to be said for the state-provision of maintenance for motherhood, which is elsewhere referred to. the principle is neither new nor revolutionary. most states make some provision of the kind, and this state-provision is often excellent in efficiency but frequently quite demoralising in the restrictions with which it is hedged. obviously with no eugenic inspiration state-helps of the kind can never be anything but a stop-gap which self-respecting women will not seek voluntarily and which will always be given grudgingly. its conditions will no longer degrade but will tend towards race improvement by encouraging the fit and warning the weak and diseased. for this double purpose the state will employ ladies to visit poor mothers so as to make sure that at least no mother shall want for food, shelter and the best medical attention, while she is assisting in what will be universally regarded as the highest and best interests of the nation. if state-subventions of this kind are beset with restrictions, what are we to say to "charitable" enterprises. some few are ideal institutions, the vast majority are only justifying their existence by doing badly what would be otherwise left undone. some exist merely because medical students must have some experience of maternity cases, sometimes the accommodation for mothers is so scanty compared with the number of students that many score of students attend a single mother, whose experience in such a case is not an enviable one. neither charity nor the present limited state-aid touch the larger question. it would almost seem as if the state and the charities had a grudge against motherhood. it is as if some monstrous misunderstanding of malthusianism had led these authorities to believe that the interests of the race demanded the accentuation of the primal course. "in sorrow," indeed, do the poor "bring forth children." there is a prejudice too against the noblest emotions of motherhood. cases are common where the relieving authorities, public or voluntary, faced with the absolute inability of a parent to contribute towards a child's keep, undertake the child's care under conditions which exclude the parents' continued interest in the child's welfare. a mother unexpectedly widowed is "relieved" of her four young children who are sent sometimes to different orphanages, often at a distance from the mother who loves them and who would be their very best guardian. she has to find work amongst strangers to support herself, while losing money every "visiting day" if she can anyway get to see her children, whose aggregate keep costs actually more than would comfortably maintain them and their mother under ideal conditions. it is this almost fiendish masculine administration of the maternal functions of the public authorities which women most vehemently protest against. there seems no remedy for it except a recognition that a man cannot be a mother, not even a step-mother. apart from the maternal side of woman's life there is her individual life to consider, and while this is of enormous importance to herself its chief interest to eugenists (as such) is that only out of healthy and happy conditions of womanhood can a noble motherhood be expected to grow. slave-mothers are apt to breed slave-children, and still worse for the race slave-women are disinclined to become mothers. it is of course unfair to see no distinction between slavery which professes no fine sentiment towards its chattel objects, and the refined system which places woman on a pedestal and worships her but denies her the elementary rights of citizenship. the eugenist ideal of marriage is the union of equality, two citizens joining together in love and wisdom and with such sanction of the state and the church as may be, with resultant harmony of life and its fruit in an increase of the truest wealth any state can possess, namely well-conceived, well-formed, and well-matured men and women. in the eugenist state there will be a determined enmity to the increased generations of the criminal, the weak-minded and the diseased. but if reform is forced on women by men, instead of being the spontaneous decision of a genuine democracy, the grossest tyranny will be perpetuated (however wise its object, humane its methods and eugenic its result). a benevolent despotism might be endured in its disposition of the issues of war, the production of wealth, or the distribution of honours, nothing but the sovereign will of the people can be tolerated in the eugenic field, and here if nowhere else woman being essentially concerned must have an equal voice with man. where women cannot be convinced that eugenic reform is in the interests of the race we must trust to personal persuasion, individual example and such public opinion as we are capable of influencing. the powers of the state must not be invoked in the face of popular protest, it will be to the interests of eugenists that such protest shall be able to express itself in the ballot-box instead of by surreptitious evasion or mob-law. the double standard in morals must go. whatever our standard may be it must be colour-blind as regards sex. the modern feminist movement is in harmony with eugenic science, in insisting on this point being made clear. for ages past masculine hypocrisy has been able to exact from the opposite sex a crushing worship of mrs. grundy, by the simple expedient of ruling men out of the conventions they dictated to women. the time has come for a candid reconsideration of moral problems on the basis of sex-equality. it may be that some fine sentiments will vanish, perhaps women will descend from the dizzy height where they are supposed to dwell. truth at least will gain, pretence will give place to reality and we shall be capable of postulating a new and better morality based on the essential facts of life. to the consideration of the best possible life for men and women must be added the eugenic claims of the race. we live and die but the race continues, heirs of our perfection, inheritors of our defects. we pass, but we must think of those to whom this heritage passes. the strong woman mated to the strong man is proud of a posterity which will do them honour. the woman-movement aims at removing the obstacles to this endeavour. the tragedy of the woman's life is when either her own or her husband's unfitness to bear anything but a tainted stock is disregarded by law, custom and the brutality of lustful bestiality. she who might be, as she desires to be, the guardian of the nation's truest interests, is overpowered and compelled to be the medium of national pollution. this knowledge strengthens the women's agitation; the determination to end such a shameful degradation makes the women's movement irresistible. chapter viii positive and negative eugenics this little volume would sadly fail to convey its author's meaning if dogmatism stood in the way of persuasion, or authority seemed to be claimed for the tentative suggestions herein outlined. there is no immediate danger that eugenic principles will suddenly rush society into extreme action. the probabilities are quite in the opposite direction. we shall continue to see what has always been observed by thinkers, namely, "decency and custom starving truth, and blind authority beating with his staff the child which might have led him." valuable experiments are delayed by prejudice, and eugenists have only too good ground for complaint that the scientific spirit is thwarted by prejudiced opposition to new ideas. the very absence of dogmatism which characterises the genuine thinker serves as the basis of opposition in his experiments. because he does not glibly guarantee universal success like a patent-pill advertiser nothing whatever is done to obtain a criterion of judging how far his reasonable proposals can succeed. the failure of all other attempts to improve the race may force upon the public the necessity of eugenic experiments. as has been said more than once, philanthropy has failed, politics has failed, rescue work has failed, perhaps eugenics may not fail, for it is based on the impregnable rock of science, it proceeds on the sound lines of prevention, it aims to start at the beginning of things, to build up a new race if not of supermen at least of sound healthy human beings. the lethal chamber is _not_ a eugenic remedy. it is the last heart-broken despairing cry of the old unscientific system. it is the only final alternative to eugenics. it means that man has failed. it has neither sense, sentiment, nor science for its justification. it substitutes murder for moral method. eugenics on the other hand starts out with the principle that there is nothing so sacred as life. that the lethal chamber for the aged, diseased, infirm, and unfit is barbarous and immoral, that it is utterly indefensible, and would be absolutely ineffective if not ridiculously impracticable. there is not much need to waste further consideration on a project from which every healthy citizen naturally revolts. it has to be categorically repudiated lest it should be mistakenly regarded as a eugenic proposal. abortion and infanticide are equally condemned by eugenists, although on different grounds. infanticide is murder. it destroys the life of an actual human being. infanticide, though doubtless less reprehensible in degree than the lethal chamber idea, is in principle indistinguishable therefrom. it is the antithesis to the idea of eugenics. the state which can contemplate child-murder without horror is far indeed from being a humane state. sensitiveness to suffering is a sign of civilisation. wherever we find a live human being, however hopeless its condition may appear, universal experience has shown us that man's advance from savagedom depends on his using all his resources to save the final spark of life which remains. "while there's life there's hope" is a maxim which is based on the greatest need of mankind. eugenics deplores waste of effort that this entails, but there can be no doubt about its rightness or its justification by the universal consensus of progressive races. abortion may be condemned on religious and moral grounds, but the overwhelming weight of medical opinion against it is based on physiological reasons. no woman can be guilty of this practice without the greatest risks of physical damage. she jeopardises her life immediately and she generally deteriorates her capacity for future usefulness. eugenics will find a sphere of usefulness in the spread of this piece of saving knowledge. unmarried mothers and mothers in all spheres of society are terribly ignorant of the dangers of this common death-trap. the mere fact that the sale and procuration of drugs and use of means for purposes of abortion are criminal acts is not sufficient. the idea is prevalent that it is only the police who have to be evaded. our laws are not empiric, but their reason is seldom apparent to those who are expected to obey them. a few drugs, or a few pills--how easy it all seems--and how fatal. eugenists do not want the law altered, but they want the added deterrent of reason. there may be a chance of evading the law, there is none of evading the bodily injury which inevitably accompanies abortion. i have already shown that malthusian arguments do not appeal to eugenists. this is not to say that malthusian methods are also condemned. malthusian prognostications have not been fulfilled, its statistics have been superseded, and its conclusions modified by the process of the suns. the world does not contain too many people, it only contains too many of the wrong sort of people. production has not only kept pace with population, it has raced it. intensive cultivation, new treatments of the soil, scientific rotation of crops and scientific agriculture rendering rotation unnecessary, new economic inducements to cultivate hitherto waste lands, discoveries and inventions of all kinds have taken away from malthusianism the unduly pessimistic philosophy with which it once tried to frighten the race. malthusianism will always be remembered with gratitude, however, for its practical methods and for its refusing to confuse marriage with procreation. that distinction still needs to be borne in mind because otherwise half our eugenic efforts will be wasted by directing ourselves to a problem which does not exist. it is impossible to assail the proposition that a moral married life is consistent with a prudential check on increased population. this prudential check need not necessarily be a material one. even a tolstoyan may be a married man. abstinence in due season in the case of normal adults is or may be nature's plan for increasing virility at other seasons. the most prolific parents may be pardoned for resting occasionally from their protracted persistency of race-production. eugenists object to weakening virility by sacrificing fitness for mere numbers, but it is in the essence of their demand that the race shall, "increase and multiply and replenish the earth." the objection (which eugenists share with the majority of the american public) to anything remotely resembling infanticide must have some definite proof of its sincerity. eugenists denounce the new decalogue of current morality which says: "thou shalt not kill,--but needs not strive officiously to keep alive." the eugenist does not desire to detract from the responsibility of parenthood, but rather to increase it. on the other hand whatever steps may be taken against neglectful, vicious or unnatural parents, the race interests demand that the child shall not suffer. a new responsibility must be added to parentage--the parent of the race is the state, which must be vigilant to protect the child from the faults and follies of fathers who fail in their most essential duties. a child should be guaranteed loving parents or failing these a never failing foster-parent, in a paternal state. in the recognition of its duties as step-mother, the state will in self-defence protect its maternal arms from the influx of undesirables. the universal endowment of motherhood may be a socialist dream rather than a eugenic practical proposal, but even the eugenists' demand for the state to act as step-mother involves an expenditure which will probably amount to the cost of a national war. it is part of our case that the money spent is an investment certain to pay big dividends in the shape of increased national efficiency. it is in any case inevitable. public sentiment cannot tolerate this idiotic waste of the noblest of all raw material. it will be not the least of its advantages that the state will at length be directly interested, financially and therefore most deeply, in stopping the supply of the unfit--a bad investment at the best, requiring a maximum of trouble, and a continuous source of damage. the sterilisation of the unfit has become a regular experience in a number of states. it has outlived its detractors wherever it has been practised. it remains necessary now only to convert its objectors in other states, and to gradually extend its beneficent operation and the sphere of its activities. naturally it begins with the habitual criminal. of absolute success in the states where it has been tried it will be far more effective when it is applied in the more populous centres and when it becomes impossible for the permanently criminal to escape its attention. sterilisation as now recommended and performed by our highest scientific authorities is in no sense cruel, it is not even painful. it must not be confounded with the mutilations of earlier centuries, it leaves the person operated on possessed of every faculty for use and capacity for happiness, it only takes away the power of reproduction. the first extension of the plan has been to the certified hopeless idiot. these two classes and the inmates of homes for incurable drunkards represent a very easy definition of those who should be treated to this operation. in the case of the criminal it will enable very great mercy to be extended. sterilisation will not be a mere added infliction of a degrading punishment, it will substitute an awful warning for a long imprisonment. only those criminals will be sterilised whose chronic criminality is proved after repeated convictions and form a study of what facts are ascertainable as to their hereditary history. they will leave the jail knowing that society regards them as unworthy to be parents, or if they themselves are also too dangerous to be let at large their close confinement will be rarely necessary. the eugenist does not propose to extend the operation of sterilisation beyond the classes above mentioned. it does not, however, regard these as exhausting the categories of undesirable procreators. already there are numerous suffering and semi-cured adults whose children would inherit the diseases, weaknesses, and evil tendencies of their ancestors. tuberculosis, syphilis and st. vitus's dance sufferers are specimens of this class. as eugenics advances we may learn more of the racial poisons, and a scientific black-list may be drawn up of those hereditary taints which inflict most harm on the community. doctors should have to notify the authorities of these diseases and the patient should be encouraged to frankness and helped to a cure. in all such cases kind but firm warning must be given against procreation. the failure to heed such warning should inevitably result in imprisonment--a very short term will suffice, for with eugenics established as a rule of society, the state could afford to be patient. the elimination of the unfit would make rapid strides, and the offspring of tainted parents evading the law in one generation would be less and less likely to escape in the next generation. it may be that the state will be contented with the negative side of eugenics. it may be that it is the more important because we are daily increasing the elements which if not checked will destroy our civilisation. negative eugenics is as imperative a necessity as the protection of our coasts from invasion or the destruction of potato blight. positive eugenics represents the attempt to encourage breeding from every healthy stock. its methods will vary with the views of society from time to time. its machinery will be by state-interference or by private experimental enterprise according as socialist or individualist ideals are current. i do not wish to commit eugenists who are by no means agreed on this point, but my personal view is that individual experiments cannot possibly go far beyond public opinion, whereas, "the state can do no wrong" if it endows, undertakes and is responsible for experiments limited in extent but far reaching in principle, so long as such experiments are based on scientific probabilities and are supported by enlightened competent judges and do not outrage the humane sentiment of the race. drastic individual experiments, involving however few people, will always be subject to interference at critical moments by mobs, governments, vigilance societies, etc. it is not wise to ignore this factor; it is not necessary even to deprecate it; nay, it has its advantages. the omnipotence of the state rests not merely in its power of arms; a state experiment, even though not initiated by the people, can be stopped by the people. the electors' power ultimately to interfere makes for tolerance. while drastic experiments must be left to democracy acting through its elected governors, there is ample scope for other features of positive eugenics. one of these is the endowment of worthy young couples too poor otherwise to marry. the ideal of celibacy stands self-condemned. where successful it means race-suicide, where unsuccessful it means hypocrisy and a thousand other horrors. what then can we think of the fact that millions of dollars have been spent in endowing monasteries, nunneries, brotherhoods and all the other ancient and modern forms of celibate stultification of probably perfectly potential parents. add to these millions the other millions spent in endowing the worst and least capable in prisons, asylums and in often demoralising charities. then bear in mind that the endowment of the healthy for eugenic purposes, for the regeneration of mankind, is absolutely unknown. a millionaire who loves his kind could scarcely do better with his money than the establishment, under proper supervision, of a fund which would encourage human efficiency. there is no fame so lasting as the glory which would attach to such a fund. it would be greater than a nobel name, its prizes would be more keenly competed for than for "marathon" or "america" cups. its winners would become a new aristocracy, and for the first time in the history of the world noble families would be founded on a blending of ancestral and personal merit, aristocratic, indeed, because the best become personally powerful, but absolutely democratic in that neither class, caste nor creed are allowed to count in the selection. from this aristocracy a new knighthood might be formed. degeneration would mean exclusion. improvement would mean increased honours. new standards of efficiency, mental, moral and physical, would be evolved for the guidance of the race. an american model of this kind would speedily find imitators abroad. the real struggle for race supremacy would be concentrated on the eugenic groups. competitions, challenges and contests between national groups might eclipse in interest all the other exhibits in future international expositions. the daily work of eugenic education is independent of these short cuts to the eugenics millennium. the dissemination of ascertained facts about heredity is urgently necessary. it may be news to many that there are hundreds of institutions throughout our land where accurate information has been carefully collected for many years. the antecedents of inmates of prisons, asylums and "homes" have been patiently scheduled, classified and studied. only money and public interest are wanted to make this vital information known. investigations of this kind need also to be made universal. it is not enough that institutions should relieve the present sufferers. they can only justify their existence by contributing to our desire for the eradication of suffering. it should be made a condition of public support that the most useful kind of inquiries should be made, and be placed at the disposal of all who are interested. it is useless throwing pages of undigested statistics at the public, this is mere waste of effort. with the facts and figures in existence and accessible, centres of scientific study such as a eugenics laboratory should be, will be able to present to the public the living issues which those dead figures mean. it would, however, be contrary to the spirit of eugenics to confine attention to the sadder side of statistics. it is of infinite importance that we should understand and cultivate fitness, and therefore we want the systematic collection of family histories relating to our noblest, best and worthiest. here state-interference is out of place. voluntary work on the part of enthusiastic eugenists would soon succeed in obtaining information of great value. few families would refuse to impart through private channels ancestral facts, particularly as the mere inquiry would imply a compliment. the chinese worship of ancestors would have a modern scientific interpretation, in the honour which would be won by the founders of fine families, a study of whose history would be an inspiration and a help to the race. the advocates of eugenics are prepared for small beginnings but they have enormous faith in its future. there is no desire and no need to exaggerate the present tentative claims. to the many it is still necessary to ask for the intellectual hospitality of impartial consideration. even to the convinced we only appeal for judicious experiment. to the religious our work comes as a harmonious exercise of the best with which the eternal will of the universe has endowed us. to the evolutionist eugenics represents the study and expression of nature's plan. to the humane our work appeals as it assures mankind of a curtailment of human suffering. we lay new laurels on graves of the honoured dead and write new epitaphs glorifying the ancestors of the worthy living. we reverence the cradle containing the hope of the race, we think of past and present as the womb of the future. appendix a _maternity maintenance, or state subventions to mothers_ medical attendance first and foremost comes the need for qualified medical and nursing attendance on the mother and the newly born infant. at present many mothers go almost unattended in their hour of need; many tens of thousands more have attendance that comes too late, or is quite inadequately qualified; hundreds of thousands of others fail to get the nursing and home assistance that is required to prevent long-continued suffering and ill-health to mothers and children alike. the local health authorities ought to be required to provide within its area qualified medical attendance, including all necessary nursing, for all cases of child-birth of which it has received due notice. there is no reason why this should not be done as a measure of public health, free of charge to the patient, in the same way as vaccination is provided for all who do not object to that operation; and on the same principle that led to the gratuitous opening of the hospitals, to any person suffering from particular diseases quite irrespective of his means. what is, however, important is that the necessary medical attendance and nursing shall _always_ be provided. if the community prefers to recover the cost from such patients as can clearly afford to pay--say, for instance, those having incomes above a prescribed amount--instead of from everybody in the form of rates and taxes, this (as with the payment for admission to an isolation hospital) may be an intermediate stage. in one way or another, there must be no child-birth without adequate attendance and help to the mother. _pure milk_ at present many tens of thousands of infants perish simply from inanition in the first few days or weeks after birth. in town and country alike many hundreds of thousands of families find the greatest difficulty, even when they can pay for it, in buying milk of reasonable purity and freshness, or in getting it just when they require it, or often indeed in getting it at all. the arguments in favour of the municipalisation of the milk supply are overwhelming in strength. but an even stronger case can be made out for the systematic provision by the local health authority, to every household in which a birth has taken place, of the necessary quantity of pure, fresh milk, in sealed bottles, delivered every day. whatever else is left undone, the necessary modicum of pure milk, whether taken by the mother or prepared for the child, might at any rate be supplied as the birth-right of every new-born citizen. _maternity pensions._ the next step must be the establishment of a system of maternity pensions free, universal, and non-contributory. if they be not universal, they will come as of favour, and be open to the objections rightly urged against all doles, public or private. a contributory scheme could only exist as part of a universal sick fund. if the contributions were optional the poorest mothers would get no pension at all. if they were compulsory on a fixed scale, the scheme would still further impoverish those it is intended to benefit. if the contributions were on a sliding scale, the pension would be smallest just where it is most necessary. to work out a pension scheme on the basis of compensation for loss of the mother's earnings would at once involve a sliding scale such as is in force in germany and austria, which would be unfair in the working, and benefit the poorest least. moreover, the theory is fallacious, inasmuch as it views the woman as a worker and not as a mother. let the pension be regarded rather as the recompense due to the woman for a social service, second to none that can be rendered. the time will come when the community will set a far higher value on that service than it does at present. but at present the main point is to tide the mother over a time of crisis as best we may. how long should the pension last? the average duration of a maternity case inside a hospital appears to be a fortnight. the normal period during which upper class mothers keep their beds is three weeks, but for some time after leaving bed, the mother is incapable of any active work without harm to herself. many internal diseases and nervous complaints as well as a good deal of the drinking among women, have their origin in getting about too soon. for some weeks at least, whether the mother nurses her baby or not, she requires much more than ordinary rest and nourishment. these considerations apply also, though in a less degree, to the period preceding confinement. under the law of great britain, the period of enforced cessation from factory work is four weeks. the same period is prescribed in holland and belgium. in switzerland the period is eight weeks. these laws, though of great value, are often cruel in the working, as they deprive the woman of wages without compensation just at the time she needs money most. the result is they are often evaded. germany and austria have recognised this. in germany women are forbidden to work for six weeks after confinement. but the insurance law of germany provides women with free medical attendance, midwife and medicine, and in addition with an allowance not exceeding seventy-five per cent of her customary wage for the six weeks. there is further a provision that pregnant women unable to work should be allowed the same amount for not more than six weeks previous to confinement. a similar insurance system exists in austria and hungary. in some parts of germany, the municipality still goes further. in cologne, the working mother is given a daily grant to stay at home and suckle her child, and visitors see that this condition is fulfilled. the cologne system has been adopted by some municipalities in france. in leipsic, every illegitimate child becomes a ward of the municipality, which puts it out to nurse with certified persons who must produce it for inspection on demand. these provisions enable the government of germany to enforce the law against the employment of women in the last period of pregnancy without hardship to them. the compensation given to german mothers is already felt to be insufficient, but there is a difficulty in making it more generous arising from the fact that the system is a scheme of insurance; the benefits cannot be increased without a rise in the contribution. in a free pension scheme, this difficulty will not occur. a small beginning might be made by way of experiment to familiarise the public with the advantage of caring for maternity, with a knowledge that its scope could be extended indefinitely without dislocation of the scheme. but the period like the amount must be substantial even at first. if the pension is to have any permanent value it should extend over a period of at least eight weeks: about two weeks before and six weeks after the date on which the birth is expected to take place. the above is a brief resumé of the essential features of the british fabian society's scheme for the endowment of motherhood. in "fabian tract no. " (from which these extracts are made) $ . per week is suggested as a reasonable maternity allowance. appendix b. _sterilisation of the unfit._ the state legislatures of california, pennsylvania, oregon, indiana and connecticut have already passed measures to secure this object. on february th, , indiana passed the following act:-- * * * * * "an act entitled an act to prevent procreation of confirmed criminals, idiots, imbeciles, and rapists--providing, that superintendents or boards of managers of institutions where such persons are confined shall have the authority, and are empowered to appoint a committee of experts, consisting of two physicians, to examine into the mental condition of such inmates. "whereas heredity plays an important part in the transmission of crime, idiocy, and imbecility, therefore, be it enacted by the general assembly of the state of indiana, that on and after the passage of this act, it shall be compulsory for each and every institution in the state entrusted with the care of confirmed criminals, idiots, rapists, and imbeciles, to appoint upon its staff, in addition to the regular institution physician, two skilled surgeons of recognised ability, whose duty it shall be, in conjunction with the chief physician of the institution, to examine the mental and physical condition of such inmates as are recommended by the institutional physician and board of managers. "if in the judgment of this committee procreation is inadvisable and there is no probability of improvement of the mental condition of the inmate, it shall be lawful for the surgeons to perform such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall be decided safest and most effective. but this operation shall not be performed except in cases that have been pronounced unimprovable." * * * * * in august, , the connecticut state legislature enacted the following:-- "an act concerning operations for the prevention of procreation.--be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives in general assembly convened: "section .--the directors of the state prisons and the superintendents of state hospitals for the insane at middletown and norwich are hereby authorised and directed to appoint for each of said institutions, respectively, two skilled surgeons, who, in conjunction with the physician or surgeon in charge at each of said institutions, shall examine such persons as are reported to them by the warden, superintendent, or the physician or surgeon in charge, to be persons by whom procreation would be inadvisable. "such board shall examine the physical and mental condition of such persons, and their record and family history so far as the same can be ascertained, and if in the judgment of the majority of said board, procreation by any such person would produce children with an inherited tendency to crime, insanity, feeble-mindedness, idiocy, or imbecility, and there is no probability that the condition of any such person so examined will improve to such an extent as to render procreation by such person advisable, or, if the physical or mental condition of any such person will be substantially improved thereby then the said board shall appoint one of its members to perform the operation of vasectomy or oöphorectomy, as the case may be, upon such person. such operation shall be performed in a safe and humane manner, and the board making such examination, and the surgeon performing such operation, shall receive from the state such compensation, for services rendered, as the warden of the state prison or the superintendent of either of such hospitals shall deem reasonable. "section .--except as authorised by this act, every person who shall perform, encourage, assist in or otherwise promote the performance of either of the operations described in section of this act, for the purpose of destroying the power to procreate the human species: or any person who shall knowingly permit either of such operations to be performed upon such person--unless the same be a medical necessity--shall be fined not more than one thousand dollars, or imprisoned in the state prison not more than five years, or both." in california, in , the legislature passed a statute which provides that whenever in the opinion of the medical superintendent of any state hospital, or the superintendent of the california home for the care and training of feeble-minded children, or of the resident physician in any state prison, it would be conducive to the benefit of the physical, mental or moral condition of any inmate of such home, hospital or state prison, to be asexualised, then such superintendent or resident physician shall call into consultation the general superintendent of state hospitals and the secretary of the state board of health, and they shall jointly examine into all the particulars of the case, and if, in their opinion, or in the opinion of any two of them, asexualisation will be beneficial to such inmate, patient, or convict, they may perform the same. * * * * * the british commissioners in lunacy in their rd report to the lord chancellor, , briefly reviewing the report of the royal commission on the care and control of the feeble-minded, say: * * * * * "the royal commission devoted much attention to the causation of mental defect, and arrived at the conclusion that feeble-mindedness is largely inherited; that prevention of mentally defective persons from becoming parents would tend to diminish the numbers of such persons in the population; and that, consequently, there are the strongest grounds for placing mental defectives of each sex in institutions where they will be detained and kept under effectual supervision as long as may be necessary. public opinion would not, the royal commission think, sanction legislation directed to the prevention of hereditary transmission of mental defect by surgical or other artificial measures, and they regard restrictions on the marriage of persons of unsound mind as inadvisable, in view of the fact that this form of mental disability is often of a limited or temporary character. as respects, however, congenital and incurable forms of mental defect, no such considerations apply, and the only remedy is to place persons so suffering under such restrictions as to make procreation impossible. the royal commission were evidently much impressed by the evidence they received, which we can from our own experience amply corroborate, of the large number of weak-minded women and girls to be found in the work-houses throughout the country, who go there to be delivered of illegitimate children, and they invite your lordship and the secretary of state for the home department to consider whether the existing law provides adequate protection for mentally defective persons against sexual crime and immorality.... sterilisation of men can be effectively achieved by simple vasectomy or section of the vas deferens, and of women by the almost equally simple and harmless method of ligature of the fallopian tubes (kehrer's method as advocated by kisch). it would appear that both these operations may be effected by skilled hands in a few minutes with a minimum of pain and inconvenience, and they possess the immense advantage that the sexual glands are preserved, and no organ removed from the body.[ ] ( ) it is probable, also, that the method of sterilisation by x-rays may some day acquire practical importance. in this case there is no operation at all, though the effects do not last for more than a few years. this might be an advantage in some cases. see _british medical journal_, august th, ; ib. march th, ; ib. july th, ; ib. august st, ." [footnote: ] (havelock ellis in the "eugenics review," london, eng.) according to dr. havelock ellis swiss alienists are unanimously in favour of the sterilisation of the mentally degenerate classes and hold that this matter should be regulated by law. switzerland is the first european state which has adopted sterilisation as an alternative to the "indeterminate sentence" in the case of confirmed abnormalities and prisoners convicted of serious sexual offences against children. at wil in berne, two women and two men were incarcerated in the cantonal asylum. all were defectives but not strictly speaking insane. children had already been born in each case. to prevent further procreative degeneracy sterilisation was suggested and agreed to by the four persons who welcomed the operation as an alternative to detention. the result has justified the experiment. according to the _eugenics review_ there has actually been a marked change in the characters of the individuals and there is certainly no danger of their weaknesses being reproduced at the expense of the coming generation. the end * * * * * transcriber notes there is a quotation which begins on page but there is no endquote in the text. it is assumed that the quotation ends on page after the date august , . available by preservation department, kelvin smith library, case western reserve university (https://library.case.edu/ksl/aboutus/organization/preservation) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through preservation department, kelvin smith library, case western reserve university. see http://library.case.edu/digitalcase/datastreamdetail.aspx?pid=ksl:eugabs &dsid=eugabs .pdf transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). text enclosed by plus signs is underscored (+underscored+). male and female symbols are shown as [m] and [f] respectively and denoting physical defects as [m-] and [f-] respectively. subscripted numbers are enclosed by curly brackets following a single underscore (example: f_{ }). abstracts of papers read at the first international eugenics congress, [illustration] university of london. july, . english. charles knight & co., ltd., - , tooley street, london, s.e. contents. section i. biology and eugenics. page i. variation and heredity in man g. sergi. ii. on the increase of stature in certain european populations soren hansen. iii. the so-called laws of inheritance in man v. guiffrida-ruggeri. iv. the inheritance of fecundity raymond pearl. v. ethnic psychology and the science of eugenics enrico morselli. vi. the inheritance of epilepsy david f. weeks. vii. the influence of the age of parents on the psycho-physical characters of the offspring antonio marro. viii. genetics and eugenics r. c. punnett. section ii. practical eugenics. i. general considerations upon "education before procreation" a. pinard. ii. practical organization of eugenic action louis querton. iii. marriage laws and customs c. b. davenport. iv. eugenic selection and the origin of defects frÉdÉric houssay. v. preliminary report of the committee of eugenics section of the american breeders' association upon the best practical means for cutting off the defective germ plasm b. van wagenen. section iia. education and eugenics. vi. eugenics and the new social consciousness s. g. smith. vii. practical eugenics in education f. c. s. schiller. section iii. sociology and eugenics. i. the psycho-physical elite and the economic elite achille loria. ii. the cause of the inferiority of physical and mental characters in the lower social classes alfredo niceforo. iii. the fertility of marriages according to profession and social position lucien march. iv. eugenics and militarism vernon l. kellogg. v. eugenics in party organization r. michels. vi. the influence of race on history w. c. d. and c. d. whetham. vii. some inter-relations between eugenics and historical research f. a. woods. viii. demographical contributions to the problems of eugenics c. gini. ix. maternity statistics of the state of rhode island, state census of f. l. hoffmann. section iv. medicine and eugenics. i. the prophylaxis of hereditary syphilis and its eugenic effect h. hallopeau. ii. alcohol and eugenics a. mjoËn. iii. alcoholism and degeneracy m. magnan and m. fillassier. iv. eugenics and obstetrics agnes bluhm. v. heredity and eugenics in relation to insanity f. w. mott. vi. the place of eugenics in the medical curriculum h. e. jordan. vii. a healthy sane family showing longevity in catalonia i. valenti vivo. viii. some remarks on backward children raoul dupuy. section i. biology and eugenics. variation and heredity in man. (abstract.) by professor g. sergi, _professor of anthropology, rome_. in his paper professor g. sergi wishes to show that in man after his morphological characteristics are established there occur no profound variations to change the typical forms which are naturally persistent. the principal discussion concerns the different forms of the skull which are important as characteristics of race. professor sergi distinguishes in the human skull two principal and primordial forms: the dolichomorphic and the brachymorphic are both very ancient, as they are found contemporaneously in european human fossils. consequently he attacks the idea of the transformation of one form into another. he does not find it demonstrated that the dolichomorphic type is transformed into the brachymorphic, and considers the causes adduced for this supposed transformation insufficient. it is neither the effect of environment of the plains or of the mountains, or the climatic influence of extreme cold, or the increase of volume of the brain supposed to be due to greater cerebral activity owing to a more developed culture, that the form of the skull is transformed into another type. all these suppositions are contrary to facts, because dolichomorphic and brachymorphic skulls are found alike in mountain and plain, in northern and southern regions, among primitive and civilized populations, in fact without any distinction. the mutations that are believed to be found in the different populations are due to the effect of intermixture and penetration of new demographical elements, and not to the transformation of forms. that is also proved by the crossing of the two different human types from which no intermediary forms are derived: but instead there occurs in the heredity a segregation analagous to that under the mendelian theory. if this were not so, to-day after many thousands of years of intermixture of the most diverse races, there would be but a single form derived from transformation; the demonstration of the facts proves that this has not occurred. there is a great persistence in human physical forms, the variability is minimum after the formation of the races, and does not effect the changes of type. the same fact can be noticed for the external characteristics of man, such as the colour of the skin, the colour and form of the hair, and the colour of the iris. it is solely in the crossings that there can be intermediary formations which have not indefinite heredity, because the segregation of characteristics takes place also in this case. but the studies and observations on this matter are still incomplete, especially according to the mendelian theory, and there is need of new and careful observation. as to the pathological inheritance, there exist facts that confirm it in a general way, but the laws under which this heredity occurs have not been fully verified. on the increase of stature in certain european populations. (abstract.) by soren hansen, m.d., _director of the danish anthropological survey, copenhagen._ the improvement in stature in many european countries during the past years is generally ascribed simply to improved hygienic and economic conditions, but the question is really very intricate. the presence of different racial elements, social selection with its tendency to draw the well-made into towns, and the falling death-rate, etc., complicate the investigations. in all countries there is a great lack of truly comparable data from earlier years. the british inter-departmental committee on physical deterioration, for example, though it collected an enormous amount of material, was unsuccessful in its endeavours to solve the main question. single cases, e.g., the comparison of factory children with the boys of the york quaker school (anthropometric committee, brit. ass. ), are certainly of great interest, but how can such cases be taken to represent the average? other countries possess a rich source of information in their conscription lists. thus, in denmark these lists show an unmistakable increase of . cm. ( - / inch) in the average height of the adult dane during the past - years. similar increases are noted from norway, sweden and holland. this increase suggests that there may have been more or less periodic waves of increase and decrease in height, since, on the one hand, we cannot imagine such an increase continuing indefinitely, and on the other, we know that the men of, say, years ago were quite as tall as they are at present. what are the agencies alternately improving or impairing the racial qualities? first of all, have we sufficiently exact, numerical information regarding the racial qualities? a critical examination of all available data is very necessary. for example, the weight of new-born children is stated to have increased in england by and grams during the past years, and in denmark we can point to an increase of grams in years. but when we consider all the possible sources of error, it must be admitted that these statements, and especially the former, require confirmation. the material is not homogenous. again, it is stated, that the average height of adult women in france has increased by cm. in the last years--but when we read that the total number of measurements in the last period was only , we cannot rely very much upon this statement. on the whole, it may be said, that we have a few cases of definite increase and a goodly number very doubtful. we really need to have the first of the principal recommendations of the inter-departmental committee on physical deterioration carried out in all countries, for, the more we subject the available data to critical scrutiny, the more we see the hopelessness of attaining to any real and fruitful conclusions, unless we have an efficient organisation of capable workers, backed by governmental as well as private support. the so-called laws of inheritance in man. (abstract.) by professor v. guiffrida-ruggeri, _professor of anthropology, naples._ the mendelian laws find verification in man. every race, whether a sub-species or a variety, has an hereditary possession of certain characters; a possession which is completely transmitted to the descendants, in whom is preserved the same germ plasm as in the progenitors. the researches of c. b. and g. davenport seem to have proved the recessive character of albinism and its obedience to the mendelian law. hurst has presented figures which show that the inheritance of colour in the iris of the human eye obeys mendelian laws. davenport has established the order of dominance by the form of hair, which also obeys the mendelian law. de quatrefages, many years before the re-affirmation of mendel's discoveries, wrote:-- "the union of individuals of different races involves a contest between their two natures--a contest of which the theatre is the field where the new being is organised. now, this contest does not take place _en bloc_, so to speak, as has been generally admitted. each of the characters of the two parents struggles on its own account against the corresponding character (its antagonist, as has just been said). when the hereditary energy is equal on both sides there necessarily ensues a kind of process of which the consequence is the fusion of the maternal and paternal characters in an intermediate character. if the energies are very unequal the hybrid inherits a character borrowed entirely from one of his parents; but this parent, conqueror on one point, may be conquered upon another. hence, there results with the hybrid a _juxtaposition_ of characters derived from each of the types of which he is the child." above all, i have wished to call attention to the so-called laws of dominance, because of their great importance. we may conclude that in the case of man the dominant characters are also the original ones. the inheritance of fecundity. (abstract.) by raymond pearl, _biologist, maine agricultural experiment station._ the purpose of this paper is to give an account (necessarily abbreviated, and without presentation of complete evidence) of the results of an investigation into the mode of inheritance of fecundity in the domestic fowl, and to point out some of the possible eugenic bearings of these results. it is shown that while the continued selection, over a period of years, of highly fecund females failed to bring about any change in average fecundity of the strain used, this character must nevertheless be inherited since pedigree lines have been isolated which uniformly breed true to definite degrees of fecundity. it is further shown that observed variations in actually realized fecundity (number of eggs laid) do not depend upon anatomical differences in respect to the number of visible oöcytes in the ovary. the differential factor on which the variations in fecundity depend must be primarily physiological. fecundity in the fowl is shown to be inherited in strict accord with the following mendelian plan:-- . observed individual variations in fecundity depend essentially upon two separately inherited physiological factors (designated l_{ }, and l_{ }). . _high_ fecundity is manifested only when both of these factors are present together in the same individual. . either of these factors when present alone, whether in homozygous or heterozygous form, causes about the same degree of _low_ fecundity to be manifested. . one of these factors, namely l_{ }, is sex-limited or sex-correlated in its inheritance, in such way that in gametogenesis any gamete which bears the female sex-determinant f does not bear l_{ }. . there is a definite and clear-cut segregation of high fecundity from low fecundity, in the manner set forth above. from the standpoint of eugenics it is pointed out that these results furnish a new conception of the mode of inheritance of fecundity, and may be helpful in suggesting a method of attacking the same problem for man. ethnic psychology and the science of eugenics. (abstract.) by prof. enrico morselli, _director of the clinic for mental and nervous diseases, genoa university_. all natural varieties or races of mankind differ, not only by their physical, but also by their mental, characters. there exists, therefore, an "ethnic psychology" which, along with "ethnic somatology," constitutes the complete science of anthropology or the natural history of man. this must describe and classify races and populations under a double aspect--physical and psychical. the psychical characters of races are in part _original_, and in part acquired through _adaptation_. these persist in a race as long as such mesological adaptation lasts; they vary with modifications of the conditions of life, including social activities and inter-racial relations. in mixed unions, amongst different races, there are always some which are more vigorous, biologically and mentally, more fully developed, which impress their characters upon their descendants. for the vitality and well-being of mixed or metamorphic populations a certain amount of difference amongst the parent races is necessary, but too great a difference is injurious to the offspring. the offspring of mixed unions present in their psychology a _mixture_, again a _combination_ or fusion of the mental characters of the parent races: sometimes certain psychical characters of a race become the _dominant_ characters. all ethnic groupings have their destiny marked out by the grade attained in _the human psycho-physical hierarchy_. nevertheless, it is necessary that each race or nation, when it knows its contribution to the development of universal civilisation, should contemplate the preservation of its own ethnic type. differentiation amongst peoples is an indispensable factor in human progress. the science of eugenics should not look for the realisation of a uniform type of man, but vary its aims and methods according to the natural differentiation of races and nations, taking account of ethnic psychology equally with ethnic somatology. the humanity of the future will be physically and mentally superior to the existing humanity, but the _amelioration of the species_ ought not to aim at the equality of races and populations. these races and populations ought not to lose their acquisition of particular adaptations to different conditions of existence. a science of universal or common eugenics should allow a eugenic ethnology to exist, which should indicate and facilitate for each race or nation the defence and propagation of its own _physical type_ and its own _mentality_. the most vigorous and dominant races will always be those which know how to create and preserve in sexual unions their characteristics of structure and culture. the inheritance of epilepsy. (abstract.) by david fairchild weeks, m.d., _medical superintendent and executive officer, the new jersey state village for epileptics at skillman, u.s.a._ in this paper the writer has endeavoured to learn what laws, if any, epilepsy follows in its return to successive generations, and the relation it bears to alcoholism, migraine, paralysis, and other symptoms of lack of neural strength. the data used in the study was analysed according to the mendelian method which assumes that the inheritance of any character is not from the parents, grandparents, etc., but from the germ plasm out of which every fraternity and its parents and other relatives have arisen. if the soma possesses the trait of the recessive to normality sort, it lacks in its germ plasm the determiner upon which the normal development depends, and this condition is called nulliplex. if the soma possesses the trait of the dominant to normality sort, the determiner was derived from both parents and is double in the germ plasm, or normal, all of the germ cells have the determiner; or else it came from one parent only, is single in the germ plasm, or simplex, and half of the germ cells have and half lack the determiner. the method of obtaining the data was by means of field workers, who interviewed in their homes the parents, relatives and all others interested in the epileptic patient. these visits have established a friendly feeling toward and an intelligent understanding of the institution and its work. the study is based on the data derived from histories, covering matings. the matings are classified under the six possible types, of nulliplex × nulliplex, nulliplex × simplex, nulliplex × normal, simplex × simplex, simplex × normal, and normal × normal. under the first type all those matings where both parents were epileptic, one was epileptic and the other feeble-minded, or both were feeble-minded, are classified. according to mendel's law, all of the children should be nulliplex. the data showed all of the children defective. under the type nulliplex × simplex, all matings where one parent was epileptic or feeble-minded and the other "tainted," that is, alcoholic, neurotic, migrainous, or showed some mental weakness, are classified. from this type of mating, % of the offspring are expected to be nulliplex and % simplex. from the matings where one parent was epileptic or feeble-minded and the other alcoholic, there were % mentally deficient or nulliplex, the remainder simplex. the figures for the offspring from the other matings showed % nulliplex, and % simplex. for the third type, nulliplex by normal, all those matings where one parent was epileptic or feeble-minded and the other reported as mentally normal are classified. from this type of mating, the expectations are that all of the children would be simplex. a study of the ancestors of the normal parents showed these parents simplex rather than normal. the analysis of the offspring showed at least % nulliplex, which is a close fitting to the type of mating nulliplex × simplex. the fourth type of mating is simplex × simplex. here, all matings where both of the parents were "tainted" are classified. the expectation is that % of the offspring would be nulliplex, in reality % were found to be mentally deficient. simplex × normal is the fifth type of mating considered. the matings where one parent was tainted and the other supposedly normal, are classified here. from a study of their ancestors these normal parents appeared to be simplex, and the classification of the offspring showed more than % nulliplex, which is the expectation from simplex × simplex mating. the sixth type is normal × normal, and the matings where both parents were reported normal is studied under this heading. here, as before, a study of the ancestors of these normal parents indicates that they are simplex, and not normal. the classification of the children showed a close fitting to the expectation from a simplex × simplex mating. a special study of the matings where one or both of the parents was migrainous or alcoholic, shows a close relationship between these conditions and epilepsy. the following conclusions are drawn from the study. the common types of epileptics lack some element necessary for complete mental development. this is also true of the feeble-minded. two epileptic parents produce only defectives. when both parents are either epileptic or feeble-minded their offspring are also mentally defective. epilepsy tends in successive generations to form a larger part of the population. the normal parents of epileptics are not normal but simplex, and have descended from tainted ancestors. alcohol may be a cause of defect in that more children of alcoholic parents are defective than where alcoholism is not a factor. neurotic and other tainted conditions are closely allied with epilepsy. in the light of present knowledge, epilepsy, considered by itself, is not a mendelian factor, but epilepsy and feeble-mindedness are mendelian factors of the recessive type. tainted individuals, as neurotics, alcoholics, criminals, sex offenders, etc., are simplex and normals or simplex and normal in character. the influence of the age of parents on the psycho-physical characters of the offspring. (abstract.) by antonio marro, _director of the lunatic asylum, turin._ the natural law of heredity holds good whether for the physical characteristics or for those which are biological and moral. the apparent anomalies which children present in not reproducing the qualities of the parents, and the unlikeness frequently noted among the children of the same family, only serve to reveal the presence of the particular conditions of the parents at the time of begetting which has influenced the offspring. we have a proof of this law in the anomalies presented by the children of parents who, at the time of begetting, were themselves in anomalous conditions by reason of intoxication or disease. among the conditions of parents which are capable of influencing the characteristics of children must be included the changes which their organism undergoes by reason of advancing age. i propose to study the effects of age on the physical and moral characters of the children. my researches have extended to numerous criminals and insane persons, as well as to scholars of the public schools and other normal persons affected or not with special diseases. of my studies on criminals, the result is: that the children of young parents are found in large numbers guilty of offences against property; and this is natural. the first impulse to that is not due to wickedness, which impels them to inflict harm on others, but to love of pleasure, of revel, of idleness--all features of youth, during which period the passions are very active, and no restraint present with which to repress and subjugate them. swindlers alone are exceptions to this rule, but swindling is a crime of riper years, according to the dictum of quetelet. among crimes of personal violence, i have found a numerical superiority in the children of aged parents. assassins, homicides, those who show the completest absence of sentiments of affection and often delusions of persecution more or less pronounced, gave a proportion of children of aged parents far greater than that furnished by all the other categories of delinquents; the proportion is as high for fathers as for mothers of advanced age. here, too, we note a certain correlation between the state of discontent, of suspicion, of frigid egoism, which the decline of physical energy tends to arouse in the old, and the absence of affectionate sentiment and a tendency to delusions of persecution which are usual in murderers. among the insane, moral idiocy in particular, and the degenerative forms in general, appeared more frequently in children of aged parents. as to schoolboys, i have noticed that the minimum of good conduct and the maximum of better developed intelligence coincides with the possession of youth by both parents. the age of complete development corresponds to a maximum of good conduct and a minimum of bad conduct, and retains a large proportion of intelligent children. in the period of decline of both parents, good conduct of children is observed in a smaller proportion than in the preceding period, and high intelligence in a very small proportion. among biological qualities i have made observations on longevity; among persons of and whom i have examined there is a large proportion of parents who themselves enjoyed remarkably long lives, which proves the transmissibility from father to son of powers of resistance against the stresses of life. among physical qualities i have made note of the fact that from alcoholic or aged parents were descended children in whom degenerative physical characteristics were most frequently apparent, recalling some features of an inferior human type, such as exaggeration of the frontal sinuses, the torus occipitalis, ears with the darwinian tubercles prominent, the forehead receding, etc. at the same time the ascendants of those who presented typical and anomalous characters, due to morbid influences of various kinds and following on faulty development of the foetus, such as cretinism, congenital goître, nasal deflections, strabismus, plagio-cephaly, hydrocephaly, dental malformation, etc., showed a large number of alcoholics and epileptics. the explanation of the pernicious consequences to the psycho-physical characters of the children of parents too young or too advanced in age does not present much difficulty. at the younger period the organism is still in process of formation; the incomplete development of the skeleton, as of all the other organs, continually absorbs a mass of plastic materials necessary to the formation of offspring. so we may consider that the faults of children born of too young parents are due to an incomplete development because of the insufficiency of plastic material. we must, on the other hand, seek in the conditions which accompany old age for the reason why it has a disastrous influence on the vitality of the germinal elements of the parents and predisposes the descendants to various forms of physical and moral degeneracy. during this period we have in the tissues, instead of a development and renewal of protoplasm, the tendency to an accumulation of fat; and in the whole organism, chiefly in the tissues of the arterial system, we find the tendency to a deposit in their structure of an amorphous substance which converts the supple elastic canals into rigid tubes; and from this a general slowing up of the organic functions (circulation, oxidation, secretion) results; the blood, not reaching the degree of elaboration which it possessed before, acquires a greater acidity, and cannot by the ordinary excretory channels so quickly get rid of the catabolic products with which it is charged. by reason of these conditions the organism of older people undergoes a sort of slow and gradual intoxication, which, at the same time as it shows itself in the individual by the gradual languishing of all his functions, influences in a disastrous manner the germs which develop within him, and predisposes them to become beings condemned to degeneracy. consequently this cause of degeneracy enters the general category of intoxications. genetics and eugenics. (abstract.) by r. c. punnett, _professor of biology, cambridge_. to the student of genetics, man, like any other animal, is material for working out the manner in which characters, whether physical or mental, are transmitted from one generation to the next. viewed in this way he must be regarded as unpromising, not only from the small size of his families, the time consumed in their production, and the long period of immaturity, but also because full experimental control is here out of the question. for these reasons man is of interest to the student of genetics, chiefly in so far as he presents problems in heredity which are rarely to be found in other species, and can only be studied at present in man himself. the aim of the eugenist, on the other hand, is to control human mating in order to obtain the largest proportion of individuals he considers best fitted to the form of society which he affects. it is evident that to do this effectually he must have precise knowledge of the manner in which transmission of characters occurs, and more especially of those with which he particularly wishes to deal. precise knowledge is at present available in man for relatively few characters; and those characters, such as eye-colour, and certain somewhat rare deformities, are not the kind on which the eugenist lays great stress. the one instance of eugenic importance that could be brought under immediate control is that of feeble-mindedness. speaking generally, the available evidence suggests that it is a case of simple mendelian inheritance. occasional exceptions occur, but there is every reason to expect that a policy of strict segregation would rapidly bring about the elimination of this character. there is reason to suppose that many human qualities are more complicated in their transmission, and it is probable that certain phenomena now being studied in plants and animals will throw definite light upon man. though characters are frequently transmitted on the mendelian scheme quite independently of one another, there are cases known in which they are linked up more or less completely in the germ cells with the determinant of a particular sex. sex-limited inheritance of this nature has been carefully worked out in particular cases in lepidoptera and poultry. as yet there is much to be learnt in this direction, and further progress may be expected to lead eventually to a precise knowledge of the mode of transmission of many human defects, such as colour-blindness and hæmophilia. it is not unlikely that a similar mode of transmission will be found to hold good for many human characters usually classed as normal. another set of phenomena which will probably be found of importance in the heredity of man are those included under the terms "coupling" and "repulsion." characters, each exhibiting simple mendelian segregation, may become linked together more or less completely in the process of heredity, or the reverse may occur. our knowledge of these phenomena is at present almost completely confined to cases in plants, but evidence is beginning to be obtained for their occurrence in animals. it is not unlikely that they will be found to play a considerable part in human heredity. for one of the most noticeable things about man is the frequency with which children resemble one or other parent to the seemingly almost complete exclusion of the other. in view of the mongrelisation of the human race, the frequency of these cases is very remarkable, and can hardly fail to suggest that some sort of coupling between characters plays a large part in human heredity. except in very few cases, our knowledge of heredity in man is at present far too slight and too uncertain to base legislation upon. on the other hand, experience derived from plants and animals has shewn that problems of considerable complexity can be unravelled by the experimental method, and the characters concerned brought under control. though the direct method is hardly feasible in man, much may yet be learnt by collecting accurate pedigrees and comparing them with standard cases worked out in other animals. but it must be clearly recognised that the collection of such pedigrees is an arduous undertaking demanding high critical ability, and only to be carried out satisfactorily by those who have been trained in and are alive to the trend of genetic research. section ii. practical eugenics. general considerations upon "education before procreation." (abstract.) by adolphe pinard, _professor at the faculty; member of the academy of medicine of paris._ sir francis galton has entitled eugenics the new science having for its object the study of the causes subject to social control which can improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, whether physical or mental. eugenics, thus defined, is nothing else but "education before procreation," which has been studied in france for a number of years, and which constitutes the first part of child-culture, "a science having for its object the search for information relative to the reproduction, preservation, and improvement of the human species"([ ]). [footnote : v. de la puériculture in revue scientifique, .] the congress ought then to have for its object to work for the investigation of the conditions necessary to secure a favourable procreation. now, it appears that the word "eugenics," from the etymological point of view, does not characterise either explicitly or sufficiently the proposed object, while the word "eugénique," of [greek: gennaô], at once recalls to the mind the idea of a favourable procreation([ ]). [footnote : besides, the word "eugenics" recalls in france a chemical term: eugenic-acid.] it is part of the duty of our first principal sitting to lay down a rule upon this point. certainly, biological, sociological, and historical researches, laws and social customs regarded in their relations with the science of eugenics, are necessary and will undoubtedly result in extremely interesting data, but from now it is above all things urgent to establish and proclaim eugenic principles. researches relating to physiological heredity and pathological heredity ought to be pursued without interruption, but it is necessary to make known as soon as possible to the masses of the people the individual conditions, fully understood, which alone permit a favourable and healthy procreation. in a word, it is necessary, by every means and as soon as possible, to organise a great movement in order to show to the greatest number of human beings the absolute necessity for a conscientious, _i.e._, an enlightened procreation. we must bravely approach the civilising of _the reproductive instinct_, which alone has remained in a barbarous state amongst all the so-called civilised nations from the earliest times. then only, when societies have fulfilled this duty, will they have the right to investigate what they ought and can effect against those for whom future offspring would be recognised as fatally disastrous. finally, it is fully understood that researches relating to selection in the human species must be pursued in a parallel manner, as is now done with such fruitful results for animals and vegetables in genetics, and in throwing light upon the constantly increasing conquests of this other science. practical organization of eugenic action. (abstract.) by dr. louis querton, _professor at the university of brussels._ now that many studies on the physiology and hygiene of reproduction of man have been made, and many investigations on degeneration have been conducted, we may face the problem of the betterment of the race, from a practical standpoint. if the eugenic action cannot yet strive directly against hereditary transmission of anomalies, it can fight successfully against the causes of degeneration which act during the development of the individual. physical and social environment influences these causes, which, on account of their growing complexity, create more and more obstacles to the normal evolution of the individual, while at the same time they force him to acquire greater and more varied aptitudes. to thwart the prejudicial action of the environment on the development of the individual, the systematic organization of this development seems to be of first importance. the control of the development of the children, at the different phases of their evolution, is strictly necessary to assure the education of the individual and to check the degeneration of the race. the control is already established for certain classes of children, and during limited periods of their development. nurslings, school children, and labourers can already, sometimes compulsorily, be submitted to control. but the insufficiency of the actual organization is very evident, and the results are, from the eugenic standpoint, unsatisfactory. in order to be really effective and to contribute to the improvement of the individual and to the betterment of the race, the control of the development should, as far as possible, be exerted over all children, and it should last during the whole period of their evolution. this control should be compulsory, as well as education; it should be exercised by an institution, the frequentation of which, as well as that of school, might be forced upon all children whose development is not submitted to an effective control in their homes. private initiative should create such institutions everywhere, and thus prepare legislative interference. these methodically organized eugenic institutions should, in the future, be the development of the administrative institutions, which actually establish the civil state of individuals. they would tend to facilitate the education of individuals and public bodies; at the same time they would assure the strict application of the laws concerning the protection and education of childhood. they would collect the documents necessary to the scientific knowledge of the facts of heredity, and would supply precise information concerning the effective work of different social institutions on transformation of the race. marriage laws and customs. (abstract.) by c. b. davenport, _director, eugenics record office, u.s.a._ of the various laws limiting freedom of marriage three are of biological import. first, the limitation of relationship between the mates; second, the limitations in mental capacity of the mates; and third, limitations of race. for the first there is a biological justification in so far as cousin marriages are apt to bring in from both sides of the house the same defect. for the second the justification is partial; but there is equal reason for forbidding the marriage of normal persons both of whom have mentally defective parents or other close relatives. the denial of marriage between races has this justification, that most other races have not, through selection, attained the social status of the caucasian. in such cases the socially inadequate should be sterilized or segregated in other races as well as in the caucasian. eugenic selection and the origin of defects. (abstract.) by frédéric houssay, _professor of science, university of paris._ eugenics, which is a social application of biological science, cannot yet be judged by its results; it must be judged by its tendencies. to determine these, we must adjust them to principles generally admitted. and inasmuch as it advocates practical rules and seeks to check the propagation of the unfit, by isolation or sterilization (voluntary or enforced), it is an artificial selection. its justification lies in the fact that, without intervention, the descendants of defectives or degenerates would, in a few generations, eliminate themselves by early death of children or by natural sterility. this would produce a natural selection which eugenics simply proposes to anticipate by social economy. it seems that, by applying darwinian principles, the group of defectives, considered at a given moment, could be rapidly extinguished. but this group is continually reinforced by fresh degeneration of healthy stocks which become tainted. hence the need to keep our eye on the re-formation of the group as well as its elimination, and to keep in touch with lamarckian principles. the study of the origin and hereditary conservation of defects points already as essential factors, to alcoholism, syphilis, and more generally every chronic ailment and diathesis, among which gout must be put in a leading position. everything which will tend to restrain the action of these factors is of capital importance from our present point of view, whether it occurs in the ranks of rich or poor. the questions, thus, which eugenics seeks to answer would be on this view reduced to questions of hygiene and morals. so that the different biological principles, which sometimes seem in mutual opposition, would become convergent, and would find in eugenics a ready reconciliation and a field of useful co-operation. preliminary report to the first international eugenics congress, of the committee of the eugenics section of the american breeders' association to study and report on the best practical means for cutting off the defective germ plasm in the human population. (abstract.) by bleecker van wagenen, _chairman_. . brief history of the american breeders' association, the eugenics section and the committee on elimination of defective germ plasm. . concise statement of the problem before the committee and reasons for the investigation. . history of legislation in the united states authorising or requiring the sterilization of certain classes of criminals, defectives and degenerates who are under the control of the state in institutions. digest of the laws now in force. (this may be given as a lantern slide with greater effect.) legal views concerning the constitutionality of these laws. . investigations of vasectomy in indiana, illinois, massachusetts and elsewhere, with detailed reports of some typical cases. (with lantern slides.) . reports of sterilization of females, both of normal and abnormal mentality, with a number of typical cases showing after-effects. (with lantern slides.) . some observations in thremmatology suggesting important questions concerning the practical effectiveness of sterilization as a eugenic measure. . technical description of several kinds of sterilizing operations as now performed. vasectomy, ovariotomy and salpingectomy (with and without complete excision), castration. . reports of several cases of persons, male and female, who having been completely sterilized for a time, recovered the power of procreation and actually did procreate thereafter. . state of public opinion regarding sterilization in the united states at the present time. letters from governors of states, views of social workers and institution people. conflicting views of roman catholics (as such). digest of arguments set forth in a long controversy carried on in the american ecclesiastical review, chiefly in latin. . brief report of other data collected by the committee and programme for future work, with a call for co-operation in securing further data pertinent to this inquiry. eugenics and the new social consciousness. (abstract.) by samuel george smith. the new social consciousness is indicated; first, by the larger powers and duties assumed by the state: second, by the new sense of social solidarity affecting persons and groups of persons within the state. the exclusion from parenthood of such wards of the state as the feeble-minded, the insane, and the pauper has gone beyond debate; and for all that are legally excluded from parenthood, custodial care is required. there is need to develop a new ethical sense of the individual in regard to his own relations to the social group. we have not yet sufficient facts to establish a definite relation between physical fitness and social efficiency. this is the place for caution. questions of maternity among the poor: (_a_) hard labour must be forbidden to the expectant mother; (_b_) she must have nourishing food; (_c_) surroundings must be wholesome. the economic problem is solved in the increased vitality and consequent earning power of the coming generation. problem of the parenthood of the better classes: just as important and more difficult. the question is not only vital and economic; it is also ethical. the ignorance of parents and the defects of children. the state has invaded the home, and has set standards, both physical and moral, for the family. it is the duty of the state to secure the proper physical environment for the home. it is a municipal problem. it is a problem of public health. the whole movement looks to the triumph of a vital democracy, which is more important than either political or industrial democracy. relations of alcoholism to neurasthenia, of tuberculosis to feeble-mindedness, of bad social and labour conditions to both, indicate cross sections in the problem. vices of the rich in most countries are greater than the vices of the poor. a vital democracy cannot be based upon physical tests and material comfort. its deepest foundations are psychical and ethical. practicable eugenics in education. (abstract.) by dr. f. c. s. schiller. the danger to mankind arising from the preservation of the unfit under social conditions. the self-destructiveness of civilization. its superiority dependent on the transmission of accumulated knowledge by education. the danger of failure in educational systems. is the education of the rich necessarily a failure? the middle classes as providers of ability to man the professions; but the price they have to pay at present is too often racial extinction. the draining of ability from the lower classes. the existing educational system and its potential value for eugenics. its unintellectual character. the liberal endowment of a "liberal education." commercialism and the scholarship system. the athletic system, the play instincts and moral training. both systems are darwinian and appeal to british character. suggested improvements: ( ) in the athletic system; "fitness," not a merely physical ideal; ( ) in the scholarship system; "liberal education" to be conceived as intrinsically useful, and not merely a game with intrinsically useless subjects. should scholarships be restricted to the needy? the educational dangers of this policy. the eugenical value of the existing system. the possibility of infusing eugenical spirit into athletics. the appeal of eugenics to the upper classes. a real versus a sham nobility. the eugenical ideal essentially a matter of sentiment and not necessarily anti-democratic. section iii. sociology and eugenics. the psycho-physical elite and the economic elite. (abstract.) by professor achille loria, _university of turin._ artificial selection could be perfectly applied to the human species, in which case marriages would be arranged between persons better endowed, physically and mentally, and the worse endowed would be excluded from marriage. but this selection encounters the gravest practical difficulties; because, if it is relatively easy to estimate the physical qualities of man, nothing on the other hand is harder than to estimate his mental qualities. a dynamometer of intelligence does not exist, and galton's method of observing the points of merit of university graduates is very insufficient and fallible. in face of these difficulties there naturally arises the idea of inferring the psycho-physical aptitudes of individuals from their social and economic position, or from their income, which is easily measured. in accord with this idea, it would be a question of acting so that marriages would be effected exclusively and predominantly amongst individuals provided with superior incomes, and to prevent, as far as possible, marriages between persons of inferior incomes, or of no income at all. but all this would be plausible if there should be a real analogy between the economic élite, and the psycho-physical élite, or if the former were really a product of the latter. now, this is precisely what i deny. the _economic élite_ is not in the least the product of the possession of superior qualities, but is simply the result of a blind struggle between incomes, which carries to the top those who, at the start, possess a larger income through causes which may be absolutely independent of the possession of superior endowments. (see my _sintesi economica_--paris, giard et briard, .) hence, nothing makes it impossible that the wealthier people should be precisely the worst endowed, physically and mentally, and this as a matter of fact happens in innumerable cases. besides, we have an indirect proof of this in the very results of selective processes as, until now, they are practised. and, in fact, conjugal selection to-day takes place precisely amongst individuals of the same class, or belonging to the same standard of income, so that persons of the upper classes always marry exclusively amongst each other. so then these marriages, which, according to the theory, ought to give more splendid results, give, on the contrary, more wretched results. galton's same law of "return to the mean," or the fact that the descendants of persons of high class sometimes have inferior endowments as compared with the average of the race, could not be fulfilled if persons of the upper classes who marry with each other were really select persons, physically and mentally. there would also be in this case a falling off from the super-normal qualities of an exceptionally gifted parent, but in that case the characters of the children would always be superior to those of the descendants of the lower classes. if this does not happen, if the children of the upper classes show qualities inferior to those of the average of children of the lower classes, this proves conclusively that married people of the superior classes were not in the least endowed with specially high aptitudes, but, on the contrary, presented the opposite characteristics. thus, the same law of galton, properly interpreted, shows the absolute independence of largeness of income and excellence of individual qualities, hence the absurdity and danger of eugenics upon an economic foundation, such as many desire. the researches of fahlbeck upon the swedish nobility, which show the rapid extinction of the upper classes who practise _economic eugenics_, is a further proof of the absence of any link between economic superiority and psycho-physical superiority; since if the wealthier people, who usually intermarry, were really the better endowed, their descendants would never show those phenomena of extinction which betray a leaven of inner degeneration. i conclude that economic eugenics is already practised to-day upon a large scale, and hence it is already possible to form an accurate judgment upon its results--which are those of return to the mean--degeneration and extinction of race. now, these same results show that the economically superior classes are not at all the best endowed, and often even degenerate, and that, therefore, the only method calculated to effect a conjugal selection which would be socially useful is not to unite in marriage the richer people, but individuals really possessing superior qualities, and to exclude from marriage those who do not possess them. the cause of the inferiority of physical and mental characters in the lower social classes. (abstract.) by professor alfredo niceforo, _of the university of naples._ the author has compared the physical, demographic, and mental characters of the upper and leisured classes with the same characters in individuals of the inferior and poor classes. he has made use of several methods: ( ) a comparison between the well-to-do and the poor children in schools; ( ) a comparison between individuals belonging to different professions; ( ) a comparison between the rich and the poor quarters of the same city. he has also studied , children of the schools of lausanne; italian peasants; conscripts of different countries, classified according to their occupation; and the rich and the poor quarters of lausanne, paris, etc. he has found that individuals of the lower classes show a smaller development of stature, of cranial capacity, of sensibility, of resistance to mental fatigue, a delay in the period when puberty makes its appearance, a slackening in growth, a very large number of anomalies, etc. the causes of these differences ascertained in comparing the two groups are of the _mesological_ and _individual order_. of the _mesological_ order because the conditions of life where men of the lower classes are forced to live constitute one of the causes of the deterioration of their physical and mental characters. of the _individual_ order because, thanks to biological variation, every man is born different from all other men, and men who are born with superior physical and mental characters tend to rise in the superior classes, while men who are born with inferior physical and mental characters tend to fall in the most wretched classes. however, in studying the catalogues of measurements and observations, the author has found that in the mass of men belonging to the superior classes one finds a small number of men with inferior qualities, while in the mass of men forming the inferior classes one finds a certain number of men presenting superior characters. it is between these two _exceptional_ categories that social exchanges should be made, allowing the best and most capable of the lower stratum to ascend, and compelling the unadapted who are found above to fall to the lower stratum. the fertility of marriages according to profession and social position. (abstract.) by m. lucien march, _directeur de la statistique générale de la france._ statistics of families furnish, perhaps, the most appropriate data for the examination of the factors which govern the productiveness of marriages or their sterility. statistics concerning the children born in the eleven and a half million french families, classed according to occupation, have been prepared in france for the first time as a result of the census of . these statistics give information as to the number of children per family, either alive on the day of the census or previously deceased, in each occupation, for all the families in the whole country taken together, and for the different provinces. further, a special investigation of the , families of employees and workmen in the public services has furnished more circumstantial details, which have enabled the number of children and number of deaths of children in a family to be brought into relation with the income of the head. the results obtained by the method described above are the subject of this report. the effects of occupation, social position and income are analysed by means of co-efficients expressing the productiveness of marriages, after eliminating the influence of such factors as duration of marriage, age, and habitat, all of which may obviously affect the productiveness of a marriage. these results confirm what has been learnt from previous researches of the fertility of different social classes, but they go further in that they show that the difference is not exclusively dependent on income. in general there are more children per family in the families of workmen than in the families of employers, and the latter contain more than those of employees other than workmen. further, one finds industries in which the number of children in the employers' families is larger than in the families of workmen in other industries. thus, differences are introduced by the occupation. industries employing many hands seem the more favourable to the production of large families, both among workmen and among employers. agriculture, in which a large number of persons are engaged in france, does not seem to conduce to fertility. fishermen and sailors in the merchant service, on the other hand, appear to form the class in which fertility is the most considerable. the importance of the occupational factor is such that we could place its influence on the same plane as that of "concentration" of population, with which it is in close relation, since persons following certain classes of occupation, as, for instance, the members of the liberal professions, and clerks and other salaried employees are most numerous in towns. it does not appear that in france casual and unskilled labourers, persons in the receipt of poor law relief, etc., are specially prolific. there is not thus in reality too much risk of seeing the renewal of the population carried out in a dangerous manner by its least valuable section. however, even among the working classes, the most highly paid occupations are not those among which one finds the greatest number of children. the economic, social, or moral burden of children is a factor bound up in a complex manner, not only with the individual conditions of existence, but also with the transformations of society, progress in manners and customs, and the conception which one forms of life. it is this burden which must be allieviated where allieviation would be most effective and produce the best results, in order to put a stop to a movement which may be dangerous to civilisation. eugenics and militarism. (abstract.) by vernon l. kellogg. (_professor in stanford university, california._) the claim that war and military service have a directly deteriorating influence through military selection on a population much given to militarism, has been clearly stated by von liebig, karl marx, herbert spencer, tschouriloff, otto seeck, david starr jordan, and others, not to mention the ever-anticipating greeks. military selection may be conceived to work disastrously on a population both through the actual killing during war by wounds and disease of the sturdy young men selected by conscription or recruiting, and also by the removal from the reproducing part of the population of much larger numbers of these selected young men both in war and peace times. another phase of the racial danger from military service is the possibility of the contraction of persistent and heritable disease which may be carried back from camp and garrison with the return of the soldiers to the population at home. as likely as seem all these and certain other anti-eugenic influences arising from military selection, the substantiation of their actual results on a basis of observed facts is necessary to give them real standing as eugenic arguments against militarism. the writer is engaged at present in an attempt to find and expose certain actual results of military service and war that have direct relation to racial modification. his paper presents some pertinent facts and figures already gained. these facts are examined in the light of the criticisms of such men as bischoff and livi, who have recognized the weaknesses in military and hygienic statistics, and in the light of other opportunities for error both in the recording and the interpretation of the facts, which have suggested themselves to him. also there has to be considered the possible reality of eugenic advantages from military selection. seeck and ammon believe they have discovered some. the writer, holding in mind both the dangers of error and the possibility of eugenic advantage, believes himself nevertheless able to present certain definite facts showing considerable direct eugenic disadvantage in certain types of militarism. eugenics in party organization. (abstract.) by roberto michels, _university of turin, italy._ an oligarchy is invariably formed in all political parties for reasons based partly on individual psychology, partly on crowd psychology, and partly on the social necessity of party organisation. under the first head is grouped the individual's consciousness of his own importance, which with opportunity develops into the natural human lust for power, and, further, such individual qualities as native tact, editorial ability, and so on. crowd psychology is characterised chiefly by the incompetence of the masses, their dependence upon traditional methods of party government, and their feeling of gratitude to leaders who have suffered for the cause. finally, the necessity for party organisations grows with every increase of numbers and extension of functions. it is physically impossible for large party groups to govern themselves directly. all parties live in a state of perpetual warfare with opposing parties, and, if they are revolutionary in character, with the social order itself. tactical considerations, therefore, and, above all, the necessity of maintaining a condition of military preparedness, strengthen the hands of the controlling clique within the party and render every day more impossible genuine democracy. the selective or eugenic value of party organization is that it allows men gifted with certain qualities to rise above their fellows into positions of superiority, which, for the considerations set forth above, are more or less permanent. this value is of the greater importance because the opportunities for able and ambitious workmen to rise by the economic ladder to the rank of employers are rapidly disappearing, at any rate, in old countries. the qualities necessary for a successful party leader are discussed. briefly stated, they consist of oratorical ability, which is partly a psychical and partly a physiological and anatomical character; energy of will; superiority of intellect and knowledge; a depth of conviction often bordering on fanaticism and self-confidence, pushed even to the point of self-conceit. also in many countries, as for instance italy, physical beauty is important in helping a man to rise, while in rarer cases goodness of heart and disinterestedness influence the crowd by reawakening religious sentiments. we have seen that some elements of the crowd are seized by the selecting-machine of the party organisation that raises them above their companions, increasing automatically the social distance between them and their followers. to put this automatical selecting-machine into action, certain individuals appear, possessing special physical and intellectual gifts that distinguish them spontaneously from the mass of the party. the influence of race on history. (abstract.) by w. c. d. and c. d. whetham. the history of europe presents a long series of nations successively rising and falling in the scale of prosperity and influence. such persistent alternations suggest a common cause underlying the phenomena. all history is the record of change. the outward change as recorded by the chronicler has probably its counterpart in unnoticed variations of the internal biological structure of the nation. most nations are composite in character. they contain two or more racial stocks, fulfilling different functions in the national life. it is probable that the proportion in which these stocks are present is not always constant. the variation in proportion is possibly the agent effecting the internal change in structure, which becomes manifest outwardly in the rise or decline of the nation. the physical characters of the population of europe during historic times indicate three chief races: ( ) the mediterranean, ( ) the alpine, ( ) the northern. the individuals of these races possess also distinct mental and intellectual attributes, and the history of europe is fundamentally the story of the interaction of the three races. it is suggested that the supreme power of greece and rome, each in its own direction, was due to the attainment of a fortunate balance between the social and political functions of the constituents of the nation, the directing power being supplied chiefly by the invaders of northern race, who formed the dominant class among the southern indigenous mediterranean population. in each case, the northern elements grew gradually less, through such agencies as losses in war, the selective action of a differential birth rate, and by racial merging into the more numerous southern stock. the outburst of artistic genius and intellectual pre-eminence which marked the renaissance in north italy may perhaps be due to a similar racial composition, the northern elements being supplied by the descendants of the barbarian invaders of the later roman empire. great britain has also similar racial elements. the mediterranean race, spreading up the shores of the atlantic, enters largely into the composition of the people of the south-west. the northern element, immigrant from the shores of the baltic and north sea, is strongest in the east and north. we know that there are now at work two influences affecting the average racial character of the english nation; ( ) the increase in the urban population at the expense of the rural, ( ) the voluntary restriction of the birth rate which affects certain sections of all classes more than others. it is probable that both these changes tend to favour selectively the southern racial elements at the expense of the northern. eventually, the present structure of society may become unstable in consequence of this racial alteration, and the necessary readjustment, in its turn, will contribute a chapter to history. some inter-relations between eugenics and historical research. (abstract.) by frederick adams woods, m.d., _harvard medical school._ the relative influence of heredity and environment has long been a subject for debate, but, for the most part, such debates have not been profitable. it is true that heredity cannot be separated from environment if only one individual be considered; but as soon as we inquire into the causes of the differences between man and man, it is perfectly possible to gain real light on this subject, so important to the advocates of eugenics. everything must be made a problem of differences. the mathematical measurements of resemblances between relatives close of kin will sometimes serve. at other times, the correlation co-efficient is of no avail, and only an intensive study of detailed pedigrees will bring out such differences as cannot be due to the action of surroundings. history and genealogy both speak unmistakably for heredity. men of genius have as many eminent relationships as the expectations of heredity demand. the same is true among the highest aristocratic classes, and is equally true under democratic government, as is proved by a study of the family history of those americans whose names are in the hall of fame. history shows that about half of the early monarchs were not cruel or were not licentious. alternative heredity can well account for that. virtuous types have only slightly increased in numerical proportion. environment cannot be very effective; but there are biological factors of a more hidden nature which are silently making for progress. mental qualities are correlated with moral; and in the european dynasties the survivors have been generally the descendants of the morally superior. physical differences can also be demonstrated, coming in the course of generations. a study of the portraits of royal, noble, and other historical personages shows that the bony framework of the face, especially about the nose and eyes, has changed rapidly since the beginning of the sixteenth century. in explaining the rise and fall of nations, gametic and personal causes can be measured and marked. all the evidence of history points to the power and importance of a very few great personalities--they themselves the product of inborn forces. these have been the chief causes of political and economic differences, but non-gametic (environmental) causation can be occasionally detected, and separated out; as, for instance, the modern scientific productivity in germany and the proportionate intellectual activity among women in america. it is estimated that there are four hundred thousand books on history. these form an almost unworked mine of information, easily available to every student of eugenics. it is high time that the human record, so ancient in its beginnings, should be used to contribute to that most modern of sciences, the improvement of the human breed. demographical contributions to the problems of eugenics. (abstract.) by dr. corrado gini, _professor of statistics in the royal university of cagliari, italy._ tables of mortality relating to human beings with classification as to age, when compared with similar statistics relating to the equine species, show that man during the period of development has a much heavier death-rate. it is not possible to say whether in their natural state the higher kinds of animals possess a higher or lower death-rate during the period of development than when under domestication, but the second of the alternatives seems more likely. it remains to be determined whether the heavy death-rate during development which the human race shows in the comparison is a distinctive natural characteristic belonging to it, or whether it is rather the result of the more or less artificial circumstances in which man is born and reared. the human race differs as regards reproduction and the rearing of its offspring from the higher species of animals in their natural state, chiefly in three ways: (_a_) in the case of the human race reproduction takes place at all times of the year, whilst the higher animals have one single period for reproducing, or, in some cases, two or three periods; (_b_) animals reproduce as soon as the organism becomes capable of reproduction, whilst in civilised human races as a rule a longer or shorter period elapses between the time when the individual becomes capable of reproduction and the time he actually begins to reproduce; (_c_) in civilised man the development of altruistic sentiments protects weak and sickly persons from the eliminating action of natural selection, and often enables them to take part in the procreation of future generations. the paper of a. has for its object to examine closely these three arguments based upon very extensive data taken partly from demographic statistics and partly from researches made personally by him or which he caused to be made, especially in the municipal statistical offices of rome and cagliari, and in the obstetrical clinic of bologna. the principal results are here indicated. a. the rule of a greater number of conceptions in spring observed in temperate regions suffers notable exceptions in tropical and arctic regions. hence there is a weakening of the idea that in it one should recognise the atavistic heritage of a special season for reproduction which the human race had originally shown, analogous to what one finds to-day in many species of animals. on the other hand, neither the frequency of multiple births, of miscarriages, or of stillbirths, nor the length of life of offspring nor their intellectual capacity show any correlation whatever with the season of conception. the frequency of stillbirths, however, and the length of life of the offspring show a clear correlation with the season of birth, in the sense that those born in temperate seasons show a lower rate for stillbirths and a greater length of life. b. the age of the mother at the time of parturition does not show any regular influence on the size and weight of the child. it has a very sensible influence on the frequency of miscarriages and of stillbirths; this increases with the increase in age. the age of the mother at the time of marriage exercises a decisive influence upon the vitality of the offspring: the greater the age of the mother at the time of marriage the less will be the vitality of the children. the age of the father at the birth of his child has some influence on the number of stillbirths among his children. this influence--at any rate above a given age--increases with the increase in the father's age. it can neither be disproved nor affirmed that the age of the father at the time of marriage has an influence upon the vitality of the children; it is certain, however, that if any influence of that kind exists it is much less intense than that exercised by the age of the mother. there has also been an enquiry as to the effect upon the characters of the offspring exerted by ( ) order of birth; ( ) difference in age of the parents; and ( ) the age of the woman at the first menstruation. c. persons who die at a more advanced age have children in greater number and endowed with greater length of life. for some classes of the unfit (mad, consumptives, suicides) it can be proved beyond question that the number of children born is less and their mortality greater than among married people generally. those who die of heart disease or of cancer show a number of children slightly higher than the general average of married persons; but that can be attributed to the fact that their age at death is greater than the average age at death of married people. maternity statistics of the state of rhode island, state census of . (abstract.) by frederick l. hoffman, ll.d., f.s.s., _statistician of the prudential insurance company of america._ as a contribution to the practical study of eugenics the decennial maternity statistics of rhode island are of exceptional interest and importance. in , of , native-born married women , ( . %) were mothers, and , ( . %) childless. of , foreign-born married women , ( . %) were mothers, and , ( . %) childless. contrasting these percentages, the fact requires only to be stated to emphasize its profound and far-reaching social as well as political significance. considered with reference to religious belief, . % of protestant and . % of roman catholic married women were mothers. of married women of jewish faith . % were mothers. at ages - , the proportion of native-born mothers having only one child was . %, against . % for the foreign-born; the proportion of mothers having from six to ten children was . % for the native-born, against . % for the foreign-born. at all ages a similar disproportion is apparent. vastly more important than the multitude of general social and economic facts are these statistics of what, for want of a better term, may be called _human production_, and which disclose what must be considered the most alarming tendency in american life. granting that excessively large families are not desirable, at least from an economic point of view, it cannot be questioned that the diminution in the average size of the family, and the increase in the proportion of childless families among the native-born stock is evidence of physical deterioration, and must have a lasting and injurious effect on national life and character. section iv. medicine and eugenics. the prophylaxis of hereditary syphilis and its eugenic effect. (abstract.) by dr. h. hallopeau. syphilis is strongly _dysgenic_; it causes the production of profoundly damaged children; in preventing it the physician co-operates effectively with eugenic action. in order to prevent the propagation of this disease we must have recourse to _administrative prophylaxis_, _prophylaxis by persuasion_, and _prophylaxis by medical measures_. _administrative prophylaxis_ must act especially by multiplying gratuitous consultations and in securing, as far as possible, hospital treatment for persons affected by transmissible lesions, especially for prostitutes. to the physician belongs the duty of acting by _persuasion_ in pointing out to syphilitics that they have no right to have children so long as they are liable to transmit their disease to their offspring. we must abort syphilis if it is in the stage of primary invasion: this invasion is not, as was believed until recently, confined to the chancre and its accompanying swellings; it includes all the intermediate stage; in order to destroy the tripanosomes we must use repeated injections of _benzosulfoneparaminophenylarsinate of soda_, commonly known as _hectine_ (mouneyrat), the only specific medicament which is well borne locally. results similar to those we have just shown are obtained by making, in a given region, two or three injections of salvarsan. however, the comparison between the two medications is altogether in favour of that by hectine. indeed, experience proves that the secondary generalization is noticeably more frequent after injections of salvarsan, and, besides, these are far from being always painless. we have made known to the académie of medicine a case in which, within hours, they caused the death of a young man in good health. several similar cases have since been notified, particularly by dr. gaucher. confidently believing in the axiom "primo non nocere," we explicitly declare ourselves adversaries of a practice which brings such accidents in its train. in the secondary stage, we must have recourse simultaneously to various specific agents. procreation may be permitted when six months after the abortive treatment wasserman's reaction, after several trials, has given uniformly negative results. the physician thus accomplishes a profoundly eugenic work in favouring and accelerating the production of unspoilt children. the effect of alcohol on the germ-plasm. (the new alcohol legislation in norway.) (abstract.) by dr. alfred mjoën. the injurious effect of alcohol depends not only upon the amount taken, but also upon other factors, as, _e.g._, upon its dilution, and upon the kind of nourishment taken with it. there can be no doubt that alcohol under a certain percentage neither injures nor can injure either the somatic cells, or what is more important for race-hygiene, the germ cells. and, on the other hand, it must be regarded as proved that alcohol over a certain percentage is injurious to the quality of the offspring, not alone where the mother drinks (influence upon the embryo), but also where the father alone is a drinker (destruction of the germ). the latest investigations in this field confirm this assumption. there is, it is true, a middle class of beverages whose influence upon the germ-plasm (posterity) has not been established, or can be established at all. as a general rule, one may lay down the rule: _the injurious effect of an alcoholic beverage upon individuals or race increases from a certain percentage progressively with its increasing contents of alcohol._ therefore, i propose to divide alcoholic liquors into classes, and to deal with them according to the amount of their contents of alcohol, _i.e._, according to their injuriousness. all casks, bottles, etc., coming into the market are to be furnished with the class-mark (_e.g._, i., ii., iii., branded upon the cord). for example, in the case of beer, the first class (under - / %), shall be obtainable everywhere. for this class there will be claimed, besides a reduction of duty, also a facility for sale and some concessions. class i. (up to - / %) will be charged with ore; class ii. ( - / -- - / %) with ore; and class iii. ( - / -- %) with - ore per litre. beer over % or - / % will be prohibited([ ]). [footnote : this proposal was favourably received by the norwegian minister knudsen, and brought before the storthing as a government measure. the proposal has been accepted as part of the election programme of the radicals, the socialist democrats, and all total abstinence organisations.] the class system permits of a simple, cheap, and practicable control, and, indeed, a control which is not confined to the brewery or to any single stage of preparation, but which follows the article over the whole country from its origin to its consumption. when alcoholic drinks are marked with their class and placed under state control, the consumers will themselves easily exercise the control. and the public will gradually become accustomed to form an opinion upon the influence of the various articles upon the working capacity and the health, not only of the individual, but also of the family and the race. state and country authorities will, with state-controlled classes, more easily see justice done on all sides. this last advantage will, naturally, only avail in those lands where the permission to sell alcoholic liquors is vested in the local authorities. the progressive class system will also give the state, the municipalities, and also private labour organisations an opportunity to support those restaurants and inns which supply nothing but pure and harmless liquors, and consumption will undergo a slow and gradual change to the lightest drinks. at the present time the lightest kinds of beer are too heavily taxed in comparison with the heaviest kinds, and the latter in turn are too heavily taxed in comparison with brandy. from the point of view of race-hygiene, the fight must be directed especially against the fourth and most dangerous class, namely, all kinds of brandy (prohibition or ivan bratt's system), as well as against the mixed wines, which are so often adulterated and injurious. alcoholism and degeneracy. statistics from the central bureau for the management of the insane of paris and the department of the seine from to . (abstract.) by m. magnan, _chief physician to the central bureau, member of the academy of medicine_, and dr. fillassier. from to the number of sick persons received at the central bureau of the st. anne asylum has gone on steadily increasing: occasionally signs of a falling off are noticed, quickly compensated by the number of entries for the following years. among these patients a great number are driven to the asylum by the abuse of alcoholic drinks. some of these are simple alcoholics, _i.e._, those who owe their insanity entirely to excessive drinking; the others make up the numerous group of degenerates, who are for the most part descendants of alcoholics, and on whom fall all the forms of physical, intellectual, and moral degradation. for these last, alcohol has been but the touch of the trigger which has put in action their disposition towards insanity; the attack of mania, when past, leaves revealed psychic troubles, which, but for the turning of the balance by alcohol, would have remained in the latent condition, but which, once developed, remain often for a much longer time; so we see the increase in the number of these patients--occasional drunkards--keeping pace with that of chronic alcoholics. these will specially call forth the interest of the members of the eugenic congress. from the clinical point of view they exhibit great importance; for showing as they do all the episodic syndromes of degeneracy, all the mental forms of it may be seen--maniacal, melancholic, idiotic: insanities polymorphous or systematic, fixed ideas, monomanias connected with words or numbers, every sort of phobia, obsession, impulse, and symptomatic manifestation of great importance. when their objective lies in sexual perversion, theft, arson, murder, etc., these various states raise the most delicate questions whether from the point of view of philosophy, psychology, sociology, or forensic medicine. this class of society, in the grip of this poison, is unfortunately not sterile; their miserable descendants come to dock in the asylum; so much so that if we mass together the various elements, if we add the unfortunates permanently disabled, such as epileptics, and the increasing crowd of feeble-minded, idiotic, tuberculous children, the mind recoils aghast at the gravity of the danger. the necessity of an implacable war against alcoholism, which crowds our asylums, our hospitals, and our homes with insane persons, and sends a constant stream to our prisons and reformatories--such a war must be the principal aim of the eugenics congress. for long the evil genius of mankind, alcoholism has to-day laid its clutch on women, and the admission figures now show their numbers on the increase every year. such are the lessons which may be learnt from the report of magnan and fillassier. eugenics and obstetrics. (abstract.) by dr. agnes bluhm, _berlin._ . among the agencies under social control which impair the racial qualities of future generations, an important place is taken by the science of medicine, especially by obstetrics. for the increase of obstetrics increases the incapacity for bearing children of future generations. . the great difference in the capacity for bearing children between the primitive and civilized races depends only in part on the lessened fitness of the latter due to the increase of skilled assistance. . incapacity for bearing children can be acquired; it develops, however, abundantly on the grounds of a congenital predisposition. . in so far as the latter is the case, obstetrics contributes towards the diffusion of this incapacity. . the most serious obstacles to delivery are effected by deformities of the pelvis, in at least % of which heredity plays a part. in this connection, rickets, the predisposition to which is inherited, takes the foremost place. . german medical statistics make it appear probable that incapacity to bear children is on the increase. . medical help in childbirth brings, undoubtedly, numerical advantage to the race, but it endangers the quality of the race in other ways than through the fostering of unfitness for bearing. . the danger of the increase of incapacity for bearing through the increase of assistance in childbirth can be combatted:-- (_a_) through the renunciation of descendants by women unfitted to bear children. (_b_) through an energetic campaign against rickets, to which only the predisposition can be inherited. (_c_) through the permeation of obstetrics with the spirit of eugenics, so that the obstetrician no longer proceeds according to a settled rule (living mother and living child), but in each separate case takes into consideration the interests of the race. heredity and eugenics in relation to insanity. (abstract.) by f. w. mott, m.d., f.r.s., _physician to charing cross hospital and pathologist to the london county asylums._ what is insanity? every case of insanity is a biological problem, the solution of which depends upon a knowledge of what a man was born with--nature--and what has happened after birth--nurture. the increase of registered insanity in london; the causes of the increase. ( ) the standard of insanity has been raised. ( ) the increase of accommodation for reception of the insane. the diminishing death rate in asylums causing a progressive accumulation. the diminished number of recoveries. ( ) the large proportion of old people admitted to asylums formerly in the infirmaries. _nurture._--the correlation of pauperism, insanity and feeble-mindedness, alcohol, syphilis, and tuberculosis in relation to insanity and feeble-mindedness. congenital mental deficiency as distinguished from hereditary mental deficiency. chronic poisoning of the blood by these agencies in relation to a lowered specific vitality of the germ cells. environment in relation to mental energy and will power. _nature._--the study of pedigrees in hospital and asylum patients showing the importance of heredity in nervous and mental diseases. the nature of the neuropathic tendency; its transmission in different forms of nervous and mental disease in successive generations. its latency and re-appearance in stocks. relation of neurasthenia to the neuropathic taint. conclusions arrived at in relation to heredity and insanity from a study by a card system of , related persons who are at present, or who have been, in the london county asylums. among the , inmates at present resident, are so closely related as parents and offspring or brothers and sisters. nature is always trying to end or mend a degenerate stock if left to itself. analysis of data regarding first attack of insanity in parents and their offspring; the signal tendency to the occurrence of the disease in a more intense form and at an earlier age in the offspring. this "antedating" or "anticipation" in relation to nature's process of elimination of the unfit. nearly per cent. of the offspring affected years earlier than the parent. the same found in uncles and aunts with nephews and nieces, only not nearly so marked. seeing that the unfit are at present able to survive; does nature end or mend degenerate stocks, or have the lines of neuropathic inheritance only been partially cut off by this tendency to "anticipation"? what we want to know is: what is the fate of all the offspring of an insane parent or parents; for there are a great many facts which show that a disease may be latent and re-appear in a stock when the conditions of mating or environment are unfavourable? a collection of pedigrees is required which will prove conclusively that the offspring of insane parents, who are free from the insane manifestations during adolescence, will breed children who will not become insane. supposing it were shown that cases discharged as recovered had the seeds of insanity, by the fact that their progeny were feeble-minded, epileptic, or insane, it would be a clear indication of taking measures to prevent them handing on the disease. recurrent insanity--the birth of children in the sane intervals. analysis of pedigrees with a dual neuropathic inheritance of maternal and paternal stocks compared with single neuropathic inheritance. conclusion that a child born of neuropathic inheritance in both ancestral stocks stands, on an average, the chance of being insane four times as great as when only one stock is affected. are there any types of insanity especially liable to be transmitted in the same form or another form? the prediction of the racial value of an individual inheritance can only be predicted by a study of what a man was born with--nature, and what happened after birth--nurture. the place of eugenics in the medical curriculum. (abstract.) by h. e. jordan, _chairman of the eugenics section of the american association for the study and prevention of infant mortality._ the science of eugenics deserves a place in the medical curriculum for three reasons. firstly: medicine is fast becoming a science of the prevention of weakness and morbidity; their permanent not temporary cure, their racial eradication rather than their personal palliation. eugenic conduct is undeniably a factor in attaining the speedy achievement of the end of racial health. eugenics, embracing genetics, is thus one of the important disciplines among the future medical sciences. the coming physician must have adequate training in matters relating to heredity and eugenics. secondly: as the general population becomes better educated in matters of personal and racial health and hygiene it will more and more demand advice regarding the prevention of weakness in themselves and their offspring. the physicians are logically the men who must give it. thirdly: physicians will be more efficient public servants if they approach their work with the eugenic outlook on life. instruction in eugenics, in the form of a number of special lectures on the subject, is already given in some of our medical schools. this indicates at least that the need is felt and the importance of such knowledge to the best physician recognised. since not all of the better medical schools give such courses, however, we may infer that there are obstacles in the way. what is the nature of these? one such may be the lack of adequate preparation on the part of the students in the fundamentals of biology to properly comprehend the import and application of eugenic facts. this obstacle is speedily being removed; for considerable biological training is already a medical course prerequisite. but there may be a lack of properly prepared teachers to present this subject to even properly prepared medical students. this obstacle is also fast disappearing. once the demand for this kind of help is voiced, there will appear properly trained teachers to instruct physicians. another obstacle may be raised by short-sighted and self-seeking physicians, for whom less illness and weakness may mean less work and a reduced income. but this is, perhaps, only a relatively very small factor in, and also only a passing phase of, the opposition, and will soon correct itself. the most encouraging prospect for this new scheme of activity is the deep interest shown by young medical students in matters of heredity and eugenics. a healthy sane family showing longevity in catalonia. (abstract.) by professor i. valenti vivo. i. a healthy family showing longevity in catalonia: the greater part of them died over years of age from acute sickness. all belonged to the districts of barcelona and gerona. a record of their ability in medical science, art and agriculture, their average fertility. ii. communication on biometrika: licentiates in medical science, scholars, : in . dates: cephalic index, stature, span, dynamometer, age, district. some remarks on backward children. (abstract.) by dr. raoul dupuy. when we speak of a backward child, we mean any subject which is arrested or retarded more or less completely in its bodily, psychical, and sensorial evolution, in consequence of congenital and acquired lesions, or simply in consequence of physiological troubles, which concern, either at the same or a different time, the brain and the glands of internal secretion (the thyroid, the hypophysis, the suprarenals, and the genital glands). the cerebral lesions, practically incurable in the present state of science, produce "atropic backwardness" the functional troubles of the brain, or those caused by the glands of internal secretion, which can be modified by "combined organotherapy" produce dystrophic backwardness. we also, however, find mixed types, half of the one and half of the other, which are similarly susceptible of improvement. the number, and above all the variety of the types of dystrophic backwardness, makes a general classification of them impossible. the study of their bodily, psychical and sensorial anomalies proves that in most of the manifestations of backwardness and immaturity, these children present perversions of evolution which have a common bearing on the development of body, mind and spirit. although apparently different from one another, these backward persons, whether the mischief be corporal, psychical or sensorial, show pathological peculiarities, which prove that the cause of their various dystrophies have a similar origin, and that they often arise from defective function of the sympathic system which appears to be brought into action by the internal glands. the backward children consist of intoxicated, under-grown or anæmic persons, who, besides, suffer from retention of substances, which ought normally to be eliminated, chiefly the chlorides and phosphates (in cases of apathy) or the hyper excretion of the same substances (in cases of instability). moreover, the combined organotherapy ought to be considered as a "perfect touchstone" of dystrophy, and if applied according to certain rules, it gives results which are more complete and more certain than thyroid organotherapy by itself. it goes without saying that a special training is necessary for the intellectual "backwards"; but before any attempt at education, it is necessary to treat their bodily deficiencies, and to place them in the special schools with the boarding system, where they will be under the eye both of the doctor and of the teacher. first international eugenics congress, london, july th to july th, , university of london, south kensington. * * * * * catalogue of the exhibition. * * * * * charles knight & co., ltd., - tooley street, london, s.e. references in the index refer to the alphabetical enumeration in the margin of each page of the catalogue. * * * * * the exhibition committee desire to take this opportunity of expressing their thanks to the exhibitors for the loan of their exhibits. they desire specially to acknowledge the courtesy of professor von gruber for giving permission to make use of translations from the catalogue of the international congress of race hygiene held in dresden last year. index to exhibits. a ability, administrative, pedigree shewing descent of, i. inheritance of, as exemplified in the darwin, galton, and wedgwood families, o. abnormal germ production, _see under_ germ production abnormalities observed in drunkard's children, c. abortions and premature births in various callings, c. administrative ability, pedigree shewing descent of, i. age-intervals, separating various generations of mannheim families, c. age of parents conjointly with numerical position in family, in relation to infantile mortality, c. at death, and marital gross and net fertility, c. and mortality of children up to years, c. - and mortality of children up to years, c. - agricultural college of utah john a. widtsoe, a.m., ph.d., chart shewing inheritance of physical and mental qualities and defects, and of literary ability, from a polygamous family in utah, n. alcohol and degeneration, c. - effect of, on human offspring, c. experiments with, on animals, in small quantities, c. frequency and intensity of harmful influences through, relative, urban and rural, c. injury from, to reproductive functions, c. - alcoholic, epileptic, sexually-immoral man, and neurotic and sexually-immoral woman, offspring of, d. intoxication, acute, effect of on origin of feeble-mindedness, c. man, and feeble-minded woman, offspring of, d. and migrainous woman, offspring of, d. alcoholism, paternal, effect of, on suckling-capacity of daughters, c. inter-connection with, of tuberculosis, nervous diseases, and psychoses of offspring, c. _alytes obstetricans_, _see_ midwife toad "all london," booth's classification of, comparison of, with the normal classes, o. american breeders' association, eugenics section (c. davenport, esq.). charts _re_ defectives, classification and statistics of, p. ancestors, theoretical number of, c. ancestral loss, phenomenon of, c. animals, experiments on, with small quantities of alcohol, c. arab v. spaniard, segregation inheritance of eye-colour, k. archduchess maria ... of tuscany, pedigree of, c. association of characters in heredity in sweet peas, m. & (_a & b_) atrophy, progressive muscular, c. australia, birth and death rates in, h. b bavaria, breast-feeding in relation to infant mortality in, c. , "belvidere," pedigree of, c. berlin, birth and death rate for, h. fertility in, decrease in, _circ._ - , c. - birth-curve, general, and that for feeble-minded children compared, c. birth-frequency in relation to habit of breast-feeding, c. , birth-interval, in relation to breast-feeding, length of, c. average length of, c. , health of offspring, c. infantile mortality, c. , vitality of child, with and without, breast-feeding, c. birth-place, locality and size of, in relation to military fitness, germany, c. - birth-rate, in relation to breast-feeding, duration of, c. , wealth, c. - rising, countries with, h. - stationary, countries with, h. - birth and death rate in australia, h. in berlin, h. in europe and western europe, h. - in france, h. in the netherlands, h. of toronto, city of, h. of united kingdom, and of german empire, h. , of various countries, relation between, h. - birth and death rates and infant mortality, relation between, h. - for new zealand, h. in protestant countries, h. - birth-rates, and _corrected_ death-rates, relation between, h. births _per_ couple essential to prevent decay of nations, c. _et præoi_ premature in various callings, c. restriction of, c. - blindness, _see_ colour-blindness _and_ night-blindness blood-relationship of parents and health of offspring, c. intensification of characters in, c. - blue andalusian fowls, mendelian inheritance in gametic purity in illustration of theory of, o. (_f_) without dominance, o. (_e_) booth, c., classification by, of "all london," comparison of, with the normal classes, o. breast-feeding, in relation to birth-intervals, length of, and average length of, c. , cancer, c. infant mortality birth-interval and, c. - female labour and, c. capacity for, of daughters as affected by paternal alcoholism, c. as evidence of hereditary constitution in relation to infant mortality, c. - and number of children, c. duration of, in relation to average number of carious teeth, c. , birth rate, c. , frequency of rachitic disturbances of development, c. . infant mortality, c. in conjunction with numerical position, c. physical development, c. school reports, average, c. habit of, in relation to birth-frequency, c. , as running in families, and infant mortality, c. c canada, _see_ toronto cancer, breast-feeding in relation to, c. cataract, hereditary, l. charts explaining method of collecting and recording data, d. (_a_ & _b_) childbirth, increasing frequency of surgical operations in connection with, racial significance of, c. ( - ) childless and fertile couples, physical condition of, contrasted, c. children, _see also_ infant mortality, numbers, numerical position, &c. of drunkards, abnormalities observed in, c. health of, in connection with blood-relationship of parents, c. mortality of, death-age of parents in relation to, up to years, c. , up to years, c. , illegitimate, c. , number of children in relation to, c. number of, average in each generation, mannheim, c. in paris, in relation to wealth, c. cleopatra, pedigree of, showing inbreeding, c. colour-blindness, congenital, pedigree with unusual features, l. colour-changes in skin of fire-salamander, according to placing on yellow or black earth, c. , colours, recombination of in poultry, mendelian experiments shewing, m. comparison of mr. booth's classification of "all london," with the normal classes, o. conceptions and conception losses, numbers of, and explanations, c. ( - ) congenital colour-blindness, pedigree with unusual features, l. hereditary nystagmus, l. (_a_ & _b_) constitution, _see_ hereditary _do._ consumption in three generations, male infant mortality, e. (_c_) copenhagen, fertility of marriages, occupation, and wealth for, c. countries with rising birth-rate, h. - stationary birth-rate, h. - country, _versus_ town fertility, in prussia, c. , cross-fertilization in maize, c. crossing of races fertility and health in relation to, c. inbreeding and, c. , d darwin, charles, home of, down house study-rooms of, at down etching of large, by haig, b. photograph of small, in which "the origin of species" was written, b. water-colour drawing of, by a. goodwin, b. letters of (two) on "worms and their habits," b. portraits of engraving, by flameng after collier, b. portraits of painting, by w. w. ouless, b. photograph, by maull and polyblank, b. on his horse, tommy, b. darwin, dr. erasmus, and his son, erasmus, portraits of (silhouette), a. darwin, mrs., portrait of (silhouette), a. darwin, william e., and leonard, b. to darwin, galton, and wedgwood families, inheritance of ability as exemplified by, o. daughters, suckling capacity of, as affected by paternal alcoholism, c. davenport, c. b., p. death-rates, _see also_ birth-, and death-rates of married and divorced persons, and of widows, compared, c. deaths, in relation to conception losses, c. , defect, transmission of, pauperism due to, e. - (_d_) defective and pauper families, tendency to inter-marriage between, e. defectives classification of, charts of, p. statistics of charts, p. degeneration, alcohol and, c. - delirium tremens, epilepsy, and general paralysis, frequency of, in prussian lunatic asylums, c. denmark, fertility in, in relation to wealth, c. , number of children in, in families of different classes, , c. descent, _see also_ heredity, inheritance, _and_ mendelism of qualities in a population (after galton), o. standard scheme of (after galton), o. development as affected by duration of breast-feeding, c. - diseases, variation of, england and wales, h. down house, home of charles darwin study-rooms in large, etched by haig, b. small, photograph of, b. water-colour of, by a. goodwin, b. drunkard's children, abnormalities observed in, c. drysdale, c. v., h. - dutch conditions as to fertility in relation to marriage, wealth and occupation, c. dying-out of higher grades of society, c. large scale of, c. quick process of, catastrophic changes inaugurating,. c. - e earth, colour of, as affecting skin-colour in fire salamander, c. - england and wales birth- and death-rate and infantile mortality for, h. fertility of married women in, h. illegitimacy in, h. english _v._ gipsy, inheritance of racial form of nose, k. engraving by leopold flameng of collier's portrait of c. darwin, b. environment, colour changes in skin due to, c. - epilepsy, frequency of, in prussian lunatic asylums, c. epileptic, alcoholic, sexually-immoral man and sexually-immoral woman, offspring of, d. and feeble-minded parents, offspring of, d. , , , (_a_ & _b_) man and choreic woman, offspring of, d. of low grade, condition of relatives of, d. and normal woman, offspring of, d. parents, offspring of, d. unmarried mother, offspring of, d. epileptics, village for, of new jersey state, at skillman, d. - etching by axel haig of darwin's large study at down, b. european states, decrease of fertility in some, c. european _v._ american red indian, inheritance of racial form of nose, k. (_a_ & _b_) segregation inheritance of eye-colour, k. eye, lens of, reconstruction of, out of iris, c. of vertebrate, development of, c. eye-colour in mankind, mendelian descent of, pedigree shewing, i. racial segregation of, k. - eye-disease, destructive, and mental defect in same stock, e. eye-sight, defects of, l. - f families brought back to the land, north germany, c. - frequency of tuberculosis in, c. faulty position of child at birth, in relation to stillbirth, c. ( & ) feeble-minded children, birth-curve of, compared with general birth-curve, c. parents, offspring of, d. mated with epileptic, offspring of, d. , , , (_a_ & _b_) woman, and alcoholic man, offspring of, d. . feeble-mindedness, incest, and offspring, d. origin of, acute intoxication in relation to, c. female labour and infant mortality, c. - as affecting reproduction, c. , fertile and childless couples, physical condition of, contrasted, c. fertility, age of parents at death in relation to, c. and health in relation to crossing of races, c. in relation to high mental endowment in france, c. in holland, c. legitimate, in berlin, decrease of: two-children system, c. - of marriages, occupation, and wealth for copenhagen, and dutch conditions, c. of married women, england and wales, h. want of, in french and german towns, c. - and wealth, c. in denmark, c. , in munich, c. field-workers in america, charts collected by, p. fire salamander, colour-changes in skin of, when placed on yellow or on black earth, c. - first-born _see also_ numeral position alleged inferiority in, c. . and later-born, infantile mortality among, c. myopia in high degree and frequency of, c. fitness for military service in relation to birth-place, locality and size of, and to parental occupation, c. - foetus, effect on, of lead poisoning, c. france, birth- and death-rates for, since ., h. departments of, fertility in relation to wealth in, c. fertility in, in relation to high mental endowment, c. total population and birth- and death-rates for, variation in, h. towns of, want of fertility in, c. g galton, darwin, and wedgwood families, inheritance of ability as exemplified by, o. galton, samuel tertius, his son erasmus, and three daughters, portraits of (silhouette), a. galton, sir francis, portrait of, by charles furze, a. gametic purity in mendelian heredity, theory of illustrations of in blue andalusian fowls, o. (_f_) mice, o. (_d_) general paralysis of the insane, frequency of, in prussian lunatic asylums, c. generations of mannheim families age-intervals separating, c. average number of children in each, c. number attained by, c. germ-cells, effect on, of lead-poisoning, c. germ production, abnormal, disturbance of normal sex proportion as symptom of, c. germany, _see_ berlin, munich, & united kingdom recruits in, cause of unfitness in those qualified for one year and in general, c. , grueber, prof. von, c. - h hæmophylic family, pedigree of, c. hair peculiarities, heredity of curled hair, c. lock of white hair, c. health and fertility in relation to crossing of races, c. of married persons, importance to, of marriage, c. of offspring in relation to birth-interval, c. blood-relationship of parents, c. heart and vessels, effect on, of syphilis, c. hereditary cataract, l. changes in _alytes obstetricans_, c. - congenital nystagmus, l. (_a_ & _b_) constitution as evidenced by power to breast-feed, in relation to infant mortality, c. - night-blindness with myopia, l. heredity, _see also_ descent, inheritance & mendelism among moral imbeciles, c. of hair peculiarities curling, c. white lock, c. of particular taints, distribution of amongst nearest relatives, c. - principles of, charts of, p. higher grades of society dying out of, c. large scale of, c. urban, c. quick process, catastrophic changes inaugurating, c. - holland, _see also_ dutch, & netherlands fertility in, in relation to high mental endowment, c. hope, e. w., public health department, city of liverpool, f. - (_f_) human races, _see also_ races crossing of, inbreeding and, c. - interbreeding of different, results of, k. hybrids resulting from cross-fertilization, c. hybridization in maize, c. i illegitimacy in england and wales, h. illegitimate children, mortality of, c. , imbeciles, moral, heredity among, c. inbreeding and crossing of races, c. among pathological, harm of, c. in reigning families, c. - incest, and feeble-mindedness, d. infantile mortality in relation to age of parents, c. birth interval (_see also_ that head), c. , , long or short, c. breast-feeding, _see under_ breast-feeding birth- and death-rates, relation between, h. female labour, c. - hereditary constitution, c. - marriage of parents, c. , numerical position in family, c. , in princely families, c. in england and wales, h. in the netherlands, h. in new zealand, h. in protestant countries, h. - in roman catholic countries, h. - tuberculosis, and pauperism, relation between, e. (_a-e_) inheritance of ability, as exemplified in the darwin, galton, and wedgwood families, o. in polygamous utah family, of physical and mental qualities and defects, and of literary ability, n. segregative of racial form of nose, k. - (_a_ & _b_) insanitary property in liverpool, model of, f. photographs of, and of new dwellings erected on demolition of, f. (_a_ & _b_) insanity (_see also_ lunatics), consumption, and infant mortality, e. (_b_) interbreeding of different human races, results of, k. inter-marriage, _see also_ marriage between pauper and defective families, tendency to, e. intoxication, alcoholic, acute, in relation to origin of feeble-mindedness, c. l land, re-settlement of families dealt with, n. germany, c. - lead-poisoning as affecting germ-cells and foetus, c. legitimate and illegitimate children, berlin, , survival of, c. letters (autograph) of charles darwin (two) on "worms and their habits," b. lidbetter, e. j., e. - (_d_) life, male, duration of, urban and rural, in prussia, c. liverpool, city of, public health department of, f. - (_f_) london (_see also_ all london), birth- and death-rates, relation between, h. low-type stock, perpetuation of, pauperism due to, e. - (_d_) with but little physical defect, e. lunatic asylums, prussian, frequency in, of delirium tremens, epilepsy and general paralysis, c. m maize, cross fertilized, hybridized, self-fertilized, c. male and female mortality, urban and rural, compared, c. - life, duration of, urban and rural, prussia, c. malthusian theory of population, h. - mankind, eye-colour in, mendelian descent of, pedigree shewing, i. mannheim families, gradual extinction of, th century, c. marriage rate, england & wales, h. marriage(s) in relation to fertility, occupation and wealth, copenhagen and holland, c. first, prolificness of, th century, c. importance of, to health of married persons, c. and mortality in prussia ( - ), c. between peasant and tramp, pedigree shewing results, c. mendelian descent of eye-colour in mankind, pedigree shewing, i. experiments with fowls, shewing recombination of colours, m. heredity in blue andalusian fowls, gametic purity in, illustration of theory of, o. (_f_) without dominance, o. (_e_) in mice, illustration of theory of gametic purity in, o. (_d_) with dominance, theoretical examples of, o. (_f_) in peas, theoretical examples of, o. (_a_ & _b_) in rabbits, m. , mendelism, o. mental defect, _see also_ defect, defective, &c. transmission of, through the apparently normal, e. (_a-d_) disease and destructive eye-disease in same stock, e. endowment, high, in relation to fertility in france, c. holland, c. taint, distribution of, among nearest relatives, c. mice, mendelian heredity in, gametic purity in, o. (_d_) (theoretical), with dominance, o. (_c_) midwife toad, hereditary changes in habits of, c. - migrainous parents, offspring of, d. military fitness and unfitness, germany, in relation to school life, c. , , recruits, frequency among, of venereal diseases, c. miscarriages in relation to conception losses, c. ( ) moral imbeciles, heredity among, c. mortality, _see also_ infant, male and female, phthisis, syphilitic of children, in relation to age at death of parents, c. - of illegitimate children, c. , in relation to marriage, c. mudge, g. p., k. - munich, fertility in, in relation to wealth, c. munich regiments, percentage in, of fitness, c. muscular atrophy, progressive, c. myopia, with hereditary night-blindness, l. high degree of, and frequency of, among first-born, c. n neomalthusianism, c. - netherlands, _see also_ holland birth- and death-rates and infant mortality for, h. new jersey state village for epileptics, at skillman, charts of, d. - new zealand, birth- and death-rate and infant mortality, h. night-blindness, hereditary with myopia l. inherited stationary, pedigree of sufferers from, of nongaret family, c. nongaret family, sufferers from inherited stationary night-blindness, pedigree of, c. normal classes, comparison with, of booth's classification of "all london," o. woman, with two tuberculous husbands, e. (_d_) nose, racial form of, and its segregative inheritance, k. - (_a_ & _b_) number of children and capacity for breast-feeding, c. child mortality, c. numerical position in family, _see also_ first-born and duration of breast-feeding in relation to infant mortality, c. in relation to infantile mortality, c. , in princely families, c. nystagmus, hereditary congenital, l. (_a_ & _b_) o occupation in relation to fertility, denmark and holland, c. offspring, human, effects on of alcohol, blood relationship of parents, epileptic and feeble-minded parentage, &c., _see_ those heads p parental age at death, and child mortality, c. - occupation in relation to military fitness, germany, c. - parents, blood-relationship of, and health of offspring, c. epileptic, offspring of, d. paris, birth- and death-rates of, relation between, h. number of children in, in relation to wealth, c. paternal alcoholism, as affecting suckling powers of daughters, c. with inter-connection of tuberculosis, neuroses and psychoses of offspring, c. lead-poisoning, effect of, on reproduction of healthy offspring, c. pathological interbreeding, harm of c. pauper and defective families, tendency to inter-marriage between, e. pauperism due to transmission of defect, and perpetuation of low-type stocks, e. - (_d_) tuberculosis, and infant mortality, relation between, e. (_a-e_) peas, _see also_ sweet peas mendelian inheritance in, theoretical examples of, o. (_a_ & _b_) pearl, dr. raymond, g. peasant and tramp intermarriages, pedigree shewing results, c. pedigree records, system of making, g. pedigrees of archduchess maria ... of tuscany, shewing inbreeding, c. "belvidere," c. collected by field-workers in america, p. descent of administrative ability, i. , _see also_ darwin, galton, and wedgwood families of scientific ability (wollaston pedigree), i. mendelian descent of eye-colour in mankind, i. family with peculiarly curled hair, c. hæmophylic family, c. illustrating royal tendency to inter-marry, c. - reigning houses, shewing ancestral loss, c. zero von jorger family, c. physical condition of childless and fertile couples contrasted, c. photographs of charles darwin, b. , , of small study in which "origin of species" was written, b. physical development in relation to duration of breast-feeding, c. qualities, heredity of, tables shewing, c. phthisis mortality, decline in, for england & wales, f. (_a_) england & ireland, f. (_b_) liverpool, f. (_d_) scotland, f. (_c_) polygamous utah family, inheritance in, of physical and mental qualities and defects, and of literary ability, n. population births, _per_ couple, essential to prevent decay of nation, c. _et proevi_ descent of qualities in (after galton), o. malthusian theory of, h. - neomalthusian theory of, c. - portraits of darwin, charles (engraving by l. flameng, after hon. john collier's painting), b. by maull & polyblank (photograph), b. on his horse tommy (photograph), b. painting by w. w. ouless, b. darwin, dr. erasmus, and his son, erasmus (silhouette), a. darwin, mrs. (silhouette), a. galton, samuel tertius, his son erasmus, and three daughters (silhouette), a. galton, sir francis, by charles furze, a. poultry, _see_ blue andalusian fowls pregnancy, effect on, of female labour, c. - premature births and abortion in various callings, c. in relation to conception losses, c. ( ) princely families, infantile mortality in, in relation to numerical position, c. principles of heredity charts of, p. progeny of the highly gifted in france, c. progressive muscular atrophy, inheritance of, c. prolificness of first marriages, th century, c. protestant countries, birth- and death-rates and infant mortality in, h. - prussia, fertility (restricted) in, c. prussia lunatic asylums of, frequency in, of delirium tremens, epilepsy, and general paralysis, c. male life-duration in, urban and rural, c. ptolemäus x., pedigree of, shewing inbreeding, c. punnett, prof. r. c., m. - (_b_) q qualities, descent of, in a population (after galton), o. r rabbits, mendelian inheritance in, m. , rachitic disturbances of development, frequency of, in relation to duration of breast-feeding, c. race--hygiene, c. - racial crossing, c. - fertility and health in relation to, c. eye-colour segregation of, k. form of nose and its segregative inheritance, k. - (_a_ & _b_) inbreeding, c. - recombination of colours in fowls, mendelian experiments shewing, m. recruits, qualified for one year's service, and recruits in general, germany, causes of unfitness in, compared, c. , reigning families, inbreeding among, c. houses, pedigrees of, shewing ancestral loss, c. relations, nearest, distribution among, of particular taints, c. - reproduction, effect on, of female labour, c. - of paternal lead poisoning, c. reproduction-methods of _alytes obstetricans_, hereditary changes in, c. - reproductive functions, injury to, from alcohol, c. - restriction of birth, c. - reversion in sweet peas on crossing, followed by appearance in next generation of numerous types, m. in structural characters, m. roman catholic countries, birth- and death-rate and infant mortality in, h. - rural and urban duration of male life, prussia, c. s self-fertilization in maize, c. school reports, average, in relation to duration of breast-feeding, c. schools, german, in relation to military fitness, c. scientific ability, descent of, pedigree shewing i. , _and see_ darwin, galton, wedgwood families. sexes, normal proportion of, disturbance in, as symptom of abnormal germ production, c. segregation inheritance of racial form of nose, k., - (a & b) segregation of racial eye-colour, k. ( - ) silhouettes of darwin, dr. erasmus, and his son erasmus, a. darwin, mrs., a. galton, samuel tertius, his son erasmus, and three daughters, a. . skin-colour, changes in, in fire salamander according to whether kept on yellow or black earth, c. - soter ii., pedigree of, shewing inbreeding, c. spaniard _v._ gipsy inheritance, segregation of eye-colour, k. stillbirths, in relation to conception losses, c. - decrease of total of, c. ( ) structural characters, reversion in, in sweet peas, m. students, german, causes of military unfitness in, c. , suicides in civilised countries, increasing numbers of, c. - suckling, _see_ breast-feeding sucklings, _see_ infant mortality surgery in childbirth, increase in, racial significance of, c. ( - ) standard scheme of descent (after galton), o. sweet peas association in, of characters in heredity, m. & (_a_ & _b_) reversion in, on crossing, followed by appearance of numerous types in next generation, m. in structural characters, m. syphilitic and sexually-immoral couple, offspring of, d. syphilis heart and vessels as harmed by, c. mortality from, at to years, c. frequency of, relative, urban and rural, c. - t taints, particular, distribution of among nearest relations, c. - teeth, carious, average of, breast-feeding in relation to, c. , toronto, city of, birth- and death-rates of, h. towns, _see also_ urban french and german, restriction of births in, c. - life in, special effect of, on male mortality, c. - tramp and peasant inter-marriage, pedigree showing results, c. tuberculosis frequency of, within families, c. infant mortality, and pauperism, relation between, e. (_a_ & _e_) mortality from, of married and unmarried persons, c. tuberculous family with apparently normal parents from tuberculous stocks, e. (_a_) stock, survival of, by accession of strength from normal, e. (_c_ & _d_) twins, hereditary tendency to beget, c. two-children system in berlin, c. - u united kingdom and germany, total population, and birth- and death-rates, variations in, h. - urban tendency to extinction of higher-grade families, c. and rural duration of male life, prussia, c. relative frequency of syphilis and other venereal diseases, c. - v vitality of child, influence on, of birth-intervals, c. venereal disease, frequency of among military recruits, c. urban and rural, relative, c. - w wealth, in relation to birth-rate, c. - fertility denmark, c. , france, c. , wedgwood, galton, and darwin families, inheritance of ability as exemplified by, o. weeks, david fairfield, director of the n. jersey state village for epileptics at skillman, u.s.a. d. - wheeler, e. g., a. ( - ) whetham, mr. & mrs. w. c. d., i. - widows and divorced persons, high death-rate of, c. widtsoe, john a., a.m., ph.d., chart shewing inheritance of physical and mental qualities and defects, and of literary ability, from polygamous family in utah, n. wife, importance of in raising or lowering family status, c. william ii., german emperor, pedigree of, showing "ancestral loss," c. wollaston pedigree, shewing descent of scientific ability, i. woman with two husbands, defective family by the first, e. z zero von jorger family, pedigree of, c. first international eugenics congress, london, july, . list of exhibits. [sidenote: a.] exhibited by e. g. wheler, esq. [sidenote: a ] portrait of sir francis galton, by charles furze, . [sidenote: a ] silhouettes of dr. erasmus darwin and his son erasmus. [sidenote: a ] silhouette of mrs. darwin. [sidenote: a ] silhouettes of samuel tertius galton, his son erasmus and three daughters. [sidenote: b.] exhibited by william> e. and leonard darwin. [sidenote: b ] portrait of charles darwin, by w. w. ouless, r a., painted in . [sidenote: b ] portrait of erasmus darwin (after wright, of derby), the common grandfather of charles darwin and francis galton. [sidenote: b ] photograph of charles darwin, by maull & polyblank, taken about the year . [sidenote: b ] leopold flameng's engraving, after the portrait of charles darwin, by the hon. john collier, painted in the year --now in the national portrait gallery. [sidenote: b ] photograph of charles darwin on his horse tommy. [sidenote: b ] photograph of the small study at down in which the "origin of species" was written. [sidenote: b ] etching by axel haig of the large study at down, which charles darwin occupied from about onwards. [sidenote: b ] water-colour drawing of down house, by albert goodwin, painted in . [sidenote: b ] two letters of charles darwin, on "worms and their habits," [sidenote: c.] exhibited by professor von gruber. [sidenote: c & ] experiments by p. kammerer on +changes produced in the colours in the skin of the fire salamander--salamandra maculosa--by keeping them on yellow or black earth respectively+. according as to whether the animals are kept on yellow or black earth the yellow or black colouring of the skin spreads, and this change of colour appears in the same way in the offspring, though a direct influence of the colour of the earth on the germ plasm is absolutely unthinkable. the two pictures in the lower part of figure c show the colouring of that generation to which the animal portrayed above belongs, according as to whether they have been kept permanently on yellow soil (right) or returned again to black soil (left). here, it is true, it is not a question of a new quality or tendency. the capacity in the parents to deposit black pigment in their skin has been increased or decreased according to their surroundings. but the distinctive point remains, that their offspring is subsequently endowed with the inherited tendency to produce proportionately more or less pigment. this may, however, be a direct result of the abnormal life conditions of the parents, in so far as the depositing of more or less pigment in the skin of the parents is certainly not a purely local process, but rather is bound up with other metabolic changes which may extend to or influence the developing gametes. [sidenote: c & ] very remarkable are the +hereditary changes+ which kammerer established in +alytes obstetricans+--the midwife toad. with them copulation normally takes place on dry land. the male extricates from the female the string of eggs, winds it round his hind legs and carries it about until the eggs are ready. then, and not till then, he enters the water where the larvæ escape. if, however, one keeps these toads in a high temperature ( - c.) they enter the water to cool themselves and abandon their normal way of manipulating their brood because the string of spawn swells in water and does not remain sufficiently sticky to allow the male to fasten it to his thighs. the animals become gradually accustomed to live in water, and continue to carry on the business of reproduction there, even when the temperature is normal. as soon as the new instinct has become sufficiently established with the parents they beget offspring, which at a normal temperature go of their own accord into water to deposit their eggs, and also produce eggs more numerous than, and somewhat different from, those of the normal toad. further, the males of this succeeding generation develop thumbs and forearms of a character which enables them to perform the difficult task of holding the females during copulation in the water. [sidenote: c & ] the likeness of offspring to their parents is extremely great and goes into many details; this we frequently overlook because a divergence strikes us more than a similarity. a similarity becomes striking when it is a question of familiar peculiarities. these often relate to exterior unimportant peculiarities. our collection contains +a pedigree+ (taken by dr. walter bell from bateson's "mendel's principles of heredity"), figure c , +of a family with peculiarly curled hair+; also in figure c , a +case of heredity of a lock of white hair+, likewise taken from bateson's work by rizzoli. [sidenote: c ] the heredity of physical qualities is strikingly illustrated in weinberg's table c , showing the age +at death of the parents and the marital gross and nett fertility+. it is founded on the stuttgart family registers, and comprises about , non-tubercular and about , tubercular families ("archiv für rassen and gesellschafts biologie" and württemberger jahrbücher für statistik und landeskunde, ). w. weinberg adds: [illustration: relation of age at death of parents to gross and nett fertility. (after weinberg.) age of parents. men: women: years under a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . - a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . - a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . - a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . - a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . - a . c . a . c . b . d . b . d . a - non-tuberculous families, number of children surviving th year. b - tuberculous " " " " " c - non-tuberculous families, number of children dying before attaining th year. d - tuberculous " " " " " number of non-tuberculous families about , ( - - ), of tuberculous about , ( - ); from stuttgart family registers. figure c .] "the gross as well as the nett fertility of those which have died increases with the age attained, the latter, however, in a greater degree, because the mortality of children decreases with the greater age attained at death. with the wife the curve is less steep and less regular, because in her case mortality is unfavourably influenced by the birth functions; this is particularly plainly seen in the case of tuberculous women, when the curve has two peaks." [sidenote: c ] the same fact of heredity of "constitution" is demonstrated in weinberg's table c showing the +age at death of the parents and the mortality of the children up to the age of .+ it is based on the same material as table and proves: "with the increasing age of the parents child mortality decreases, especially so in the case of the children of the tuberculous, and the number of children reaching the age of sexual maturity increases correspondingly." [illustration: age at death of parents and mortality of the children up to the age of (including still-born). deaths per living-born children: non-tuberculous. tuberculous. age at death of father of mother of father of mother under . . . . - . . . . - . . . . - . . . . - . . . . - . . . . figure c .] [sidenote: c & ] the same is proved by the two tables c and by ploëtz referring to +age at death of fathers and mothers and child mortality up to the age of five years+. very striking in both these tables is the extremely low mortality of the offspring of the parents with the greatest longevity. [sidenote: c ] table c by weinberg: +hereditary of the disposition to beget twins+ (archiv für rassen & gesellschafts biologie vi. ) is remarkable. "the difference in favour of sisters speaks for mendel's law of dominance and recessivity. the more twins a woman has borne, the more frequently the same phenomena is found in her nearest female relations." that the mortality among twins is very great is a well-known fact. [illustration: inheritance of tendency to bear twins. about , families from würtemberg family registers (after weinberg). in every , births twin births occur in the following numbers: total population among daughters of mothers " maidens of twins " sisters figure c .] [illustration: in every , births there are the following numbers of twin births among the immediate relatives: of all mothers of women who have had multiple birth " " " " " " or more " mortality of twins. percentage of deaths before the age of : single-born children twins figure c (_continued_).] [sidenote: c ] figure c the celebrated pedigree of the hæmophilic +family+ (bleeders) +mampel+ (by rüdin after lossen). [sidenote: c ] figure c showing the inheritance of progressive muscular +atrophy+ (after eichhorst). [sidenote: c ] figure c a partial reproduction of a +pedigree+ comprising over , people of the family nongaret suffering from inherited stationary night +blindness+ (compiled by cunier, truc and nettleship). with regard to these figures it is to be noted that only a fraction of the offspring is affected with the illness, the remainder being perfectly normal. it is remarkable with the bleeders (hæmophilic persons) that the females do not suffer from the disease though they transfer it to their male offspring; a similar latent disposition is observable in other hereditary conditions, especially colour-blindness. [sidenote: c ] w. weinberg shows in table c the +frequency of tuberculosis within families+. he adds: "this is a comparison of the experiences of married tubercular individuals, regarding the frequency of tuberculosis among their parents, brothers and sisters, with the corresponding experiences of their husbands or wives who come on an average from similar surroundings. the experiences of the latter represent the normal expectation. it is especially striking that the family influence tells most with the children of the well-to-do." the well-known fact that the tuberculous frequently come from tuberculous stock is clearly demonstrated in the figures of this table. [sidenote: c ] [sidenote: c ] in table c dr. otto diem shows the +distribution of particular taints+ in every hundred of the tainted members +among the nearest relations+ (parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts, brothers and sisters) of the entire material he deals with. it is shown for instance that with the mentally sound, % of the tainted relatives were mentally diseased against . % with the mentally diseased. figure c shows the share of this percentage among the parents only. it is demonstrated that with the mentally diseased a much larger percentage of the total hereditary taint is traceable to parental madness, alcoholism, abnormality of character, than with the mentally sound. [sidenote: c ] figure c corresponds, with figure c , except that not only the parents are reckoned but the nearest defective relative in any degree. [sidenote: c ] figure c teaches that the reckoning of all the taints in the ancestry taken together with the collaterals fails to give as clear and convincing a picture of the dissimilarity in the heredity of mentally sound and diseased, as the reckoning of the taints among the parents alone. the establishment of the hereditary taint in the direct ancestry appears therefore by far the more important. [sidenote: c ] in figure (journal f. psychologie und neurologie. xiii. bd.) drf. hans w. mayer gives a number of examples of +heredity among moral imbeciles+, and he draws the following conclusions: "consequently moral defect in frequent combination with alcoholism is hereditary in the highest degree. remedy: incarceration of these dangerous individuals, not according to the accidental form of the crime committed, but as diseased and forming a public danger. if there is a risk of escape or if liberty is conceded--undoubtedly sterilization to prevent perpetuation of the defect." this latter course is already followed in north america, and a start has been made with it in switzerland, at least in cases where the consent of the patients is obtained. [sidenote: c ] the pedigree of the +family of zero von jorger+, figure c (archiv für rassen & gesellschafts biologie i.), shows in a convincing manner how very important for the protection of society is the prevention of the reproduction of the degenerate. in the course of time this family has burdened the sound and fit with taxation amounting to hundreds of thousands of pounds. the author remarks: "the family zero springs from good peasant stock intermarrying with homeless female tramps. its history shows how alcohol (especially spirits) and bad environment (in this case always combined) may create a scourge to society which continues from generation to generation. the family has produced many criminals, lunatics and feeble-minded persons. the offspring of these are destined to die out. their great fertility at times is counteracted by great infant mortality." "in places regeneration is evident which invariably is inaugurated by marriage with a good woman and the consequent abandonment of the abuse of alcohol. as with the degeneration so with the regeneration the wife takes the leading part." the question whether modern civilized races are degenerate in body and mind is much disputed. in some respects for instance in the increase of myopia and caries of the teeth it is generally admitted, but in others it is doubtful, though it may be considered an established fact that the general average of health among all civilized nations is unsatisfactory. we do not know for certain whether the general level of all or certain qualities is being lowered or not, and still less can we say what part is played by heredity. the demand for the systematic collection of data on these points is the first which race hygiene has to make from governments. the examinations as to fitness for military service in germany might offer an excellent index of the physique of the people, but for this purpose the physical condition of the conscripts would have to be recorded in a much more thorough manner than at present (s. gruber concordia, ). there appears, however, to be no doubt that in general the country and agricultural pursuits produce young men of better average health than do towns and other occupations. this agrees with the fact that the life of the inhabitants in rural districts and of those engaged in agriculture is longer than that of town dwellers. [sidenote: c ] table c +compares+ the+ duration of life+ of men living +in towns with+ those living in +rural districts in prussia+. beyond all doubt the peasant population is still constitutionally the most valuable part of the people, and the colonisation at home, such as the prussian government is pursuing to an increasing degree, may become of the very highest value for the improvement of the race. [sidenote: c , & ] dr. walter abelsdorff gives the following explanations to table c , and figures c and c . "they endeavour to show the number of +families brought 'back to the land' in north germany+ in the years - ." "the royal commission for settlement in west prussia and posen has achieved notable results since the beginning of its activity in . this body has brought about from to the settlement in the country of , families, , in leaseholds and in labourers' dwellings. for to the total number of families settled amount to , ." "the royal general commission began its activity later, but since has been energetically pursuing the settlement of agricultural labourers. at münster, in the years to , leasehold small holdings for artisans have been created." "the results of the royal district administrations are as yet less considerable, those of private societies with state subvention, though irregular, are worthy of note." "the total work of settlement is almost exclusively effected by the commission for settlements and the general commission." "counting five members to each family, , people have been brought into economically improved conditions. in how far this may benefit the second generation--the children of the settlers--cannot as yet be determined." "these efforts, however, may be looked upon as a regenerative component among the measures for the improvement of the people." [sidenote: c & ] figure c deals with the +fitness for military service in germany in relation to the locality of birth+ and the +occupation+ of the individual or the parents. table c with +fitness for military service in town and country+ (both after wellmann). [illustration: fitness for military service according to place of birth and calling. german empire, - . percentage of recruits examined and found fit: country born. city born. employed in employed in agriculture. otherwise. agriculture. otherwise. % . . . . . . . . . . . . years - - - - - - - - - - - - figure c .] [illustration: fitness for military service in town and country. (after wellmann.) locality of birth. trade. percentage of those examined. of both parents. of fit. large city. village. large city. village. % % % % brewer ... . . . . . cab driver . . . . . smith . . . . . skilled mechanic . . . . . implement maker or tool maker ... . . . . . figure c .] [sidenote: c ] +enlistments into the army+ in germany in and , +according to size+ (number of inhabitants) +of native place+, are shown by dr. walter abelsdorff in figure c . [sidenote: c ] figure c shows +the percentage of those found fit in the final examination in bavaria+ and +occupation of the parents+. [sidenote: c ] table c shows the total of all the +non-commissioned officers and privates in the german army+ on december st, , +classed according as they came from town or country+ and +according to the occupation or the parents+. attention is invited to the fact that according to figure c the percentage of those found fit for military service in germany has diminished in recent years, but it is doubtful whether this is caused by a general lowering of physique. it may be due to the application of a higher standard in consequence of increased supply. the distinct increase in height, in germany as well as in many other european countries, of those obliged to offer themselves for military service speaks against deterioration in the average of physique. against the suggestion that with the increase in height may be coupled a greater disposition to tuberculosis must be set the fact that amongst the tall is found a percentage of fit higher than the average. abelsdorff remarks of table c : "the results of recruiting for the years and have been grouped according to the size of the place of birth of the recruits. the average for the whole empire in is . , in . , fit in every finally examined. the percentage of fitness has diminished . % from to . the numbers for , and are respectively . , . , and . %. towns with over , , inhabitants show the smallest number of fit: , . %; , . %. the decline is . %. compared with the figure for the whole empire it shows . % less fitness in and . % in . for towns of , to , , inhabitants the figures are slightly better; they reach . % in and . % in ; an improvement of . % on the figures of the largest towns. the other three classes, viz., towns with , to , ; , to , and , to , inhabitants, show comparatively little variation in their figures for fitness for military service. they are . % and . %; . and . %; . and . %. the differences between the two years are not material. with the towns of from , to , and from , to , inhabitants there has been a decrease against an increase in those of from , to , inhabitants. but the figures for all three classes remain behind the average figure for the empire and so do those of all towns, they show . and . %. the most favourable results are yielded by the country districts. here there were fit in %, in . %. a trifling decrease is shown even here. the figures, however, are higher by . % in and . % in than the average for the empire. the conclusion is that the fitness is highest in the smallest, and lowest in the largest places. taking the average for the empire as , those found fit from country districts number , from towns , from towns of over , inhabitants , and from towns of over , only ." the tables showing the recruiting results amongst those qualified for the one year voluntary service are particularly interesting. [sidenote: c ] in table c schwiening (veröffentlichungen aus dem militär sanitatswesen. . berlin, hirschwald, ) gives the figures of those finally passed as +fit for military service in the mittelschulen+ (secondary schools), +which are classified according to their nature+. the figures are too optimistic because no account has been taken of those who were found temporarily unfit. the classical schools (gymnasium) give the least satisfactory results. [illustration: fitness for military service and secondary schools. of every of the pupils of the following schools class of school: there were found fit for military service: classical high schools (gymnasium) , old scientific & classical high schools (realgymnasium) , lower grade of classical high schools (progymnasium) , polytechnics , lower grade of scientific schools , " " " " and classical high schools , modern scientific high schools , commercial schools , training colleges , private schools , agricultural schools , average , figure c .] [sidenote: c ] table c gives the +principal reasons for which students have been rejected as unfit for military service+. [illustration: causes of unfitness for military service in the german empire, - . of every permanently unfit. there were rejected on account of: [a] [b] ================================== ====== ====== general debility--weak chest. . . diseases of the heart and large blood-vessels. . . defects of eyes (error of refraction). . . pulmonary defects. . . diseases of the nervous system (excl. epilepsy). . . obesity. . . diseases of the limbs and joints. . . rupture. . . flat feet. . . varicose veins. . . deformities. . . insanity and epilepsy. . . key to table ------------ [a] entitled to one year's service. (einjhrign freiwilligen.) [b] ordinary soldiers subject to full military service figure c .] [sidenote: c ] table c is a +comparison of the frequency of the various causes of unfitness as between those qualified for the one year's voluntary service and the recruits in general+. this table is very remarkable, because it shows the preponderance of general weakness, diseases of the heart and large vessels, and pulmonary defects among the former. [illustration: military fitness and secondary schools. percentage of unfit to every recruits examined. cause of rejection: [a] [b] [c] [d] [e] ============================= ============================ general debility--weak chest. . . . . . diseases of the heart and large blood-vessels. . . . . . defects of eyes (errors of refraction). . . . . . disease of the joints or limbs. . . . . . pulmonary defects. . . . . . key to table ------------ [a] classical high school. [b] old science and classical high school. [c] modern science high school. [d] lower grade high school. [e] training college. figure c .] [sidenote: c ] it goes without saying that the schools are only responsible to a lesser degree for this; we have to deal here with a serious symptom of a bad constitution amongst the higher social grades which betrays itself also in the dying out of the socially prominent families. how badly their progeny comes off, in spite of the great care bestowed on it, is illustrated in table c . in two munich regiments the percentage of fit among all those entitled to offer themselves for the one year's service from the most varied parts of germany was only, according to dieudonné, . , . , and . . [sidenote: c & ] great anxiety is justly caused by the increasing number of those taken care of in public lunatic asylums. it remains doubtful to what degree this may be due to the greater use made of asylums and the decrease of the care of the mentally infirm in the family home; the deterioration of the nervous system nevertheless remains according to the general impression an incontestable fact. as a symptom of this may be interpreted the increasing +number of suicides in civilised countries+, demonstrated in rüdin's tables, c and c , showing the number of suicides in every one million of inhabitants. more serious still than the frequency of mental and nervous diseases is another phenomenon which demonstrates how unsatisfactory is the constitutional condition of large circle of our population of to-day. this phenomenon which as yet has received much too little attention is +the large scale on which families die out+, at first in the male line. apparently (sufficient observations for control are not available) those families which hold an eminent economical or social position (aristocracy, old county families, etc., etc.) are mainly concerned. because exceptional endowment in one or more respects (intelligence, talent, will power, etc.) is generally required to secure or to maintain a leading position, and because such endowment is given to only a small fraction of the population, but is inherited largely by the progeny, this dying out of the leading families means a serious loss to the race. the deficient fertility of the stock thus endowed results in a lower average of mental capacity in the population generally, and cannot in the long run be made up by the constant re-appearance of distinguished men appearing as variations, the smallest number of whom are "mutations." the tendency among town families to die out appears to be wide-spread. professor s. schott in tables c -c adds materially to our knowledge on this point, professor schott makes the following comment on his tables:-- "s. schott. old mannheim families, tables." "source: 'old mannheim families. a contribution to the family statistics of the th century by professor dr. sigmund schott, mannheim and leipzig, . j. rensheimer.' statistical demonstration of the development, decline, and extinction of about , families which were in existence at mannheim at the beginning of the th century, based on permanently maintained family registers. this research, pursued on a basis of population statistics, lends itself only to a limited degree to application for biological purposes." [sidenote: c ] +gradual extinction of the mannheim families in the th century.+ only extinction by death in mannheim and in the male line are taken into account. families which have disappeared through emigration have been excluded. branches of families which have become extinct at mannheim may be flourishing elsewhere. of , families, , have become extinct by death at mannheim itself, survive. the spiral curve shows the number of survivors in any year as so many per thousand of the original number. [illustration: old mannheim families. gradual extinction of old mannheim families during the th century. figure c .] [sidenote: c ] +average number of children in each generation; the families being grouped according to the number of generations they attained.+ the families of (original families) and their descendants were classed into five groups, according to the number of generations they attained in mannheim. for each group is calculated the average number of children within one generation--for each separate family as well as for the entire family (_i.e._, the total of all the separate families which have sprung from the same "original family"). for instance: "original families" which have lasted into the third generation, ; the separate families show in the first generation, families, , children; in the second generation, families, with , children; in the third generation, families, with , children. accordingly, the total families show average numbers . , . , . ; the separate families, . , . , . . all these averages are minimum figures, because it was impossible to eliminate the moderate number of couples who emigrated before the number of their offspring was completed. in the generations up to the third inclusive, reproduction may be considered as terminated, but in the fourth, and especially the fifth and sixth, it still is in progress. [sidenote: c ] +age intervals separating the various generations.+ taking into account all the families investigated, the average length of time between the birth of the originator of the family and his first born son was - / years, his first born grandchild - / years, and his first born great grandchild - / years. the curves become gradually flatter, because the possible difference between minimum and maximum age distance from one generation to another increases in arithmetical progression. [sidenote: c ] +prolificness of first marriages in the th century.+ taking the entire period from to together the percentage of large families (six children or more) and of small families (one-two children) produced by all first marriages, excluding childless ones, is indicated by the horizontal centreline. the positive or negative deviations from the average during each decade are entered respectively above and below this line. the note in figure c referring to the families which may have emigrated while still productive applies here also. the temporary increase in prolific marriages after may be in connection with the material decrease in the age of those contracting marriage for the first time, as compared with the preceding decade. (men . in the earlier period as against . in the later, and women . against . years.) the extinction of the families is undoubtedly due partly to other causes than the voluntary limitation of families--to a process of degeneration. a very remarkable proof of the degenerative character of the dying out of families is given by pontus fahlbeck in his book, "the aristocracy of sweden" (fischer, jena, ). [sidenote: c - ] the six figures c - give what is biologically of greatest interest in it. note how the terribly +quick extinction+ of the +families+ of the nobility is +inaugurated by catastrophic changes+: rapid fall in the frequency of marriages, in the number of fertile marriages, and in the number of their progeny. the curves of the surviving families (red in the original tables) are for comparison. that we have to deal here with a natural and not a voluntary process is shown by the rapid increase in the mortality of male youth in the last generations; also by the extraordinary change in the proportion of the sexes of the children--which, of course, is beyond any control, marked preponderance of girls amongst the survivors (possibly also by the frequency of still-born male children). +a disturbance in the normal proportion of the sexes as a symptom of abnormal germ production+ may also assert itself in the opposite direction. o. lorenz has pointed out the frequent occurrence of an extraordinary increase of male children immediately before the extinction of a family in the male line. one of the most celebrated of these cases is the one of the family of the emperor max ii. he had six sons and two daughters, who all reached the age of maturity, but not a single male grandchild in the legitimate male line. [sidenote: c ] fresh evidence is exhibited by von den velden in figure c . with the families described by von riffel, who have died out in the male line, there is still a great preponderance of boys in the last generation in which boys have reached the age of sexual maturity, whereas there is a preponderance of females amongst the brothers and sisters of the wives of the last male issue of the family. [illustration: families in process of extinction. (from riffel's tables, after v. d. velden in the archiv für rassen- und gesellschafts-biologie, , no. .) [a] [b] ======================================================= ===== ===== decrease of frequency of marriage. men: of adults there marry: women: decrease of duration of life. men: . . average duration of life in years: women: . . high mortality of offspring. of births there died before the th year: fathers, the only members of their sons . generation who married. grandchildren . mothers, with childless brothers. sons . grandchildren . reversal of proportion of sexes born. to every girls there are born boys: in normal families: in dying-out families: disturbance to proportion of sexes among the children. normal: generation of sonless fathers: " " " mothers: key to table ------------ [a] normal families. [b] families in process of extinction. figure c .] [sidenote: c ] in this connection another figure, c , by von den velden ought to be mentioned. he shows, from investigations made by von riffel, that the +physical condition of childless couples is on the average inferior to that of fertile parents+. this, however, by no means holds good in every case. evidence to the contrary is given by the pedigree of an aristocratic family which has died out in the male line. it may be looked upon as typical. one generation (the second), with three times as many grown up men than women, produces only four boys ( % of the children), of whom two reach maturity. with the fourth generation the male issue dies out. though a large majority of the members of all three generations ( - th) have good health and attain to an exceptionally high age, most of the female lines also die out. only in two branches, which spring from the marriage of an aristocratic daughter with a man from the people, there are children in the fifth generation of whom at least a part promise a healthy progeny. fahlbeck, too, has drawn attention to the fact that the dying out swedish aristocracy shows no signs of striking degeneracy in the individual. this fact is of the greatest theoretical and practical importance because it proves that there exists, up to a certain degree, an independent degeneration of the germ plasm, even as the germ plasm may remain unaffected by damage to the soma. that such a one-sided degeneration of the germ plasm with respect to the power of reproduction may take place among animals has been known for a long time. in particular, chs. darwin has collected facts of this kind in his "variation of animals and plants under domestication." for civilised peoples it is a matter for reflection that with animals even slight deviations from their customary "natural" mode of living may lead to such serious consequences. race-hygiene. [sidenote: c & ] as the +nature and aims of race-hygiene+ are still unknown in wide circles it will be useful to show in tables c and c , by a. ploëtz, what its position is amongst other sciences and what the various branches of its activity consist in. many theoretical workers hold that the most important mission or race-hygiene is to fight against therapeutics and hygiene of the individual, for about these they have the most serious misgivings. they consider, that by maintaining inferior variations up to the age of reproduction, the average quality of the race must suffer and that to certain defects--which otherwise would rapidly disappear--an opportunity is given to spread through an entire people. this point of view, short sighted as it may be, must be examined into. it appears to be forgotten that on the one hand hygiene is powerless in cases of a high degree of degeneration and that on the other hand hygiene, by prevention of illness, does away with a number of causes of inferiority. finally it appears to be entirely overlooked that with the best inherent qualities and unfavourable surroundings the individual development may be poor and stunted. of what use are the highest potentialities if they remain latent? the main point is that so far convincing proofs of the preponderant harmfulness of hygiene are entirely absent. (s. gruber, heredity, selection and hygiene. deutsche med. wochenschr, ). [sidenote: c ] [illustration: the increasing frequency of obstetrical operations and their significance to the race. (based on the official statistics of baden by dr. agnes bluhm.) figure c .] dr. agnes bluhm contributes to the question of the deterioration of the race by therapeutic measures in dealing in figure c with "+the increasing frequency of surgical operations in connection with childbirth and its significance for the race.+" she writes in explanation "the number of doctors having increased relatively much more than the number of the population, it follows that for a growing number of women medical assistance at childbirth is available. to this must be added that progress in surgical technique, above all the diminished danger of infection, allows of a much more frequent operative interference with good results for mother and child. both these facts find expression in the reduction of the number of stillbirths. the purpose of these operations being to assist a diminished birth capacity in women, and this diminished capacity arising partly from constitutional and consequently hereditary factors, this question suggests itself: is the average birth capacity of women progressively diminished by the fact that an increasing number of women, more or less unfit for childbirth, are artificially assisted in bringing forth living children who inherit this weakness from the mother?" "our table attempts to answer this question on the basis of official midwifery statistics compiled in the grand duchy of baden reaching back to , that is the beginning of the antiseptic era. "to avoid the errors, which small figures might lead to, each calculation has been based on the average figures of a lengthy period. the material dealt with comprises over two million births." [sidenote: c - ] "figure shows the +increasing frequency of all childbirth operations taken together+. the period to shows an average of . operations to every births, the period to up to . operations to every births." [sidenote: c - ] "figure shows the +frequency of each class of operation in every , births+. each class of operation shows an increase in number, but the increase has not been uniform throughout the various classes." [sidenote: c - ] "figure , a and b, shows the +share of each class of operation in the total number for the various periods+. a more leading part is taken by aftermath operations, by artificially induced premature birth, by perforation of the head and by caesarean section on the living. aftermath operations depend (like the use of the forceps) to such a degree on the teachings of the various schools for midwifery (and on the time at the doctor's disposal) that they can hardly serve as a standard of birth capacity. the caesarean section, too, can hardly be taken as a guide, as a much wider view is taken now of the indications for this operation. but the equally increasing numbers of perforations of the head and artificially induced premature birth are well worthy of attention. for these two operations exclude one another. with the existing tendency to avoid perforation of the head by artificially inducing premature birth, a rise in the curve of premature births should correspond with a sinking of the perforation curve. to a maximum of the former actually coincides with a minimum of the latter; but from there on both curves rise, though not in the same degree. premature births have become since then (see fig. ) more than eight times as frequent; perforations of the head have trebled; and dismemberments of the child have doubled. this fact must be considered as a sign of lessened birth capacity." [sidenote: c - ] "figure shows the +decrease of the total number of stillbirths+." [sidenote: c - ] "figure gives the +share which abnormal position of the child has in this total+, and a comparison of the two shows that whilst the total has decreased by . % the decrease ( to ) has been . % in the case of stillbirth through abnormal position. the conclusion is, that there is now more opportunity for hereditary transmission of the tendency to faulty position of the child than three to four decades ago." [sidenote: c - ] "but figure proves that up to now an +increased inheritance of this tendency has not taken place+. the curves of these positions not only show irregularities but (with the exception of cross births) a tendency to sink." "recapitulation. the growing frequency of surgically assisted births cannot be taken as evidence of a diminished birth capacity, but is closely connected with the growing number of doctors. against the indications of a diminished birth capacity stand at the moment those which previously could be taken as pointing in the opposite direction. it would, therefore, appear that medical interference at birth has brought to the race advantages as to quantity and no drawbacks as to quality. but it is probable that the picture will change during the coming decades, because only then will the daughters of mothers who could not have brought forth living children without surgical assistance become themselves mothers. the renunciation of motherhood on the part of the women least suited for this function and the war against rickets might act as preventatives." the great anxiety about the elimination of the severest struggle for existence is based on the undoubtedly erroneous fundamental conception that the organism is a sorry product of necessity which can barely manage to maintain a laborious existence by the constant straining of all its faculties, and that it requires the continuous use of the whip of necessity to prevent an organism from giving way to its inherent tendency to degeneration. in fact, however, no organism is conceivable which has not the "tendency" to maintain itself and to react accordingly. there are many facts which prove that a wealth of capacities and tendencies is dormant in organisms which for innumerable generations have not been active, or, perhaps, have, never functioned in every possible way, and that, therefore, if the occasion arises replacements or accommodations of an unprecedented character may occur. in an unprejudiced system of race-hygiene these facts must not be overlooked. the exhibition in this section gives two specially striking instances; the one from animal the other from plant life. [sidenote: c ] to begin with figure c gives a diagrammatic representation of the +development of the eye of a vertebrate+--after k. kraepelin (taken from "experimentelle biologie ii., t. v. curt thesing, leipzig, teubner, ")--which shows that the lens is formed out of an invagination of the cornea and the retina by an extension of the brain. in the lower part of the plate the various phases of the +reconstruction of the lens out of the iris+ are shown, after it had been removed by a cataract operation from the eye of a triton larva. (this experiment was carried out by gustav wolff.)[a] thus an organ which normally is not concerned with the formation of the lens takes charge of its regeneration. [footnote a: studies in the physiology of development ii. archiv. für entwicklungs mechanic der organismen, xii. vol., part, .] a large number of tables deal with the influence of the numerical position in the progeny, with the number of births and the interval between births, on the health of the children, partly acting alone, partly in combination with the influence of the manner of nourishment during infancy. [sidenote: c ] +numerical position in family and infantile mortality+, after geissler. according to these statistics, the fifth child of a mother has materially less vitality than the first four, the second and third children have the most; but this does not agree with other statistics. [sidenote: c ] according to riffel's investigations--+influence of the numerical position of the child and the age of the parents at the time of marriage on infant mortality+, after v.d. velden, a material difference between the mortality of the three earliest born children and the three next born is only shown if both parents at the time of marriage have attained a certain age (man over , woman over ); only the seventh to ninth show under all circumstances a materially greater mortality than the earlier children. the children of more aged parents show a materially greater mortality than those of younger parents. the number of children in a family up to the eleventh has no material influence on infant mortality, only in families with twelve children or more a materially greater number of children perish before the fifth year. [illustration: relation of number of births to infant mortality. percentage of deaths to births. died during the first year of life. geissler. , births to , marriages of members of saxon coalminers' funds. (some still-born infants, and children of marriages to which there were only one or two births, are not included). died before reaching the age of . of a year, _i.e._, a little more than a month. [note: under the first graph in figure] the mortality of the st, nd, rd and th child is below the average. greatest vitality shown by nd and rd child. [note: under the second graph in figure] the mortality of the nd, rd, th and th child is below the average. greatest vitality shown by nd, rd, and th child. figure c .] [illustration: influence of the number of births and the age of the parents at the time of marriage on infant mortality. (from riffel's tables, after v. d. velden). key to table ------------ percentage of children born. - - - children =================================== ==== ==== ==== { children of all . . . { parents. { { husband over or died before { wife over years . . . reaching { old. th year. { { husband over and { wife over years . . . { old. influence of the number of children born to a family on infant mortality. - - - - children ==== ==== ==== ===== percentage of children born died before reaching th year . . . . figure c .] [sidenote: c ] +number of conceptions and conception losses+, by dr. agnes bluhm; the exhibitor gives the following explanation-- hamburger's material deals with , marriages of the labouring classes in berlin, with a total of , conceptions (an average of . conceptions for each woman); the material of bluhm comprises marriages of the wealthier and educated german middle and higher classes with a total of , conceptions (averaging . conceptions to each woman). hamburger has counted as conception losses only miscarriages, premature births, stillbirths, or deaths from illness before the completion of the sixteenth year. bluhm has included all those up to the twentieth year. both have only included marriages which have been contracted at least twenty years back. as the births in these marriages apparently date back to twenty years, all living children are reckoned as survivors or conception results, even if they have not attained the sixteenth or twentieth year respectively. this has influenced the result optimistically, but as it has done so with both authors alike, the comparison of their results is admissible. [sidenote: c - ] figure shows the +conception losses in marriages of varying conception numbers+ (curve a, hamburger's working-men's families; curve b, bluhm's well-to-do families); both curves confirm hamburger's words that "the percentage of the survivors gets smaller in proportion as the conception number increases." the mounting of curve b in the families with ten births is probably a delusion brought about by a very small number. in the marriages with eleven or more births there are lost with the well-to-do one quarter and with the working-classes nearly two-thirds of the conceptions up to the twentieth or sixteenth year respectively. [sidenote: c - ] figure represents the +share which miscarriages and premature births have in the conception losses in marriages of different degrees of productiveness+ (curve a, hamburger; curve b, bluhm). amongst the berlin labouring classes on the average . per cent. of all conceptions are lost through miscarriage and premature birth; for the wealthier german families the figure is . per cent. [sidenote: c - ] figure shows the +share which deaths and stillbirths have in conception losses+. with the labouring classes it amounts on the average to . per cent. (curve a), and in the wealthier families to . per cent. (curve b). [sidenote: c - ] figure . to investigate whether the continuous decrease in the percentage of the survivors, going hand in hand with the increase of maternal conceptions, is caused by the constitutional inferiority of the offspring as the numerical position increases, bluhm has established, in dealing with her material, the loss for each numerical position (first, second, third, etc., conceptions respectively). if this were the case, curve a, which gives the loss according to the frequency of conception in each marriage, would have to be identical with curve b, which gives the loss of first, second, and third, etc., conceptions, but this is by no means the case, for only at a very high numerical position of the conception the curves begin to be parallel. this proves that hamburger's "the percentage of the survivors gets smaller in proportion as the conception number increases" is not a biological law but only expresses a social phenomenon. with the increasing number of children there is a decrease in the value of each individual childlife. the mother is less careful about avoiding miscarriages; she devotes, and must necessarily devote, less care to each child; and the risk of infectious diseases which are a frequent cause of death during infancy increases. [sidenote: c ] how little the increasing mortality of the later born children up to the tenth child is based on a biological law is shown in figure c . +numerical position of birth and infant mortality up to the age of five in princely families+, by ploëtz; seventh to ninth children show the same mortality as the first born. pearson endeavored to prove a high degree of inferiority in the first born, physically and intellectually as well as morally. but his results are very open to attack, as weinberg has recently shown; one is reminded of pearson's results in crzellitzer's figure c --first and later born. crzellitzer writes thus about this--"a +high degree of myopia+ is +more frequent amongst first born+ than among later children. the disadvantage of the first born in respect of myopia is based on a greater hereditary taint and on no other factor. where there is no hereditary taint about one quarter to one-third are affected, no matter whether first, second, third, etc., born. also in well-to-do families, where the age of fathers at the time of procreation is materially higher, the first born are more frequently myopic than their brothers or sisters." [illustration: first and later-born. percentage of frequency of extreme short-sightedness. (after dr. crzellitzer.) child st nd rd th th th th th ============================== ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== ==== , children from working-class families. . . . . . . . . , children from working-class families, classified according to presence or absence of inherited tendency to short-sightedness. with inherited tendency . . . . . . . . without inherited tendency . . . . . . . . children from well-to-do families. . . . . . figure c .] a large amount of material has been treated by w. weinberg, in which tuberculous and non-tuberculous families are compared. [sidenote: c & ] figure c --+influence of numerical position of birth on infant mortality+ and figure c --+mortality of the first and later born+. weinberg writes concerning these: "the parallelograms in the first row indicate for each position in order of birth how many children out of every hundred die before the age of . on this, however, the difference in the mortality in families with different numbers of children has an influence. to counteract this, it has been calculated how many children in each position would die if within each family the number of children had no influence, and the actual number of deaths expressed as a percentage of the expectation calculated in this way gives parallelograms to the second row. after eliminating the influence exercised by the size of the family, the increase of the mortality with the higher birth number appears considerably smaller. figure c , which compares the mortality of the first and last born children, is to a certain extent a test of this. this shows clearly a considerably higher death rate in the last born. both figures indicate that children of the same numerical position of birth show a higher mortality, if from tuberculous families." [illustration: mortality of children according to sequence of birth. , tuberculous and , non-tuberculous families of stuttgart, - (after weinberg). key to tables ------------- [n] - non-tuberculous [t] - tuberculous paternal family. no. of child percentage of children death rates expressed in according to born alive who died before relative figures corrected for sequence of reaching their th year. differences in the death rates birth. in families differing in size. ============ ========================== ============================== [n] [t] [n] [t] ===== ===== ===== ===== . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . - . . . . maternal family. no. of child percentage of children death rates expressed in according to born alive who died before relative figures corrected for sequence of reaching their th year. differences in the death rates birth. in families differing in size. ============ ========================== ============================== [n] [t] [n] [t] ===== ===== ===== ===== . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . - . . . . figure c .] [illustration: relative mortality of the first and last-born. , tuberculous and , non-tuberculous families of stuttgart, - (after weinberg) of each living-born there died before reaching their th year: non-tuberculous tuberculous ======================= ======================= first-born last-born first-born last-born ========== ========= ========== ========= paternal family . . . . maternal family . . . . comparison of the mortality of the first and last-born, the mortality of the first-born = . non-tuberculous tuberculous ======================= ======================= first-born last-born first-born last-born ========== ========= ========== ========= paternal family maternal family figure c .] [sidenote: c ] of a materially greater influence than the numerical position of birth or the number of children in each family is the length of interval between births. we point at first to figure c --+interval between births and child mortality+, after ansell and westergaard, by dr. a. bluhm. she writes in reference to it: "ansell has demonstrated, from the material of the national life assurance society of london, that a child has an increasingly better chance to survive his first year, the greater the interval between his own birth and that of the child born before him. if this interval is less than a year, the infant mortality is double what it is when there is an interval of two years ( . % against . %). this influence makes itself felt beyond the age of infancy up to five years but not in so striking a manner. the proportion becomes modified to % against %. as the influence of the birth interval on child mortality is still very perceptible after the tenth or later children, it may be assumed that it is not caused exclusively by the exhaustion of the maternal organism produced by the rapid sequence of births. the varying length of breast-feeding of the children has probably also its influence. though these statistics give no data about the mode of infant feeding, it is nevertheless probable that in those families in which there are longer intervals between consecutive births each child is suckled for a longer period. [sidenote: c ] +birth interval and health of the offspring+, after riffel--v. d. velden. [sidenote: c ] +influence of the length of the birth interval and the duration of breast-feeding on infant mortality+, exhibited by weinberg. the author writes regarding the latter table "in proportion to the length of the interval between two births, the mortality of the children following decreases materially, but this relation only becomes clearly apparent in families in which several of the children have been suckled for more than six months." [sidenote: c , ] the intimate connection which exists between birth interval and suckling and the great importance which suckling has under the favourable influence of a long birth interval is shown in dr. agnes bluhm's figures c , c , and c --+infant nutrition (breast feeding), number of children and infant mortality+, after dr. marie baum. "the material is taken from the towns of gladbach, rheydt, odenkirchen and, rheindalen, and comprises , , mostly poor families, with , cases in which the mother survived childbirth and , children born alive. in this table only , children were counted, because the remainder had not reached the age of one year on the day of counting. of these , , there died before the completion of the first year , , or . %." +number of children and child mortality+: bluhm adds:--"figure shows in curve a the +influence of the duration of breast feeding+; in curve b +influence of numerical position of birth on the mortality of the infant+. the very divergent course of the two curves expresses the very different influence of both these factors on mortality; the latter is almost exclusively dependent upon the length of suckling, and shows corresponding with its increase a continuous and steep decline down to . % from a maximum number of %. the very slight increase of the mortality of children suckled for six weeks compared with those who have not been breast fed at all is immaterial ( . % against . %). these figures prove only that breast feeding up to six weeks does not give the child any protection against fatal diseases. the influence of the birth number hardly makes itself felt up to the seventh child, only from the eighth onwards the power of resistance decreases continuously but not nearly to the same degree in which it grows with the length of breast-feeding (greatest difference only %). curve b shows a materially different course from that of similar curves by other authors, for instance--from geissler's well-known curve, dealing with saxon miners, in which not only the first born show up less favourably than the second and third born, but in which, from the fourth child on, the mortality increases rapidly. the economical condition of both groups being similar ( % of baum's families had a maximum yearly income of £ ), it is highly probable that the difference in the curves arises from different methods of infant feeding. in the rhine provinces, as is also proved by baum's figures, the feeding is good; in saxony, however, it is notoriously bad. the co-relation of infant mortality with infant feeding is very clearly illustrated in figures and , the former shows the +influence of the length of suckling on the mortality of the children classed in order of birth+, the latter +the influence of the order of birth in connection with different lengthed periods of suckling+. the extraordinarily regular course of all the nine curves in figure and the extremely irregular course of the six top curves in figure are very striking. from these figures it is shown that the first, second and third born if breast-fed for a short time only, or not at all, are subjected to much greater risks than the eighth, ninth, tenth or later children, suckled for a sufficient length of time (maximum difference to ). in the curve showing the children who were breast fed for weeks (figure ), the influence of the high birth number shows only to a very small degree." [sidenote: c ] +number of children and capacity for breast-feeding.+ concerning this it is remarked: "the upper curve shows what percentage of children had to do without breast feeding, and the lower one how many enjoyed the sufficient period of weeks of breast-feeding. though baum's figures are only intended to deal with the number of cases of breast feeding and not with its duration, and though no difference is made between exclusive and partial breast feeding, yet some conclusions may be drawn with regard to suckling capacity. in a district where breast feeding is as general as it is in the one examined into here, the number of women who voluntarily renounce every attempt at suckling must necessarily be small. the curve dealing with the children who had no breast feeding at all is therefore likely to give a fairly correct picture of the absolute or primary incapacity for suckling on the mother's part; absolute incapacity does not of course mean that the mother could not produce a single drop of milk, but that she does not produce enough to satisfy the child, and therefore must resort to artificial feeding. as a period of weeks' feeding, even if only partial, points to a good capacity, the lower curve may also be taken as an expression of feeding ability. a comparison of both figures illustrates that the milk production after the first birth is smaller than after the following ones, and that beyond the eighth birth, it decreases materially and continuously, probably in consequence of the exhaustion of the maternal organism." [sidenote: c ] +the habit of breast-feeding as running in families and infant mortality.+ with this goes the following explanation: "the two figures illustrate the proportion of mortality of the infants in bottle-feeding families and breast-feeding families of the first order. as the line could not be drawn very sharply, and as in the bottle-feeding families there had to be included those in which as an exception one or other child was suckled for a few days or perhaps for a week, one can see in these groups only the expression of the habit, but not the power of suckling. both figures illustrate the largely avoidable sacrifice in young lives which still goes on through a want of knowledge and of feeling of responsibility towards the coming race. with the absence of breast-feeding the unfavourable influence of a very large number of children becomes much more apparent; whereas in breast-feeding families the difference in the mortality between medium-sized families (four to six children) and very large families (above ten children) amounts to only . %, it reaches . % with the non-suckling families. here, if the number of children surpasses ten, nearly every second child dies in the suckling age, and amongst thirteen families there is not a single one which has not lost a child in that period, whereas in breast-feeding families of the first order, with the same large number of children, only every thirteenth child died in infancy, and of sixteen families seven (= . %) lost no infant." the same material is treated in a different way by dr. marie baum, of dusseldorf, in figures c - . [sidenote: c ] +as the length of the period of suckling of the preceding child increases, there is a constant and rapid decrease in the number of children who are born at intervals of less than one year.+ if the preceding child was not breast-fed a new birth occurred before the expiration of one year in . cases out of . with a suckling period of one-half to three-quarters of a year of the preceding child, this figure is reduced to . per cent., and after a still longer suckling period to per cent. out of one hundred mothers who have only partly or not at all suckled the preceding child, seventy must count on a fresh birth within a period of - / years. if the preceding child was suckled for at least weeks, only thirty-eight, and with a suckling period of more than a year only twenty mothers have to reckon on a fresh birth within - / years. dependence of infant mortality on the duration of breast-feeding and the length of time intervening between successive births. [illustration: figure c .] [sidenote: c ] figure c shows the +parallelism between+ the +average length of breast-feeding and the average time between births+ within the families. a half to three-quarters of the mothers who suckled either long enough or very long show an interval between births of from - / to years, whereas of those who did not suckle at all, or only did so insufficiently, only one-third belong to this group, and figure largely in the column of lower birth intervals. dependence of infant mortality on the average duration of breast-feeding and the average length of time intervening between the successive births of the children in a family. [illustration: figure c .] [sidenote: c ] figure c enables us to examine into the +influence exercised by a longer or shorter interval after the preceding birth on the vitality of a child+, according as to whether the child was not breast-fed at all or only moderately or amply so. the black oblongs demonstrate that the average infant mortality falls regularly and decisively according to the length of time between the birth of the children considered and their predecessors. the average mortality of infants who are born in rapid succession--under one year, one to one and a quarter years, amounts to over and to per cent. respectively, whereas the average mortality of children with at least two years' interval amounts only to per cent. "at the same time, however, it is observed that the influence of the length of suckling is still greater than that of the length of time elapsing between births. even with an interval of three or more years, the mortality of children who were insufficiently or not at all breast-fed was above per cent. the children who had been suckled for at least three-quarters of a year were only very slightly influenced by this factor in all groups, except that with a birth interval of less than one year, where the influence of short birth intervals is not counterbalanced even by long extended breast-feeding." [sidenote: c ] figure c . "the +infant mortality within the families+ dealt with +falls materially and evenly as the average birth intervals lengthen+. with an average birth interval of less than one year, one-third of the children die in the first year, but only per cent. where the average birth interval was over three years; but here also the influence is strongly modified by the mode of feeding. with the non-suckling families the mortality is almost per cent., even with a birth interval of more than two years. on the other hand, when the duration of suckling is sufficient, short birth intervals almost disappear (see table ), and with an average birth interval of - / to years and a suckling duration of at least half a year the mortality remains on an extremely small scale." [sidenote: c - ] groth and hahn have exhibited two large tables c and c and a similar one c , the results of their important investigations about +breast-feeding and mortality in the administrative districts of bavaria+. groth shows in table c "+mortality of sucklings in bavaria+," and in table c "+breast-feeding and cancer+." in tables c and c the groth and hahn statistics are treated by dr. a. bluhm from the point of view of the +influence of the habit of breast-feeding on the frequency of births+. in connection with figure c she remarks: "this diagram shows the number of bottle-fed babies in the various bavarian districts counted at the time of vaccination. to give as correct a picture as possible of the probable influence which the habit of breast-feeding has on the birth-rate (annual number of births per , of the whole population) there are represented on this figure by green and yellow columns the average birth-rate for the five years, to , because in that period a record birth-rate was established, so that it may be assumed that there was then no intentional restriction of births. we see within the four 'old bavarian' districts, where on the average . % of the babies were not breast-fed at all, the number of births is about per , of the population higher than in the palatinate and the three 'frankish' districts, which together only show % of non-breast-fed children." [sidenote: c & ] "these two figures deal with the +influence of the length of suckling on the birth-rate+, the longer the duration of the suckling period, _i.e._, the higher the number of children breast-fed for six months or more, the lower the birth-rate. this only holds good for the country (curve b) not for towns (curve a). this circumstance is explained by the fact that the voluntary restriction of births is much more frequent in towns than in the country, where consequently the influence of the length of the period of suckling on the birth frequency can find much stronger expression than in towns, where, as curve a shows, it is entirely extinguished by artificial birth preventatives. from both tables it results that, to prevent the senseless waste of human life, the interval between every two births must be more than two years; further, that it is possible to increase it by breast-feeding; the number of births in a district is based in the main on the larger or smaller intervals at which the women of reproductive age have children, and it may, therefore, at the same time, be taken as an expression of these intervals. keeping these two facts in view, and considering the influence of the mode of infant feeding on infant mortality, it appears to be in the interest of the race that by means of the long duration of breast-feeding, the birth intervals should be extended to at least two years. the facts established in these two tables have a considerable bearing on race-hygiene, especially in reference to the neomalthusian contentions of the necessary inferiority of the later born, and as a confirmation of the utility of breast-feeding for the reduction of birth frequency. extremely great appears the influence of breast-feeding on infant mortality." [sidenote: c - ] this importance of breast-feeding is further illustrated by figure c --+duration of breast-feeding and infant mortality+, after dietrich; by figure c --+average number of carious teeth+, after bunge; and by the three figures, c , , and --"+average duration of breast-feeding and physical development, duration of breast-feeding and average school reports+, and +duration of breast-feeding and frequency of rachitic disturbances of development+," after the extensive and valuable researches by röse. it must be pointed out that a far more direct connection exists between breast-feeding, duration of suckling, infant mortality and physical development than through the mere provision of suitable nourishment for the child. a good suckling capacity is a symptom of a strong constitution which is transmitted from mother to child. examination of röse's table offers this suggestion. [sidenote: c - ] +the importance of the hereditary constitution+ (which he considers is dependent on soil and climate) +as regards infant mortality+ v. vogel expresses in four maps of bavaria (figures - ), so which he has furnished the following comments (contained in the pamphlet, "der Örtliche stand der säuglingsterblichkeit in bayern," munich, piloty and loehle, ): "the district of the highest infant mortality in bavaria is inhabited by a population of small height, small fitness for military service, and high tuberculous mortality. the reverse holds good on the whole for the district with a low mortality. [illustration: map of bavaria infant mortality in . figure c .] i cannot suppress another objection to the usual way of proving the--to my mind undoubted--influence of breast-feeding on the duration of life in infancy. why is the mortality of those children who have not been suckled for a week so large? is it because they have not been suckled, or because they have only lived altogether for less than a week? or, again, to be able to be suckled for or weeks, one must have lived for or weeks, but a child who has lived for or weeks, whether it has been suckled or not, has passed over the worst period. it is well-known that the mortality in the first days of life is the highest in the second week, much higher than in the third week, and so on. in short, the mortality changes in such an extremely high degree in the course of the first year of life that this period is much too long for the comparison between mortality of suckled and non-suckled children. one ought to calculate how many of those who have been suckled for weeks, one week, two weeks, one month, three months, six months, and so on, have survived the first week, the second week, the first month, and so on. only in this manner can be established what is the share of the absence of breast-feeding and what is the share of the innate weakness and tendency to disease in the degree of infant mortality." [illustration: map of bavaria percentage of under-sized bavarian recruits (below . metres in height) in . after professor ranke. figure c .] exhibit c - . [illustration: map of bavaria. fitness for military service in bavaria, . figure c .] [illustration: map of bavaria mortality from pulmonary consumption in . figure c .] [sidenote: c ] a striking peculiarity of cities, especially large cities, is, as pointed out before, the high mortality amongst men; for this general observation figure c , +male and female mortality in town and country+, offers an example. whereas the female mortality in berlin, in the higher age groups, is even lower than in mecklenburg with its preponderantly country population--which is evidence that in town life there are no inherent circumstances adversely affecting all persons in a high degree--the male mortality in all the age groups is higher, and in some much higher. the special adverse influence on men of town life is also apparent in the upper part of the figure (+comparison of male and female mortality)+. in mecklenburg the mortality among men is at most % higher than among women, and during the period of most intense child production, as well as in the highest age group, it is even smaller, whereas in berlin the differences are much more accentuated. it may be remarked that the higher male death-rate in mecklenburg between the ages of to years can only to a small degree be explained by physiological reasons. this is shown for example by the fact that in the provinces of schleswig-holstein, pomerania, hanover, hessen-nassau, and the rhein provinces in the country, the expectation of life for men aged years is about equal to that of women. [sidenote: c & ] the higher male mortality in cities is only partially explained by the specific harmfulness peculiar to men's town occupations, though the mortality of peasants and agricultural labourers ranks amongst the lowest. a very important part in this connection may be played by syphilis. how terribly syphilis injures the body, though it is seldom directly fatal, is shown by the experiences of life insurance companies, of which examples are given in tables c and c . with the gotha life insurance bank, for instance, +the mortality of the syphilitic at the ages of to years+ was found to be nearly double as high ( %) as that of the non-syphilitic. [sidenote: c ] table c shows to what a high degree +the heart and vessels especially are harmed by syphilis+. at this point it is to be noted that it may now be considered as proved that the statement that general paralysis causes death in . % cases among the non-syphilitic is erroneous, because general paralysis only occurs among persons who have been affected with syphilis. there is no doubt that the poison of syphilis is also most injurious to the germs and the progeny; the foetus is sometimes infected in the mother's womb, and sometimes suffers by the general debility of the maternal body. a large proportion also of those children who attain a higher age are either enfeebled or damaged in many ways, and this inferiority is often passed down to the grandchildren. the most recent serum investigations (the wasserman reaction) are the first to throw full light on this. in germany syphilis occurs much more frequently in town than in the country; this no doubt dependent on prostitution and on a much greater degree of promiscuity of sexual intercourse in cities. in the country couples keep together with greater constancy, even in the case of cohabitation without marriage. [sidenote: c - ] +the frequency of syphilis and other venereal diseases in town and country+ is illustrated in table c , which gives the result of the enquiries of the prussian government on the th april, , and table c after schwiening, on +the frequency of sexual diseases among military recruits+. also table c which gives the +frequency of delirium tremens, epilepsy, and general paralysis+ in the +prussian lunatic asylums+, points in the same direction by the great differences shown in the frequency of general paralysis in the different institutions. this table, at the same time, indicates what is also supported by other observations, that the +frequency and intensity of harmful influences through alcohol+ are much +greater in towns than in the country+; this may be partly because in cities there is a greater and more regular abuse of alcoholic beverages than in the country, partly because town-life induces a greater susceptibility to alcoholic poisoning than country life (less intense metabolism with sedentary occupations). [sidenote: c - ] +injury to the reproductive function through alcohol+. it has been known for a long time that drunkards are frequently sterile. this must be attributed to the fact that the testicles of drunkards become to a great extent atrophied. the condition is shown in figure c by r. weichselbaum,[b] representing a section through the testicle of a drunkard. figure c which shows a section through a normal testicle, enables even the layman to observe the atrophy of the characteristic glandular tissue of the testicle. weichselbaum has up to now found that in fifty-four cases, without exception, in which alcoholism had been proved, this atrophy could be demonstrated to a greater or less degree. in thirty of these cases the subject was so young that senile atrophy was out of the question. the abuse of alcohol is not the only harmful influence which is able to induce such atrophy of the testicles, but chronic alcoholism acts with special intensity. very similar results to those of weichselbaum have been obtained by bertholet (zentralbl. f. allg. pathologie bd. ) in out of habitual drunkards. they agree with observations on the vesiculae seminales of drunkards by simmonds, who found that in % of the cases examined the spermatozoa were absent or dead. it is a permissible assumption that a poison which can cause the total atrophy of the sexual glands may, in an earlier stage, have adversely influenced in respect to quality the function of those organs. [footnote b: verhandlungen der deutschen patholog: gesellschaft, th day, jena, fischer, , page .] [sidenote: c ] [sidenote: c ] +alcohol and degeneration+, from the tables on the alcohol question by gruber and kraepelin, munich; lehmann; contains the well-known statistics of demme, bunge, and arrivée. table c adds to the summary of the statistical observations of demme, further details of the +kind of abnormalities+ which were +observed in children of drunkards+. representing, as they do, exceptionally bad cases with a high degree of degeneration, one may doubt whether and in how far congenital hereditary inferiority of the parents may have had its influence. [sidenote: c ] figure c contains the well-known result of v. bunge's investigations on the +influence of paternal alcoholism on the suckling capacity of the daughters+. the varying frequency of the habitual consumption of alcohol and of drunkenness proper of the father in the two groups of families is most striking. official investigations of this question on a large scale are urgently called for. [sidenote: c ] figure c dealing with the +interconnection of tuberculosis, nervous diseases and psychoses of the progeny and the alcohol consumption of the father+, is derived from bunge's investigations. it is worthy of notice that he endeavoured to eliminate from his statistics all families in whom hereditary diseases could be traced previously. [sidenote: c ] table c contains a summary of t. laitinen's +experiments on animals with small quantities of alcohol+. the degree of injury to the progeny supposed to be produced by even a minimum quantity of alcohol (corresponding to about one-third of pint of beer for a man) is astounding. repetition of these experiments on a large scale and with the strictest care would be most desirable here also. [sidenote: c ] table c also refers to reports by t. laitinen.[c] +it deals with the effect of alcohol on the progeny in man+. unfortunately laitinen's paper is so confused and inexact that it is impossible for the reader safely to draw conclusions from it. his personal observations are mixed up with those gathered by means of inquiry sheets circulated by him in such a way that one cannot make out how he has arrived at his weights at birth and mortality. information is lacking with regard to the nutrition of the children, their age at the conclusion of the investigations, the length of marriage, the rapidity of birth sequence and so on. it is, therefore, indispensable to await the more detailed report before laitinen's information can be made use of. [footnote c: internat. monatschrift z. erforschung des alkoholismus, juli, .] [sidenote: c ] bezzola has sent in in a modified form the data which he presented to the eighth international congress against alcoholism in vienna in , on the +effect of acute intoxication on the origin of feeble-mindedness+. with their help the curve on figure c has been constructed, showing the distribution of illegitimate births in switzerland during the different months of the year from bezzola's data and the corresponding curve of the births of mentally eminent individuals (taken from brockhaus' encyclopædia.) the author supplies the following comments:-- "+comparison between the general birth curve and the corresponding one for the birth of feeble-minded children+." the casual observation at the registration of the personal history of feeble-minded individuals that per cent. of the birth dates fall within only fourteen weeks of the year (new year, carnival, and wine harvest) has aroused the desire to deal with the seasonal incidence of the begetting of the feeble-minded on the basis of as much material as possible. for this purpose the author's census of feeble-minded school children, which took place in the year , and referred to the years - inclusive, seemed specially suited. originally (in ) a curve was plotted in which all the , feeble-minded and idiotic children were included whose exact birthdays were known, and this curve was compared with the total curve for that period. (schweiz. statistik liefg.) the latter was constructed in the following manner from the whole number of births ( , ) which occurred in these eleven years:--the general daily average was taken as , and the daily average for each month was expressed proportionately. thus numbers above show a daily birth frequency above the average, while for numbers below the reverse is the case. the curve for the , feeble-minded persons was constructed in a similar way, and thus a comparison with the general population producing them was made possible. subsequently ( - ), in order to secure homogeneous material, the first and last years were left out, since by including them, owing to the non-agreement of the school year and the astronomical year, the earlier months (january-april) were much weighted. by this restriction of the material dealt with the number of feeble-minded is reduced to , , but the material for each separate year is more homogeneous. distributed between , days (eight years), the daily production of the feeble-minded is . , the corresponding total number of births of the years - ls , , or . per day. . per cent. of all births are included in the figure for the feeble-minded. if one treats the total number of births for each month as well as the number of births of feeble-minded according to the method described above, and used by the federal statistical bureau, two curves are produced which diverge considerably from each other in particular months. on the whole the curve for the feeble-minded (thick line) is flatter than the curve for the total. especially striking are the drop in may and june (corresponding to the procreation period from the th july to the rd september) and two peaks rising above the "total" curve. one of these is slight, yet distinct. it refers to the months of birth, july and august, corresponding with the procreation period from the th september to the th november. more conspicuous is the second peak of the curve for the feeble-minded from october to december, otherwise a time poor in births. the centre of the corresponding period of procreation ( th december to th march) is in february (carnival). this seems to confirm the suspicion that during the wine harvest and carnival an increased procreation of feeble-minded occurs (procreation during drunkenness?). we cannot suppress the remark that the fluctuations of the curve for the feeble-minded are much too small to admit of the drawing of an ætiological conclusion, but the fluctuations of the intelligence curve and the illegitimate curve partly exceed the limits of probable error. the peaks of both birth curves in february, correspond to a peak in the procreation curve in may. perhaps one may attribute them to the existence of a remnant of a period of "heat" (or a rutting season) in man. [sidenote: c ] +lead.+ whereas the +germ cells+ are well protected against many harmful influences from without which affect the soma of the mother, they +and the foetus produced from them suffer considerably from+ some. amongst their deadliest enemies are +certain poisons+, and +notorious in this respect is lead+. table c gives two sets of statistics on this point, they justify the law in germany, and in other states, forbidding female labour to deal with lead and lead-containing materials. paul's figures, showing that lead poisoning of the father is also extremely adverse to the production of a healthy progeny, are remarkable. [sidenote: c ] +female labour.+ a baneful influence on reproduction is brought to bear by the growing quantity of professional female labour away from home and by the economic emancipation of women. evidence of this is given in table c --"+female labour and child mortality+"--the data of which are taken from prinzing's work. infant mortality is higher the larger the percentage of females employed in factories during the child-bearing period. this is partly due to interference with breast-feeding and partly to the unfavourable influence on pregnancy. [sidenote: c ] dr. agnes bluhm has given in figure c "+female labour and reproductive activity+," the statistics of roger and thiraux, as well as the results of the investigation of the imperial statistical office on the "relationship of illness and deaths in the local invalidity fund for leipzig and surroundings." dr. bluhm gives the following explanation: "the top figure on the left is based on material of the local invalidity fund for leipzig and surroundings, dealing with over a quarter of a million of women of child-bearing age. the distinction between obligatory and voluntary members makes possible the estimate of the +influence of work continued up to the time of confinement+, because the voluntary members receive the same weekly payments during confinement as the obligatory ones, and, consequently, a woman has no object in joining the voluntary insurance scheme except in order to secure rest before confinement, which they procure for themselves at their own expense and with the loss of their wages. (at that time the compulsory support during time of pregnancy did not exist.) it is to be noted that the voluntary members show ten times as many confinements as the obligatory ones." "the left hand figure at the top shows that the women who work up to the time of confinement fall ill during their pregnancy twice as often, and have six or seven times as many miscarriages and premature births and . times as many cases of death in child-bed, as those who stop work for a more or less extended period previous to their delivery." "the frequency of illness after childbirth is in both categories of women almost the same; but the duration of the illness beyond the period for which the legal subvention provides ( , , or weeks respectively) is much greater in the case of the obligatory members who do not spare themselves before their delivery." "left hand figure at the bottom--the researches were made by roger and thiraux in a maternity home. a comparison is made between the women who entered the home only at the beginning of childbirth and those who entered during the last month of pregnancy or sooner. premature birth occurs in nearly one-third of the cases among the former, but among the latter only one-eighth. "right hand figure at the bottom--dealing with the same material as the left hand figure below compares the weight at birth of the first, second and later born. the average weight of the former is g. and that of the latter g. higher with mothers who cease work two or three months before delivery, than with those who worked up to the last. possibly this expresses in the main the different duration of pregnancy. the importance of the birth weight of a child for its further development is not to be underrated." "the top figure on the right shows that the importance of the adverse influence of female labour on the race, shown in the above figures, is growing, because there is an increase of employment amongst married women. simon's figures show that the manufacturing industries, which in employed by themselves two million female hands, the number of married women has increased by almost , during the last twelve years. in agriculture, in which four and a half million females find their main occupation, the share of the married women is much greater still." "the increase of married female labour being intimately connected with the development of our economic life, which cannot be deliberately influenced, the demand for a motherhood insurance for all female labourers of any kind, and for the extension of the legal time of stoppage of work before childbirth to at least four weeks, follows as a practical result of the facts stated above." dr. bluhm's repeated assertion, which is regarded by many as a dogma, that economic conditions cannot be deliberately influenced (+i.e.+, that they are of the character of a law of nature) must not remain uncontradicted as a principal. it is absolutely unproved, though the difficulty of influencing our economic life cannot be denied; the economic order has been created by man and +must+ be altered if it proves harmful for the race. [sidenote: c ] the adverse influence of female labour on the progeny is shown from a somewhat different point of view in table c --"+premature births and abortions in different callings+." the most serious fact shown here is that a low birth rate may frequently be found in conjunction with a high rate for miscarriage and premature birth; as the compiler of these statistics points out, this conjunction is most apparent in those callings which demand frequent intercourse with the public, such as domestic service, that is to say in cases where pregnancy is particularly inconvenient. probably in these cases artificial prevention of pregnancy goes hand in hand with the procuring of abortion! race-hygiene does not aim at an indiscriminate motherhood insurance of married and unmarried mothers, but it aims at the economic subvention and encouragement of legitimate fertility of healthy and able parents, connected with, and rendered possible by, a reduction of female labour away from the home. marriage is one of the most important hygienic institutions for the individual as well as for the race, and it is folly to allow its decay and to replace it by substitutes. [sidenote: c ] +the importance of marriage for the health to married persons+ is shown by figure c --"+condition with regard to marriage and mortality in prussia, - +," as given in prinzing's book. that we have to deal here with an actual favourable influence of marriage, and not with a selection of the healthy at the time of marriage, is proved by the fact that the low death rate of the married is maintained through all age classes and that the widowed and divorced show throughout the highest death rate. [sidenote: c ] "+condition with regard to marriage and mortality, cases of death from tuberculosis+," after weinberg, also confirms with regard to tuberculosis the favourable influence of marriage on the health of men. with women the mortality from tuberculosis up to the age of is lowest among the unmarried. pregnancy and suckling act here adversely, but by far the worst position is also held here by widows and divorced women. [sidenote: c - ] the advantage of marriage for the progeny is made evident in figure c --"+mortality of illegitimate children in different european states+", and in figure c dealing with the "+survival of the legitimate and illegitimate children in berlin in +." after five years there are still alive more than % of the legitimate, but only % of the illegitimate children. the higher mortality of the latter is by no means a purifying process of weeding, but the expression of greater sickliness which permanently harms the surviving also. the division of labour between man and wife, with reference to the care of the offspring, is one of nature's institutions which is of the greatest advantage for parents as well as children. [sidenote: c - ] +inbreeding and the crossing of races.+ on the whole with mankind inbreeding is viewed with fear, and justly so, in view of our customary carelessness with regard to the physical and mental conditions of those who contract marriage. +if blood relations have similar pathological conditions or pre-dispositions to illness or degeneracy, the progeny which results from their union is endangered to a particularly high degree.+ our collection brings as an example of this in table c --the pedigree of the celebrated don carlos. the bad inheritance of johanna the mad asserts itself to a lesser degree yet quite perceptibly also in the children of max. ii. table c --the children of maximilian and his cousin maria of spain; undoubtedly the emperor rudolf ii. was mentally diseased. also charles v. and his son philip ii. were abnormal characters. [sidenote: c ] +blood relationship of the parents and health of the children+, which v. d. velden has prepared from riffel's family tables, also speaks for the harmfulness of inbreeding. the offspring of blood relations are emphatically weaker and sicklier than those of persons related distantly or not at all. [sidenote: c ] the harm of inbreeding amongst the pathological is also illustrated by the large table (exhibited by schüle). pedigrees from wine-growing districts in the centre of baden; against this it may be taken as proved that inbreeding in itself between the healthy and fit is not harmful. animal breeders (as well as plant cultivators) make an extensive use of it with the view to the cultivation of certain hereditary characteristics. [sidenote: c ] we show in table c , after de chapeaurouge, the +pedigree of belvidere+, an animal which, in spite of close inbreeding, was distinguished by excellent qualities, and by whom, out of his own daughter, another sire of the highest rank was produced. [sidenote: c ] after long-continued and very close inbreeding, even with a faultless condition of the germ plasm, the decrease of vitality and fertility of the progeny asserts itself. important evidence for this is given by georg. h. shull in his exhibition of +cross-fertilized, self-fertilized and hybridized maize+ (exhibit no. c ). shull makes the following comments: "results of inbreeding with maize--crossing between different races or genotypes, if not too distantly related, results in a progeny which excels its parents in vitality, whereas crosses between individuals belonging to the same genotype engender no increase of vitality as compared with the parents." in maize, and presumably in most other plants and animals in which cross-fertilization is the rule, all individuals are usually complicated hybrids between different varieties of genotype. they owe their vigorous constitution to this hybrid nature. "the result of self-fertilization or of close inbreeding is that the hybrid nature diminishes in degree. the stock is reduced to a homozygotic condition, and is thus deprived of the stimulus which lies in the hybrid condition." "when two given genotypes are crossed, the first hybrid generation is possessed of the greatest vigour. even the second generation shows much less vitality, and this decrease continues with the third and later generations. but each succeeding generation differs less from its predecessor than the latter differed from its own parents. as soon as the stock has become a pure line, inbreeding produces no further weakening." "the top row of the exhibited collection of maize cobs (large cobs with many grains) is derived from a family in which for five generations self-fertilization has been prevented by using mixed pollen. these conditions approach those prevailing in an ordinary field." "the middle row of maize cobs (small cobs with few grains) comes from families of the same derivation as the first row; but for five generations they have been self-fertilized. each one has characters which the others do not possess. they are almost pure bred, and continued self-fertilization produces no further adverse influence. the cob, quite to the right, without grains, has pistils so short that they do not project from the husks. this genotype must, therefore, be fertilized artificially." "the lowest row (the largest cobs with the most grains) comes from families which have been created by the crossing of plants belonging to different genotypes, the relationship in which case is indicated by the lines which connect this row with the middle row." "the following harvests of grain were made in the year :-- self-fertilization prevented (average of nine families) . hi pro ha. self-fertilized (average of ten families) . " " " f hybrid (average of six families) . " " " f hybrid (average of seven families) . " " " [sidenote: c - ] it is well-known to what degree +inbreeding+ is practised in +reigning families+. we show as an example for this, chart c , the +pedigree of the archduchess maria de los dolores of tuscany+, exhibited by dr. stephan kekule von stradonitz, and chart c of the same exhibitor, +pedigree of ptolemäus x+. soter ii. (lathros), and chart c , +pedigree of the celebrated cleopatra+. though with ptolemäus x. the effect of sexual reproduction in bringing about new combinations of hereditary units was very limited, since the couple, ptolemäus v. epiphanes and cleopatra syra having produced all the germ cells from which he developed, he appears, nevertheless, to have been a perfectly normal being. in his granddaughter cleopatra certainly much "extraneous blood" circulated. [sidenote: c ] even where there is no high degree of inbreeding, the individuals of a people are much more closely related to each other than is generally assumed. table c , "+theoretical number of ancestors+," shows that, assuming the duration of one generation to be years, and that no marriages between relations have taken place, the number of the ancestors of a man living now would have been eighteen billions in the year a.d. in reality the germanic race, wandering west, probably only numbered hundreds of thousands. this phenomenon of "+ancestral loss+," as ottokar lorenz calls it (that the number of real ancestors is much smaller than those theoretically possible), can be illustrated in the pedigrees of the reigning houses. [sidenote: c ] we have in table c an +analysis of pedigree of emperor william ii.+, after ottokar lorenz. investigations show that twelve generations back the real number of his ancestors amounts to only one-eighth of the possible figure. only persons have actually been found because in the older lines, the bourgeois element, of which no record can be found, has had a very large share. [sidenote: c ] very little knowledge exists concerning the effect of the crossing of races in man. on the whole it appears not to be favourable, if it is a question of crossing of races from far apart, even in purely physical respects. an example of harmful influence is given in v. d. velden's table c --"+fertility and health in relation to the crossings of races+." neomalthusianism. [sidenote: c - ] the next and the greatest concern of race-hygiene--much greater than the relative increase of inferiority--is, to-day, neomalthusianism, the intentional restriction of the number of births in varying degrees up to complete unproductiveness. though conscious regulation of the production of children is absolutely necessary, it becomes fatal to a nation if under no control but the egotism of the individual. for its permanent prosperity a nation requires, in order merely to hold its own, a sufficient number of "hands" and a sufficient number of "heads" to guide those "hands." we referred to this when mention was made of sterility as a phenomenon of degeneration, but this cause of sterility during the last decades only takes a second place compared to deliberate intention. the wealthy and higher social classes were first attacked by neomalthusianism. their progeny is becoming more and more utterly insufficient, so that under our present social conditions, particularly which give mind and talent better openings, and thereby more and more take out of the mass of the people the better elements, make the strongest demand for them and use them up, the danger of an increasing deterioration of the average quality of its progeny grows greater and greater. the baneful influence of wealth on fertility is shown by several tables. figure c "+fertility and wealth+," after goldstein and tallquist, gives the condition in the french departments; figure c , "+number of children and wealth+," after bertillon, for the arrondissements of paris; figure c , "+fertility and wealth+," after mombert, for münich, , table c , "+the number of children in families of different classes in denmark+, ," after westergaard; table c , "+fertility of marriages, occupation, and wealth for copenhagen, and dutch conditions+," after rubin, westergaard, and verrijn stuart. [sidenote: c ] the worst condition with regard to the fertility prevails among those with the highest mental endowment. evidence of this is given in figure c , "+insufficient fertility of the highly endowed in holland+," after j. r. steinmetz. it shows the rapidity with which the number of children decreases. in order to estimate the significance of these statistics, it must be noted that after taking into account the mortality among children and young persons, and the unfitness for parenthood of an appreciable fraction of the adults, a fully capable couple would have to produce at least four children to assure the necessary moderate increase in the population which is required to prevent a people from sinking into stagnation and deterioration. [sidenote: c ] the dying out of highly gifted families is shown to be more accentuated in figure , after bertillon, "+progeny of the highly gifted in france+." four hundred and forty-five of the best known frenchmen, with their wives, have not even reproduced that number of individuals, and this in spite of the fact that repeated marriages of the same individuals have not been taken into account. [sidenote: c - ] even if one has been able, up to the present, to live in the hope that the number of persons of more than average ability produced by the mass of the people is always sufficient to replace those that are used up, at the present time anxiety about the "heads" is replaced by anxiety about the "hands." the knowledge of means of preventing fertilization spreads incessantly, and is recklessly promulgated by the neomalthusians and by a shameless industry. we point to figure c , "+want of fertility in french towns+," after jayle, and to figure c , "+fertility in prussia+." in berlin fertility is decreasing most rapidly; at the end of the sixties it still amounted to in every , women of child-bearing age. in the five years, - , only to ; in the year only to . this state of things is shown also in the relative increase in numbers of the first born. [sidenote: c , & ] figure c , "+decrease of legitimate fertility in berlin--the two-children system+." the other german towns follow the example of berlin. berlin to-day produces % less children than are required to maintain its own population without immigration, and the same conditions will soon prevail in other towns. up to now the country districts in general maintain their fertility (west prussia on figure c ), but there, too, modern practices begin to make themselves felt. the town and industrial population increases so rapidly that the conditions prevailing among them have an ever increasing effect on the people as a whole. thus we see, even at the present time, a serious decline in fertility among an overwhelming majority of european states: figure c , "+decrease of fertility in some european states+." [sidenote: d] exhibited by david fairchild weeks, m.d., +director of the new jersey state village for epileptics at skillman, u.s.a.+ explanation of symbols used in the charts. male individuals are indicated by squares and females by circles. the members of each fraternity are connected by the same horizontal line. the fraternity line is connected by a vertical line to the line joining the symbols representing the father and mother. illegal unions and illegitimate children are shown by dotted lines. as an aid in tracing the patient's immediate family, a green line is used to connect the direct ancestors on the paternal side, and a red line on the maternal side. the red squares and circles indicate epileptics, the green the insane, the black the feeble-minded, and purple the criminalistic. the figures directly above the fraternity line indicate the rank in birth, a figure inside a square or circle shows the number of individuals of that sex. a black dot suspended from the fraternity line stands for a miscarriage or a stillbirth. a line underneath a square or circle shows that institutional care has been received. the hand points out our patient. the following letters indicate the different conditions: a, alcoholic; b, blind; c, criminalistic; d, deaf; e, epileptic; f, feeble-minded; i, insane; m, migrainous; n, normal; p, paralytic; s, syphilitic; t, tubercular; w, wanderer, tramp; d, died; b, born; inf, infancy; sx, unchaste. [sidenote: d ] this chart shows very clearly the dangerous results of a marriage in which both of the +parents are epileptic+. of the four children the first three were epileptic, and the fourth, a boy, who died at the age of nine, was feeble-minded. all four of these children were cared for at public expense, two are patients at the new jersey state village for epileptics, and the other two were wards of the children's home finding society. the epileptic father is dead, and the mother married again to an alcoholic man. when last heard of she had another child. [sidenote: d ] an +epileptic+ woman, married to a +feeble-minded man+, is responsible for the large number of defectives shown on this chart. the principal mating is that of one of the epileptic daughters of this woman, who, like her mother, married a feeble-minded man. eight children resulted from this marriage; one died before two years of age, the other seven were epileptic, the five who are living are patients at the new jersey state village. two of the girls in this fraternity had illegitimate children before receiving proper care. this family is undoubtedly a branch of a family of defectives, most of whom live in an adjoining state. [sidenote: d ] this is a case of +incest+, and shows plainly that the "empty germ plasm can yield only emptiness." these people lived in a hut in the woods. the feeble-minded man had by his defective sister an epileptic daughter, then by this daughter he had four children, one an epileptic, one a feeble-minded woman of the streets, who spends much of her time in jail, one an anencephalic monster who died soon after birth, and one a feeble-minded boy, who did not grow to manhood. since the hut in the woods burned down, the epileptic woman and feeble-minded daughter live in a cellar in town, though much of their time is spent in jail. [sidenote: d ] this chart shows a +feeble-minded+ man, who came from a feeble-minded family, married to an +epileptic+ woman, who descended from a tubercular epileptic father and a mother who is described as "flighty," "not too bright." this couple had six children, three feeble-minded, two epileptic, and one still-born. since the death of the epileptic mother, the father has secured homes in institutions for all of his children except one, and then married again. as yet he has no children by the second wife. [sidenote: d ] the wife in the central mating in this case is a low grade +epileptic+, who can scarcely recognize her own children. the father is a +feeble-minded alcoholic+, who works hard, but who spends all his money for drink. there were six children; one died at the age of four, and all of the others except one six-year-old boy are epileptic. all are being cared for by the public. before the mother and three of the epileptic children were brought to the state village for epileptics the family lived in a cellar, slept on rags, and depended on the neighbours for food. [sidenote: d ] this is a history which illustrates very well the source of a large number of the almshouse inmates. the central figure is an +epileptic+ woman, who spent most of her life in the poor house. no two of her seven children are by the same father. the epileptic daughter, whose father was feeble-minded, had started to lead the same kind of life as her mother; in the almshouse she gave birth to one illegitimate child before she was put under state care. the mother, when she last left the almshouse, went to live in a hut in the woods with a feeble-minded man, who had three feeble-minded sons; one of these sons married the feeble-minded sister of one of the epileptic patients at the new jersey state village. [sidenote: d a] [sidenote: d b] this is the history of two patients who have been found to be related, the great grandfather of the one was the brother of the grandmother of the other. the principal mating under d a is that of a +feeble-minded+ man married to an +epileptic+ woman, whose mother died in the insane asylum. they had six children, the first died when only a few months old, the next and the fourth were not bright and died young, the third is an epileptic, the fifth is feeble-minded and criminalistic and he is now at the state home for boys, the sixth is also feeble-minded and cared for at an industrial home for children. the mother and father, at one time inmates of the almshouse, are now supported by the town. under d b the father, who died of spinal meningitis, was migrainous and had many epileptic relatives, the mother is neurotic. there were four children, the first an epileptic, the second died at of spinal meningitis, the third is of a very nervous temperament, the last, a girl of , seems to be normal. [sidenote: d ] both of the parents in this case are +feeble-minded+. the father was the black sheep of his family, his brothers are intelligent men, and for the most part good citizens; the mother, however, was the illegitimate child of a feeble-minded woman. there were seven children, one an epileptic, the others all feeble-minded with the exception of the sixth, who is now about years old; she was taken from her home and put with a very good family; she shows the effect of the changed environment, and though not up to her grade in school, is only slightly backward. there is some doubt about the parentage of the child, and it is very probable that she is by a different father. since the father's death the mother has had one illegitimate child; her children were taken away from her except the two oldest because of the immoral conditions in the home, and she now claims to be married to a feeble-minded man, who is the younger feeble-minded brother of her imbecile daughter's husband. [sidenote: d ] the central mating in this case is that of an +epileptic, alcoholic, sexually immoral+ man, married to a +neurotic and sexually immoral+ woman, who has many insane and feeble-minded relatives. they had in all ten children; two were epileptic, three, feeble-minded, one criminalistic and sexually immoral, the sixth is the only one who has a good reputation, the last was a stillbirth. the father and mother are no longer living together. [sidenote: d ] the case illustrated on this chart is of a +feeble-minded+ woman married to an +alcoholic+ man. the wife descended from an alcoholic father, who had several epileptic relatives. the husband also descended from an alcoholic father, and had an epileptic nephew. of their nine children, the first three died young of scarlet fever, the fourth was epileptic, and the other five are feeble-minded. [sidenote: d ] on this chart we have the history of an +epileptic+ man whose attacks were of the petit-mal type. he married a choreic woman. they had four children, the eldest a man who developed epilepsy after his second marriage. his first wife was insane; by her he had two daughters, one of whom is now an inmate in an insane asylum, the other is neurotic and has been treated in a sanatorium. of the other children two are apparently normal and one migrainous. [sidenote: d ] this chart shows an +epileptic+ man married to a normal woman; he had both epileptic and insane relatives, while she had epileptic, alcoholic, and tubercular relatives. their first child was an epileptic, the next were twins, one of these appears to be normal while the other is of a very nervous temperament, the fourth died in infancy, and the last three were stillbirths. the mother married the second time, this time to a man who drank to excess after their marriage; by him she had two children, both of whom seem to be normal. they are both in school. [sidenote: d ] this is the history of a low grade +epileptic+. his oldest sister is normal; she was brought up by strangers after her mother's death, and is now earning her living as a saleslady. the second was a boy, who was thought to be normal until he was about sixteen, when he displayed criminalistic tendencies, and for the crime of rape was put in the reform school. the youngest is a girl, who is of a very nervous temperament. the father was an alcoholic, and went on long sprees; he deserted his wife and family to live with a woman who also deserted a family. his brother is an alcoholic, and married the patient's mother's sister; they are now divorced. the mother was migrainous, she died of tuberculosis; her family shows a neurotic taint, while the father has several epileptic relatives. [sidenote: d ] in the central mating the father and mother are both +migrainous+. they both belong to families prominent in the community in which they reside; their homes are among the best, and they are counted as leading citizens. there were nine children; three died before four years of age, one is epileptic, one seems to be normal, and the others all show some nervous taint, though not migrainous. [sidenote: d ] this is the history of a +syphilitic and a sexually immoral couple+. they were never married, and the woman for many years supported the man, who was never sober and frequently had attacks of delirium tremens. she finally deserted him. of their eight children two were stillbirths, three were epileptic, and the other syphilitic. one of the epileptics in a jealous rage shot the woman whom he loved, and when he found that escape was impossible, killed himself. [sidenote: d a-b] charts explaining the method of collecting and recording data. * * * * * [sidenote: e] exhibited by mr e. j. lidbetter. a selection by mr. e. j. lidbetter, from his collection of pedigrees, showing pauperism in association with mental and physical defect, justifying the inference that a high proportion of +pauperism is to be attributed to the transmission of defect+ and the perpetuation of stocks of a low type:-- [sidenote: e ] pedigree showing +mental disease and destructive eye-disease+ in the same stock. insanity, epilepsy, feeble-mindedness and idiocy in various degrees in twelve members, several of them being also blind; partial or total blindness from detachment of the retina without mental defect in several others. tendency to "anti-dating" or "anticipation" of the mental disease in succeeding generations or younger born offspring. the printed numbers on the diagram indicate the age of the individual on st attack. prevalence of tuberculosis (three members). neither mental nor ocular conditions attributable to syphilis. of the individuals whose history is known have been, or are being, maintained in public institutions (asylums, workhouses, blind schools, or poor law schools), have been paupers at intervals, and two are known to have been in prison. several marriages between mental defectives yielding large but inferior families. (exhibited by mr. e. t. lidbetter. the eye-disease reported upon by mr. e. nettleship.) [sidenote: e ] pedigree showing the tendency to +intermarry among pauper and defective families+. on the left "able-bodied" pauperism and on the right sickness. one hundred and fifty-seven units shown in five generations; paupers shown, including classed as chronic, occasional and six medical only. twenty-eight died in infancy, nine tuberculous, six insane, two epileptics, and one blind. shows also pauper children born in lucid intervals of parent suffering from periodic insanity. [sidenote: e ] pedigree illustrating stock of a +low type in which very little physical defect appears+. the total includes individuals, of whom are or have been paupers, eight have died in workhouse or infirmary, and two in asylums for lunatics; one child is an imbecile. on the whole the stock may be described as mentally sub-normal (not strongly so), but with a marked non-moral tendency. of the children in the last generation, ten are certainly illegitimate; were, or are, being brought up in poor law institutions, and nine received out-door relief with their parents. the collective period of pauperism in this case exceeds years and the cost to the ratepayers is estimated at about £ , . [sidenote: e ] showing the case of a woman who had two husbands. with the first her children were consistently defective (deaf and dumb). with the second, one died in infancy and three are doing well. all the children of the first are, or have been, paupers. [sidenote: e ] a series showing the intimate +relation between tuberculosis infant mortality and pauperism+:-- [sidenote: e a] showing a +tuberculous family with apparently normal parents+, both of whom come from tuberculous stocks. of their children only two are normal; six are consumptive; four died in infancy. the father was one of a family of of whom only he and one other survived--and that other became insane, and his wife and children became paupers in consequence. [sidenote: e b] showing +insanity, consumption and infant mortality+; also the transmission of insanity through the apparently normal. [sidenote: e c] showing the +survival of tuberculous+ stock by accession of strength from the normal. only the illegitimate children and their non-sick father survive in this group. [sidenote: e d] showing the case of a +normal woman who had two consumptive husbands+. survival of defective strain by accession of strength from the normal. [sidenote: e e] +consumption+ in three generations. +male infant mortality+. query, transmission (?) through the normal. [sidenote: e ] a series showing +transmission of mental defect through the apparently normal+. [sidenote: e a] insanity, blindness, epilepsy and feeble-mindedness. [sidenote: e b] insanity in three generations. transmission through the normal in each case. [sidenote: e c] insanity through the normal twice removed. [sidenote: e d] insanity, epilepsy, and infant mortality--a mendelian suggestion. [sidenote: f] exhibited by public health department, city of liverpool. e. w. hope, m.d., m.o.h. [sidenote: f ] one large model of +insanitary property+ dealt with in liverpool, built to scale, etc., with glass cover. [sidenote: f ] charts showing the +decline in mortality from phthisis+:-- [sidenote: f a] one showing rate for england and wales. [sidenote: f b] one " " england and ireland. [sidenote: f c] one " " scotland. [sidenote: f d] one " " liverpool. [sidenote: f b c d e f] six framed and glazed photographs illustrating insanitary property which has been demolished in liverpool, and the new dwellings which have been erected to house the dispossessed tenants. * * * * * [sidenote: g] an exhibit of a system of making pedigree records. exhibited by dr. raymond pearl, +biologist of the maine agricultural experiment station, orono, maine.+ this exhibit consists of a series of blank record forms designed to +illustrate the method of keeping pedigree records+ which has been in use at the maine agricultural experiment station for a period of five years, in connection with its work in the experimental study of inheritance in poultry and in various plants. the advantages which have been found by experience to inhere in this system of pedigree record keeping are (_a_) simplicity; (_b_) ease of operation; (_c_) small chance for error in the keeping of large masses of pedigree records; (_d_) uniformity of the system, such that records of all kinds, in any way pertaining to the work, may be brought together with great ease for consultation or study. in addition to the record blanks there are exhibited also various marking devices and other apparatus connected with the proper working of the plan. it should be noted that while the blanks here exhibited are devised particularly for work with poultry and plants, the same system, with slight modifications, may be successfully applied to the keeping of human pedigree records; indeed it is a pleasure to state that the system here exhibited is an outgrowth and development of a scheme for the keeping of pedigree data in general and particularly human pedigree records suggested many years ago by the late sir francis galton. * * * * * [sidenote: h] exhibited by c. v. drysdale, esq., d. sc. the +malthusian theory of population+ leads to the conclusion that the population of the majority of countries is held in check by lack of food. therefore, there should be a correspondence between the birth and death rates, high birth rates producing high death rates and high infantile mortality, and the death rate should rise or fall with a rise or fall of the birth rate. in the accompanying diagrams, white strips imply birth rates, shaded strips death rates, and black strips infantile mortality, or deaths of children under one year. [sidenote: h ] shows the relation between +birth and death rates and infantile mortality+ in various countries in - . [illustration: various countries - figure h .] [sidenote: h ] relation between _birth rate and +corrected+ death rates_ in various countries. (this shows that france is healthier than appears in h .) [sidenote: h ] shows relation between +birth and death rates+ from various causes in five districts of +london+. [sidenote: h ] relation between the +birth rate and death rate+ for various arrondissements of +paris+ in . (note that the increase in the elysée quarter is as high as the average in the quarters of high birth rate.) [sidenote: h - ] variation of the +total population and birth and death rates+ in the +united kingdom+ and the +german empire+. (note that the fall in the death rate corresponds fairly closely to that in the birth rate.) [sidenote: h ] id. for +france+. (note that the population is still increasing although slowly.) [sidenote: h ] =birth and death rates for france= since . (note that the rate of increase of population in was no higher with a birth rate of per , than in - with a birth rate of only per , . a fall of . per , in the birth rate has resulted in a fall of . per , in the death rate.) [sidenote: h ] +birth and death rates and infantile mortality for england and wales+. also +marriage rate, fertility of married women, illegitimacy+ and +variation of diseases+. (note that the illegitimate birth rate has fallen to half since the fall of the birth rate set in.) [sidenote: h ] +birth and death rates and infantile mortality+ in the +netherlands+ (notice the rapid increase of population as the death rate falls, and the great fall of infantile mortality, probably due to the practical work of the dutch neo-malthusian league among the poor.) [sidenote: h - ] +_protestant countries._+ (notice the correspondence between the birth and death rates and infantile mortality in all.) [sidenote: h - ] +_roman catholic countries._+ (note that the fall of the birth rate has taken place almost equally with that in the protestant countries, and with the same result.) [sidenote: h - ] the only +four countries in which the birth rate is approximately _stationary_+. (notice that the death rate has not fallen--except, perhaps in russia--and that the infantile mortality has not fallen. also that the highest birth rate produces the highest death rate and infantile mortality, and the lowest birth rate the lowest mortality.) [sidenote: h - ] the only +four countries with _rising_ birth rates.+ _the death rate and the infantile mortality have increased in every one._ [sidenote: h ] +_australia._+ the death rate has fallen with the birth rate, and is now only about per , . [sidenote: h ] +_new zealand._+ the only country in which the fall in the birth rate has not produced a fall in the death rate, and which is not therefore over-populated. the infantile mortality is the lowest in the world, and the death rate less than per , , which gives us an ideal which we can reach in all countries by lowering the birth rate sufficiently. [sidenote: h ] +_the city of toronto._+ the birth rate has fallen and afterwards risen. the death rate has fallen with the birth rate, and afterwards risen, showing that the improvements in sanitation have not been the cause of the falling death rate in other countries. [sidenote: h ] +_berlin._+ the birth rate rose rapidly from to , and afterwards fell even more rapidly. the death rate, except for epidemics and wars, rose and fell in almost precise correspondence with the birth rate. [sidenote: h - ] +_europe and western europe._+ these show that the total population of europe is increasing faster, the more the birth rate falls, while in western europe the birth and death rates correspond almost exactly. calculations made from this show that about , , fewer deaths have occurred in europe since , due to the fall in the birth rate caused by the knowlton trial and the neo-malthusian movement. it should be noted that in the great majority of cases the decline of the birth rate commenced in , the year of the knowlton trial. [illustration: europe. western europe. (comprising the united kingdom, norway, sweden, finland, denmark, holland, belgium, france, germany, austria, switzerland, italy, spain, & portugal.) (see sundbarg's aperÇus statistiques int'onaux . pp. & .) figures h - ] [sidenote: i] exhibits lent by mr. and mrs. w. c. d. whetham. * * * * * [sidenote: i ] . pedigree showing the descent of administrative ability. [sidenote: i ] . wollaston pedigree, showing the descent of scientific ability. [sidenote: i ] . pedigree showing the mendelian descent of eye-colour in mankind. [sidenote: k] the racial form of nose and its segregative inheritance. by geo. p. mudge. the +form of a nose+ doubtless depends upon many factors. but chief among them we may suppose are the length, breadth, and angle of inclination of the nasal bones; the form, length, breadth, and thickness of the nasal septum, and the degree of development of the turbinal bones. the segregation and persistence in families of a definite type of nose-form is a subject well worth further study. the inheritance of this character from the mendelian standpoint has not yet been adequately studied. but as with eye-colour, so with nose-form, we desire to know not only how alternative characters are inherited among individuals of the same race, but how they are +transmitted among+ the offspring of mixed races. english v. gipsy. [sidenote: k ] i am able in the photograph exhibited to show what appears to be an undoubted transmission of a very prominent form of nose from a grandmother to a grandson. the grandmother (on the right of the photograph, who is now over years of age) was the wife of a gipsy and she herself came of gipsy stock. she and her husband eventually settled in a small village in the west of england. they had six children, namely, two sons and four daughters. of the two sons, one was fair in complexion and had the "wild ways and habits of the gipsy." the other was dark in complexion and married an english countrywoman of the district in which his parents had settled. she was of fair complexion. they are shown, as husband and wife, in the left-hand corner of the central photograph. they have had four children, namely, three girls (shown in the centre of the photograph) and one son (shown standing by the right of his gipsy grandmother in the right corner of the photograph). the gipsy grandmother has a very prominent type of nose. it is characterised by three chief features: first, the broad base on which the external narial apertures are lodged; second, the marked convexity of the contour of the bridge; third, the well-defined or sharp angularity of the general form. her son's nose differs from hers in all three of these points. his wife's nose is of the more rounded type and differs very widely from that of the gipsy grandmother (her mother-in-law). the three girl children of these two parents clearly do not possess a nose like that of their grandmother. the two younger daughters appear to resemble their mother, while the oldest appears to be an intermediate between her mother and father. so far then there is no feature of any special interest. but it is otherwise when we come to deal with the nose of the son (grandson of the old gipsy woman). for it resembles hers in all three of the marked features which give to her nose its distinctive and prominent form. the convexity of the bridge is, perhaps, not quite so pronounced, but then he is still young, and this is a feature likely to become accentuated with age. two features of mendelian interest are shown in this group of a grandmother, two parents and four grandchildren. first, there is a hereditary transmission of nose type from grandmother to grandson. second, there is a clean segregation of the nose type manifested by the brother, from the contrasted nose type or types exemplified by his three sisters. in addition, the case is interesting since it manifests segregation of characters in the offspring of parents of different races, _i.e._, a gipsy and a native of the west of england. in the absence of precise information concerning the form of nose of the gipsy grandmother's husband, and of their five other children, and of the brothers and sisters of the grandmother, it is difficult to formulate a scheme showing a definite mendelian inheritance in this case. but the two features alluded to in the preceding paragraph are strongly suggestive of inheritance according to mendelian principles. we are indebted to mrs. rose haig thomas for the general facts of this case and for the photograph of the group. +european v. american red indian.+ [sidenote: k ] a few years ago i had an opportunity of meeting two friends who had spent many years in different parts of canada and were acquainted with families who were derived from an ancestry partly european and partly north american indian. i gathered from my friends, in virtue of much kindness and patience upon their part, some valuable facts concerning the nature of various facial features in the offspring of the two mixed races--european and red indian. i purpose here to deal with two families and with only one character, _i.e._, the type of nose. the red indian and european type of nose are easily distinguishable. in the red indian the nose is prominent and its frontal profile is formed by two lines which diverge from the bridge towards the base. the latter is, in consequence, very broad. the form of nose is sometimes known as the _busqué_ or curved type, since its lateral profile is in outline markedly aquiline. but examination of a series of photographs of red indians shows some variation in the lateral profile, since some are decidedly concave. but the broadness at the base is apparently never diminished; it is always marked and unmistakable. the well-pronounced indian nose can always be easily distinguished from the european nose by persons who have had a long acquaintance with both races. but cases do occur where even an experienced observer would feel some doubt in expressing an opinion as to which type a given nose belonged. such cases are, however, not common. [sidenote: k a] from the pedigrees of families derived from a mixed racial parentage in my possession, i select two for exhibition at this congress. the first is that known as "family " in my list. in this case a scotchman (generation a, s) married a full-blood indian woman. they had a son and daughter (generation b, and ). the half-breed son had the indian type of nose. the daughter had a small and well-shaped european nose. the son married a full-blood indian woman (generation b, ) and had four children. two of these were infants at the time my informant knew them, and though they were described as being generally of the indian type, they were too young to give any reliable details concerning the form of the nose. the two elder children (generation c, and ) were a daughter and a son, and both had the indian type of nose. the half-breed daughter (generation b, ) married twice. her first husband was a half-breed indian (b ). he was not seen by my informant. they had a son and a daughter (generation c, and ). the former was indian in type of nose as well as in other facial characters. the daughter, though she had very decided indian cheek bones, had the european type of nose. she is of further interest, inasmuch as while her eye-colour was european the shape of her eyes was characteristically indian. the second husband of the half-breed daughter was a welshman (generation b, w). by him she had seven children. the last was a baby at the time my informant saw it, and we may leave it out of account. the penultimate child was a son (generation c, ), and his nose was sunken, and my informant found it difficult to say whether it was european or indian in type. i rather suspect from an inspection of some photographs of indians which i have seen that it resembles a very concave flattened indian type. of the remaining five children, four had an european type and one an indian type of nose. assuming that my informant's observations and memory are accurate--and i feel sure they are quite reliable since he spent many years among the indians and half-breeds of north america in company with other europeans, and he is a man of naturally sharp discernment--this family shows clear evidence of the segregation of nose type. it is shown more particularly in the children of the half-breed daughter who married twice, since among her offspring (generation c, - ) both types of nose appeared. the re-appearance of the european nose was manifested, not only when she was mated back to an european in her second marriage, but when she married a half-breed like herself. this latter marriage, however, did not constitute, as we might at first sight regard it, an experimental mating in every way analogous to a mendelian cross of dr x dr; because although she was a half-breed her nose was not like her brother's of the indian type, but european. it thus appears as though the indian nose was dominant in one case, and the european in the other. too much stress must not be laid on this point. so many half-breeds are indistinguishable from full-blood indians, that the possibility is to be borne in mind that this woman's mother, who was married to the scotchman, was not really a full-blood indian, and that tradition was in error. i am, however, making further inquiries. but mendelian segregation is shown in this pedigree in another way. the granddaughter (generation c, ), by the first husband, manifested, as already indicated, an european type of nose and european eye-colour. she also manifested other european characters, with which i do not now purpose dealing. but her cheek bones were decidedly indian and the shape of her eyes were also indian. thus we have the segregation in the same individual of the characters of two distinct races of men. in other words, there has been segregation of racial characters followed by their recombination in a hybrid race. that is a fact of some importance, in what we may designate as anthropological eugenics, or, if we prefer it, as the eugenics of anthropology. for it turns our thoughts to the possibility of calling into being a more perfect type of men by the recombination of the better alternative qualities of two less perfect races. [sidenote: k b] the second pedigree exhibited is that of "family " in my list. i am indebted to another informant for the facts of this pedigree, and they relate to another part of north america. in this case a frenchman (generation a, f) married a full-blood indian princess, namely, a daughter of a chief. she had one only daughter (generation b, ) whose nose was of the indian type, but rather flat. the daughter married an irishman (generation b, ), and they had six children. of these three had european types of nose and three the indian type (generation c, - ). this family shows again an apparently clean segregation of indian and european types of nose. the two types appear, side by side, in different individuals of the same fraternity. the segregation of racial eye-colour. by geo. p. mudge. it is a matter of importance to know the exact influence which a mixture of races exerts upon the hereditary transmission of characters. for instance, do the alternative characters of two races of men, when they are related by marriage, segregate in inheritance in accordance with mendelian principles? is the term "blending or fusion of races misleading, and only accurate when employed in a qualified sense"? it has been shown by mr. hurst's very careful investigations in a leicestershire village that certain types of human eye-colour, which he designates as "simplex" and "duplex," are inherited in complete accord with mendelian principles of inheritance. the two types not only segregate from each other in the course of transmission, but they do so in practically exact mendelian proportions. and the "simplex" type, which is the recessive form of eye-colour, breeds true. it begets nothing but the simplex eye. these results have been confirmed by professor and mrs. davenport in america. in this and similar cases we are merely dealing with the transmission of alternative characters in individuals of the same race.[d] [footnote d: of course, the "english" race is really a community of many commingled races. but from our present standpoint that matters little. it is rather confirmatory of the further facts and conclusions i am about to describe.] but one of the interesting problems of the future is concerned with the transmission of characters when human races of diverse characteristics breed together. we are not concerned to discuss now whether the races of mankind are varieties or species. [sidenote: k ] spaniard _v._ gipsy. the records of travellers provide certain information which helps us to form reliable though limited conclusions as to the results of the +interbreeding of different human races+. mrs. rose haig thomas, to whom we are indebted for the exhibit of a photograph, taken during a journey through spain a few years ago, of a spanish gipsy woman with her three children, has made several observations of some interest. she became acquainted with a family in which "the mother was a dark-skinned, black-haired, black-eyed gipsy woman. (see photograph, exhibit no. k .) the husband was a spaniard with blue eyes. there were three children. of these, the eldest had flaxen hair and blue eyes. the second was a boy with black eyes, black hair, and an olive skin as dark as the mother's. the third child was too young to justify any conclusion being based on its characteristics. it was only months old; but was flaxen-haired, blue-eyed, and fair skinned." this observation of mrs. haig thomas, in granada, affords then a clear example of the segregation of blue-eye and flaxen-hair characters among the gametes of the black-eyed, black-haired, and olive-complexioned mother. for, in the light of mendelian researches, it is obvious she was carrying these characters recessive, and that some of her gametes were pure in respect of them. arab _v._ spaniard. [sidenote: k ] the second photograph, exhibited by mrs. haig thomas (exhibit no. k ), is of three sisters who were also photographed in granada. the eldest is of the dark, typical "arab type," so well recognised by spaniards wherever it is seen in spain. the second sister is clearly much lighter in hair and fairer in complexion than her sister. the nose, too, is very distinct in both. the baby is fair. it is impossible, of course, to trace the remote ancestry of these sisters, and mrs. haig thomas obtained no information as to their parents, but from what we know of spanish history the case suggests a +possible segregation of moorish from gothic features+ after the intermixture of the two races, by marriage, had occurred. but the question is extremely complex. it is impossible to say to what extent the inhabitants of modern spain represent in varying degrees a commingled race of phoenicians and iberians, of these with romans and goths, and of all with moors, themselves at the time of the conquest of spain a mixed race. all that can be said with any degree of probability is that these various races have more or less intermingled[e] during the long history of spain, and that the flaxen hair and blue eyes among its inhabitants are the heritage which the goths have left them. [footnote e: i advisedly use the word intermingled and not blended.] european _v._ american red indian. for the facts of the segregation of european and indian eye-colour, i am indebted to two friends who resided for many years in different parts of canada, and who do not desire their names published. [sidenote: k ] the first case of this kind (pedigree chart, no. k ) of +segregation of racial eye-colour+ is that of the offspring from a marriage between a blue-eyed scotchman and a black-eyed, full blood american red indian woman.[f] they had a son and a daughter, and the eyes of both were indian brown. this brown differs from that of european eyes, and can usually be distinguished by observers who know the two races well. the half-breed son (no. , generation b) married a full blood indian woman (no. ), who also had indian brown eyes, and by her had four children. two of them were babies at the time my informant knew them, and we may leave them out of account. the other two, a son and daughter (nos. and , generation c), had indian brown eyes. this result is in accord with mendelian expectations. [footnote f: this is the same family as family described in connection with segregation of nose form in exhibit k a.] the half-breed indian daughter (no. , generation b) of the blue-eyed scotchman and indian mother married a welshman (no. , b) with hazel eyes. they had seven children. of these, two--a son and daughter (no. and , generation c)--had blue eyes. the remaining children--with the exception of a baby, whom my informant had seldom seen--had eyes of varying shades of brown. two (nos. and , c) had european brown, one dark indian brown, and one indian brown eyes (nos. and , c). the re-appearance of blue eyes among two of the scotchman's grandchildren is a clear example of the mendelian segregation among the gametes of the half-breed indian mother of the factors which produce blue eyes. the welsh father, with the hazel eyes, must, of course, as we deduce from other cases, have carried the blue-eye factors recessive. the black-eyed full blood indian grandmother also carried various shades of indian brown, recessive to the indian black which she herself manifested, since her daughter and two granddaughters exhibited indian brown and dark indian brown coloured eyes. the two european brown-eyed grandsons were probably in eye-colour hybrids between the hazel colour of the welsh father and the indian brown of the half-breed indian mother. the pedigree is thus, in respect of eye-colour--and of other characters also which are not here described--clearly mendelian in its manifestations. it shows that the offspring of two very different types of human races exhibit the same mode of mendelian inheritance as do the descendants of two contrasted parents of the same race. [sidenote: k ] family (pedigree chart, no. k ) illustrates the same kind of facts and conclusions. in the a generation a frenchman, whose eye-colour was unknown to my informant, married a full blood indian princess who had indian brown eyes. there was one daughter only (generation b) by this marriage, and she had indian brown eyes. she married an irishman, who had red hair, grey eyes, and a freckled complexion (generation b). from this marriage there came six children (generation c). two of these had "grey eyes like their father." three had dark brown eyes of european tint. my informant had some doubt as to the european tint of two of these three (nos. and , c generation); their eye-colour was very dark brown, and possibly it may have been the indian tint. the remaining member of this generation had indian brown eyes of a very dark shade. it may be desirable to state that families and come from different parts of canada. the chief feature of interest in this family is the segregation of the grey eye-colour of the irishman among his offspring. it appears in two daughters. from what we know of analogous cases, there is little doubt that the gametes of his half-breed indian wife carried the blue or grey factors derived from her french father. the appearance of an european brown eye-colour in generation c, no. , suggests that the french grandfather had brown eyes, and that, therefore, this colour has segregated out among the gametes of the half-breed indian mother. exhibited by mr. e. nettleship. [sidenote: l] [sidenote: l ] +congenital colour-blindness+. pedigree showing unusual features, viz.: (_a_) females affected; (_b_) twins, of whom one is affected, the other not; (_c_) marriage between two unrelated colour-blind stocks. except that two females are affected the inheritance, so far as can be traced, has followed the rule for colour-blindness; viz., limitation to males and transmission through unaffected females. _key to signs_. [m] normal male; [f] normal female. [m-] colour-blind male; [f-] colour-blind female. [circle] batch of whom there are no particulars. [oo with over bar] twins. [greek: ph] died in infancy. [ob]: dead. [×] seen and examined. [× ×] reported normal, but not seen. [sidenote: l ] +hereditary night-blindness with myopia+ (short sight) affecting males and only female in a large pedigree. the night-blindness congenital and stationary. descent always through mothers themselves unaffected. mental defects in several of the night-blind stock. other pedigrees of this male-limited night-blindness are on record. _key_. [m-] and [f-] night-blind male and female. otherwise the same as for l . [sidenote: l ] pedigrees of +hereditary congenital nystagmus+ (involuntary rhythmical movements of the eyes) showing two different modes of descent. [sidenote: l a] in figure l a the nystagmus occurs only in males and descends through unaffected females. [sidenote: l b] in fig. l b both males and females are liable to the disease, and either parent may transmit it, although descent is more often through mother than father. the movements of the eyes are very often accompanied by rhythmical movements of the head in the non-sex-limited type (fig. l b), but head movements very seldom occur in the male-limited type (fig. l a). in both types many of those affected have also optical defects of the eyes, especially astigmatism. no mental or nerve complications in either kind. _key_. [m-] and [f-] male and female with nystagmus. otherwise as for l . [sidenote: l ] pedigree of +hereditary cataract+. the cataract in this genealogy begins in childhood, and usually progresses so as to require operation by the time its subject is grown up; results of operation usually good and lasting. most of the affected members still living; of the four dead, none died before , and two of them lived to and respectively. both sexes affected and either sex may transmit. no other eye disease and no prevalent constitutional diseases or degeneracies in the cataractous stock. many similar pedigrees are known. _key_. [m-] and [f-] male and female with cataract. otherwise as for l . [sidenote: m] exhibited by professor r. c. punnett, f.r.s. mendelian inheritance in rabbits. [sidenote: m .] yellow himalayan dutch × (black) | f_{ } agouti (reversion to wild colour). | f | ______________________|__________________________ | | | | | agouti black yellow tortoise himalayan +ratio.+ factors concerned:-- +a+. the factor for agouti which turns a black into an agouti, or a tortoise into a yellow. +e+. the factor for extension of pigment which when present turns a yellow into an agouti, or a tortoise into a black. +s+. the factor for self colour which turns a himalayan into a self coloured animal. all the rabbits in this experiment contain the factor for black (b). [sidenote: m .] the himalayan pattern can occur in all four colour classes. thus the agouti himalayan has lighter points than the black himalayan. (cf. specimens shown.) experiments to demonstrate that +black rabbits may be of different constitution genetically+. factors concerned in these experiments are:-- +a+. the agouti factor. +e+. the factor for extension of pigment. +d+. a factor for density of pigmentation. all the rabbits are homozygous for the black factor +b+. homozygous agouti = +aa bb ee+. black rabbits may be either:-- ( ) rabbits of the constitution +aa bb ee+. these breed true and behave as simple recessive to agouti. ( ) rabbits of the constitution +aa bb ee dd+., _i.e._, agoutis to which a double dose of d has been added are pure blacks in appearance, when only a single dose of d is added the animal shows some agouti markings and is an agouti-black. such rabbits have always proved to be heterozygous, and when mated together give blacks, agouti-blacks, and agoutis in the ratio : : . ( ) rabbits of the constitution +aa bb ee dd+. an agouti-black (aa bb ee dd) becomes a pure black when heterozygous for e. such blacks when mated with blacks of constitution +aa bb ee dd+ throw some agoutis and also some agouti-blacks. further, the experiments have shewn that the factor +d+ is coupled with +e+ in the gametogenesis of rabbits of the constitution +aa bb ee dd+. the gametes produced by such animals are of two kinds only viz--+a b e d+ and +a b e d+. when mated with a tortoise aa bb ee dd they give blacks and yellows only--+and no agoutis+. so far as is known, the coupling between e and d is complete. at present this is the only case of coupling between characters yet worked out in a mammal. [sidenote: m ] experiments with +poultry+, illustrating the +recombination of characters+. brown leghorn [f-] × silky [m-] | (_a_) coloured (chiefly brown) | (_a_) white plumage (with or plumage | without slight buff tinge) | (_b_) normal feathers | (_b_) silky feathers | _________________________|__________________________ | | f_ [f-] (_a_) coloured f_ [m-] (_b_) normal feathers --------________ ________--------- --------- × --------- | | | f_ generation ________________________________________________________ | | | | /------+------\ /------+------\ /------+------\ /------+------\ coloured plumage coloured plumage white plumage white plumage normal feathers silky feathers normal feathers silky feathers [sidenote: m ] experiment with +sweet peas, illustrating reversion on crossing, followed by the appearance of numerous types in next generation+. white × white | f_ purple | +---------------------+-------------------+ | | | f_ types of purple corresponding figures whites viz.:-- of reds, viz.:-- (_a_) purple (_a_) painted lady (_b_) deep purple (_b_) miss hunt (_c_) picotee (_c_) tinged white the varied forms in the f_ generation appear in definite proportions and a certain number of plants of each variety are already "fixed," and have been shewn, by further experiment, to breed true to type. [sidenote: m ] experiment with sweet peas, illustrating reversion in structural characters. a cross between the ordinary "cupid" dwarfs and the half-dwarf "bush" form results in a complete reversion to the normal tall habit such as occurs in the wild sweet pea. a further generation raised from these reversionary talls consists of talls, bush, cupids, and a new form, the "bush-cupid." these last combine the erect bush-like habit of growth with the dwarfness of the cupid. bush × cupid | f_ tall | +----------+----+----+------------+ | | | | f_ tall bush cupid bush-cupid in the ratio [sidenote: m a] example of +association of characters in heredity+. in the sweet pea the dark reddish purple axil is dominant to the light green one. also the fertile condition of the anthers is dominant to the contabescent sterile condition. in families which involve these characters, the nature of the f_ generation depends upon the way in which the original cross was made. (a) when each parent has one of the dominant characters. dark axil} {light axil sterile} × {fertile | f_{ } dark axil fertile | +------------+---+---------+----------------+ | | | | f_{ } dark axil dark axil light axil {[*]light axil} fertile sterile fertile { sterile } approximate ratio * not yet found, but probably occurs very rarely.] [sidenote: m b] (b) if, however, both of the dominant characters go in with one parent, and neither with the other parent, they tend to remain associated in f_{ }; thus:-- light} {dark sterile} × {fertile | f_{ } dark fertile | +-----------+----------+-----------+ | | | | f_{ } dark dark light light fertile sterile fertile sterile +ratio.+ in such a cross the classes resembling the two original parents tend to be produced in excess, while the other two combinations are produced much more rarely. nevertheless, the ratio of dark to light axil, and of fertile to sterile anthers, is, in each case, a simple : ratio. [sidenote: m a] example of association of +characters in heredity+. purple flower colour is dominant to red in the sweet pea, and the old-fashioned erect form of standard with the central notch is dominant to the hooded. in families where these characters are involved, the nature of the f_{ } generation depends upon the manner in which the cross was made. (a) when one dominant character goes in with each parent. purple} {red hood} × {erect | purple erect +--------+-------+-------+ | | | | purple purple red [*]red erect hood erect hood approximate ratio * not yet found in this mating, but probably occurs very rarely. [sidenote: m b] (b) when the two dominants enter, from one parent, they tend to remain associated in the f_{ } generation. purple} {red erect} × {hood | +--------+----+------+--------+ | | | | purple purple red red erect hood erect hood approximate \-------+--------/ ratio | these two classes are only found very rarely _i.e._, about once in each plants of the f_{ } generation. [sidenote: n & n ] exhibited by the utah agricultural college. * * * * * mr. e. g. titus. * * * * * the chart is feet long, inches wide, exclusive of the important data condensed on a separate -foot sheet. this is only a preliminary chart, as may be seen from the condensed data attached, which shows that of the persons represented on the chart are of mature age. the unknown persons represent , unknown ability; , unknown height; , unknown weight; , unknown health. the family is remarkable for the health of its members, having so far only deaths. the oldest child, generation ii- , was born in . there are, of course, a large number of persons on the chart who are rather young. where a person has more than one ability well marked, such as music and literary ability, or music and business ability, or constructive and business ability, the chart shows only one ability. there are several cases where persons have three well marked abilities. in all cases, the following is the rank on the chart:-- literary ability is always charted. following this, music and then art, and then constructive. constructive ability represents those persons who have a decided mathematical and mechanical turn of mind, who are builders, contractors, carpenters of advanced standing, architects and men of these classes. under "various" abilities are classified business, agricultural and domestic abilities. these are not marked on the chart. it will be noticed under "diseases" that a majority of the persons who have died were infants, and even among infants the deaths are remarkable for their small number considering the conditions under which the people of the third generation of this family had to live. the paternal ancestor, generation i., came to america in , dying two years later, and his children came to utah among the early settlers, - . many of the third generation were born in this state under conditions that are not by any means comparable to those existing in communities that have been settled for many years. the opportunity to care for children was very limited. physicians were not as easily reached, and the methods and appliances of modern times were not at hand. yet, even under these circumstances, it will be noticed of the persons listed on the chart, that only deaths were those of persons under years. generations i ic ii iic iii iiic iv ivc v totals persons charted " of mature age --------------------------------------------------------------------- ability--literary musical artistic constructive various totals no special ability ability unknown --------------------------------------------------------------------- height ft. or less - to - - to - - to - - to - - to - - to - - to - - to - totals unknown ------------------------------------------------------------------- weight lbs. or less to to to to to to totals unknown generations i ic ii iic iii iiic iv ivc v totals health--excellent good fair delicate poor totals unknown ------------------------------------------------------------------- died under one year to years to years to years to years past years age unknown totals ------------------------------------------------------------------- cause of death premature birth infantile complaints diphtheria scarlet fever measles typhoid fever pneumonia consumption operations child birth various unknown totals [sidenote: o] exhibited by the eugenics education society. o mendelism. [sidenote: o a] theoretical example of mendelian inheritance in peas. (after _thomson_.) [sidenote: o b] theoretical example of mendelian inheritance in peas. (after _laurie_.) [sidenote: o c] theoretical example of mendelian inheritance, with dominance, in mice. (after _laurie_.) [sidenote: o d] illustration of the theory of gametic purity in mendelian heredity in mice. (after _laurie_.) [sidenote: o e] example of mendelian inheritance, without dominance, in blue andalusian fowls. (after _laurie_.) [sidenote: o f] illustration of the theory of gametic purity in mendelian heredity, in blue andalusian fowls. (after _laurie_.) [sidenote: o ] standard scheme of descent. (after _galton_.) [sidenote: o ] comparison of mr. booth's classification of all london with the normal classes. (after _galton_.) [sidenote: o ] descent of qualities in a population. (after _galton_.) [sidenote: o ] inheritance of ability, as exemplified in the darwin, galton, and wedgwood families. (after _whetham_ and _marshall_.) [sidenote: p] exhibited by the american breeders' association--eugenics section. c. b. davenport, esq. [sidenote: p - ] charts of statistics of defectives. charts of classification of defectives. charts of principles of heredity. pedigrees collected by field-workers in america. [sidenote: q] exhibited by cyril burt, esq. description of diagrams illustrating the use of experimental tests of mental capacities. . "experimental tests of general intelligence." [sidenote: q ] a list of twelve tests applied to two schools at oxford. the first two columns of figures indicate the "reliability" or self-consistency of the tests as compared with that of examinations and master's general impression. the second two columns give the correlations of the results of the tests with the children's "general intelligence." it will be seen that several of the tests of higher mental processes are as reliable as the scholastic tests at present in vogue, and that they correlate quite as highly with intelligence. further experiments show that while examinations and master's estimates measure knowledge and skill acquired by memory and training, the tests seems to provide measurements rather of innate capacities; and that children of superior parentage (_e.g._ the preparatory school boys) are themselves superior at tests, which show an appreciable positive correlation with intelligence (_i.e_. all except tests of touch and weight). the tests thus provide an experimental demonstration of the inheritance of mental ability and a means of measuring the same. (references:--burt, experimental tests of general intelligence, british journal of psychology, vol. iii., pts. and .) burt, inheritance of mental characteristics, eugenics review, , july. [sidenote: q ] . sex-differences in mental tests. a list of experimental tests applied to children of both sexes with a view to measuring their innate capacities for performing mental processes of different levels of complexity. the amount of divergence between the sexes, is indicated by the column in red. it will be seen that the sex-differences become smaller, the higher the level tested. there is some evidence to show that these differences are the result of inheritance and are not the result of difference of tradition or environment. (references: burt and moore, the mental differences between the sexes. journal of experimental pedagogy, , june. burt, inheritance of mental characteristics, eugenics review, , july.) [sidenote: r] exhibit by dr. george papillault. four sets of questions drawn up by dr. george papillault, professor of sociology in the paris school of anthropology, with a view to noting and comparing the +bio-social characteristics+ of individuals belonging to different groups of population. [sidenote: r ] set of questions +adopted by the commission of criminology+ instituted and presided over by mr. ---- keeper of the seals; vice-presidents, messrs. léon bourgeois, senator, and dr. dron, vice-president of the chamber of deputies and reporter to the commission; scientific secretary, dr. g. papillault. this set of questions comprises: st. an individual criminological chart for the purpose of showing biological and social characteristics of the prisoners. nd. family charts for each of the ancestors, descendants or collateral relatives of the prisoner and more particularly intended to note hereditary characteristics. these charts have been issued with a view to a methodical enquiry on the criminal, under the direction of the scientific and criminological department. [sidenote: r ] set of questions of the french lay mission, designed to note the characteristics of the young natives and of their relatives in the french colonies. the teachers will have to return them filled up with the greatest care to the lay mission, where dr. papillault, before their departure, delivered a series of lectures to teach them how to proceed. [sidenote: r ] questions on the half-breeds, adopted by the paris society of anthropology, and designed to show the bio-social characteristics of the half-breeds proceeding from cross-breeding between different races. [sidenote: r ] questions asked by the general psychological institute for the purpose of undertaking a vast enquiry on the value taxonomic, organic, bio-social, and selective of the different human races which actually exist in the french colonies, and particularly in north africa. a like spirit and method governs these four sets of questions; to discard the verbalism which obstructs and imperils sociology; to study characteristics precise, objective, easily controllable and comparable, and likely consequently to form statistics, which alone, are capable of revealing characteristics of groups; to establish the correlations which these characteristics may present among themselves, and to arrive at last at the discovery of positive sociological laws. [sidenote: s] exhibited by frederick adams woods, m.d. thirteen photographic copies of authentic portraits of distinguished historical personages of the sixteenth century, showing that the bony framework of the face, especially about the nose and eyes, was not commonly the same as it is to-day. these are samples of a much larger collection. [sidenote: s ] charles vii., xv century, eye-brows very high above the eyes. [sidenote: s ] mary of lorraine, queen of james of scotland (national portrait gallery). eyes far apart, and eye-brows high. [sidenote: s ] francis i. of france, french school, xvi. century. (louvre.) eyes small, upper eye-lids peculiar, and typical of the period. [sidenote: s ] louse de rieux; marquise d'elboef, xvi. century. (louvre.) naso-orbital region typical, eyes small far apart, upper part of the nose broad and flat, upper eye-lids long (vertical distance between eye and eye brow considerable.) [sidenote: s ] dr. stokesley, bishop of london (holbein.) eyes far apart upper part of nose broad. [sidenote: s ] jane seymour (holbein). eyes far apart, upper eye lids characteristic. [sidenote: s ] jean de bourbon, comte d'enghien. xvi century. eyes far apart, upper eye-lids vertically prominent. [sidenote: s ] portrait of a young german gentleman. the eye-lids are modern, that is the eyes are set in deeply under the arch, but the eyes themselves are far apart, and the upper part of the nose is broad. [sidenote: s ] mary queen of england. (national portrait gallery). it would seem that allowance might be made for the crudity of the portrait, but the naso-orbital region is typical of the northern races during the xvi century. [sidenote: s ] holbein's duke of norfolk. in the royal gallery at windsor castle. eyes are more deep-set under the superorbital arch than is usual in portraits of the period, but the upper part of the nose is broad, and eyes are far apart. [sidenote: s ] henry viii., attributed to holbein but on doubtful authority. broad flat nose, small eyes set far apart, eye-brows arching upward and outward. observe the upper eye-lids in contrast to the italian by lorenzo lotto, which shows the usual modern type of eye-lid. [sidenote: s ] portrait of the prothonotary apostolic juliano. (lorenzo lotto.) modern type of face. eyes deep set in under the superorbital arch and eye-brow. upper part of the nose delicate and projecting. this type of face is occasionally, but only rarely met with north of the alps during the early period. it is common enough in portraits of italians. [sidenote: s ] portrait of a german scholar, by holbein. modern type, very rarely found. first international eugenics congress, london, . ========= programme. =============================================== contents. page accommodation application forms , arrival badges banquet business meetings , consultative committees correspondence daily time-table - delegates , entertainments , , , , , exhibition general arrangements hospitality bureau , languages lunches and refreshments , meetings - membership offices of congress officers - place of meeting railway arrangements , , receptions , , , rules of procedure stewards vice-presidents =============================================== _all communications should be addressed to the secretaries._ --------><-------- offices of the congress: "the eugenics education society," , york buildings, adelphi, london. (=office hours, - a.m. to p.m.=) president *major leonard darwin, d.sc. vice-presidents. sir clifford allbutt, k.c.b., f.r.s., m.d., regius professor of physic, cambridge. the right hon. lord alverstone, g.c.m.g., ll.d., lord chief justice. the right hon. lord avebury, f.r.s. sir thomas barlow, bart., k.c.v.o., f.r.s., president of the royal college of physicians. dr. alexander graham bell, founder of the volta bureau, washington. sir william church, k.c.b., d.sc., lately president of the royal college of physicians. the right hon. winston churchill, m.p., first lord of the admiralty. sir william collins, f.r.c.s., vice-chancellor of the university of london. dr. c. b. davenport, secretary of the american breeders' association. dr. j. déjérine, clinical professor of nervous diseases, salpêtrière. dr. charles w. eliot, president emeritus of harvard university. dr. auguste forel, lately professor of psychiatry, university of zurich. sir archibald geikie, president of the royal society. sir rickman j. godlee, f.r.c.s., president of the royal college of surgeons. professor m. von gruber, professor of hygiene, munich, president of the german society for race hygiene. dr. david starr jordan, principal, leland stanford university. president of the eugenic section, american breeders' association. monsieur l. march, director, statistique générale de la france. the right hon. reginald mckenna, m.p., secretary of state for home affairs. the right hon. the lord mayor of london. dr. magnan, l'asile sainte-anne, paris. dr. l. manouvrier, professor of anthropology, paris. dr. a. marie, asiles de la seine. sir henry alexander miers, d.sc., f.r.s., principal of the university of london. professor alfredo niceforo, professor of statistics, naples. sir william osler, m.d., f.r.s., regius professor of medicine, oxford. the right rev. the lord bishop of oxford, d.d. dr. e. perrier, director, natural history museum, paris. gifford pinchot, washington. dr. alfred ploëtz, president of the international society for race hygiene, germany. sir william ramsay, f.r.s., professor of chemistry, university of london. the right rev. the lord bishop of ripon, d.d. professor g. j. sergi, professor of anthropology, rome. dr. e. e. southard, neuro-pathologist, harvard university, and director of the state psychopathological hospital. the right hon. sir t. vezey strong, k.c.v.o. bleecker van wagenen, of the board of trustees, vineland training school, new jersey, u.s.a. professor august weismann, professor of zoology, freiburg. honorary members. monsieur henri jaspar, avocat à la cour d'appel, président de la société protectrice de l'enfance anormale; secrétaire de la commission royale des patronages, brussels. monsieur adolph prins, inspecteur générale des prisons, brussels. professor ludwig schemann, president of the gobineau-vereinigung, germany. his excellency the general von bardeleben, president of the _verein herold_, berlin. american consultative committee. =president=--dr. david starr jordan. committee. dr. c. b. davenport, alexander graham bell, professors w. e. castle, charles r. henderson, adolph meyer, a. hrdlicka, vernon l. kellogg, j. webber, w. l. tower, dr. frederick adams woods. =secretary and treasurer=--dr. c. b. davenport, eugenics record office, cold spring harbor, long island, new york. * * * * * belgian consultative committee. =secretary=--dr. louis querton, boulevard de grande ceinture, , brussels. committee. mm. dr. boulenger, dr. bordet, dr. caty, dr. decroly, dr. gengou, dr. herman, dr. l. mm. gaspart, gheude, jacquart, marc de sélys longchamps, nyns, e. waxweiler, professor marchal. * * * * * french consultative committee. hon. presidents. mm. bouchard, henry chéron, yves delage, paul doumer, a. de foville, landouzy, paul strauss. =president=--m. edward perrier. committee. m. m. déjérine, gide, march, magnan, manouvrier, marie, pinard, variot. =secretary and treasurer=--m. huber, statistique générale de la france, paris, , quai d'orsay. * * * * * german consultative committee. =president=--dr. alfred ploëtz, gundelinden str., , munchen. committee. the committee of the international society for race hygiene. * * * * * italian consultative committee. =president=--professor alfredo niceforo, , via ara coeli, rome. committee. professors corrado gini, achille loria, roberto michels, enrico morselli, sante de sanctis, giuseppe sergi, v. ginffrida-ruggeri. first international eugenics congress london. wednesday, july th, to tuesday, july th, . =general arrangements for the meeting.= an invitation circular has been widely circulated to all members of eugenic and heredity societies in europe and america, and to many other persons likely to be interested in the approaching congress. through that circular the objects and general plan of the congress have been made widely known. copies may still be had on application to the secretary. the following arrangements have now been definitely made. =place of meeting.= the meetings of the congress will be held in the great hall of the university of london, imperial institute road, south kensington, london, s.w., which is easily reached from south kensington station on the underground railway, and by omnibus from all parts of london. (in wet weather those travelling by rail can avail themselves of the subway). =headquarters of the congress.= until tuesday, july rd, the headquarters and offices of the congress will remain at , york buildings, adelphi, w.c. (close to charing cross station), where all information will be supplied and tickets issued. office hours - a.m. to p.m. on and after wednesday, july th, the headquarters will be transferred to the university of london, south kensington. if arrangements for hotels or for lodgings have not been made previously, members arriving on and after july th are recommended to leave their luggage in the "cloak room" at the railway station and come to the office of the congress, at london university, south kensington, for information. =correspondence.= from july th to th, members and associates of the congress may have their letters addressed to them at the first international eugenics congress, c/o the university of london, south kensington, s.w., where special postal facilities will be provided. all invitations to receptions, etc., will be distributed in this way. =languages.= it has been decided that in the meetings and discussions the english, french, german, and italian languages shall be on an equal footing. at the same time it is right to point out that in all congresses the number of members speaking and understanding only the language of the country in which they are held has been far in excess of those conversant with several languages; therefore those who speak in english on the present occasion will be most widely understood. the abstract of every paper which is received in time by the secretary will be translated into english, french, and german. pamphlets containing the abstracts in these languages will be available on july th at the university buildings. members wishing for advance copies should notify the fact to the secretaries, and state clearly in what language they are required, and to what address they should be sent. =stewards.= a number of stewards acting as interpreters will be in attendance; the languages spoken being indicated by rosettes of the following colours:--red, french; blue, german; green, italian. =hotels, etc.= the organising committee is prepared to book rooms in advance for intending members. lists of hotels and the accommodation vouchers have been sent out to all members with their membership cards. any member wishing to pay his membership fee on arrival can on application obtain an accommodation voucher in advance. =to make certain of securing the accommodation desired, it is essential that accommodation vouchers duly filled in should reach the office not later than july th.= =tickets of membership.= in order to take advantage of the reduced fares offered by the railway companies (see below), the official congress ticket must be produced when paying the fare. the subscription entitling to membership of the congress is £ sterling; for an associate it is /-. members may obtain additional tickets for ladies at the cost of /- each. these additional ladies' tickets are transferable to ladies. associates are entitled to all the privileges of members, except that they have no vote in the meetings and will not receive a copy of the report when published. the tickets of all members and associates who pay in advance will be forwarded to their addresses before the commencement of the congress. a limited number of day membership cards at /- each will be obtainable from the secretary's office in the marble hall during the congress. these cards admit to both the morning and afternoon sessions, but do not carry the privileges of voting and hospitality. =inaugural banquet.= an inaugural banquet will be held at the hotel cecil on wednesday, july th, at p.m., at which all the officials of the congress and readers of papers will be the guests of the entertainments committee. members of the congress can obtain tickets at / each, from the hon. secretary, entertainments committee, , york terrace, harley street, london, w. speeches of welcome will be made by the president, the lord mayor of london, the rt. hon. a. j. balfour, and others. the banquet will be followed by a reception to which all members and associates of the congress will be invited. =railway arrangements.= important concessions have been made by a number of railway companies to members and associates of the congress. on the railways of russia, austria-hungary, germany, switzerland and holland, no reductions will be allowed; but by taking tickets to a station in belgium or france, near the frontier, reductions may be secured by groups of not less than visitors travelling together from those countries for the rest of their journey. =in all cases it is necessary to produce the congress membership ticket before receiving railway tickets at reduced rates; and arrangements must be made in advance, days' notice being required. persons desiring to take advantage of these concessions must therefore forward their subscriptions at once; and immediately on receipt of their membership ticket should communicate with the secretary of their country= (see page ). in the following list the countries most distant from london are mentioned first:-- =italy.= the p.l.m. company will grant a reduction of % to members coming from italy via modane. at the time of issuing this notice definite information regarding reduced rates on the italian state railways is not to hand. =germany.= members from germany desiring to obtain reduced rates are requested to communicate, through their secretary, with the general agent of the south eastern and chatham railway office in cologne ( domhof). provided at least members travel together on the journey to london, arrangements can be made for reduced fares at % reduction from the belgian or from the dutch frontier to london and back. at least days' notice must be given to secure these facilities. =belgium.= if at least members travel together, a reduction of about % is granted. members are requested to communicate, through the secretary of their country, with the general agent of the south eastern and chatham railway in brussels ( , rue de la regence). =france.= on presentation of their congress cards, members attending the congress will be able to obtain at paris (gare du nord) special day return tickets to london via calais-dover or boulogne-folkestone at the following fares:-- st class.-- f. c. nd class.-- f. c. rd class.-- f. c. available from july nd. these tickets are available by the following trains:-- paris (nord) dep. - a.m. - p.m. - p.m. london (charing cross) arr. - p.m. - p.m. - a.m. (b) (b) (c) (b) via boulogne-folkestone. (c) via calais-dover. special arrangements can be made for reserved accommodation to be provided for groups. the above-mentioned tickets can also be obtained at the paris office of the south eastern and chatham railway ( rue du septembre), but the congress vouchers must be presented at the time in either case. _another route_--from paris (st. lazare) special day return tickets to london via dieppe-newhaven at the following fares:-- st class.-- f. c. nd class.-- f. c. these tickets are available for the following trains:-- paris (st. lazare) dep. - a.m. - p.m. london (victoria) arr. - p.m. - a.m. =great britain.= all the british railways have very kindly granted exceptional facilities to members of the congress. return tickets for the price of a single fare and a third, lasting from july rd to th, will be issued from all stations in the united kingdom on presentation of the congress voucher at the booking office. * * * * * members wishing to return to their homes outside london daily, must apply for separate vouchers for each day if the distance is more than miles. if however the member resides within that distance, the usual sleeping-out arrangements will apply, _i.e._, that tickets at a single fare and a third for the double journey may be issued (upon production of cards of membership or letters of invitation), from the town where the conference is being held to places where the delegates reside. the minimum fare will be /-. =stations of arrival.= passengers travelling from the continent by the south eastern and chatham railway, arrive at victoria or charing cross stations according to the train service selected. passengers by the great eastern railway arrive at liverpool street station; and those by the london, brighton, and south coast railway arrive at victoria station. =hospitality bureau.= during the meeting of the congress there will be many entertainments in the form of receptions, dinners, afternoon and evening parties, for which there will be invitations to members and associates of the congress. in most cases the number to be entertained is limited, and it is desirable that the secretaries should have as complete a list of members as possible to submit to the hosts. all =officials of the congress=, and =readers of papers=, and =delegates=, will shortly receive invitations to the various entertainments mentioned in the programme. _members should apply at the hospitality bureau in the marble hall on arrival_, as the number that can attend each function is limited, and cards will be issued to members in order of application. a limited number of tickets for the zoological gardens, tickets to hear debates in the house of commons, and invitations to tea on the terrace of the house of commons, etc., will also be available. the german athenæum club has very kindly signified its willingness to accord the privilege of hon. membership of the club to german readers of papers and members of the german consultative committee, and to a limited number of german members of the congress. rules of procedure. the organising committee feel that the interest and usefulness of the congress will be greatly increased by the usual sectional plan being departed from, so that all papers can be discussed in general sittings. this plan will necessarily limit the time available for papers, but, on the other hand, it will allow the interest of all members to be focused on each question to be considered. to enable the maximum amount of work to be done in the time available, the following arrangements have been made:-- =papers.= the reader of each paper will be allowed minutes in which to give a summary of his paper and to reply to criticisms. a certain time, limited at the discretion of the chairman, will then be allowed for discussion (maximum time-- minutes). should the reader of a paper not desire to exercise his right of reply he may devote the whole minutes to his opening summary. if, on the other hand, he prefers to reserve a longer time for reply he must reduce the length of his opening remarks, bearing in mind that the whole time at his disposal for the two speeches will be minutes. =discussions.= all discussions are under the absolute control of the chairman, who will regulate the length of time allotted to each discussion, and to each speaker in that discussion. the chairman will ring a bell one minute before each speech must end. after the bell is rung a second time the next speaker will be called. the maximum time allotted to the discussion on each single paper is twenty minutes,--to each single speaker, seven minutes. the names of persons wishing to speak must be handed up to the chairman before the conclusion of the speech opening the discussion. =badges.= a button badge, consisting of a reproduction of the head of sir francis galton, will be presented to every member and associate. a silvered medal with ribbon and clasp will be presented to members of the consultative committees, readers of papers and government delegates. distinctive colours will be as follows:-- _organizing and consultative committees_ medal and red ribbon. _readers of papers_ " " white " _stewards_ " " yellow " _executive committee_ " " blue " the medals with green ribbons will be on sale, price /- each, to all members and associates. daily programme. this programme will be adhered to as closely as possible, but the executive committee reserve the power to make any alterations which circumstances may render necessary. wednesday, july th. [sidenote: a.m.] the offices of the congress will be opened at the university of london, south kensington. members and delegates are requested to call during the day, to sign the register and enter their address, and to obtain invitations to the receptions, dinners, etc. [sidenote: p.m.] a meeting of the congress executive committee will be held in the senate room. the congress executive consists of the president, secretary, and two members of each of the consultative committees, and the president, secretary and two members of the british executive committee. business:-- the arrangement of the agenda for the business meeting on the th. [sidenote: p.m.] =reception bu the president= of the guests to the =inaugural banquet= at the hotel cecil, strand. the banquet commences at - p.m. punctually. speeches will be made by the president, the lord mayor of london, mr. a. j. balfour and others. all officers of the congress, readers of papers, presidents and secretaries of branches of the eugenics education society, are the _guests of the hospitality committee_. ordinary members of the congress may attend (tickets, s. d. each, exclusive of wine) and may take one friend on the same terms. the maximum seating capacity of the hall is and only a limited number of seats are available. =to prevent disappointment early application for tickets should be made on the form on page , to the hon. secretary, mrs. alec tweedie, entertainments committee, , york terrace, harley street, w.= [sidenote: - p.m.] reception of welcome to all members and associates of the congress at the hotel cecil to meet the delegates and others who have attended the inaugural banquet. _section i._ biology and eugenics. thursday. july th. morning session. [sidenote: a.m.] opening of the congress. presidential address. [sidenote: - a.m.] "le cosidette leggi dell 'ereditarieta nell' uomo." (the so-called laws of heredity in man.) v. guiffrida-ruggeri, professor of anthropology, naples. speakers in discussion professor j. a. thomson, dr. apert. [sidenote: - a.m.] "the inheritance of fecundity." raymond pearl, ph. d. biologist of the maine experiment station, orono, u.s.a. discussion. [sidenote: noon.] "variation and heredity in man." l. sergi, professor of anthropology, rome. discussion opened by dr. seligmann. [sidenote: - p.m.] "on the increase of stature in certain european populations." soren hansen, m.d., director of the danish anthropological committee, copenhagen. luncheon interval. [sidenote: - p.m.] cold lunch will be provided at the university for all readers of papers and members of the congress executive committee who give in their names at the secretary's table before - a.m. a few places will be available (lunch, /-) for ordinary members of the congress. application for seats should be made at the secretary's table before noon. (a list of neighbouring restaurants will be found on page ). section i. afternoon session. [sidenote: - p.m.] "eugenics and genetics." r. c. punnett, f.r.s., professor of biology, cambridge university. discussion opened by professor w. bateson. [sidenote: - p.m.] "the inheritance of epilepsy." david f. weeks, m.d., medical superintendent and executive officer of the new jersey state village for epileptics, u.s.a. (_these papers will be illustrated by lantern slides_). [sidenote: p.m.] "la psicologia etrica e la scienca eugenistica." (ethnic psychology and the science of eugenics). professor enrico morselli, director of the clinic for mental and nervous diseases, royal university, genoa. discussion. [sidenote: - p.m.] "influence de l'age des parents sur les caractères psycho-physique des enfants." (the influence of parental age on the psycho-physiological characters of children). professor antonio marro, director of the lunatic asylum, turin. discussion opened by dr. ewart. entertainments. [sidenote: - p.m.= ] her grace the duchess of marlborough will hold a reception at sunderland house, curzon street. (the card of invitation should be given up at the door). =officials= and =delegates=, _who receive their cards in advance_, are requested to return them at once to the hon. secretary, entertainments committee, , york terrace, harley street, w., _if they do not intend to be present_. =ordinary members= of the congress are requested on their arrival in london to _apply at the hospitality bureau_, at the university for the invitation card. section ii. practical eugenics. friday, july th. morning session. [sidenote: a.m.] considérations générales sur "la puériculture avant la procreation." (general considerations on "education before procreation.") professor adolphe pinard, member of the paris medical academy. discussion. [sidenote: - p.m.] "the bearing of neo-malthusianism upon race hygiene." dr. alfred ploëtz, president, international society for race hygiene. discussion opened by dr. drysdale. [sidenote: - a.m.] "rapport sur l'organisation pratique de l'action eugénique." (report on the practical organisation of eugenic action). dr. louis querton, professor of the "université libre," brussels. [sidenote: - a.m.] discussion opened by dr. c. w. saleeby. [sidenote: - p.m.] "marriage and eugenics." dr. c. b. davenport, director eugenics record office, u.s.a. [sidenote: - p.m.] luncheon interval.[g] [footnote g: for arrangements see pages and .] section ii. afternoon session. [sidenote: - p.m.] "preliminary report to the first international eugenics congress of the committee of the eugenics section american breeders' association to study and report as to the best practical means for cutting off the defective germ plasm in the human population." mr. bleecker van wagenen, chairman of committee. (_this paper will be illustrated by lantern slides_). discussion to be opened by sir john macdonnell. [sidenote: - p.m.] "eugénique sélection et déterminisme des tarés." (eugenic selection and elimination of defectives). frederic houssay, professor of science, university, paris. discussion. [sidenote: - p.m.] close of meeting. entertainments. [sidenote: p.m.] the lord mayor of london will receive the members of the congress at the mansion house, between the hours of and p.m., when the suites of rooms will be on view. [sidenote: p.m.] the american ambassador and mrs. whitelaw reid are giving a reception to the members of the congress at dorchester house, park lane, at p.m. (_for directions as to invitation cards see page , at foot_). section iia. education and eugenics. saturday, july th. morning session. [sidenote: a.m.] "eugenics and the new social consciousness." g. smith, professor of sociology, minnesota university, u.s.a. discussion to be opened by mrs. maccoy irwin. [sidenote: - a.m.] "practicable eugenics in education." dr. f. c. s. schiller, oxford university. a discussion will be arranged in which it is hoped several well-known educationalists, including professor sadler and dr. georges schreiber will participate. [sidenote: p.m.] luncheon interval.[h] [footnote h: for arrangements see pages and .] [sidenote: p.m.] general meeting of congress. =business agenda.= to be issued after the meeting of the congress executive committee on july th, and circulated to all members on the th. [sidenote: p.m.] close of meeting. entertainments. the co-partnership tenants have invited members to visit the =hampstead garden suburb=, where they will be entertained to tea. the party leaves south kensington station at - p.m. several luncheon and tea parties are also being arranged for this day. will any members wishing to enjoy this hospitality give in their names not later than the afternoon of thursday, july th, at the hospitality bureau in the hall of the university? sunday, july th. a lunch and garden party will be given by mr. robert mond to the members of the congress in the grounds of combe park, sevenoaks (near london). guests will be conveyed there and back by special train. invitations and all particulars will be issued in the same way as for the duchess of marlborough's reception. (see page , at foot). the proprietors of the =london aerodrome= have kindly issued a limited number of invitations to witness exhibition flights during the afternoon (weather permitting). section iii. sociology and eugenics. monday, july th. morning session. [sidenote: a.m.] "elite fisio--psichica ed elite economica." ("the psycho physical elite, and the economic elite.") achille loria, professor of political economy, university of turin. [sidenote: - a.m.] "the cause of the inferiority of physical and mental characters in the lower social classes." alfredo niceforo, professor of statistics at the university of naples. (_as these two papers treat of similar subjects, they will be grouped for discussion_.) [sidenote: a.m.] "la fertilité des marriages suivant la profession et la situation sociale." (the fertility of marriages according to profession and social position). monsieur lucien march, directeur de la statistique générale de la france. discussion opened by mr. bernard mallett. [sidenote: - a.m.] "eugenics and militarism." vernon l. kellogg, professor of entomology, stanford university. [sidenote: - p.m.] "eugenics in party organisation." roberto michels, professor of political economy, university of turin. [sidenote: p.m.] luncheon interval.[i] [footnote i: for arrangements see pages and .] section iiia. (continued). sociology and eugenics. monday, july th. afternoon session. [sidenote: - p.m.] "the influence of race on history." w. c. d. and mrs. w. c. d. whetham, cambridge. [sidenote: - p.m.] "some interrelations between eugenics and historical research." dr. adams woods, harvard medical school. (_as these two papers are on similar subjects they will be grouped and discussed together_). [sidenote: p.m.] "contributi demografici ai problemi dell' eugenica." (the contributions of demography to eugenics). corrado gini, professor of statistics, university of cagliari, italy. [sidenote: - p.m.] close of session. entertainments. [sidenote: - p.m.] a reception will be given at the university of london by the president and mrs. leonard darwin. (invitations to this reception will be forwarded to all members and associates on their joining the congress. those members who join on or after wednesday, th, should apply for their cards at the hospitality bureau at the congress.) section iv. medicine and eugenics. tuesday, july th. morning session. [sidenote: a.m.] "sur la prophylaxie de la syphilis héréditaire et son action eugénique." (on the prophylaxis of hereditary syphilis and its eugenic effect). dr. hallopeau, professeur à la faculté de médecine. discussion. [sidenote: - a.m.] "alkohol und eugenik." (alcohol and eugenics). dr. alfred mjoën, kristiania, norway. [sidenote: - a.m.] "alcoholisme et dégénérescence." statistiques du bureau central d'administration des aliénés de paris et du department de la seine de à . (alcoholism and degeneracy). (statistics from the central office for the management of the insane of paris and the department of the seine from to ). dr. magnan, of the asile saint anne, membre de l'academie de médecine dr. fillassier, membre de l'academie de médecine. (_as these two papers are on similar subjects they will be grouped and discussed together_). discussion opened by dr. archdall reid. [sidenote: - p.m.] "rassenhygiene und arztliche gebürtshilfe." (eugenics and obstetrics). dr. agnes bluhm, berlin. [sidenote: p.m.] luncheon interval.[j] [footnote j: for arrangements see pages and .] section iv. medicine and eugenics. tuesday, july th. afternoon session. [sidenote: - p.m.] "heredity and eugenics in relation to insanity." dr. f. w. mott, f.r.s., pathologist to the london county asylums. (_this paper will be illustrated by lantern slides_.) discussion. [sidenote: - p.m.] "the place of eugenics in the medical curriculum." h. e. jordan, professor of histology and embryology, university of virginia, and chairman eugenics section american breeders' association for the study and prevention of infant mortality. discussion. [sidenote: p.m.] "the history of a healthy, sane family showing longevity, in catalonia." valenti y vivo, professor of medicine and toxicology, university of barcelona spain. farewell address. by the president. the exhibition. the exhibition in connection with the first international eugenics congress will include--( ) charts, pedigrees, photographs, and specimens illustrative of heredity, especially in man. ( ) relics of charles darwin, sir francis galton and gregor mendel. ( ) portraits of notable workers. the committee desires to make the exhibition as fully representative as possible of the past history and present state of the sciences of heredity and eugenics. many interesting exhibits have been received from america, france, germany and all parts of the united kingdom. professor von gruber has sent over from the international race hygiene congress, held in dresden, in , a collection of exhibits representative of german work. the american eugenics record office is sending an important exhibit, as are also the state epileptic colony of new jersey, and dr. goddard, of vineland. among the british exhibitors are major leonard darwin, professor punnett, mr. wheler, mr. whetham, mr. nettleship, mr. e. j. lidbetter and many others. an illustrated catalogue is in preparation, and will be on sale at the book stall. many of the exhibitors have signified their intention of attending the congress, and their willingness to explain their exhibits to enquirers. members of general committee. sir james barr, m.d., f.r.c.p., f.r.s.e. sir edward brabrook, c.b. sir james crichton-browne, f.r.s. rev. r. j. campbell, m.a. the hon. sir john cockburn, k.c.m.g., m.d. montague crackanthorpe, k.c. r. newton crane, m.a. a. e. crawley, m.a. sir henry cunningham, k.c.i.e. francis darwin, sc.d., m.b., f.r.s. dr. c. b. davenport. dr. langdon down. havelock ellis. the hon. sir john findlay, k.c.m.g., ll.d. professor j. j. findlay, m.a. dr. wilfred hadley. mrs. h. n. c. heath. admiral w. h. henderson. monsieur huber. the very rev. the dean of st. paul's, d.d. dr. david starr jordan. r. dixon kingham, b.a. miss kirby. j. ernest lane, f.r.c.s. the rev. hon. edward lyttelton, m.a. lady owen mackenzie. w. c. marshall, m.a. colonel melville, r.a.m.c. lady ottoline morrell. f. w. mott, m.d., f.r.c.p., f.r.s. g. p. mudge, f.z.s. professor a. niceforo. mrs. j. penrose. mrs. e. f. pinsent. dr. a. ploëtz. mrs. g. pooley. professor e. b. poulton, ll. d., d.sc. f.r.s. professor r. c. punnett, m.a. walter rea, m.p. g. archdall reid, m.b., f.r.s.e. john russell, m.a. ettie sayer, m.d. c. g. seligmann, m.d. professor arthur schuster, ph.d., d.sc. f.r.s. edgar schuster, m.a., d.sc. f. c. s. schiller, m.a., d.sc. lady henry somerset. dr. j. w. slaughter. w. c. sullivan, m.d. professor j. a. thomson, m.a. a. f. tredgold, l.r.c.p. mrs. alec tweedie. w. c. d. whetham, m.a., f.r.s. arnold white. a. gordon wilson, m.d., f.r.c.s. p. von fleischl, hon. treasurer. mrs. gotto, hon. secretary. executive committee. major l. darwin, _president_. paul von fleischl, _hon. treasurer_. mrs. gotto, _hon. secretary_. h. b. grylls, _secretary of the exhibition_. professor punnett. dr. e. schuster. dr. tredgold. reception committee. her grace the duchess of marlborough. the rt. hon. the lord mayor of london. lady aberconway. mr. newton crane. mrs. leonard darwin. mrs. a. c. gotto. mrs. whitelaw reid. mrs. alec-tweedie, _hon. secretary_. delegates.[k] [footnote k: _as delegates are daily being appointed this list is necessarily quite incomplete, only those appointments made before june th being included._] american breeders' association professor v. l. kellogg. bleecker van wagenen. assistance nationale aux tuberculeux monsieur cassiano veves. board of education sir george newman, m.d. borough of holborn councillor a. chapman. borough of ealing councillor farr. borough of shoreditch councillor j. timmins, m.w.b. british womens' emigration association mrs. ross british constitution association mr. w. h. southon. british academy rt. hon. a. j. balfour. cheltenham ladies' college dr. eveline cargill. commonwealth of australia sir john cockburn, k.c.m.g. education department, wakefield alderman hinchliffe. entomological society of london professor w. bateson. eugenics education society of new zealand dr. emily siedeberg. folk-lore society sir edward brabrook. french republic monsieur lucien march, directeur statistique générale de la france. incorporated association of assistant masters in secondary schools mr. f. charles. l'académie de médecine m. le prof. pinard. linnean society professor w. bateson. liverpool biological society mr. r. d. laurie. local government board dr. arthur newsholme. london county council mr. a. o. goodrich. sir john mcdougall. metropolitan asylums board mr. walter dennis. metropolitan borough of finsbury dr lauzun-brown. metropolitan borough of wandsworth alderman major m. robinson, l.m.d. national league for physical education and improvement colonel t. h. hendley, c.i.e. national hospital for the paralysed and epileptic dr. risien-russell. national service league national society for epileptics mr. g. penn gaskell. national union of teachers mr. c. w. crook. newport elementary education committee dr. j. lloyd davies. councillor peter wright. north london or university college hospital nurses' social union mrs. barnes. parents' national education union miss e. parish. miss m. franklin. prudential insurance co., of america mr. frederick hoffman. ranyard nurses miss zoë l. puxley. royal anthropological institute dr. seligmann. royal university of athens professor andré andreadis. royal college of surgeons mr. g. h. makins, c.b. royal society of medicine sir george savage, m.d. royal statistical society dr. dudfield. royal surgical aid society mr. henry allhusen. rev. professor green. société nationale des professeurs de français en angleterre monsieur a. perret. society of women journalists mrs. bedford fenwick. society of medical officers of health dr. a. bustock-hill. st. pancras school for mothers lady meyer, mr. warden. union des associations internationales, brussels madame van schelle. university of barcelona professor i. valenti vivo. university of bristol professor c. lloyd morgan, f.r.s. university of edinburgh rt. hon. a. j. balfour. university of glasgow dr. w. e. agor. university of minnesota professor s. g. smith. university of oxford dr. edgar schuster, m.a. university of st. andrews professor edgar (or) dr. heron. university of sydney professor a. stuart, m.d. urban district of finchley councillor royston. willesden urban district council councillor riley. women's freedom league mrs. clarke. first international eugenics congress london, wednesday, july th--tuesday, th, . _to_ the secretary, eugenics education society, , york buildings, adelphi, london, w.c. a member[l] kindly enrol my name as an associate[m] of the first international eugenics congress for which i herewith enclose my fee. for which i will pay on arrival. (_cross out one of these lines_). name _______________________________________________________________ profession _________________________________________________________ address in full ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ (_kindly write clearly._) the foregoing data are requested at your earliest convenience, so that they may be included in the official list of the congress. fees may be paid either by cash, postal money order or cheque, to the assistant treasurer-- miss e. sellar, , york buildings, adelphi, london, w.c. =n.b.--only members paying in advance will be able to avail themselves of the reduced railway fares, as in all cases the congress voucher must be produced before the ticket will be issued.= [footnote l: the membership fee is one pound sterling, equivalent to twenty-five francs, twenty marks, twenty-eight pesetas, or ten dollars mexican currency.] [footnote m: the associate membership fee is ten shillings, equivalent to thirteen francs, ten marks, fourteen pesetas, or five dollars mexican currency.] inaugural banquet. application form. _to the hon. secretary, entertainments committee._ please send me one ticket for my own use (and one for a guest[n]), seven shillings and sixpence ( frcs.) each, for the inaugural banquet of the first international eugenics congress to be held at the hotel cecil, strand, at p.m., july th. i enclose £ s. d. _name_ _____________________________________________________________ (member of the congress). _address_ __________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________ n.b.--this form should be sent immediately to the hon. secretary, entertainments committee, , york terrace, harley street. [footnote n: _strike out if not wanted._] luncheons. a list of some restaurants within easy reach of the university. open-air café, à la carte kensington gardens minutes walk. (reasonable charges). imperial restaurant, , alfred place " / table d'hôte. a.b.c. depôt, , alfred place " à la carte (adjoining south kensington (popular prices). tube station). lyon's depôt, gloucester road " " royal palace hotel, kensington gardens " special / table d'hôte to members of congress or à la carte. lyon's depôt, brompton road " à la carte. (popular prices). harrods' stores, brompton road " /- table d'hôte or à la carte. * * * * * * transcriber's note: minor typographical errors were corrected. some unmatched double quotation marks were left unchanged because it was not clear where the missing quotation marks should be. the following changes were made: abstracts of papers p. : dolicomorphic => dolichomorphic programme p. : handwritten correction of a.m. to p.m. under entertainments p. : [greek: geêêaô] not a word! => [greek: gennaô] = birth colony of the unfit by manfred a. carter mars had become the prison planet for earth's afflicted, for the leaders had exiled them to a living death beneath its red surface. but the leaders had erred in their cold-blooded calculations--mars held a secret beyond their ken. [transcriber's note: this etext was produced from planet stories winter . extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] john greely looked at hilda's freshly gloved, artificial hand, as she adjusted her note book to a clip concealed in the palm. the hand fascinated him horribly. beauty should never be crippled. she sensed his morbid stare, but smiled and rose gracefully, saying, "o.k., boss. let's go." she flashed bantering eyes at her editor, with a last pat of her heavily ringed right hand on the rich rolling waves of blonde hair that were always in place. the startling pale beauty of her young face was contrasted by glowing dark brown eyes. theirs was a comfortable friendship, this of the young editor and his society staff and secretary, but a limited one. he said, gruffly, "let me carry the raditype." "no, you're the dignity, i'm the beast of burden. come on, hurry! we've only five minutes to reach the district hospital." john slipped on his transparent all-weather coat and helped hilda with hers. his reddish brown hair flipped in the march wind as they stepped out from the _daily home recorder_ building. his almost boyishly round cheeks glowed with color. hilda liked the way his shoulders snapped up as he faced the cold. she liked the way he took her arm, but she must always be casual.... "do you suppose it's just another rumor?" she asked, as they stepped into a low, cigar shaped car. "look like straight dope to me. the universal news service is pretty conservative." "how could things have changed so while we were away? it doesn't seem like the same world. those men in washington must be mad." "i know, hilda, but perhaps we are the ones who are out of step. this is the day of directed evolution." "but, john--how horrible, to take all those sick folks and banish them on a space tramp!" john drove past the old wooden houses of their small city and then let out speed on the highway before he answered, "the leader says that is what we should do--harden our emotions for the sake of a better race. you and i are in the minority. those years on the moon trip have left us out of date." they were silent for a little while before she continued, "do you suppose we really are in the minority? the people who listen in to our raditype service seem just about as they did before we went away. their letters prove that. i saw an old lady's scrap book the other day, of her clippings. i read it through because i had been wondering how much of the printed recording was ever reread. most people are content to glance at the screen when the news first comes on. she had saved the old type sentimental items, just as an old lady would have five or ten years ago." "yes, the small towns are slow to change. that's why _they_ hate the little news services like ours. prepared news hastens the new day." "do you suppose they'll talk to us?" "they'll have to," he said grimly, "with all those folks watching and listening in. i wonder what the patients think about the new idea--or if they know." "where do you think they will be sent? why don't the authorities just put them to sleep with a lethal drug?" "search me, honey. well, here we are." their street roller drew up silently before a huge gray building in the open country and john turned the magnetic parking control. they stepped out from the grass-lined curb, and john pushed the moving sidewalk half-speed handle, sliding them quickly up to an entrance. it opened automatically and in a moment they were standing before a large silver reception screen. a white haired doctor, in his long surgical gown, glowed rapidly into focus before them. his eyes darted at john like the incision of a lancet. "what's the press want this morning?" "we'd like an interview on the universe news story." hilda held her raditype transmitter open toward the screen, secure in the crook of her arm, while she made private stenographic notes on the pad. every home in the brownville section, which happened to be tuned in, was seeing the doctor and he suddenly realized it enough to smile slightly. he inwardly cursed the freedom of the press in small towns, but remarked with forced graciousness, "i'll have a nurse conduct you to the surgery. we can talk while i supervise some minor operations." "fine!" * * * * * they walked past the mental case wards in silence. it had been fifty years since the most degenerate of these poor unfortunates had been allowed to vociferate their wild discords. hypnosis and drugs had achieved permanent quiet at last, but there was still a low percentage of actual cures. beyond these wards they came to the surgical division, and presently sat with dr. henderson in a small circular screened room, where a dozen operations were simultaneously shown. he hardly glanced at them, but kept his eyes constantly on the moving screen before him, touching buttons occasionally before making some brief comment into the transmitter. john ignored his seeming lack of attention. "what about this story that the central medical division is moving all these patients out on a space ship?" "some wild rumor--nothing in it." "any objection to our taking a round of observation?" "no, go ahead. might as well do it now. we can finish the interview later. i want to concentrate on that brain section transfer. it's rather tricky." they stepped into an observation car and slid slowly around the overhead track, looking down on crowded wards below. "john! there _is_ something happening here. look at the patients' faces. they're afraid." "does seem to be a lot of activity." "let's slide down into that convalescent ward and see what they have to say." "o.k., sister, but you know it is forbidden. we'll probably get thrown out and reported." they had hardly stepped out of the slide when a group of white gowned orderlies came down the next corridor. hilda saw them and whispered tensely. "here! sit in this wheel chair, and i'll visit you--help me fold our coats so that you can sit on them." john obeyed and lolled back in the chair, winking at her before he half closed his eyes. the orderlies wheeled in a low carrier, piled high with transparent plastic overcoats, old fashioned sweaters, woolen mackinaws, and rubber raincoats--any sort of an outdated covering. most of the patients in these district hospitals were poor, and largely living in the meager comforts of the early part of the century. they made no protest, but donned their variegated assortment of coverings and lined up obediently to march out. "let's go with them," hilda whispered. "quick! behind those screens and into the end of the line," he directed, "the press joins the army of decrepitude." "john, there are hundreds of ambulance planes outside!" "got your transmitter on?" "yes, it's been on all the time." a white faced man ahead of them began to struggle between two guards as they reached the open air. a male nurse, walking behind them, deftly thrust a large hypodermic into the patient's arm, while the orderlies held him and pushed back his sleeve. the rebellious one quieted and was carried into one of the planes. there were a few other struggles of resistance. here and there a patient ran a few yards before being caught and subdued. for the most part the unhappy crowd showed only a quiet despairing obedience. john urged in a low worried tone, "let's make a dash for our roller--this is no place for you." "no, this is horrible--we must see it through. pretend to be sick and go along." "don't be sentimental, hilda. get ready to run for it when we pass that wall." he took her right hand in his left and snapped off the raditype. "now!" she had no choice, but, as they ran around the corner of the wall, they crashed into a group of surgeons coming toward the planes. "hold them!" cried dr. henderson. "they've done damage enough already. put them on a plane. perhaps we can claim the first broadcast was an impersonation, if they are gone." john broke one pair of spectacles and started one nosebleed dripping down a doctor's immaculate gown, but muscles haven't much chance against the rigidity serum. he yielded to the hypodermic and did not come to during the brief ambulance ride, nor while they were being loaded onto the battered old space tramp. hilda continued to scribble her antiquated shorthand surreptitiously on the pad, but they had appropriated her raditype. she was not given the rigidity serum until she was strapped onto a sleeping shelf in the ship. only a small group of officers in the control room were conscious of the sudden inertia strain, when the rockets thundered out through earth's atmosphere. all the patients were mercifully in the long sleep that would seem like a minute of time, when awakened after months of racing through silent outer space. * * * * * john felt the prick of the needle that awakened him to consciousness, through a vague haze of half forgetfulness. suddenly he remembered, and tore feverishly at the straps holding him down. in a moment he was free from their restraint, but laughing in vexation at his forgetfulness when his exertions threw him upward, and he hung suspended in the cabin space dangling from the strap still held in his right hand. he had forgotten they had left gravity behind. he pulled himself down and seized the sleeping shelf with his left hand. clinging to it, he sidled along toward the forward port. patients, under their straps as he passed, were slowly coming back to life, and they stared at him frightened, or amused or indifferent, according to their conditions. the attendants had gone from the cabin. at last john could see through a six foot plate of hardened glass. the view was slightly hazy, and unreal. below their plunging ship was the red planet, still a vague sphere. the orange glow, familiar to earth telescopes, was gone now. the vast stretches of red desert and darker marsh areas became faintly distinguishable. those regular lines of water channels from the opposing polar caps became visible to the naked eye, and were far less geometrical than earth pictures had shown them. it was summer in the northern hemisphere, and its polar cap had receded. the one previous expedition to this dying planet had been given little publicity and john was fascinated by the view before him. at last they entered the thin atmosphere. instant by instant, the deserts and low rounded hills grew visible. lines of vegetation along the water channels turned green. finally, the forward jets of the ship roared and john was crashed against the rear cabin wall, by the change of speed. he crawled painfully back to his sleeping shelf and strapped himself in. the rumor was true--he was on a ship of doom--and hilda--where was she? had she escaped? there was nothing he could do. the ship screamed into thicker, lower atmosphere and vibrations penetrated her thick hull. john's memory of previous space trips told him they were nearly ready to land. there was hardly a jar, as they grounded and tilted slowly to rest. sleepy eyed orderlies came in unsteadily, affected by the lighter gravity. they were pushing a truck full of helmets and oxygen tanks, which they deftly adjusted to the patients. the men in this cabin were all able to walk and were soon outside the air lock. following them came stretcher bearers, street roller ambulances, men on crutches, even a few of the more demented in glassite water jackets, from which they peered with dull eyes, as if they were drugged. hilda burst free from the second group of women and cried, "john! oh, john, i'm so glad to find you." she threw her arms around him and pillowed her head on his shoulder. he held her happily, his blood racing. this was a different girl from the hard and casual newspaper woman. suddenly, she recovered. "sorry. guess i have the old time jitters--i'll try not to let it happen again." she covered her gloved left hand with her right and turned away. "see what a hopeless pitiful mob," she said, after a moment. "yes, and i wonder what next. i've read that most of the old dwelling places are underground. the martians made their last stand against desolation in cave cities." "there's an entrance." "yes, and here come the guards." the long procession of the lame, the blind, and the sick was soon in weaving motion over red sand toward a great metal door set into a low cliff. their oxygen helmets bobbed almost comically. there were few guards and these made little attempt at restraint. john and hilda went hand in hand toward a group in the lead, the seemingly able bodied ones. "i suppose most of these are alcoholics and drug addicts," john remarked, absently, as they followed. "maybe this will really cure them. they certainly can't escape or bribe their way to intoxication here." "what's the use of getting cured on this desert?" "don't give up, john. oh, you're thinking that there will be no more elks club balls!" she took his arm and smiled derisively. "yes, maybe--" "and all the susies, and mabels, and evelyns were left behind--too bad!" "aw--cut it--we've got to figure out something--" * * * * * the guards were not unkind, but herded them like cattle, impersonally and silently. the great steel door clanged, and they were able to remove their helmets in the air conditioned interior. this strange crowd of the banished drew together in a vast open cave, dimly lighted by weak electric globes. in the distance they could hear the throbbing of an old fashioned generator. dr. henderson stood on an overturned packing case with one of the primitive sound amplifiers set up before him. he spoke calmly now, more at ease than at home, as if relieved. "men and women," he began, "we are not here to harm you. this great experiment is being conducted in the interests of humanity. the constant presence of the sick is disturbing to eugenic controls and ideals. the leader and the earth council have wisely established this colony. you will still be treated by the best of our skill. any who recover will be placed in an isolated and independent colony. the slightly crippled will be given handicraft and factory tasks. their products will be shipped to earth and sold to maintain the supply line." "where do we live?" blurted a portly, middle aged man near john. "there are separated quarters a few miles down the passage--of course rather primitive--but you can make yourselves fairly comfortable." hilda noticed one of the nurses standing near the doctor. her tightly waved blonde hair was gleaming in the dim light near the speaker's improvised platform. her large blue eyes were slightly closed and her full red lips sagged almost hopelessly, but she was strikingly beautiful, with strong, clean cut features and a clear skin. beyond were other nurses and doctors in white uniforms, scattered like lonely ghosts among the five hundred and more patients. hilda wondered what had induced these people to voluntarily leave the comforts of civilization. were they derelicts of time, idealists, or just out of work? "there is one difference in this colony," went on dr. henderson in a lower tone. "if any of you find it too difficult to exist under the new conditions, euthanasia will be permitted--a sleeping pill in the white room--and your troubles are over." "yeah--and the state saves money!" snarled the white faced man who had rebelled at the hospital entrance before them. "it will be purely voluntary," said dr. henderson calmly. "oh, i'll bet they'll use hypnotics!" whispered hilda, in a shocked voice, "they'll make them want to--what a twisted code of ethics. they don't dare to face their own attitudes. such hypocrisy! why not just line us up and use the ray guns?" doctor henderson ended his address with additional promises and then stepped down. in a few minutes the crowd was broken up into small units. john and hilda walked with the group of alcoholics and arrested mental cases. they began to talk and sought acquaintanceship to cancel fear. it was almost a relief to leave the congregation of pain behind them. there was only one doctor with this group, old doctor smithson, a retired psychiatrist who had begun working at the district hospital after losing his fortune in the stock market. he was now too old for general practice. his thin, bent shoulders straightened as he walked. his words became crisp and cheerful as if he welcomed the adventure. with him were two nurses, mary, the blonde girl hilda had noticed, and a little, red headed, freckled faced woman of indeterminate years. near hilda and john walked major henry mattson, a psychiatric casualty of the war of , seemingly cured. the rebellious one, twice noticed by the reporters before, walked ahead. he said his name was tony pacina. a tall, white haired man with thick glasses, recently cured of a cataract, introduced himself as mark hemingway and said that he was a chemist and had been in the surgery at the hospital for his operation because of confidence in dr. henderson. if this should prove true his accidental presence might be helpful. * * * * * around them were the others they would seek to know later. the group tramped briskly behind dr. smithson. they were the "cured" ones. with health, happiness is possible anywhere. they felt themselves beginning a strange comradeship, even cheerfulness. "i wonder where they're taking us," said hilda, clinging to john's arm to keep up with the brisk pace, and laughing at the way a little jump could lift her up and far ahead. "i wonder, too. well, honey, if i must be cast away--i'm glad it's with you." she squeezed his arm, but said nothing. there was light ahead at the end of the long tunnel. they entered a large open chamber. it was not a luxurious room, but neither was it a prison. there was sufficient heat, and the mattresses and sheets were clean. there were two shower and bath rooms beyond but no ultra violet equipment. cloth curtains were hung to drop around their beds. one side of the room was lined half way to the ceiling with frayed and battered books. one wall had a moving picture screen. there was no television. one noted the absence of buttons to push and gadgets for speed and comfort. there were no sliding floors. "our legs will ache with all the walking in this city," said hilda, rather doubtfully. "i'll like that. i'd enjoy developing a little muscle again." "i wonder where those passages go. do you suppose they'll permit us to go out?" "let's see." as they stepped to the door, mary came forward and gave them each a folded paper map, and a double holster holding a radilight and a gas pellet gun. hilda buckled hers on, laughing at its weight. john stared at his thoughtfully. "no real danger here," said the blonde nurse, "but our instruction manuals say there are mars rats--something like the jack rabbits on western sage plains back home. they run around the cave area. nothing larger has been left in the passages. they aren't very good to eat, so we just gas them and leave them to recover. dr. henderson wants a reserve food supply in case of emergency. they are about twice the size of rabbits back home, and their bite is infectious. if you go beyond any of the air doors, you may need oxygen helmets, the atmosphere is pretty thin. it will take you a bit of time to get used to the lighter gravity, but that's sort of fun." she said it all with professional cheeriness, as if it were memorized, but she paid very little attention to them. "want to come along?" asked john. "sorry. i have to stay here to help dr. smithson. i'd like to--maybe another time. we are both on duty today." she smiled, and the settled sadness of her face was gone for a moment. "well, thanks," said john, unfolding his map slowly. "oh, yes," she added, "and never go beyond sight of the entrance if you go out on the desert. you can see for miles even though the horizon is nearer up here. if danger comes you can make it back to the door easily. but there are very unpleasant things on this planet. the safety is all underground. maybe you'd better have one of the manuals. it will be light outside and you can read." she took a thin booklet from the bundle of papers in her hand and gave it to hilda, then walked briskly away. they pushed open the room door, and stepped cautiously down a dry, dark passageway. old marks of ray blast on the sandstone walls showed that all this underground world was artificial. red desert sand underfoot was hard, dry and clean. "oh, john, it does seem good to be by ourselves again. all these sick folks depress me." "yes, and what depresses me is how i'm going to get you back to earth. it may be months before another ship comes. and they won't dare to let us go back and tell, until the experiment is well established." he folded the map carefully. "think of all the hundreds of families back home who must be frantic." john's voice was savage as he answered, "i found out a bit about that from the major. it seems that every family got a printed letter, telling about the new colony and claiming it was mostly for the good of the patients. and there is a systematic health propaganda planned to follow that up, conditioning the minds of their relatives to the undertaking in all its implications. i believe the patients are even allowed to write letters--censored, of course, and delivered once in two years. you know there is no radio contact." they walked on, in understanding silence, until she took his arm and indicated a great copper door. "look, john, on the map it says that door is an outside entrance. let's go and see." ii they adjusted helmets and manipulated the manual locks of the double doors, with some experiment. john finally convinced himself that he could re-enter without difficulty. then the two earth people stepped out into a weird atmosphere under a strangely small sun. the sky was dark blue, tending toward black. stars glittered, though it was still day. their helmets provided a mixture of oxygen with the planet's natural atmosphere. "it's like a dream, john." the hills were old and worn out but there were no trees. deep shadows folded into the distance in the cold slanting sunlight, tracing sandy curves with velvet-like smoothness. john answered her thought, "those vivid colors and deceptive distances remind me of my boyhood in idaho. i'll bet there's the same difference between light and shade, too. let's step into the shadow of that rock and see if it isn't suddenly much cooler." he led her to a pyramid-like rock projecting about twenty feet out of the sand, and casting a shadow toward them. hilda exclaimed, "yes, it is colder. why?" "the thin air always diffuses heat less than moist heavy air near the sea, and at a lower altitude. i'll bet on a cold day you could get frozen out of the sunlight before you realized." "and there are no clouds. what a strange dark sky!" "i've read that there are often yellowish clouds of dust but it is only at night, when the cold comes with sunset, that moisture clouds are formed. nights are too cold for human existence without special protection." she shivered. "i'd get to hate that sky after a time. it is pitiless." "you certainly would if you were lost on this desert." "let's rest a bit, john, and see what the manual has to say." "fine! we can lean our backs against this rock." "we'd better get on the sunny side of it." they walked around the rock, and slid down to the hard sand. faint twists of sand curled around the sides of the rock but they were sheltered from the wind, and out of sight of the entrance, as if in a world of their own. she rested her head on his shoulder contentedly as he turned the old, crudely typeset pages of the manual. there were pen and ink illustrations of strange beasts, but no chapters on inhabitants. "we're the only people here--" said hilda, in an awed tone. "regular adam and eve picnic, with clothes on." "i'd hate to be without clothes on this desert. no garden here." "that's right. no place for a nudist colony on mars." she sat up suddenly, looking past the rock at a distant shadow. her face grew pale, and she whispered fearfully, "look, john! there's something moving over by those rocks." he leaped to his feet. "yes--and it's a mars coyote. i noticed a picture on page three. harmless, i guess, but we'd better get back. it's close. we should have been watching." * * * * * they rose hastily and walked around the boulder, back toward the entrance. hilda started and stifled a scream as they left the shelter. john drew his clumsy gas gun and stepped in front of her. before them, on the red stretch of sand toward the entrance, were hundreds of the reddish-gray, smooth haired animals, with pointed noses and wickedly gleaming eyes. these moved back silently as the two humans approached, but only a little way. "the book says they're cowardly," she gasped, "but there are so many!" "too damned many--i wonder if i ought to shoot one, to keep the others away." the red-gray circle bent away from them slowly, as they walked steadily across the weirdly shadowed sand toward the gleaming metal door, so far ahead. the animals massed thickly before them, and were finally crowded up against the cliff and its door. they slid out sidewise but tumbled into each other. one made a dash forward, but john dropped it with the little gas pellet that broke against its hide, with a sinking yellow cloud of gas. there was also an injection of paralysis fluid from the plastic point of the pellet. the little gun made no noise as it was operated by a spring. john levered another pellet into the firing tube. after the yellow gas had blown away in the strong wind, the red-gray bodies crept toward their fallen comrade and suddenly rushed in, with a horrible clicking of teeth and fierce, silent ripping of flesh. "oh--" cried hilda--"and it's still alive. they're eating it alive!" "not much difference," grunted john as he aimed and fired rapidly at three more. then he led her around the circle of rolling, crowding bodies. one coyote at the edge of the circle howled dismally. there were still a dozen or more between them and the door. * * * * * john tried a new trick. he shot one of the beasts and ran quickly forward with his radilight in the cliff's shadow, frightening the others back. then, while hilda held her gun ready, he quickly scooped up the fallen coyote by its bushy tail and whirled it round his head to heave it far out over the milling mass of hungry bodies. each hairy carcass felt unbelievably light to him, and he could cast them thirty feet away. when most of the coyotes were facing the living food away from the door john dragged her toward the great copper portal, shooting as they ran. the lighter gravity had made the work fairly easy, but even so, he was sweating and his hands trembled as he seized the last one and tossed it into the air. hilda was fumbling with the door. "let me do it!" he gasped, "i remember--" [illustration: _the shot exploded in a burst of light._] just then a shadow fell over them, and they were so startled as to look up from the door and step back. about fifty feet in the air hovered a small, almost spherical air boat, with no visible means of suspension or power. a port slid open on its under side and a square black muzzle pointed at them. hilda seized john's arm in terror, as they felt themselves lifted by invisible force from the ground, above the great pack of startled coyotes. john noticed that the beasts were looking up and many of them yelping as they ran into the rubble of rocks beyond the cliff. there wasn't time to see how many fled, for he and hilda were quickly sucked up into the open port by invisible tractor rays, the metal hull clanged shut, and they were thrown roughly on a hard floor. john had a blurred vision of a circle of white, long-bearded faces, on slender bodied old men, before a gleaming mirror-like reflector dazzled him and he felt his hold on reality slipping. he struggled to his feet and reached for one of the old men, managing to seize a tangled silky beard before he fell forward into darkness. * * * * * they came to consciousness lying on soft low mattresses in a room softly illuminated with blue light. the air was slightly overwarm and humid but comfortable. they were dressed in skin fitting, silvery garments, partly transparent with skirts of blue, velvety cloth. their hair was wrapped in transparent turbans. hilda recovered enough to blush uncomfortably and curl back on the couch. "i feel as if--i were wrapped in cellophane," she faltered. "you're swell," gulped john gallantly, "an improvement in fact. i suppose they had to fumigate our own clothes or something. this superheated air suggests that our captors are old and delicate." "the cellophane idea makes me wonder if we're wrapped up like rolls, or something, from the baker for--dinner." "meaning cannibalism? this kind of a room was never made by primitives, honey." "that's right--it's like a dream place." she rose up on her elbow again to look around. there were no windows. it was utterly bare of ornament. john walked slowly around the circle of their walls. the only door opened to a tiny bath cubicle. blue light, reflected upward from the juncture of floor and wall, cast no shadow, indicating its perfect diffusion. he paused with an exclamation. "what is it, john?" "here's some kind of a control button, with symbols carved over it. their language perhaps. i wonder what it's for." "better leave it alone--i'd sort of like to catch up with myself--" but, at that moment, the button clicked in of its own accord--and one side of the wall glowed with rose colored light. a large screen showed an old man half reclining on a purple couch, dressed in a white, silver trimmed robe. he was smiling at them as he turned away from some recording device into which he spoke. his face was incredibly old, and wrinkled in a fine network of lines. his skin, strangely, seemed of some soft, young texture. the bones of his cheeks were prominent, and his hands were delicately pink white. he moved gracefully, and in leisurely fashion, from the couch to a small black box at the side of the room, and pressed a button. on a small screen in the old man's room, visible on their own wall, began to flash words in red script. "say! that's in german," cried john. "i don't read german, but i know the script." "and that looks like chinese--" "ah--that's better--" in red square blocked letters on the little screen were the words in english, "we mean you no harm." the old man observed their excitement, and stopped the flow of the screen so that the message steadied. then, under that sentence, appeared another "be patient we must finish transcribing your language. it will take a few more time. eat--sleep--rest." the screen on their room faded out. the old man's face was gone. and through a slit near the floor of their room slid a tray of food, moved by some invisible force on small rollers, over toward the mattress where hilda was still sitting. "oh boy--food! and could i use some--" "wait until you're properly served, mister." she spread out the pale yellow cloth on the floor and arranged the food in orderly fashion. it was moulded into various patterns and colors, and was firm enough to eat with their fingers, which was fortunate as there were no eating utensils. they both ate hungrily and were nearly finished when soft music came into the air from some invisible source. it was hauntingly mingled in composition, but all vaguely familiar, drifting from the limited scale of the orient to waltzes and furious russian symphonies. the hill billy band that finally played seemed oddly out of harmony and yet aroused a nostalgia for home in their hearts. "i feel like a nap--" said hilda, yawning. "so do i--wonder if there was a drug--in--that--milk." it seemed only a moment to john that he had been sleeping, but his muscles were rested, his weariness was gone, and he felt invigorated. he looked for his watch, but it was not there. in fact there were no pockets. then he remembered! hilda was splashing around in the bath cubicle, and singing. "hello, sleepy!" she said, emerging and adjusting a strap in the strange silvery clothing. "so--it wasn't a dream--" "no, and hurry up with your bath. your head is tousled. maybe they'll feed us again. i don't want to eat opposite that mop." "yes, dear--" he said, attempting scorn, but only achieving a new tenderness. she looked down, and instinctively dropped her crippled arm behind her back. the glove was no longer fresh, but stained from the desert, though wrinkled where she had tried to launder it. under the transparency of her sleeve the ugly stump of her arm revealed itself discordantly. with a forced gaiety, she crossed the room and pretended to hunt for their breakfast. but it didn't come. "maybe they don't know our eating habits," remarked john glumly, as he plastered his unruly locks with his hands. "wish i had a comb." * * * * * at last the slide opened in the wall and a tray came in, but on it, instead of food, was a book. hilda seized it eagerly, crying, "it's a lexicon. see, here are the english words, and the signs for their language. the ink still smells fresh. they must have just printed it." "what's the sign for ham and eggs?" "maybe we'd better try just 'food'--can't be too particular." "what'll we write with?" "here's a kind of pencil, but no lead on it." "look, hilda, there's a new white spot on the wall. let me have that pencil thing." a blue line followed his tracing, and it glowed with a faint edging of fire. "some kind of a transfer current i suppose. well, here goes--let me see that food character." "here it is--just a round circle, with three dots at the side." "fine, sister, here's hoping the dots mean eggs and that you get one of them." "pig!" there were no eggs, but the little round cakes, appearing a moment later, proved delicious. a warm liquid in the crystal cups was almost a substitute for coffee. in fact, it proved much more stimulating. after breakfast, john boldly pressed the visi-screen control. this time, instead of one old man, they faced a group of them around a green table, covered with lexicons, other books, and charts. they recognized the spokesman who stepped forward into a close up perspective and began the conversation. "i hope you will forgive our seeming--" he paused. "aloofness," supplied one of the other men, after hastily examining a lexicon. "that's right, our aloofness, but we are products of an artificial world. your primitive contagion would be dangerous for us. "i am also sorry," he went on, "that the conversation must be one direction until you learn more of our language, and we can pronounce more finely and hear. we have had difficulty even in assembling visual information about you. there was a collection of earth photographs which we have magnified so that we could read your street signs. and the first expedition left a few scraps of paper. we had never considered it worth learning your way of speech before." he paused, as if this part of the address had been memorized. then he continued slowly, with hesitations and stumbling pronunciation. "we are trying to vocalize your words from those we have heard you speak--but our ears are poor--i mean inadequate." the other old men rustled charts and books and nodded at his correction. the address went on with more pauses and confirmations. occasionally john had to write "repeat" on the wall chart. the martians spoke with a strange sibilant hiss, and accents followed a different system, changing even common words enough to make it difficult to understand. in general, this was their explanation.... "our scientists discovered your world several thousands years ago, but as it was a more primitive one, progressing slowly, they could not see any advantage in making contact. the one danger to us here, a lack of water, could not be remedied by travel to the blue planet. instead, our wise ones devoted themselves to developing an underground civilization, free from the extremes of temperature on our planet. atomic energy had given us all the heat and power we needed, and in a short time we were able to devote our energies to aesthetics, as soon as the physical necessities were satisfied." "each year the flooding polar caps supply us with natural vegetation along the water channels and in the marshes. these plants are harvested and chemically treated for efficiency of use. when the last moisture fails, the remnant of our people must migrate, but that will not be for several of our generations. it may surprise you to know that each of us is over two hundred years old, that is of your years. our younger men spend fifty years in attaining an education, under very sheltered conditions. we do not wish to disturb them by curiosity about you--at least not for the present. our women live a very specialized existence, as the birth rate is low, and it takes nearly all of their energy to protect young life and to keep our population from diminishing too rapidly." * * * * * john thumbed feverishly through the little book until he found the word for "space ship" then another for "earth--" he puzzled for other words and wrote, "many years--last--not see--" it was incoherent but these old men had an uncanny way of guessing context of meaning. "you mean, why did previous expeditions not find us? we took care of that, since we knew, long before they started, that they were coming. much of the life on your world is transmitted to us by devices your mind have not yet dreamed. when the ships came we covered--no, camouflaged--our entrances. we were not discovered. you two have been brought here for a medical reason--" john wrote, "question." "yes, we want to know about your woman companion's arm, and about the others in the cave--what has happened on earth--?" the old man's face peered, suddenly eager, closer up to the screen. his eyes watered, and the calm manner was gone. his thin fingers tapped a lexicon nervously. hilda pointed to words in her lexicon and john wrote, "cripple--colony." the old scientist grew pale and he staggered a bit as he turned to the others. their white beards bent in an almost comical cluster over the little green table and bobbed excitedly. their hissing syllables were shrill. suddenly the screen blanked out. "well, what do you know about that?" "john, do you remember what they said about 'primitive contagion'?" "yes, i get it--you mean they are afraid." "of many things--other colonies to follow this--their eventual discovery--diseases! perhaps it is partly that we cripples offend their sense of beauty--" "forget it, kid, you've got more pep in one hand than any girl i ever knew had in two." she smiled at him gratefully, before she turned away, and then her voice was still gay--"that isn't what you say to all the girls--well, what next?" john stood with his feet apart as if alert to danger. he combed his fingers through the already tousled mop of reddish brown hair. after a moment of silence, he said, "do you suppose that will make a difference in their attitude toward us?" "perhaps not--after all, most of the trouble came with the ship. they are not angry with us--we'll just have to wait and see." it wasn't a long wait. a larger opening in the wall allowed the sliding entrance of a small glass-like dome, containing their earth clothes and oxygen helmets on a low bench inside. the old scientist who had been talking to them before, appeared again on the screen. he ordered, impersonally, "dress yourselves, lift the cover, and then strap yourselves to the seat inside. we are going to take you for a trip. the dome is to protect us from you." "isn't much else to do, is there?" said john hopelessly. "let's assume they are friendly, until they prove otherwise." their tiny glass cage slid away down a dimly lighted corridor, with no visible means of power, and clicked into place in the cabin of the same round aircraft that had captured them. several of the old men were seated in padded and swinging chairs which moved rhythmically at moments of unsteadiness. they, too, were strapped in place, as if ready for any violent action of the ship, and the arc of each swaying chair was limited. in an hour they were hovering over the desert area again. heavy sunset clouds were rich in coloring. the desert sands were whirling into a gathering dusk and the whole sky was overcast. the speed slowed, and john recognized the familiar rock and cliff entrance where they had been captured. at last their small ship settled down on the sand and the little cage slid out gently on the hard sand. "maybe they're just going to let us go, john." "i hope not--i want to know more about them." a crackling and distorted voice spoke electrically in their ears, "please get out and walk quietly toward the entrance. we mean you no harm. your friends are coming--" "well, that's that!" john rolled back the cover and straddled over the edge, turning to help hilda follow him. they gasped as the intense cold of sunset struck through their thin clothing. then they turned and ran toward the metal door, leaning into the wind and sheltering their hands from the blowing sand. the door slid open and doctor smithson came running toward them with fur coats in his arms. behind him walked mary, the nurse, bundled up and smiling. even more slowly, old jake adams hobbled on crutches. doctor smithson cast uneasy glances at the strange airship, but came steadily toward them. just as he was helping john into a coat, the lower port of the mars ship opened and that square black projection came thrusting through. john saw it and cried, disgustedly, "don't be afraid. this won't hurt--we're going for a ride upstairs!..." his last words were spoken from a distance of ten feet above ground.... in a few minutes, the five of them were crowded into that little glass cage, and sat staring at the old men in resentment. jake had lost his crutches and lay, in a ridiculous posture, on the floor, his two wooden pegs spread out at a wide angle. he scowled truculently at the old men. iii it was warm in the round mars ship and cage. in a few minutes, they were sailing into rapidly falling darkness. john lost all sense of direction. at last, blue lights flashed in the cold night above a dim floor of thick plant life, and their little ship slid sidewise to a stop inside a massive hillside door. they could not understand why jake was rayed into unconsciousness and taken away, before they were sent sliding and unattended down the long corridor to their former room. there were now four of the low beds and a fresh tray of food had been prepared. they ate, and fell into drugged sleep. life went on quietly, back in this observation cage, nearly a week. every morning they were questioned for an hour or more by the council of scientists through the wall screen. hilda persuaded john to be as co-operative as possible, hoping that the old men's intentions were still kind. the questions were especially centered about details of health on earth, medicine, eugenic control, the number of sick people, and about the possibility of future colonies. mary and dr. smithson proved fascinating companions in the long idle hours, with a dramatic story to tell of their recent trip to venus. earth's first expedition to that world in had not yet been reported in the public press. it was on the sixth day that they saw jake adams again. he came sliding in on a rolling stretcher, propelled by unseen forces, and his eyes were closed. mary gasped, "look at his legs!" john stepped quickly to the stretcher and ran his hands over jake's body, then stood and cried. "they're warm--and alive!" during their brief wait in the cave they had seen the old soldier stumping around on two wooden legs, supplemented by crutches. he was spry and cheerful for a man nearly seventy years old, and his hands and arms were abnormally strong. hilda had been indignant that the army should neglect this old hero and fail to provide him with suitable artificial limbs. her own handicap made her feel a special sympathy, and she had stopped to talk with the old fellow briefly. he told her that he had been wounded in the battle against the japs in the marshall islands during . now the old soldier lay, with a slightly flushed face, breathing quietly, and in place of the wooden pegs were _two perfectly formed legs wrapped in silvery transparent leggings_! as they watched, the old man slowly awakened, but lay still as if dazed. then an expression of alarm or amazement began to open his eyes. he moved his toes, and then lay back muttering, "no, it's just another of them nerve tricks--the way i used to feel about the weather!" but he slowly raised his head, as if fascinated. when his eyes focused on the new feet, he snapped suddenly to a sitting position and reached for his ankles. "i can feel! i can feel--they're alive!" he screamed. then he saw john bending over him, and the others in the background. "how did you do it--what's happened--am i dreaming?" "no, old chap, it's real enough, but the old ones must have done it for you." a high, thin voice interrupted--"we're glad you are pleased." they whirled toward the wall screen. old senegar faced them from his purple couch, leaning wearily on an elbow--"it was quite a bit of trouble, but interesting." john fumbled through his lexicon and found the word for "how?" and scribbled it on the white wall plate. "we thought you would want to know--sit down, it will take a few minutes. i will try to be elementary in my discussion." they squatted in a half circle on the floor, all except jake--who refused to sit, and teetered around feeling the muscles of his new legs, jumping, stretching, rocking on his toes, but listening all the while. "to us, it is relatively simple," went on the old man. "first we stimulate the bone cells to grow down a plastic hollow tube. this is done by depositing a calcium compound in the tube and focusing a ray of complex force upon it. of course, the tube is made to order in relationship to measurements of the patient's other bones. artificial veins and arteries are introduced. we do not bother with all the tiny capillaries. they will grow in later. synthetic cell tissue is moulded into the shape of muscles and stimulated with pinealin, which we have at last isolated. strangely, one of the most difficult techniques is that of skin grafting. we grow skin on a hairless type of laboratory animal and patch it on with grafting glue. the healing is hastened by a special ultra violet and electrodynamic apparatus. of course, the artificial arteries are connected when installed. their wall composition allows blood to flow out into the cell tissue in about two days. with the arteries is laid down a series of main nerve sheaths. we do not try to restore all the original sensitivity, because the procedure is too complex. we find that a clumsy subsidiary nervous tentacle is developed, under high pressure electric nerve currents introduced briefly through the central nervous system before the lower frequency body current is allowed its own way. his legs will never be quite as effective as the original pair but do well enough, and only a doctor could detect the difference." * * * * * hilda stepped forward and wrote on the white square the words she had been finding in her lexicon. "your kindness is almost beyond our understanding. i knew you were good people. we wish we could do something in return." senegar rolled his spare body off the couch and his high voice was almost senile in his excitement--"you can, my dear--you can!" "anything--we will do anything," she answered. "it will be rather unpleasant for you at first." "what do you want?" added john standing at hilda's side. "sit down, sit down! i will tell you." the group of earth people relaxed but with upturned faces, held fascinated by the old one's earnestness. john's hands were clasped tightly around his knees. doctor smithson kept hitching his lean frame forward. the old man's voice was low as he went on. "this is the trouble, my children, your people are a menace to us. all this ugliness would be bad enough, but the danger of infection is terrible. our wise ones are fragile beings. we restore the flesh when there is injury or sickness, but we always lose a little of the original vitality. we cannot be killed, but we slowly wear out and must be protected. our young ones are too few to risk contact with you. thus we are forced to the logical conclusion that the earth colony of sick ones must be destroyed and the next ship discouraged from returning." "no!--no, that's inhuman!" gasped mary. "nothing will happen to you five--we wish to retain you for medical and breeding purposes. but the others must go. come, now, why should you care about them? you admitted they are all strangers to you. think of the joy of living several hundred years." "but those sick ones--they are human!" cried hilda to john, weeping. "they must find some other way--how could they do such a thing, when they have just shown us such kindness?" "self protection, my dear," murmured the old man, reading her face and catching some of the words. "self preservation and security for the qualitatively higher civilization of mars. let men from the blue planet continue to settle here, and in a hundred years we will be extinct. the universe needs our wisdom. those primitives must die, as you would kill your pet animals in a famine, or send sons to fight in one of your mad wars." "you can have your--i mean my legs back," growled jake, "gimme my pegs again." his pantomime may have been understood. senegar smiled, faintly. "think it over carefully. do not let your simple emotions confuse you. i will see you again tomorrow. we need your help." the screen faded slowly into a blur, and in a moment they were alone in the plain, blue lighted room--five human beings, terror stricken in a place of comfort. "my head aches," grunted jake, "that machine they used on me first left a sore spot." "what kind of a machine was it?" "i dunno--some kind of a thing. they kept asking me questions and wrote down the answers even before i spoke--that was funny! and sometimes when i lied to them--about some of the things i did, on shore leave and so on, they laughed. it was almost like they partly read my mind." "perhaps they did," remarked doctor smithson, who had been very quiet during all the excitement. his eyes gleamed with an almost impersonal interest. "our psychoanalysis is very clumsy. i have always wished there were some kind of mechanical means of intuitively reaching to the under experiences of the subconscious." suddenly he got to his feet from the low mattress bed where he had been sitting alone since the stunning proposal. he began to pace the floor, clasping and unclasping his thin arms. "i wonder--" he seemed to have forgotten their presence, "i wonder if they can stimulate brain tissue with pinealin. i'll wager half of those mental cases back underground could be cured by these men in a week! if i could only persuade them to talk to me." "look who's here," remarked jake quietly, as if nothing in this strange room could surprise him. a slight young man, with brown hair and keen blue eyes, stood in a flowing white robe marked by silver trimmings and a red diagonal stripe running from his shoulder to the floor. there was no sign of a door where he had entered. "i heard what you said, doctor smithson, or at least part of it," he remarked quietly in a soft musical voice. "i am zingar. some of us younger ones think the old men are too fearful--i wish i could go back to earth with you and assist your struggling medical men." john paged through the book hurriedly, hunting for words. "just a moment," interrupted the young stranger. he stepped to the wall and tapped a code sign. at his feet a slit opened and a dark gray, complicated machine slid into the room. "that's one of them things they hitched to my head," said jake excitedly. * * * * * zingar drew out a cord from the gray machine, with a small black disk at the end, and laid it against the side of john's head, where it remained as if glued. "now think what you wish to say, and i will know the essence of your meaning," remarked zingar. "it will not convey words or technical matter but blurred pictures of experience. i will ask questions to guide your memory. and if you will think aloud it may help as i already have memorized much of your spoken language." john tried to think coherently, but, under his conscious sentences when he spoke aloud was a flickering jumble of excitement, ideas for escape, thoughts of hilda as he looked at her, memories of their recent conversations with senegar. "relax, young man," ordered the martian youth, "i find it difficult to receive. this device only registers your subvocal thoughts. your mind is like a kaleidoscope at present. try not to think of the young lady." hilda drew in her breath quickly and blushed. john's face was red from his neck to his hair. "young man, yourself," he blurted, "how old do you think i am?" "young in comparison to me. i am seventy five. now think of what your hospital was like back on earth." john steadied his mind and visualized the events of their last day on earth. "there--that's better," said zingar quietly. "if this could have registered technical matter the old ones wouldn't have to bother to learn your language." he shifted the black disk to doctor smithson's bony forehead. "if you believe we should be helped, why not let us escape--even go with us," urged john. "i have thought of it," he replied calmly. mary came up to him quickly--"oh, please do. i know you are good--i _love_ those sick people back there underground. there are a few who think only of their sickness but most of them are really much finer than selfish normal people. their handicaps have made them strong and kind. they can even laugh at pain." zingar abruptly removed the disk from doctor smithson, to the latter's disgust, and placed it gently on mary's golden waves. "please repeat--remember we cannot understand your words very clearly, but we can receive your picture thoughts. i heard part of what you said." mary repeated her plea, but she also blushed, as if the sudden nakedness of her secret mind before him was embarrassing. he smiled appreciatively and they withdrew to one of the low mattresses and sat together for an hour or more, apart from the others. they seemed to forget the present world entirely, but zingar's questions were too low for john to hear, and he was still curious at the story back of mary's quiet sadness. hilda thought, why they can get as much acquainted in an hour as we do ordinarily in years. i never have really known what john thought about my hand.... both of them glanced at mary occasionally and it seemed, after a long time, that some of the strain passed from her face and a strange quiet happiness flowed over it. finally they arose and came to the center of the room, where their companions were still talking excitedly. "i will do it--tonight," said zingar with dignity. "i will go with you, and be one of you--even back to the earth. but first i must prepare and i want to bring my twin sister with me. we are inseparable." he walked to the blank wall of the room and again tapped rhythmically on it until a low doorway opened. he stooped and disappeared. john immediately tried to repeat the tapping combination, but the wall remained as solid as if it were stone. in the quiet room there was little sense of time. food came in to them automatically after an hour or so. they were too excited to think of sleep. at last the wall opening appeared again and zingar returned, leading a beautiful, brown-haired girl by the hand. she was tall and dressed in pale blue transparencies, with a tight purple girdle, and a gleaming silver star surmounted her soft hair like a coronet. john stared. in all his many and easy adventures with women he had never seen anyone like her. there was a fragility to her body yet the glow of health. her eyes were luminous, of a warm green shade, and they seemed to hold strange secrets. her body was identical with an earth woman's except that the fingers were smoothly longer and the high forehead was slightly more prominent. he felt some hypnotic influence flow from her into his mind, and involuntarily stepped forward, then stopped, suddenly remembering his companion. he had not thrilled like this since he was seventeen. across the room, hilda clasped the wrinkled glove on her artificial hand, until the fingers of her right hand were white, but she smiled and talked to doctor smithson as if she had not noticed. "we will go now," said zingar, taking command of the little party. "in the hallway are insulated suits for protection against our midnight cold. the ship will be warm, but we must step from the desert to your underground entrance. i do not think we will be hindered. the old ones sleep soundly." it was almost miraculous that his accent and hesitation disappeared so rapidly, perhaps because he was still relatively young and adaptable. * * * * * their small round ship flared over the blackened planet; its rays, that had been invisible in the daylight, were now gleaming silent jets on the dimly starlit desert. dr. smithson, jake, and hilda sat together at the rear of their cabin compartment. john and zingar's lovely sister stared into the night ahead. he had not touched her yet, but he felt drawn to her with a strange compulsion, partly spiritual. her name was molaee. mary and zingar were now frankly in love, and sat with arms around each other, quietly content, as if they had never been strangers. the mind sounder was attached to her gleaming hair by its smooth round disk and she seemed to be pouring her whole life into zingar's eager mind. all maidenly reserve had vanished. none of his questions embarrassed her. that's a good thing, thought john, noticing them. mary will keep him with us, and he will make her come to life. they had flashed on through the night for about half an hour when jake yelled, "they're after us!" like tiny streaming rockets a fleet of the little ships danced over the horizon in pursuit, still so distant as to seem but fireflies. "don't be alarmed," said zingar, leaving mary and staring behind them, somberly, "they will slowly overtake us but we will make the underground city in time. they have no weapons, for our civilization had no need for them. it will take time to invent and manufacture the means of destruction." in half an hour, their ship slid slowly to the ground as zingar deftly manipulated the controls. they donned the opaque and clumsy insulation garments, fastened helmets above them, and ran across the frozen sand toward the great copper door, dull in the starlight. john fumbled at the hand lock, but finally got it open, just as the first of the pursuing ships began its perpendicular descent from the higher air. the second metal door slid noisily into place before the lifting rays could touch them, and hilda snapped on her radilight flash to guide the party down the sandy tunnel toward the colony. in another half hour they were sitting in council, with major mattson, hemingway, the old chemist, dr. henderson and other officials. dr. henderson paid little attention to his recovered companions but questioned zingar rapidly. the mind sounder and an occasional written question, or reference to a lexicon, kept the interview going smoothly. finally zingar stood and addressed the entire group. "my people are ruthless and unemotional, but they are not equipped for war. i think this will be their plan of attack. they will set their machinery to work, producing the war weapons of several of the primitive planets, but that will take time, perhaps six months. meanwhile they will try strategy, and perhaps drive the mars beasts at us with their ship flares at night." "what's them martian beasts like?" grunted jake. "that's maybe something i could fight." "oh, they're horrible!" murmured mary. "here, look at the pictures in this manual." the old marine's weatherbeaten face paled a bit, but his voice was steady, as he said, "well, anyway, they can't get through them copper doors." "no, but my people will batter those down," said zingar in a low tone. "then we must prepare for defense," cried dr. henderson, "if they can break down the front door we must barricade every passageway and fight them back foot by foot. what is the substance of your ship's hull?" "it is a very dense metal, unknown to you. none of your rays will penetrate it except the atom cannon." "and we only have one old cannon, with hardly any of the power jackets--" groaned dr. henderson, desperately. "we will save that for the last attack," said zingar, calmly. "the disintegrators will hold the beasts back for a long time, but there are thousands of them. how many of the half-hour disintegrator charges do you have?" "not very many--the earth council was limited in its budget. perhaps they would last one day of continuous firing." iv in two days the whole underground city was buzzing with activity. mark hemingway had improvised a laboratory and was isolating the various minerals of the corridor walls, seeking materials for ammunition. major mattson drilled all the able-bodied men and organized them under group officers. the crippled men and women were soon co-operating in a central factory unit, where hand forges, and smelting pits, were producing crude weapons of war. there were many women working, even at the heavier tasks. the enfeebled patients lay on their cots and rolled bandages, or did other light tasks. great stores of cooked food were being prepared against the day when every cook would be in the fighting lines. the able-bodied soldiers divided their time between drilling under major mattson, and erecting barriers as directed by old jake, whose practical ingenuity used the abundant supply of cheap blasting powder to skillfully crumble corridor walls. their one power crane heaped the rubble into thick barriers, each with a narrow defensible slit. huge boulders were balanced, ready to fall into the opening when a flash match should be applied to a cloth fuse. they had been working a few minutes, on the third morning, when, the radio outpost at the farthest entrance announced, "the beasts are coming!" there were no television screens, but the announcer's description was horrible enough. "they've got walking snakes in front--with triangular heads like rattlers--probably poisonous--but a bite from one of those babies would be enough anyway, they're twenty feet long. now they are nearer--i wondered how they could come so fast--_they're running._ every damned one of them has a row of little short legs, that hustle them along.... their hissing sounds like steam from hundreds of locomotives, even in this atmosphere." the announcer quieted down to a sense of awe--"off to the side, there's a group of big things ... big as six elephants, with long, heavy tails dragging, and small heads. they seem to be covered with some kind of scales. "up in the air is a flight of flying lizards, about six feet long i should guess, and i can see their teeth flashing when a ship gets near. they keep trying to turn back, but the ships herd them in the air like a flock of flying sheep. probably only dangerous when cornered. i wonder if they are poisonous. "there's a space of several miles of clear desert behind, and beyond there is a dark wave of beasts clear to the sky line. i can't see them, because it is still too dark.... it looks like a black ocean rolling at us!" the announcer's voice stopped and the silence was oppressive. "hell, i've seen worse than that in the d.t.'s," cracked one of the alcoholics, but his hands trembled as he picked up the largest of the crude stone throwers. "this pop gun might stop one of the birds, but it wouldn't do much to the giant elephants." major mattson roared into a megaphone in the huge drill room. "well, boys, this is it--we've got plenty to fight and damned little to fight with. if we can get all the big beasts with the disintegrators before they break down the barriers, we'll be o.k. the mars colony expects every man to shoot his damndest--_let's go!_" the cheering mob, in loose order, ran down the corridors with their pathetic little guns, major mattson and jake in the lead. jake leaped on his new legs like a man of twenty, and roared as if he had found a new hold on life. the buzz and hum of activity behind them continued. forges flared, hammers clanged, and in the distance some of the patients were singing a martial hymn. * * * * * john watched the dark tide approaching the cliff entrance, from his observation slit high overhead. he leaned as close to it as his oxygen helmet would allow and spoke quietly into the transmitter. "they're bringing up the magnadons. i can see that there is a strange ape-like creature riding each one and steering it with some kind of a burning rod. these are about the size of men but they look small in comparison. i wonder if those apes are in communication with the ships, or just ordinary desert anthropoids." he left the explanation to zingar, back in headquarters, and continued to report the dawn approach. overhead, almost a hundred ships hovered close above the seething flow of animal and reptile life. several were near the entrance, and the defenders experimentally tried out their weapons. the first barrage was from old explosive shell weapons. but as each shell flashed and roared toward the ships it seemed to hit an invisible wall of force about fifty feet from the hull where it exploded in empty air. the ships were not even rocked, but the magnadons squealed in terror. vibrations of the explosions jarred the door frame, even the cliff itself. the disintegrator artillery scarred the thick hulls slightly but the invisible rays failed to penetrate far, even in a direct hit, and the weaving ships took most of these shots at glancing angles with no damage. the defenders tried their thunder-spreading atomic cannon once. its lightning flash struck one of the tiny ships full center and a gaping hole burst inward and out the rear section of the hull, so that the morning sky showed through. the defenders cheered when this was reported. the little ship lurched up into the air, and others drew near, grappling it with more tractor rays. john, could see the unconscious forms of old men carried past the ragged hole by helmeted figures and into another ship, through joined hulls. when the crippled craft was released it crashed quickly on the still frozen desert sand. then it rolled over and lay still. but one shot from the atomic cannon took the force of one power jacket--and there were only nine jackets left! dr. henderson ordered the atomic cannon withdrawn to the central defense area, against that time when the martian ships would be flying down the high corridors, directing a river of snakes and flying lizards. the battle went on with disintegrator rays dropping scores of the air-screaming, twisting mars snakes, and one or two of the smaller group of magnadons. but the martian ships, finding that the atomic cannon was no longer in operation shielded one of the magnadons with their hulls as the great beast approached and put its shoulders against the copper door. the locks held until the doors buckled in the center, as if hit by a giant battering ram. air hissed out, and a moment later the gigantic beast burst through, only to fall trumpeting to the ground under a disintegrator ray. in thirty seconds it was dead. but behind it slithered and ran the great snakes, with their gaping jaws and long dripping fangs. they seemed as numerous as the white flashing waves of an angry ocean shore. overhead, the roof was black with flying lizards, bumping and crowding in the dim shadows, with ridiculous faint mewing sounds. stone throwers dropped hundreds of these, and disintegrators stopped dozens more of the running snakes, until a wall of dead flesh protected the second defensive barrier. * * * * * major mattson gave the order, and a flash and roar of blasting powder dropped a great boulder into place. the corridor seemed almost still, shut off from the jungle sounds of their inhuman enemies. the men retreated in good order to the next defense wall. they realized that their ammunition must be conserved against the real menace, the thundering herd of magnadons, with their guiding, sheltering ships.... the first corridor entrance was burst through after ten minutes by one of the great beasts, which fell in the gap and had to be pulled back by the ships. boulders rolled out like pebbles from further blows, until the opening was wide enough for a protecting ship to fly through, low over the sandy floor, with a magnadon nosing behind it. the great feet thumped deliberately down toward the earthmen, plunging ten inch tracks into the packed sand, each as large as a small round table. shooting the apes from their backs did not stop them. john had withdrawn from the lookout post just as the first entrance door crashed. he then operated one of the disintegrator batteries, until recalled to the council chamber. from there he learned that the same battle scene was being repeated at each barrier. sometimes a magnadon was killed before it broke through, sometimes after. the martians protected the great beasts as well as they could, hoarding their supply. zingar said it would take two months to bring a new herd from the swamp lands, as there was no way to transport them except on slow surface sleds. because of the strange nature of this combat the defenders suffered no casualties. the snakes and flying lizards were killed and piled up in front of each barrier. after each firing slit was sealed there was a brief rest. at last the defenders attempted strategy. seeing that under the present conditions it was only a matter of time, major mattson called for volunteers to attempt the capture of a shipload of the martians to hold as hostages. about a dozen men made a sortie against the snakes, knowing it was futile, but succeeding in drawing the ship down over them. they were sucked up by the tractor rays, and pulled into the little hull but every man's pockets had been filled with gas capsules, and, as they fell unconscious under the paralysis mirrors, yellow clouds of gas filled the ship's cabin until the white bearded old martians were unconscious too. the battle had proceeded nearly to the central defense area, and now the atomic cannon flashed a hole through the mars ship, high up in the hull, causing it to crash. a desperate charge of all the defenders kept the mars snakes back long enough to allow the unconscious enemies and volunteers to be brought back behind the last and strongest barrier. they made it just before the first of the rescuing ships reached the spot. several of the battered and atom shocked men never recovered consciousness. all were carried to the hospital behind the fighting front. then came a lull in the battle. the magnadons and ships withdrew, leaving only the hissing and twisting snakes in the corridor, and a small observation ship down the tunnel out of range. the flying lizards took this opportunity to escape. a few snakes that had crawled through were disintegrated. this was the situation faced by the council of war, at noon. dr. henderson's white coat was now spattered with blood, where he had carried and treated some of the wounded. his face seemed old and drawn, as he addressed the council. "it looks bad--if we had a hundred atomic power jackets left, instead of eight, we might make it. i wonder if they know how limited our supply is." * * * * * under the emotional situation, zingar's accent was more pronounced but intelligible, "every word we speak is amplified by their distance receivers. a race that can faintly hear train whistles on earth, and can see the surface of your planet as if with a large telescope from the moon, doesn't have much trouble to know what our situation is. but we have one bargaining point. old senegar was in that first ship, and his intelligence is in ratio to that of the other martians as one hundred to one. they would concede almost anything to preserve his safety." "but how can we bargain, since we have no way to escape the planet?" asked john. "we might hold the old man as a permanent hostage until the time when mars is in proximity to earth again, a year from next august, and the colony supply ship comes," suggested mark hemingway. "the old man wouldn't live that long," said zingar quietly. "this atmosphere would be fatal to him--let me talk to my father." "_your father!_" cried mary. quickly adjusting the headphone of the mind sounder she poured out her unconscious sympathy to her lover's receiving mind. he drew her to him gently, and then turned and faced the others, still holding her. "let me talk to him," he said, "i think i have an idea." the group walked hurriedly behind zingar and dr. henderson toward the field hospital area. there was a silent drama of sympathy in the expression of these two martians, as zingar stood near his father's hospital cot. they spoke rapidly but quietly in their own language. "what's he sayin'?" growled jake. "can we trust the young squirt?" "i don't understand," said john. "i only know a few of their words. but they keep repeating one word which means 'cripples,' or 'sick'." at last the young martian turned and spoke to them, but mostly to mary--"how much do you love your native planet? would you be willing to stay with us--all of you to be healed and made well, and serve to invigorate the stock of the mars men?" there was a buzz of excitement and argument. most of the earthmen who had not seen the hidden martian city were violently opposed, but a few were too sick to care--and many remembered that they were lost anyway, when the atomic power jackets should be exhausted. john stood close to molaee and looked at her questioningly. "don't stay for my sake, john," she said sadly, "our instincts draw us to each other, but our minds are a whole generation apart. we would have constant misunderstandings. remember, i am as old as zingar." he hesitated a moment, then wrote, "but mary and zingar are planning to be married." "that is their business," she replied looking at mary. "perhaps it is a reasonable chance to take when the husband is the older mentality, but i don't want a mental child for a husband. besides i--i have been remembering nogar, my former lover--before i saw you." their isolated dialogue was only a small murmur in the vocal excitement of the throng of earth people, which suddenly quieted as major mattson boomed over the crowd with his megaphone--"well, shall we vote on it?" but zingar raised his hand and cried, "wait!--my father should speak first." the old man sat painfully up in his bed and spoke into the microphone of the old amplifying set so that his sibilant whispering voice echoed the broken accents down the high vaulted ceilings of the great cave space. "listen to me well, o selected people of a youthful race--this violence has been a vast folly. i should have realized before.... my sense of the aesthetic was offended by your ugliness, especially by the sick and crippled among you, so that i did not realize your one great virtue which cancels all the rest. i have observed the co-operative efficiency of your defenses, especially the strange spirit of sacrifice in the little band who came out to trick us. we were not ready for that, for we have no such spirit of unselfishness among us. it is a virtue that mars needs. your very handicaps have taught you a lesson of group action--a lesson of inestimable worth. we need every one of your unique personalities in our community life. it will be a simple thing to heal you of your diseases, and to prolong your lives. the memory of your sufferings will give new youth and a new spirit to mars--life, perhaps even prove a biological salvation. stay with us--we wish you well...." the old man fell back exhausted--and closed his eyes. john leaped to the platform, and cried to the several hundred men and women before him, "that settles it! i'm for staying...." he made an impassioned speech and stepped down. others followed, but he was not very attentive to their words. hilda crept to him, unobserved in the excitement. she said, "oh, john, my hand can be healed--now i will be proud to marry you--as you asked me three years ago, if you still want me...." "why, you dumb bunny! as if a bum flipper had anything to do with that...." he took her in his arms. they did not even vote when the hands were called for--or know that the decision had been made.... * * * * * when the supply ship arrived, a year and a half later, there were no signs of the colony left. spread around on the sand were various artificial limbs, crutches, spectacles, hearing devices, and bits of clothing, scattered in between many bleached and weather beaten bones.... the ship's crew gathered up these medical relics as proof and sadly turned away. the captain thought it rather a pity since the ship had been sent to bring the sick ones home, in response to a wave of indignation aroused two years before by hilda's broadcast from the district hospital. they carried a few of the bones back, carelessly scooped up by the electric shovel that gathered the crutches and other paraphernalia. an obscure scientist's assistant at johns hopkins tried to arouse excitement by claiming that these were not human bones, but from anthropoid apes--however, there was another war brewing, and nobody would listen to him. transcriber's notes: words in italics in the original are surrounded by _underscores_. variations in spelling and hyphenation remain as in the original. ellipses match the original. a complete list of typographical corrections as well as other notes follows the text. [illustration: the theoretical baby at months.] homo-culture; or, the improvement of offspring through wiser generation. by m. l. holbrook, m. d., editor of "the journal of hygiene," author of "hygiene of the brain," "how to strengthen the memory," "advantages of chastity," etc., etc. a new edition of "stirpiculture," enlarged and revised. new york: m. l. holbrook & co. london: l. n. fowler & co. . _copyright by m. l. holbrook._ _ ._ _entered at stationers' hall._ preface. during all ages since man came to himself, there have been enlightened ones seeking to improve the race. the methods proposed have been various, and in accordance with the knowledge and development of the time in which they have appeared. some have believed that education and environment were all-sufficient; others that abstinence from intoxicating drinks would suffice. a very considerable number have held the idea that by prenatal culture alone the mother can mould her unborn child into any desired form. the disciples of darwin, many of them, have held that natural and sexual selection have been the chief factors employed by nature to bring about race improvement. no doubt all these factors have been more or less effectual, but the time has come for man to take special interest in his own evolution, to study and apply, so far as possible, all the factors that will in any way promote race improvement. in the past this has not been done. we are not yet able to do it perfectly, our knowledge is too deficient, lack of interest is too universal, but we can make a beginning; greater thoughtfulness may be given to suitable marriages; improved environment may be secured; better hygienic conditions taken advantage of; food may be improved; the knowledge we have gained in improving animals and plants, so far as applicable, may aid us; air, exercise, water, employment, social conditions, wealth and poverty, prenatal conditions, all have an influence on offspring, and man should be able, to some extent, to make them all tell to the advantage of future generations. whatever the conditions of existence, man is able by his intellect to modify and improve them, and make them favorably serve unborn children. herbert spencer says: "on observing what energies are expended by father and mother to attain worldly successes and fulfil social ambition, we are reminded how relatively small is the space occupied by their ambition to make their descendants physically, morally and intellectually superior. yet this is the ambition which will replace those they now so eagerly pursue, and which, instead of perpetual disappointments, will bring permanent satisfactions." if the chapters included in this volume should help to arouse in the minds of readers, and especially the younger portion of them, some healthy feelings relating to the improvement of offspring it will have fulfilled its aim. two of them have been given as lectures before societies, the main object of which was the discussion of subjects bearing on evolution and human progress, and they are included in this volume because they have a close relation to the main subject, but the others were written especially for this work. while there may appear in a few cases a slight amount of repetition, the author trusts the reader will not consider it as unpardonable. with these few words i send the work on its mission hoping it will bear good fruit. m. l. h. contents. stirpiculture. _page._ plato's restrictions on parentage; lycurgan laws; plutarch on the training of children; infanticide among the greeks; group marriage; making children the property of the state; grecian methods not suitable to our time; sexual selection; difficulties in the way; an experiment in stirpiculture; intermarriage; woman's selective action; man's and woman's co-operation; the individual's rights; spiritual sympathy in marriage; prenatal culture. jacob's flocks; an illustrative case; beliefs of primitive peoples; birthmarks rare; why children resemble parents; life's experiences affecting child; germ-plasm; congenital deformities; psychical diseases; telegony; power of heredity; sobriety in the father; sacredness of parentage; self-control; heredity and education. theories; continuity of the germ-plasm; a rational view of heredity; heredity and the education of children; intellectual acquirements; instinct; knowledge or heredity; individuality; spectre of heredity; evolution's hopeful promise for a healthier race. sexual selection; human selection; natural selection; conflict between evolutionary theories and our humane sentiments; ideal of health; adaptation to environment; knowledge; effects of living at high pressure; girls in manufacturing districts; co-operation: an example; hygiene; the germ-plasm; its relation to offspring. what is the germ-plasm? the primitive egg; fertilization of the mother-cell necessary to produce true germ-plasm; what fertilization does; its process; helps to explain heredity; health of the germ-plasm necessary in stirpiculture; surplus vitality necessary for producing the best children; duncan's statistics as to ages of parents of finest children; effects of alcohol on offspring; food and the germ-plasm; effect of air and water on germ-plasm; effect of diseases on germ-plasm; every child born an experiment; fewer and better children. darwin's opinions; race modifications by natural selection; grant allen's views; spencer's views on parental duties; limiting offspring among the natives of uganda; the fijians; children of large families often superior to those in small families; some reasons for this; a theoretical baby. our first baby; we had theories; what some of them were; my wife's love for me; my sentiments; the child's easy birth; mother's rapid convalescence; the child's first bath; forming good habits early; no crying at night; never rocked to sleep; his bed; keeping the stomach and bowels right; colic, irritability and the necessity for diapers eliminated; number of meals daily; the infant's clothing; at one year old; teething gives little trouble; requires considerable water; learning to creep, stand, walk and talk by his own efforts; invents his own amusements; companionship with parents; mothering; learning self-control; obedience; playmates; notes stirpiculture. natural selection, which is the central doctrine of darwinism, has been explained as the "survival of the fittest." on this process has depended the progress observable throughout organic nature to which the term evolution is applied; for, although there has been from time to time degradation, that is, a retrogression, this has had relation only to particular forms, organic life as a whole evidencing progress towards perfection. when man appeared as the culmination of evolution under terrestrial conditions, natural selection would seem almost to have finished its work, which was taken up, however, by man himself, who was able by "artificial" selection to secure results similar to those which nature had attained. this is true especially in relation to animals, the domestication of which has always been practiced by man, even while in a state of nature. domestication is primarily a psychical process, but it is attended with physical changes consequent on confinement and variation in food and habits. this alone would hardly account, however, for the great number of varieties among animals that have been long domesticated, and it is probable that actual "stirpiculture" has been practiced from very early times. this term is derived from the latin _stirpis_, a stock or race, and _cultus_, culture or cultivation, and it means, therefore, the cultivation of a stock or race, although it has come to be used in the sense of the "breeding of offspring," and particularly of human offspring. it is evident, however, that in relation to man this is too restricted a sense, and it must be extended so as to embrace as well the rearing and training as the breeding of children, in fact, _cultivation_ in its widest sense, in which is always implied the idea of improvement. stirpiculture in this extended sense was not unknown to the ancients, both in theory and in practice. as to the former, the most noted example is that of plato, who, in his "republic," proposed certain arrangements as to marriage and the bringing up of children which he thought would improve the race, and hence be beneficial to the state. the state was to plato all in all, and he considered that it should form one great family. this idea could not be carried into effect, however, so long as independent families existed, and therefore those arrangements had for one of their chief aims the abolition of what we regard as family life. this plato thought was the best for the state, and the advantage which was supposed to accrue to it by the absence of separate families is expressed in a marginal note, which says: "there will be no private interests among them, and therefore no lawsuits or trials for assault or violence to elders." plato's restrictions on parentage.--the end would hardly seem to justify the means, in these days, at least, when violence to elders is an uncommon incident; but how was the community of wives and children by which it was sought to be attained to be brought about? it is said, "the best of either sex should be united with the best as often, and the inferior with the inferior as seldom, as possible." thus the people were to be classified into "best" and "inferior," and while the former were to be brought together as often as possible, the latter were not to be united at all if it could be avoided. there was no question of marriage in either case. in the one, the union was for the purpose of obtaining children, and in the other for the simple gratification of the passions; for only the offspring of the union between the sexes in the "best" class were to be reared. the children of the inferior class were not to be reared, "if the flock is to be maintained in first-class condition." this infanticide would matter little to the parents, as they had no control over their coming together, nor concern with the rearing of their offspring. lots were to be drawn by the "less worthy" on each occasion of their being brought together. this was that they might accuse their ill-luck and not the rulers, in case their partners were not to their liking. the state was to provide not only what men and women were to be sexually united, but the ages within which this was to be permitted for the purpose of obtaining offspring. for a woman, the beginning of childbearing for the state was fixed at twenty years of age, and it was to continue until forty. for men, the period of procreation is said to be between twenty-five and fifty-five years of age. after the specified ages men and women were to be allowed to "range at will," except within certain prescribed degrees, but on the understanding that no children born to such unions were to be reared. it is evident that under such a system the actual relationship between the members of the state family could be known only to its rulers; but to provide against the union of persons too nearly related by blood, all those who were "begotten at the time their fathers and mothers came together" were regarded as brothers and sisters. but even brothers and sisters might be united "if the lot favors them, and they receive the sanction of the pythian oracle." thus far for the breeding of children laid down in plato's "republic." as to the rearing of them, we need only say that the children allowed to live were to be placed in the custody of guardians, to be appointed by the state from among the most worthy of either sex, who were to bring them up in accordance with the principles of virtue. the idea which formed the basis of the regulations as to marriage in the "republic" was carried into practice by lycurgus in his government of sparta. we are told by plutarch in his "lives," that lycurgus considered children not so much the property of their parents as of the state, "and therefore he could not have them begotten by ordinary persons, but by the best men in it." but he did not attempt to break up the private family, as was proposed by plato. he sought rather to enlarge its boundaries by allowing the introduction of a fresh paternal element when this could be done with advantage to the state. thus, he approved of a man in years introducing to his young wife a "handsome and honest" young man, that she might bear a child by him. moreover, if a man of character became impassioned of a married woman on account of her honesty and beautiful children, he might treat with her husband for the loan of her, "that so planting in a beauty-bearing soil, he might produce excellent children, the congenial offspring of excellent parents." the principles which influenced lycurgus were the same as those sought to be applied by plato, although in a different way. plutarch says, "he observed the vanity and absurdity of other nations, where people study to have their horses and dogs of the finest breed they can procure, either by interest or money, and yet keep their wives shut up, that they may have children by none but themselves, though they may happen to be doting, decrepid or infirm." hence lycurgus sought to drive away the passion of jealousy "by making it quite as reputable to have children in common with persons of merit, as to avoid all offensive freedom in their own behaviour to their wives." lycurgan laws.--according to plutarch, the regulations enforced by lycurgus, so far from encouraging licentiousness of the women, such as afterwards prevailed in sparta, did just the reverse, as adultery was not known among them. that the system was beneficial to the state by tending to secure healthy offspring is probable; but lycurgus took other means of bringing about this result. his requiring girls to dance naked in public was intended to teach them modesty. but we are told further: "he ordered the virgins to exercise themselves in running, wrestling and throwing quoits and darts, that their bodies being strong and vigorous, the children produced by them might be the same; and that, thus fortified by exercise, they might the better support the pangs of childbirth, and be delivered with safety." moreover, he provided against the propagation of disease and deformation by directing that only such children should be reared as passed examination by the most ancient men of the tribe. if a child were strong and well-proportioned, they gave orders for its education and assigned it one of the nine thousand shares of land. thus infanticide was a recognized part of the spartan system, as it was in that of plato. the elders of the tribe were very careful about the nurses to whom the children were assigned. when seven years old, the children were enrolled in companies, where they were all kept under the same order and discipline, and had their exercises and recreations in common. the boy of best conduct and courage was made captain, and their whole education was one of obedience. as for learning, plutarch says they had just what was absolutely necessary; and certainly it was not such as could be recommended for imitation in these days. xenophon, in his essay on "the lacedemonian republic," adds little to what plutarch tells us with reference to the marriage regulations of lycurgus. he remarks, however, that marriage was not allowed until the body was in full strength, as this was conducive "to the procreation of a robust and manly offspring." he affirms, also, that those who were allowed by arrangement to associate with other men's wives were men who had an aversion to living with a wife of their own! plutarch on the training of children.--in his "morals," plutarch gives a dissertation on the training of children, the first portion of which deals with stirpiculture in the limited sense of the term, but is very inadequate. indeed, the only advice he gives is that a man should not keep company with harlots or concubines, because children by them are "blemished in their birth" by their base extraction; and that no man should "keep company with his wife for issue's sake but when he is sober," lest he beget a drunkard. the main portion of plutarch's treatise is concerned with the education of children, which is the second part of stirpiculture as a system of complete cultivation. introductory to the subject of education he speaks of nursing, to which he attaches much importance. plutarch insists on the necessity of mothers nursing their own children; nature, by providing them with two breasts, showing them that they can nurse even twins. but if they cannot, they are to choose the best nurses they can get, and such as are bred after the greek fashion. for, "as it is needful that the members of children should be shaped aright as soon as they are born, that they may not afterwards prove crooked and distorted, so it is no less expedient that their manners be well fashioned from the very beginning; for childhood is a tender thing, and easily wrought into any shape." after referring to the importance of the choice of good companions for a child, plutarch proceeds to consider the question of education, which he speaks of as the matter of most concern. as to education in general, he points out that a concurrence of three things is necessary to the "completing of virtue in practice," which is the aim of that process, that is: nature, reason or learning, and use or exercise; for, "if nature be not improved by instruction, it is blind; if instruction be not assisted by nature, it is maimed; and if exercise fail of the assistance of both, it is imperfect as to the attainment of its end." there cannot be "instruction"--a term which is here used as equivalent to "education," although the latter has a wider signification than the former, and being equivalent to mental cultivation,--without a teacher, and plutarch says well, "we are to look after such masters for our children as are blameless in their lives, not justly reprovable for their manners, and of the best experience in teaching. for the very spring and root of honesty and virtue lies in the felicity of lighting on good education." he is, indeed, so much impressed with its value that he affirms: "the one chief thing in this matter--which compriseth the beginning, middle and end of all--is good education and regular instruction." these two "afford great help and assistance towards the attainment of virtue and felicity." he adds: "learning alone, of all things in our possession, is immortal and divine." plutarch dwells on various other matters connected with education better fitted for his times than ours, but he refers to the importance of example in words that are deserving of careful consideration. he says: "the chiefest thing that fathers are to look to is, that they themselves become effectual examples to their children, by doing all those things which belong to them, and avoiding all vicious practices, that in their lives, as in a glass, their children may see enough to give them an aversion to all ill words and actions. for those that chide children for such faults as they themselves fall into unconsciously accuse themselves, under their children's names. and if they are altogether vicious in their own lives, they lose the right of reprehending their very servants, and much more do they forfeit it to their sons. . . . . wherefore we are to apply our minds to all such practices as may conduce to the good breeding of our children." it is not improbable that the marriage regulations ascribed to lycurgus were based on institutions already in existence among the spartans. from the statement of polybius, that the brothers of a house often had one wife between them, it has been inferred that in sparta the tibetan form of polyandry was practiced. according to plutarch, another curious marriage custom prevailed, showing that the spartans, who differed in various respects from other greeks, had retained primitive habits. thus, the bridegroom carried off the bride by violence, and for some time after this "marriage by capture" he visited her "with great caution and apprehension" of being discovered by the rest of the family; the bride at the same time exerted all her art to contrive convenient opportunities for their private meetings. and this they did, not for a short time only, but some of them even had children before they had an interview with their wives in the daytime! this custom had much in common with the _sadica_ marriages of the early arabs, who, as we are told by professor robertson smith, allowed a woman, while she remained with her own tribe, to receive the clandestine visits of a lover. her offspring were recognized as legitimate and became members of the tribe. the incident of "capture" could not occur, as it was a general custom in ancient arabia for a husband to live among his wife's kinsfolk. infanticide among the greeks.--the practice of infanticide, which was the only mode by which lycurgus, or even plato in his imaginary republic, could really insure the existence of a healthy and vigorous population, was undoubtedly a survival from primitive times. the sacredness of infant life is the result of the high moral tone which has accompanied the spread of christianity; and it may be said to be almost unknown outside of the christian era. various reasons are assigned by different peoples for the practice of infanticide; but one cause universally operative is the objection to rearing malformed or unhealthy offspring. savages adopt various modes of improving, according to their ideas, the physical appearance of their children. giving the proper form to the nose is considered a very important matter by the native australian mother and by the polynesian islanders; as, indeed, it was by the ancient persians, among whom the molding of the nose to the proper curve was essential, especially in the royal family. the flat head of the american indian of the northwest coast was at one time considered a beauty, and was restricted to the members of the tribe, slaves not being allowed to undergo the necessary head compression. the small artificial foot of the chinese lady is another case in point. but however much the physical appearance might be altered, no effect could thus be made in the general physique of the race. the most easy way of keeping this up to a proper standard is to destroy all the infants that possess physical defects; and such a course is adopted by many savages, although it is by no means the most influential cause of infanticide. group marriage.--a remarkable system of relationships, with which is combined a series of regulations framed with the object of pointing out what persons are entitled to enter into the marital relation, is found to be prevalent in nearly all uncivilized peoples. the members of a tribe are divided into two or more groups, each of which consists of persons who are nearly related by blood, and who are forbidden, therefore, to intermarry. one of the tribes of central australia, the dieyerie, has a legend which explains the marriage system common to them and to all the other tribes, as being intended to prevent the evil effects of intermarriage between persons very near of kin. the story is valuable as showing the opinion entertained by savages as to the effect on the race of breeding in and in--a subject to which we may have occasion to make further reference. dr. j. f. mclennan and other writers on primitive marriage refer to the practice among certain _civilized_ peoples of antiquity of what we regard as incestuous marriage, in support of the view that in the early history of mankind intercourse between the sexes was promiscuous.[ :a] such an explanation is entirely uncalled for, however, as the custom was intended to secure purity of blood, that is, blood of a particular line of ancestors. such marriages were known only to a few peoples, and they were evidently of comparatively late origin. whether the purity of blood was attended with improvement of the stock may be doubted; as, whatever may have been the actual origin of the marriage regulations of the numerous peoples among whom the classificatory system of relationship is established, they are intended, without question, to prevent the intermarriage of persons who are regarded as near blood relations, the general disapproval of which must have had some sufficient reason, or, at all events, must have originated in ideas supposed to furnish good grounds for it. making children the property of the state.--the principles which were embodied in the scheme proposed by plato, in his "republic," to bring about an improvement in the race are mainly two: first, restriction on the formation of procreative unions; second, infanticide. the breaking up of private or separate families necessarily resulted from the operation of his "marriage" regulations, and was intended to emphasize the idea which plato, like lycurgus, insisted on, that the children belonged to the state. lycurgus sought to enforce the same idea by allowing wives to have intercourse with other men than their husbands, thus making children "common" in some sense, while retaining the separate family intact. thus he introduced, or rather it should be said, established a modified form of polyandrous marriage; plato's system, on the other hand, being one of mere pairing, as in the breeding of animals. in either case the union of very near relations was not permitted, that is, between brother and sister, or parent and child. yet lycurgus allowed marriage between a half-brother and sister by the same mother. curiously enough, this was forbidden by the athenian law, which permitted a brother and sister by the same father only to intermarry. the greek rule, as laid down in smith's "dictionary of greek and roman antiquities," was that "proximity of blood or consanguinity was not, with some few exceptions, a bar to marriage," although direct lineal descent was so. moreover, there was no attempt to enforce consanguineous marriages, so as to ensure purity of blood, such as was customary among the incas of peru, the laws of which required that the oldest son and daughter of the sovereign should intermarry because the incas were descended from the sun, and the sun had married his sister the moon, and had united in marriage his two first children! a more practical reason was found in the rule that the kingdom should be inherited through both parents. hence it was not permitted to mix the blood of the sun, or rather of those who claimed solar descent, with that of men. grecian methods not suitable to our time.--it is evident that the principles which governed the ancients in their endeavors to improve the race are not capable of application at the present day, under the conditions of modern civilization. instead of placing further restrictions on marriage, the tendency now is to loosen those which have hitherto existed, although certain regulations, such as relate to age, consent, etc., are recognized as necessary for the interests of the state. moreover, greater facilities are given than were formerly allowed for dissolving ill-assorted unions, thus getting rid of the excuse for the formation of irregular connections. nevertheless, the interests of neither society at large nor of individuals will permit of the introduction of the temporary or occasional pairing system, which is a return to an animal state, and, therefore, not worthy of the dignity implied in the term, marriage, and which is inconsistent with true family life. it would be liable to all kinds of abuse, and would become, in most cases, a legalized system of prostitution, thus dragging society down to a lower level instead of raising it, and tending to the deterioration, instead of the improvement, of the race, if not to its extinction. as to infanticide, this certainly would not be tolerated by public opinion, although it is now largely resorted to under the guise of abortion. to legalize child-killing under any circumstances would be to offer a premium for murder, even if it were permitted only with the express sanction in every case of the officials of the state. there is now no justification for such a course, as the education of those who appear to be on a mental level with the animals has been carried so far that the term "idiot" may soon have to be dropped from our vocabulary. it must be affirmed, however, that the whole subject of the improvement of the race was dealt with by plato, and, indeed, by the ancients generally, in a very crude and superficial manner. this has been well pointed out by professor b. jowett in the introduction to his translation of plato's "republic." professor jowett objects generally that the great error in the speculations of plato and others on the improvement of the race is, "that the difference between men and the animals is forgotten in them." the human being is regarded with the eye of a dog or bird fancier, or at best of a slave owner; the higher or human qualities are left out. the breeder of animals aims chiefly at size or speed or strength; in a few cases, at courage and temper; most often the fitness of the animal for food is the greatest desideratum. but mankind are not bred to be eaten, nor yet for their superiority in fighting or in running or in drawing carts. nor does the improvement of the human race consist merely in the increase of the bones and flesh, but in the growth and enlightenment of the mind. hence there must be a marriage of true minds as well as of bodies; of imagination and reason as well as of lusts and instincts. men and women without feeling or imagination are justly called brutes; yet plato takes away these qualities and puts nothing in their place, not even the desire of a noble offspring, since parents are not to know their own children. the most important transaction of social life he who is the idealist philosopher converts into the most brutal. for the pair are to have no relation to each other but at the hymeneal festival; their children are not theirs, but the state's; nor is any tie of affection to unite them. yet the analogy of the animals might have saved plato from a gigantic error if he had not lost sight of his own illustration! for the "nobler sort of birds and beasts" nourish and protect their offspring and are faithful to one another! it is certainly surprising, as jowett says, that the greatest of ancient philosophers should, in his marriage regulations, have fallen into the error of separating body and mind. he did so probably through a false notion of the antagonism between the family and the state, and hence, as lycurgus did not aim at destroying family life he escaped that error. and yet there is nothing to show that the marriage regulations of lycurgus had any real effect on the children of the state. that the early spartans were a hardy and courageous people is undoubtedly true; but apart from the practice of infanticide, which would necessarily get rid of the weak, their character and conduct can be explained by reference merely to the system of training, both of youth and maidens, which lycurgus rigidly enforced. lacedemon was essentially a military republic, and its rulers aimed to breed soldiers, rather than men in the noble sense in which the term "man" is now used. indeed, there is nothing to show that any compulsory attempt to improve the race has ever been successful, apart from the effect which the destruction of feeble and deformed offspring may have, and the influence of the severe training of those who are allowed to survive. nevertheless, the human race has vastly improved since its first appearance on the earth, if the teachings of the doctrine of evolution are true and applicable to man as well as to the inferior animals. the passage from the native australian to the european is a long one, and yet they are supposed to represent a common primitive stock. the steps by which the european has been gradually developed, with his special characteristics, cannot now be traced; but one of the chief agencies to which the result is due is that to which darwin applied the term, "sexual selection." as natural selection has relation to _adaptation_, and its aim is "the survival of the fittest," so sexual selection has reference to _beauty_, and its object is the perpetuation of the most beautiful, according to the taste of the peoples practicing it. darwin was the first to point out the importance of sexual selection for certain purposes which, as stated by professor g. j. romanes, in his "darwin and after darwin,"[ :a] "have no reference to utility or the preservation of life." the latter writer in treating of the subject affirms it is universally admitted that the higher animals do not pair indiscriminately, the members of either sex preferring "those individuals of the opposite sex which are to them most attractive." many birds and certain mammals clearly display the esthetic sense, which is shown by the former particularly in the adorning of their nests with colored objects; and it is reflected in the personal appearance of the animals themselves. during the pairing season, birds take on their most brilliant plumage, and the males take great pains to exhibit their charms before the females, actively competing with one another in so doing. there is similar rivalry among song birds, who strive to see which can best please the females by their singing. sexual selection.--professor romanes, after referring to those facts, which are considered in detail by his great predecessor, states the theory of sexual selection as follows: "there can be no question that the courtship of birds is a highly elaborate business, in which the males do their best to surpass one another in charming the females. obviously the inference is that the males do not take all this trouble for nothing; but that the females give their consent to pair with the males whose personal appearance, or whose voice, proves to be the most attractive. but, if so, the young of the male bird who is thus _selected_ will inherit his superior beauty; and thus, in successive generations, a continuous advance will be made in the beauty of plumage or of song, as the case may be,--both the origin and development of beauty in the animal world being thus supposed due to the esthetic taste of the animals themselves." it is not necessary to refer particularly to the evidence in support of the theory of sexual selection. there can be no doubt that it is a most important factor in the perpetuation and increase of certain characters, those which come within the category of "beautiful," the very existence of which proves them to be beneficial to the stock to which the animals exhibiting them belong. the fundamental fact is that they have "the effect of charming the females into a performance of the sexual act;" an opinion which is supported by the more general fact that "both among quadrupeds and birds, individuals of the one sex are capable of feeling a strong antipathy against, or a strong preference for, certain individuals of the opposite sex." these statements are applicable also to man, with whom the principle of sexual selection must have been influential to at least the same degree as among the lower animals. it may be expected, indeed, to be more influential, as the esthetic taste with which it is associated becomes more highly developed with man than with any member of the animal kingdom. even here it is not a question of mere coloration. the theory of sexual selection as framed by darwin is concerned, as romanes points out, not so much with color itself as with the particular disposition of color in the form of ornamental patterns. these have a kind of _structural_ value, and certain birds, moreover, possess actual structural peculiarities, such as ornamental appendages to the beak, the only use of which would appear to be to charm the female during courtship. we may suppose, therefore, that sexual selection has affected not merely what may be termed the superficial characters of man, but to some extent, at least, those which have a structural value. the principle of sexual selection is applicable primarily to the characteristics of the male; but darwin supposes them to have been transferred to the other sex, and through them transmitted to the race generally. in his "descent of man," he remarks of the actual influence over the race of that principle: "the nervous system not only regulates most of the existing functions of the body, but has indirectly influenced the progressive development of various bodily structures and of certain mental qualities. courage, pugnacity, perseverance, size and strength of body, weapons of all kinds, musical organs, both vocal and instrumental, bright colours and ornamental appendages have all been indirectly gained by the one sex or the other, through the exertion of choice, the influence of love and jealousy, and the appropriation of the beautiful in sound, colour or form; and these powers of the mind manifestly depend on the development of the brain." that sexual selection has actually resulted in modification of human physical structure, darwin thinks can be shown by reference to the ancient persians, whose type was greatly improved by intermarriage with the beautiful georgian and circassian women. he refers to several similar cases, and particularly to the jollofs of west africa, whose handsome appearance is said to be due to their retaining for wives only their most beautiful slaves, the others being sold. sexual selection may be operative for the improvement of the race through the action of either man or woman, and the conditions of its activity are different in either case. as to the action of man, darwin says in relation to primitive peoples: "the strongest and most vigorous men--those who could best defend and hunt for their families, who were provided with the best weapons and possessed the most property, such as a large number of dogs or other animals--would succeed in rearing a greater average number of offspring than the weaker and poorer members of the same tribe. there can, also, be no doubt that such men would generally be able to select the more attractive women. at present, the chiefs of nearly every tribe throughout the world succeed in obtaining more than one wife." with reference to selection by the women, darwin shows that among savages they have much more to say in their marriages than is usually supposed. he remarks: "they can tempt the men they prefer, and can sometimes reject those whom they dislike, either before or after their marriage. preference on the part of the women, steadily acting in any one direction, would ultimately affect the character of the tribe, for the women would generally choose, not merely the handsomest men, according to their standard of taste, but those who were at the same time best able to defend and support them. such well-endowed pairs would commonly rear a larger number of offspring than the less favored." darwin adds: "the same result would obviously follow in a still more marked manner if there were selection on both sides, that is, if the more attractive, and at the same time more powerful men were to prefer, and were preferred by, the more attractive women. and this double form of selection seems actually to have occurred, especially during the earlier periods of our long history." the investigations of darwin as to the operation of sexual selection had reference chiefly to the modification of physical characters. he did not altogether lose sight, however, of its possible influence in affecting for the better the mental characteristics of the race. he concludes his enquiry by the remark that "man might by selection do something, not only for the bodily constitution and frame of his offspring, but for their intellectual and moral qualities. both sexes ought to refrain from marriage if they are in any marked degree inferior in body or mind; but such hopes are utopian, and will never be even partially realized until the laws of inheritance are thoroughly known. every one does good service who aids towards this end." it is in the application of the principle of sexual selection to the mental characteristics of man, that any real improvement of the race, viewed as consisting of human beings and not of mere animals, must be brought about. beauty of physical form and feature is of importance in human relations only so far as it is associated with beauty of mind and character, that is, with high intellectual and moral attainments. that these often go together is true, but it is not always the case. grant allen says: "to be sound in wind and limb; to be healthy of body and mind; to be educated; to be emancipated; to be free, to be beautiful--these things are ends towards which all should strive, and by attaining which all are happier in themselves, and more useful to others." but physical and intellectual perfection are not always found together, as was observed by darwin, when he mentioned among the causes which interfere with the physical action of sexual selection the fact that men are largely attracted by the mental charms of women. professor jowett affirms truly that "many of the noblest specimens of the human race have been among the weakest physically. tyrtæns or Ã�sop, or our own newton, would have been destroyed at sparta, and some of the fairest and strongest men and women have been among the wickedest and worst." hence, he properly infers that "not by the platonic device of uniting the strong and the fair with the strong and the fair, regardless of sentiment and morality, nor yet by his other device of combining dissimilar natures, have mankind gradually passed from the brutality and licentiousness of primitive marriage to marriage christian and civilized." the truth of this inference cannot be denied, because to leave out of view considerations of sentiment and morality would fatally vitiate any scheme for the improvement of the human race. but professor jowett affirms that, "we do not know how by artificial means any improvement in the breed can be effected." the problem is no doubt a complex one. as he points out, a child has usually thirty progenitors only four steps back, and whatever truth there may be in the inheritance of special physical characters, "we have a difficulty in distinguishing what is a true inheritance of genius or other qualities, and what is mere imitation or the result of similar circumstances. _great men and great women have rarely had great fathers and mothers._" professor jowett thinks, indeed, that too much importance may be ascribed to heredity. he says: "the doctrine of heredity may seem to take out of our hands the conduct of our lives, but it is the idea, not the fact, which is really terrible to us. for what we have received from our ancestors is only a fraction of what we are or may become. the knowledge that drunkenness or insanity has been prevalent in a family may be the best safeguard against their recurrence in a future generation. the parent will be most awake to the vices or diseases in his child of which he is most sensible within himself. the whole of life may be directed to their prevention or cure. the traces of corruption may become fainter, or be wholly effaced; the inherited tendency to vice and crime may be eradicated. and so heredity, from being a curse, may become a blessing. we acknowledge that in the matter of our birth, as in our nature generally, there are previous circumstances which affect us. but on this platform of circumstances, or within this wall of necessity, we have still the power of creating a life for availment by the reforming energy of the human will." there is much truth in these remarks of professor jowett, but they do not affect the argument in favor of the possibility of bringing about an improvement in the race if the proper means are adopted. it would not be any wiser for the strong and healthy to marry with the sick and weak, because the latter happen to be highly intellectual or moral, than to marry with the strong and healthy if these physical characters are united with mental weakness or immorality. there is a consensus of opinion at the present day, that what should be aimed at is the union of physical perfection with that of intellect and character, in the persuasion that steps towards this end will ultimately lead to the general improvement of the human race. difficulties in the way.--the difficulty is to devise and carry out some scheme for the purpose which shall be both feasible and agreeable to public sentiment. the latter consideration would prevent any attempt at active stirpiculture under state direction, although the state might indirectly affect the result by subsidiary regulations as to marriage and training of children. there is nothing, however, to prevent the systematic efforts of private individuals, and in such cases the causes which darwin cites as interfering with the physical action of sexual selection would not operate. the most systematic experiment in stirpiculture of modern times was that originated by john humphrey noyes at the oneida community, in central new york, from to . a paper on this experiment was read by anita newcomb mcgee before the american science association in august, , which was published in "the american anthropologist," , and the following facts are taken from that paper. an experiment in stirpiculture.--noyes was the founder of a religious sect, the members of which, owing to their desire for freedom from sin, were called perfectionists. holiness was the first principle of their creed, and noyes thought to transmit that condition from one generation to another by a process of stirpiculture. to overcome the "selfishness" of monogamic marriage he devised a "system of regulated promiscuity, beginning at earliest puberty, and by a method of his own invention he separated the amative from the propagative functions." its first principle was that of a judicious in and in breeding, with occasional mingling of foreign blood, as in stock-raising. the second principle adopted was that of "careful selection of individuals for breeding purposes. genealogies were studied and medical histories compiled." a committee, headed by noyes, selected the holiest members who were free from physical defects, intellectual and other considerations being given less weight at first, although in later years they received more consideration. the parents were of all ages, but the father was always older than the mother. some sympathy between the persons mated was always required; and if a proposition for union came from two individuals it was allowed if no objections were found. noyes held that uncle and niece are as much related as father and daughter, because brothers have identical blood, and that cousins are in the same relation to each other as half brothers. in the oneida community uncles and nieces twice paired, and it is noticeable that a considerable proportion of the children had noyes' blood on one or both sides. the founder himself had nine children in the community, to which belonged also his brother, his two sisters and their children. as to the care of the children, this belonged exclusively to the mothers for the first nine months, after which for a further nine months they took charge of their offspring at night only. when eighteen months old, the children were transferred to a separate department which was managed by those who had shown themselves specially fitted for the work. let us see what was the result of noyes' experiment. of the sixty[ :a] children born, five died at or near childbirth from unforeseen causes depending upon the mother. all the others were alive at the date of mrs. mcgee's communication, except a boy who was reared in spite of weakness, and died from a trifling malady when about sixteen years of age. all the children were strong and healthy, the boys being tall--several over six feet--broad-shouldered and finely proportioned; the girls robust and well-built. it is remarkable, that among the children between five and nine years of age, thirteen were boys and six only were girls. with reference to their intellectual ability, it is stated by mrs. mcgee that, of the oldest sixteen boys, ten were in business, chiefly employed as clerks, foremen, etc., in the manufactories of the joint stock company. the eleventh was a musician of repute; another a medical student; one passed through college and studied law; one was a college senior, and one entered college after winning state and local scholarships, and gave great mathematical promise. the sixteenth boy was a mechanic, and the only one employed in manual labor. of the six girls between eighteen and twenty-two years, three are said by mrs. mcgee to be especially intellectual. the mothers of these children usually belonged to the classes employed in manual labor, while the fathers, with the exception of the noyes family and half a dozen lawyers, doctors and clergymen, were all farmers and mechanics. it is noteworthy that, as a rule, the fathers were the intellectual superiors of their mates, "and enquiry develops the fact, known in the community, that in these cases the children are markedly superior to the maternal stock." when this system of complex marriage had been in operation twenty years, the desire to return to the old system of monogamy arose, and it became so strong in the community that its founder retired from it, and on august , , complex marriage was renounced, although nominally "in deference to public sentiment." twenty-five couples who had been married before entering the community again became husband and wife, and twenty marriages between other individuals took place within four months after the abandonment of the stirpicultural experiment. there were then in the community two hundred and sixteen adults and eighty-three children under twenty years of age. so far as the real object which the founder of the oneida community had in view in his marriage system, it was undoubtedly a failure, as of the offspring, in spite of their early doctrinal training, only a very few are church members, and but one is a perfectionist. this is the son of an uncle and a niece, both of noyes' blood. from a physical and intellectual standpoint the experiment would seem to have given promise of success, but it continued too short a time to be of much scientific value. the result may be stated in the words of mrs. mcgee, who says that the complete failure to perpetuate the church through stirpiculture "would seem to indicate that, while our race would doubtless be greatly benefited by more attention to laws of breeding, yet to attempt promulgation of a belief by this means alone is only to court defeat. in spite of the energy and magnetism of so remarkable a man as noyes, in spite of his long-continued efforts, and just when success seemed within his grasp, his one misjudgment of human nature bore fruit, the neglected instinct of monogamy arose in its might and crushed to nothing the whole structure, and he, the builder, went last of all. with the close of his life, april , , ended a unique and interesting history." intermarriage.--we have seen that the founder of the oneida community permitted the intermarriage of uncle and niece, although he considered them related as nearly as father and daughter. this question of the intermarriage of near blood relations is an important one in its bearing on the question of stirpiculture, and as already mentioned, it has engaged the attention of nearly all the lower races of mankind. it has, indeed, been provided against by the marriage restrictions of most uncultured peoples, and their systems of relationship clearly point out what persons are within the permitted limits of marriage. it appears to be the general rule that the children of two brothers or of two sisters, whether own or tribal, cannot intermarry, but that the children of a brother and those of a sister may be thus united, although sometimes this is not allowed where own brother and sister are concerned.[ :a] the question of the effect on offspring of consanguineous marriages was some time ago particularly enquired into by mr. a. h. huth, who, after a consideration of all the information available, came, in his work, "the marriage of near kin," to the following conclusions: " --that any deterioration through the marriage of near kin, _per se_, even if there be such a thing in the lower animals, is impossible in man, owing to the slow propagation of the species. " --that any deterioration through the chance accumulation of an idiosyncrasy, though more likely to occur in families where the marriage of blood relations was habitual, practically does not occur oftener than in other marriages, or it would be more easily demonstrated. " --that, seeing the doubt, to say the least of it, which exists concerning the effect for harm of marriages between near kin, and on the other hand the certainty that whenever and wherever marriage is impeded a direct and proportionate impulse is given to the practice of immorality, it is advisable not to extend the prohibition against marriage beyond the third collateral degree, and to permit all marriages of affinity excepting those in the direct ascending or descending line." there appears to be no doubt that what are regarded among christian peoples as incestuous marriages are not desirable. how far marriage unions between first cousins are advisable depends, as appears from mr. huth's remarks, on considerations which affect the question generally. if there are any serious physical, intellectual or moral defects on either side, no marriage should take place. woman's selective action.--apart from the question of consanguinity, the principles which should govern all marriages is that of sexual selection, which should have reference, however, not merely to physical characters, but also to mental and moral characteristics. in applying this principle, it must be remembered that while man, like the male of all animals, does the courting, woman, like all females, makes the selection; at least this is the general rule among the most cultured peoples. thus it is evident that woman possesses the power of largely influencing the improvement of the human race, and in this fact we may see the possibility of this being effected by the operation of general social causes, without having recourse to individual experiments, such as that undertaken by noyes, which are necessarily limited in their action, and may, after all, have like practical result. _if all women could be induced to combine for that end they could probably bring about the desired improvement by their own efforts._ on this subject the well-known naturalist, mr. a. r. wallace, has some judicious remarks in an article on "human progress, past and future," in _the arena_ for january, . mr. wallace, who accepts the views of weismann as to the non-inheritance of acquired characters, thinks that the physical and moral evils and degradation attendant on the conditions of modern city life will have no permanent effects, when a more rational and elevating system of social organization is brought about. the most important agency in this social regeneration will be the selective action of woman, under the influence of her newly acquired freedom and higher education. says mr. wallace: "when such social changes have been effected that no woman will be compelled, either by hunger, isolation or social compulsion, to sell herself, whether in or out of wedlock, and when all women alike shall feel the refining influence of a true harmonizing education, of beautiful and elevating surroundings, and of a public opinion which shall be founded on the highest aspirations of their age and country, the result will be a form of human selection which will bring about a continuous advance in the average status of the race. under such conditions, all who are deformed either in body or mind, though they may be able to lead happy and contented lives, will, as a rule, leave no children to inherit their deformity. even now we find many women who do not marry because they have never found the man of their ideal. when no woman will be compelled to marry for a bare living or for a comfortable home, those who remain unmarried from their own free choice will certainly increase in number, while many others, having no inducement to an early marriage, will wait until they meet with a partner who is really congenial to them. in such a reformed society the vicious man, the man of degraded taste or of feeble intellect, will have little chance of finding a wife, and his bad qualities will die out with himself. the most perfect and beautiful in body and mind will, on the other hand, be most sought and therefore be most likely to marry early, the less highly endowed later, and the least gifted in any way the latest of all; and this will be the case with both sexes. from this varying age of marriage, as mr. galton has shown, there will result a more rapid increase of the former than of the latter, and this cause continuing at work for successive generations will at length bring the average man to be the equal of those who are now among the more advanced of the race." we have here the application of the principle of sexual selection in its highest sense, although limited in action to women, and it is undoubtedly the phase of stirpiculture which will become operative when the "emancipation of women" is completed. there is one feature of modern society which may retard its operation, and which was referred to by darwin as interfering with the physical effect of sexual selection in the past. wealth is now, more than ever before, an important factor in society, and not only man's but woman's choice in matrimony is often governed by money considerations. the possession of wealth may be evidence of mental astuteness, but not necessarily of high morality, and until it ceases to be sought after in marriage it will seriously interfere with the improvement of the race on its higher planes. the sexual selection which mr. wallace so ably advocates is to be exercised by woman, and hence its efficiency will depend on the fitness of woman, not only to choose proper partners in marriage, but to communicate the highest physical and mental characters to her offspring. she can transmit only what she herself possesses, and she will choose that which is in sympathy with her own feelings and desires, so that if she is to affect the race beneficially, she must seek first her own perfection. hence the great importance of the woman's movement of the present day, the basis of which is the better development of her physical, mental and moral faculties, without which she cannot expect to have the increased social privileges to which she may aspire. the greatest social privilege women can have is to be the chief agent in the improvement of the race, and through it the regeneration of society itself. lady may jeune, in reply to those who think that the present relations between mothers and daughters threaten family disruption, observes, "that woman was created for the purpose of being the wife and mother of mankind no one can deny, and that none of the discoveries of science or any attempt to solve the mysteries of life have brought her one bit nearer the knowledge of how to unburden herself of these responsibilities, is also a fact." this must be true if the race is to be continued; for without wives there can be no mothers. being possible mothers, therefore, it is necessary, if the race and society are to be improved, that women shall acquire the highest physical, intellectual and moral education they are capable of, and if they require the same qualities in their husbands, the problem we are considering will be solved. man's and woman's co-operation.--we have here the central idea of the new hedonism advocated by mr. grant allen, whose views necessitate the active agency of man as well as of woman. this is only reasonable, seeing that offspring depend on the co-operation of two factors, and that if either of them is defective the offspring must share in the defect. "self-development is an aim of all," says mr. grant allen, "an aim which will make all stronger and braver, and wiser, and better. it will make each in the end more helpful to humanity. to be sound in wind and limb; to be healthy of body and mind; to be educated, to be emancipated, to be free, to be beautiful--these things are ends towards which all should strive, and by attaining which all are happier in themselves, and more useful to others." hence the new hedonism teaches that "to prepare ourselves for the duties of paternity and maternity, by making ourselves as vigorous and healthful as we can be is a duty we owe to all our children unborn and to one another." this applies as well to "the body spiritual, intellectual and esthetic" as to the physical body. mr. grant allen thinks the theory he advocates will introduce a new system, which "will not include the selling of self into loveless union for a night or for a lifetime; the bearing of children by a mother to a man she despises or loathes or shrinks from; the production by force, sanctified by law, of hereditary drunkards, hereditary epileptics, hereditary consumptives, hereditary criminals. we shall expect in the future a purer and truer relation between father and mother, parent and child. we shall expect some sanctity to attach to the idea of paternity, some thought and care to be given beforehand to the duties of motherhood. we will not admit that the chance union of two unfit persons, who ought never to have made themselves parents at all, or ought never to have made themselves parents with one another, can be rendered holy and harmless by the hands of a priest extended to bless a bought love, or a bargain of impure marriage. in one word, for the first time in the history of the race, we shall evolve the totally new idea of responsibility in parentage. _and as part of this responsibility we shall include the two antithetical, but correlative, doctrines of a moral abstinence from fatherhood and motherhood on the part of the unfit, and a moral obligation to fatherhood and motherhood on the part of the noblest, the purest, the sanest, the healthiest, the most able among us. we will not doom to forced celibacy half our finest mothers._" the individual's rights.--from the racial standpoint these views are just and cannot be controverted, but something must be allowed to the individual. the relative position and rights of the race and the individual are in a dispute, which has become intensified since the development of the theory of evolution. _but the individual is the beginning of the race and he should be its end._ therefore, in seeking to improve the race, violence must not be done to the highest sentiments of the individual. it is a fact that many highly cultured individuals have a repugnance to certain aspects of married life, and this repugnance appears to be justified by the further fact that a high state of refinement is often attended with loss of physical productiveness. one of the most curious results of galton's enquiries into heredity was that wealthy families have a tendency to die out in heiresses, which is partly, but not wholly, dependent on the fact that childbearing is more often the accompaniment of poverty than of luxurious living. the personal disinclination to marry attendant on intellectual refinement is still more likely to be possessed by those of high spirituality. this is quite natural, notwithstanding the statement of mr. grant allen, which is undoubtedly true, that the origin and basis of all that is best and highest within us is to be found in the sex-instinct. love may have begotten "all higher arts and all higher customs," and yet love may in the process itself become sexless, as it is when it assumes the noblest form, that of divine charity for our fellowmen. as well might we continue to perpetuate in our highest actions the nature of the ape-man because we are descendants of this creature, as let the idea of sex always rule our thoughts. with the individual the physical influence of sex is weakened and finally ceases, although it ever remains constant in the race, and hence the influence of the idea of sex over the mind of the individual should be similarly affected. "in heaven," said the founder of christianity, "there is neither marrying nor giving in marriage," and in that highest mental condition, which is heaven on earth, the sense of sex has ceased to be operative, having given place to the spiritual sense which is the noblest attribute of man because the last to be developed. we have here, however, a question between the individual and the race, and it does not affect the main contention that the improvement of the race, which includes that of the individual, is to be found in the application of the principle of selection. this must necessarily be chiefly in the hands of women, although both men and women must co-operate to bring about the best results, by seeking first of all to improve their own natures by physical, intellectual and moral culture. the statement of the case according to that principle, and the aim to be attained, exhibit the dignity and importance of the subject of stirpiculture. theoretically this is admitted on all hands, and as soon as the conditions of the subject are clearly understood there will be no practical difficulty in carrying the principle into effect, so that it may have its legitimate consequences. what parents have to realize is the necessity of so training and instructing their children that they may become capable of being the parents of perfect offspring. the good tree only can bear good fruit. but this is not the real starting point of stirpiculture. an essential factor, and one that is seldom thought of, is the spirit in which the inception of offspring is undertaken. marriage was to the ancients a sacred state, because it was associated with the religion of the domestic altar, and because the perpetuation of the family, which was its aim, was required by the necessity of having a son to perform the sacred rites at that altar after the death of his father. the perpetuation of the family was thus a sacred duty, and the consummation of marriage partook of this character. according to the ancient persian religion, the union of man and woman is the act most agreeable to god, and the act of consummation is directed to be sanctified, and a prayer directed to god that he would bless it. marriage must be conducted in this spirit, rather than as a means of gratifying the passions, if the happiest results are to be obtained from the application of the principle of sexual selection. spiritual sympathy in marriage.--that supposes, however, the existence of spiritual sympathy between those who are united in marriage, and this sympathy must form the true basis of all improvements in the race. it was the neglect of this feature, the want of which must render any attempt to carry out plato's ideas on the subject of marriage futile, that put a stop to the experiments undertaken by his latest imitator, noyes. his adherents simply made a return to the monogamy which is the heritage of all the aryan peoples, and which is based on the union of two hearts, and not merely of two persons. this is the first application of the principle of sexual selection above the animal plane, and it must be continued notwithstanding that the range of selection is extended so as to embrace also the intellectual and moral planes. how far the state may ultimately be called on to aid in the improvement of the race, in accordance with the ideas we have been considering, is doubtful. it can aid very materially in placing restraints on too early marriage, and by insisting on the attainment of a proper standard of physical training and of mental culture before marriage is entered on. there is no reason, moreover, why the state should not interfere to prevent the marriage of those who are too near of kin, or who by reason of physical or mental ailment, or by their moral defects are not fit subjects for the propagation of the race. the objection to this interference with personal liberty is so strong, however, that even so rational a procedure as preventing the spread, through marriage alliances, of disease and crime cannot yet obtain the sanction of public opinion. this will be educated with the general improvement of the race that must gradually take place through other agencies, and then the state will have merely to carry into effect the decrees of the people, which will be expressed in no uncertain language when woman has attained to the influence to which her own perfected condition will entitle her. footnotes: [ :a] mr. darwin accepted this view at first; but in a note to the second edition of his "descent of man" he says: "c. staniland wake argues strongly against the views held by these three writers on the former prevalence of almost promiscuous intercourse." see "development of kinship and marriage." redway, london. . [ :a] the open court publishing company, chicago. . [ :a] it should be sixty-one. [ :a] see lorimer fison, in "the journal of the anthropological institute," may, , page . the whole subject is exhaustively treated by c. staniland wake, in his "development of kinship and marriage." prenatal culture. in the last preceding chapter we have considered the subject of the improvement of the race, especially through the action of sexual selection, or, as it may be expressed, selective action in the pairing of individuals, whether brought about compulsorily by the controlling influence of the state or some other external authority, or by the actual choice of one or both of the individuals immediately concerned. we have now to deal with the subject of the influence over offspring of affections of the individual organisms from whose union such offspring is derived. jacob's flocks.--the story of jacob dealing with the flocks of laban, given in genesis xxx, is usually alluded to in corroboration of the belief that offspring may be physically affected before birth, by anything which strongly influences the imagination of the mother. jacob is represented as making an agreement with laban, his father-in-law, that jacob should receive as his hire all the ringstreaked and spotted he-goats and all the black she-goats, and also those that were speckled and spotted. when this arrangement had been made, laban sought to benefit by it by removing from the flock all the goats that answered to that description, and giving them into the care of his sons, leaving the rest of the flock in jacob's charge. this was undoubtedly an attempt on the part of laban to cheat his son-in-law out of his wages, but the latter was not to be so cheated, and he adopted a plan which gave him the pick of the flock, leaving the feeble goats to his less wily parent. in describing this operation, the bible story says: "and jacob took him rods of fresh poplar [or storax tree] and of the almond and of the plane tree, and peeled white streaks in them, and made the white appear which was in the rods. and he set the rods which he had peeled over against the flocks in the gutters in the watering troughs where the flocks came to drink; and they conceived when they came to drink. and the flocks conceived before the rods, and the flocks brought forth ringstreaked, speckled and spotted. and jacob separated the lambs, and set the faces of the flocks toward the ringstreaked and all the black in the flock of laban; and he put his own droves apart, and put them not unto laban's flock. and it came to pass, whensoever the stronger of the flock did conceive, that jacob laid the rods before the eyes of the flock in the gutters, that they might conceive among the rods; but when the flock were feeble, he put them not in: so the feebler were laban's, and the stronger jacob's." whether or not this incident actually occurred as stated we do not know. according to the subsequent part of the narrative, the effect of setting up the peeled rods was ascribed to god's interference in his behalf; but it is not improbable that we have in the story a reference to ancient shepherd lore, based on the superstitious notions still so common in the east. in the earlier part of the same chapter is a story relating to mandrakes, which were supposed to have influence on human generation. jacob is said to have used three kinds of rods, those of the poplar or storax tree, the almond, and the plane tree, which produced ringstreaked, speckled and spotted lambs. the influence exerted by jacob's rods was of a different character from that which is supposed to give rise to the marking of offspring before birth, which is not uncommon if we are to accept as true all the cases mentioned in books referring to the subject. what occurred took place _before_ conception, and not subsequent to it, as in these cases. nevertheless, both classes of phenomena are recognized by so competent an authority as m. th. ribot, who, in his "heredity,"[ :a] when criticising dr. lucas' explanation of the origin of the numerous exceptions to the law of heredity, as being due to the operation of the law of spontaneity, affirms that there is no law of spontaneity, but that all such exceptions may be explained by reference to certain causes of diversity. m. ribot gives three causes of diversity, which are: --antagonistic heredities of two parents; --accidental causes in action at the moment of generation; --external and internal influences subsequent to conception. he assigns but little importance to causes acting after birth, such as diet, climate, circumstances, education, physical and moral influences, because, though they may produce serious effects, these are not radical. possibly, however, since the advance made in the education of those who are born with defects of the sensory apparatus, m. ribot would somewhat modify his opinion on that point. as to the causes which operate at the period of conception, or subsequent thereto and before birth, he says, in relation to the latter class, they "are all the physical and moral disturbances of uterine existence--all those influences which can act through the mother upon the fetus during the period of gestation; impressions, emotions, defective nutrition, effects of imagination." he adds: "these causes are very real, despite the objections of lucas, who attacks them in order to establish his law of spontaneity. we see from examples that between considerable causes and their effects there exists an amazing disproportion." the causes of diversity which operate at the instant of conception depend, says ribot, "less upon the physical and moral natures of the parents than on the particular state in which they are at the moment of procreation." this fact is referred to by m. de quatrefages as fully proving the universality of the law of heredity, and m. ribot adds, "it enables us to understand that those transitory states which exist at the moment of conception may exert a decisive influence on the nature of the being procreated, so that often, where now we see only spontaneity, a more perfect knowledge of the causes at work would show us heredity." professor e. d. cope, the well-known author of "the origin of the fittest," would seem to doubt the truth of the stories of birthmarks on the ground that "the effect of temporary impressions on the mother is not strong enough to counterbalance the molecular structure established by impressions oftener repeated throughout much longer periods of time."[ :a] and yet there is no doubt that birthmarks do occasionally occur, although it is very difficult to obtain properly authenticated cases of them. an illustrative case.--how great is the influence on unborn offspring of the mother's mental condition, as well as the effect over them of pleasant surroundings, is shown by the following case. a young girl attracted attention by her beauty and by the superiority of the type she exhibited over that of either of her parents, and on her mother being spoken to on the subject she remarked: "in my early married life my husband and i learned how to live in holy relations, after god's ordinance. my husband lovingly consented to let me live apart from him during the time i carried this little daughter under my heart, and also while i was nursing her. those were the happiest days of my life. every day before my child was born, i could have hugged myself with delight at the prospect of becoming a mother. my husband and i were never so tenderly, so harmoniously, or so happily related to each other, and i never loved him more deeply than during those blessed months. i was surrounded by all beautiful things, and one picture of a lovely face was especially in my thought. my daughter looks more like that picture than she does like either of us. from the time she was born she was like an exquisite rosebud--the flower of pure, sanctified, happy love. she never cried at night, was never fretful or nervous, but was all smiles and winning baby ways, filling our hearts and home with perpetual gladness. to this day, and she is now fourteen years old, i have never had the slightest difficulty in bringing her up. she turns naturally to the right, and i never knew her to be cross or impatient or hard to manage. she has given me only comfort; and i realize from an experience of just the opposite nature that the reason of all this is because my little girl had her birthright." the future experience of this lady was, however, of a very different nature. she added: "a few years later i was again about to become a mother, but with what different feelings! my husband had become contaminated with the popular idea that even more and frequent relations were permissible during pregnancy. i was powerless against this wicked sophistry, and was obliged to yield to his constant desires. but how i suffered and cried; how wretched i was; how nervous and almost despairing! worst of all, i felt my love and trusting faith turning to dread and repulsion. "my little boy, on whom my husband set high hopes, was born after nine of the most unhappy, distressing months of my life, a sickly, nervous, fretting child--myself in miniature, and after five years of life that was predestined by all the circumstances to be just what it was, after giving us only anxiety and care, he died, leaving us sadder and wiser. "i have demonstrated to my own abundant satisfaction that there is but one right, god-given way to beget and rear children, and i know that i am only one of many who can corroborate this testimony." the following case of prenatal culture appeared in _the philosophical_ for october , , above the signature of "john allyn," who says: "about forty years ago i was a neighbor of a young couple who had been recently married. they were of fair natural abilities, but not highly educated. the wife could play on the piano well and accompany it with her voice. the husband was a house-building contractor. before their first child was born the wife was provided with instruments for drawing, and interested herself in their use and mathematical calculations connected with them. the child proved to be a boy, who took to architectural drawing as by instinct. with very little effort he became proficient, and is now employed at a high salary by the southern pacific railroad as their architect. "some years later, before the second child was born, the mother interested herself with music with reference to the effect it would have on the unborn child. this child proved to be a girl, who is now an expert singer, finding ready employment in opera companies. though not a star, she has a superior talent for music which enabled her to take advantages of musical training easily." beliefs of primitive peoples.--whenever such cases happen, it is under the influence of some very strong emotion, during the period of gestation, arising from the action on the nervous system of the mother by an external object presented to the sight, the organ of which would seem to have an intimate association with the general muscular system. there is nothing to show that primitive peoples recognized the action of prenatal influence through the senses; but there is a very curious custom, which is so widespread at the present time that we may well suppose it to have been formerly almost universal, dependent upon the imagined effect of the eating of animal flesh. all primitive peoples believe that a man acquires physical or mental characteristics from animals of whose flesh he partakes. cannibalism is closely connected with this notion, as the man who eats part of the body of a foe is thought to become endowed with the victim's courage, strength or other special quality. probably the mosaic regulations as to unclean animals, that is, animals unfit for food, was based on such an idea; and certainly the command to abstain from eating blood was thus connected; as we are told the blood is the life, and if so, then it must be the carrier of vital influences. the custom above referred to, which is known to ethnologists as _la couvade_, or "hatching," supposes injurious action on the organism of the child of food eaten by its parents, as appears from the facts brought together by dr. e. b. tylor in his "researches into the early history of mankind." the couvade usually has reference to the period immediately following the birth of a child; but among the native tribes of south america, where it is more extensively prevalent than elsewhere, it is observed while the child is still unborn. thus, in brazil, according to von martius, "a strict regimen is preserved before the birth; the man and the woman refrain for a time from the flesh of certain animals, and live chiefly on fish and fruits." the peculiarity of the couvade custom, and that which gives it its special interest, is the fact that it usually concerns the father and not the mother, as injury to the child is supposed to be due to the conduct of the former rather than of the latter. thus, among the land dyaks of borneo, "the husband, before the birth of his child, may do no work with a sharp instrument, except what is necessary for the farm; nor may he fire guns, nor strike animals, nor do any violent work, lest bad influences should affect the child; and after it is born the father is kept in seclusion indoors for several days, and dieted on rice and salt, to prevent not his own but his child's stomach from swelling." here food abstinence takes place after the birth of the child, but, according to brett, in guinea "some of the acawois and caribi nations, when they have reason to expect an increase of their families consider themselves bound to abstain from certain kinds of meat, lest the expected child should, in some mysterious way, be injured by the partaking of it. the acouri (or agouti) is thus tabooed, lest, like that little animal, the child should be meager; the haimara, also, lest it should be blind--the outer coating of the eye of the fish suggesting film or cataract; the labba, lest the infant's mouth should protrude like the labba's, or lest it be spotted like the labba, which spots would ultimately become sores." another related case, of more recent observation, is that of the motumotu of new guinea, who say that after conception the _mother_ must not eat sweet potato or taro, lest the head of the child grow out of proportion, and the _father_ must not eat crocodile or several kinds of fish, lest the child's legs grow out of proportion. at suan, a husband shuts himself up for some days after the birth of his first child, and will eat nothing.[ :a] various explanations of the custom of couvade have been offered, and probably c. staniland wake is right when he states that it is connected with the idea that the father is the real source of the child's life.[ :a] as he points out, on the authority of m. girard-teulon, among the european basques, even at the present day, a husband enters his wife's abode only "for the purpose of reproduction, and to work for the benefit of his wife." mr. wake remarks that, "with some of the brazilian tribes, when a man becomes a father he goes to bed instead of his wife, and all the women of the village come to console him for the pain and suffering he has had in making this child." this agrees with the idea entertained by so many peoples that the child is derived from the father only, the mother being merely its nourisher. when such an idea is held, it is not surprising if, as among the abipones, the belief is formed that "the father's carelessness influences the new-born offspring, from a natural bond and sympathy of both," or if the father abstains, either before or after the child's birth, from eating any food, or performing any actions which are thought capable of doing it harm. still more so, if the child is regarded, as is sometimes the case, as the reincarnation of the father, a notion which is supported by the fact, pointed out by mr. gerald massey, that in the couvade the parent identifies himself with the infant child, into which he has been typically transformed. that conclusion agrees with the opinion expressed by mr. tylor, that the couvade "implicitly denies that physical separation of 'individuals' which a civilized man would probably set down as a first principle common by nature to all mankind. . . . it shows us a number of distinct and distant tribes deliberately holding the opinion that the connection between father and child is not only, as we think, a mere relation of parentage, affection, duty, but that their very bodies are joined by a physical bond, so that what is done to the one acts directly upon the other."[ :a] the couvade custom is thus closely connected with the question of the special relationship of a child to one or other of its parents. curious notions on this subject have been formed from time to time; but the ancients almost universally entertained the idea held by the greeks that "the father, as endowed with creative power, was clothed with the divine character, but not the mother, who was only the bearer and nourisher of the child." professor hearn accepts this view in his work, "the aryan household," and suggests as the aryan thought on the subject: "a male was the first founder of the house. his descendants have 'the nature of the same blood' as he. they, in common, possess the same mysterious principle of life. the life spark, so to speak, has been once kindled, and its identity, in all its transmissions, must be preserved. but the father is the life-giver. he alone transmits the life spark, which from his father he received. the daughter receives, indeed, the principle of life, but she cannot transmit it." m. ribot, who, as we have seen, endorses the popular belief as to the possibility of the fetus being affected, during uterine existence, through the organism of the mother, reduces all the obscure causes of deviation from heredity to two classes. of these, the first is the disproportion of effects to causes, already mentioned; and the second is the transformation of heredity. as to the first of these causes, he lays it down as a general truth that "the more complicated the mechanism, the greater the disproportion between accidental causes and their effects." he supports this conclusion by reference to geoffroy saint-hilaire's researches on the production of monsters, and he affirms that the disproportion between cause and effect cannot be foreseen by measuring, but is known only by experience, as "psychological laws are analogous now to mechanical and now to chemical laws," so that it is impossible to proceed by deduction from causes to effects. (page .) birthmarks rare.--and yet the very fact that cases of birthmarks are comparatively rare, proves the greatly preponderating influence of heredity over the constitution of the offspring, modified by the disposition of the parents at the time of procreation. professor cope has some explanatory remarks on that subject which deserve quotation. he says--after referring to the hypothesis that growth-force may be, through the motive force of the animal, directed to any locality, whether the commencement of an executive organ has begun or not--that "a difficulty in the way of this hypothesis is the frequently unyielding character of the structure of adult animals, and the difficulty of bringing sufficient pressure to bear on them without destroying life. but, in fact, the modifications must, in most instances, take place during the period of growth. it is well known that the mental characteristics of the father are transmitted through the spermatozoid, and that, therefore, the molecular movements which produce the mechanism of such mental characters must exist in the spermatozoid. but the material of the spermatozoid is combined with that of the ovum, and the embryo is compounded of the animal contents of both bodies. in a wonderful way the embryo develops into a being which resembles one or both parents in minute details. this result is evidently determined by the molecular and dynamic character of the original reproductive cells which necessarily communicate their properties to the embryo which is produced by their subdivisions." professor cope goes on to say, "richard hering has identified this property of the original cells with the faculty of memory. this is a brilliant thought, and, under restriction, probably correct. the sensations of persons who have suffered amputation show that their sensorium maintained a picture or map of the body so far as regards the location of all its sensitive regions. this simulcrum is invested with consciousness whenever the proper stimulus is applied, and the character of the stimulus is fixed by it. this picture probably resides in many of the cells, both sensory and motor, and it probably does so in the few cells of simple and low forms of life. the spermatozoid is such a cell, and, how or why we know not, also contains such an arrangement of its contents, and contains and communicates such a type of force. it is probable that in the brain-cell this is the condition of memory of locality. if, now, an intense and long-continued pressure of stimulus produces an unconscious picture of some organ of the body in the mind, there is reason to suppose that the energies communicated to the embryo by the spermatozoid and ovum will partake of the memory thus created. the only reason why the oft-repeated stories of birthmarks are so often untrue, is because the effect of temporary impressions on the mother is not strong enough to counterbalance the molecular structure established by impressions often repeated throughout much larger periods of time."[ :a] why children resemble parents.--that children reproduce the general and physical and mental characteristics of their parents in combination is unquestionable truth, although the particular mode in which they are communicated is yet undetermined, notwithstanding the fact mentioned by professor cope that they are somehow conveyed by the microscopic sperm and germ in the union of which the new being has its beginning. thus every individual must possess the general characteristics of the primitive human family from which through a vast number of ancestors he has descended. and yet at every stage of descent the organism may have obtained fresh characters, or at least have undergone some modification. as remarked by dr. g. h. th. eimer, "every character which must have been formed through the activity of the organism is an acquired character. all characters, therefore, which have been developed by exertion are acquired, and these characters are inherited from generation to generation. the same holds for all organs atrophied through disease--the degree of atrophy is acquired and inherited. in the first class we see especially the action of direct adaptation; in the second, the results of the cessation of the action. a third class of acquired characters is to be traced simply to the immediate action of the environment on the organism, and, originally, at the commencement of their appearance, all characters must have belonged to this class."[ :a] we have here a general argument in opposition to the theory propounded by professor weismann, that acquired characters are not transmissible. elsewhere (page ) dr. eimer observes: "phyletic growth, or the evolution of the organic world ever into higher and more complex forms, or at least into forms of different structure, is, as i have said, merely the sum of the processes of growth of the ancestors--together with the result of external influences on the forms during their development and their existence. this additional modification which the individuals as such undergo is--together with the influence of crossing--the very cause of the constantly progressing evolution. all that the members of a series of individuals directly connected by descent acquire constitutes together the material for the formation of a new species." life's experiences affecting child.--unless characteristics acquired by an individual, that is, the modifications of the organism due to his own life experiences, are capable of being handed down to his offspring, it is difficult to see how any progress could be made in the development of the race. weismann's declaration that acquired characters are not transmissible was a surprise to the scientific world when first made, but it has been accepted by many darwinians. his conclusion is dependent on his doctrine of heredity, which differs from that propounded by darwin, but is by no means new; as its leading ideas, as pointed out by professor g. j. romanes,[ :a] are largely a reproduction of those of mr. francis galton, whose work on heredity attracted much attention when first published. the views of darwin, galton and weismann on that subject have been compared by professor romanes, who explains the distinction between them. he says (page ), after referring to the supposed continuity of the germ-plasm, common to the theories of galton and weismann, but not required by that of darwin, "the three theories may be ranked thus--the particulate elements of heredity all proceed centripetally from somatic-cells to germ-cells (gemmules): the inheritance of acquired characters is therefore habitual. "these particulate elements proceed for the most part, though not exclusively, from germ-cells to somatic-cells (stirp): the inheritance of acquired characters is therefore but occasional. "the elements in question proceed exclusively in the centrifugal direction last mentioned (germ-plasm): the inheritance of acquired characters is therefore impossible." the first of these theories is that of darwin, and the last that of weismann, whose notion of the continuity of germ-plasm supposes that no part of an organism generates any of the formative material which goes to make up its offspring. this material is regarded in much the same light as the sperm which the male parent confides to the keeping of the female, according to the notion of the ancient world above referred to. for, as romanes states (page ): "in each generation a small portion of this substance [germ-plasm] is told off to develop a new body to lodge and nourish the ever-growing and never-dying germ-plasm--this new body, therefore, resembling its so-called parent body simply because it has been developed from one and the same mass of formative material; and, lastly, that this formative material, or germ-plasm, has been continuous through all generations of successively perishing bodies, which therefore stand to it in much the same relation as annual shoots to a perennial stem: the shoots resemble one another simply because they are all grown from one and the same stock." although professor weismann denies that acquired characters, that is, individual peculiarities arising as the result of personal experience, are transmitted, he admits that congenital characters, that is, peculiarities with which an individual is born, are transmitted to offspring. as congenital characters must, originally, have been individual, it is not easy at first sight to perceive weismann's real meaning. it is necessary, therefore, to enter more particularly into a consideration of his theory, which he regards as in general accord with darwin's theory of pangenesis. darwin supposes that all the cells of the body continually give off great numbers of _gemmules_, which are conveyed by the blood and deposited in the germ-cells of the organism. these cells are thus endowed with the power of developing a new organism of the same kind, each gemmule reproducing the cell from which it was derived. these ultimate vital units are called by weismann _biophors_, but he supposes them not to be the ultimate "bearers of vitality." they are said to be arranged in groups to which the term _determinants_ is applied, and these groups are combined so as to form ancestral _ids_ or germ-plasms. each determinant, which is made up of perfectly definite numbers and combinations of biophors, is the primary constituent of a particular cell, or of a group of cells, such as a blood corpuscle. the determinants thus "control the cell by breaking up into biophors, which migrate into the cell body through the nuclear membrane, multiply there, arrange themselves according to the forces within them, and determine the histological structure of the cell," impressing upon it its inherited specific character. the structure of the cell, and of every subsequent stage, exists therefore potentially in the inherited structure of the id, and the determination of its character "depends on the biophors which the corresponding determinant contains, and which it transmits to the cell." germ-plasm.--while weismann regarded germ-plasm as absolutely stable, the only mode by which congenital variation could be brought about was that of _amphimixis_, or intermingling of individuals in the process of generation. as modified, however, by his latest work, "the germ-plasm, a theory of heredity," published in , his theory now allows the plasm to be capable of modification, and he ascribes that variation to the direct effects of external influences on the biophors and determinants of the germ-plasm. the instability of this substance is so slight, however, that congenital variations cannot be acted on and perpetuated by natural selection, and the influence of amphimixis is thus required for the purpose. mr. herbert spencer, however, in criticising weismann's theory, declares that "functionally produced modifications of structure are transmissible," and he refers in support of his contention to the remarkable effect of arrested nutrition on the structure and habits of wasps and bees. it especially affects the reproductive organs, and hence there is no occasion to call in the aid of amphimixis to perpetuate the variations produced, its office being the blending of the elements on which the characteristics of offspring depend. if it be asked how modifications are actually transmitted, we may say that it can be only by an affection of the germ-cell. this probably takes place by deviations in the structure of what weismann calls determinants, or of groups of determinants, through rearrangement of their primary units. the modification would be preceded, however, by a corresponding change in the nerve centers concerned in the use or disuse of the organs affected. mr. spencer shows that under certain conditions changes take place in the conduct of certain insects, and that "the maternal activities and instincts undergo analogous changes,"[ :a] facts which point to a loss of nervous energy and to an intimate connection between the nervous system and the reproductive function. use or disuse first increases or diminishes the activity of certain nerve centers, and this leads to a modification of the corresponding germ-cells. if so, the determinants, instead of being first affected, as proposed by weismann, and thus determining the variations, are in reality modified as the result of the functional changes, and are thus capable of transmitting these changes to succeeding generations. in a subsequent article, published in _the contemporary review_ for october, , mr. spencer recapitulates his argument in favor of the transmission of acquired characters, and refers to observations made by professor hertwig and others, which he regards as "showing, firstly, that all the multiplying cells of the developing embryo are alike; and, secondly, that the soma-cells of the adult severally retain, in a latent form, all the powers of the original embryo-cell," facts which he rightly considers disproves weismann's hypothesis of _panmixia_. if this is surrendered, then, says mr. spencer, "all that evidence collected by mr. darwin and others, regarded by them as proof of the inheritance of acquired characters, which was cavalierly set aside on the strength of this alleged process of panmixia is reinstated. and this reinstated evidence, joined with much evidence since furnished, suffices to establish the repudiated interpretation." great stress was laid by professor weismann, as evidence in support of his theory, on the supposed fact that the inheritance of injuries sustained during life has not been proved. particular attention has been paid to this point by dr. eimer, in relation to which he remarks: "that injuries incurred during life are but seldom transmitted to the offspring does not appear to me wonderful: the inheritance of the complete form and complete activities of the organism, which took root such enormously long periods of time ago, and has been strengthened at each generation, will, as a rule, counterbalance in the offspring any such injuries incurred only once and not repeated."[ :a] this is the same argument as was used, as quoted above, by professor cope, to disprove the occurrence of birthmarks, and dr. eimer goes on to state that there are injuries which are not transmitted to offspring, although they are constantly repeated, as an instance of which he refers to the rupture of the hymen. he adds, however: "in such cases we must presume a specially effective power of correlative activity, directed to the part affected and residing in the whole organism--the same compensating power which leads in lower animals, during the life of the individual, to the regeneration of parts which have been lost or artificially removed. but these cases do not prove the general proposition that injuries are not inherited; they do not prove that even injuries which have been repeated during a considerable period are not inherited. hitherto little importance has been attached to the demonstration of the inheritance of injuries. yet single cases of the inheritance of injuries only once incurred seem to me to be thoroughly authentic." congenital deformities.--professor weismann, in replying to the criticisms of professor virchow, admitted the existence of a number of congenital deformities, birthmarks and other individual peculiarities, which are inherited, but he affirms that we do not know from what causes they first appeared, and that a great proportion of them proceed from the germ itself, and are due, therefore, to alteration of the germinal substance. there is no proof of this, however, according to dr. eimer,[ :a] who appeals to various facts in support of his contention that injuries and diseases are inherited. he thinks the degeneration of the tail in the higher mammals is a case in point, although it has required great periods of time to complete. among other instances of inherited injuries mentioned by dr. eimer is one in which a scar over the left ear and temple, caused to a girl by being thrown from a carriage, was transmitted to her son and grandson, the son of the latter also showing absence of hair on the injured spot, although the defect gradually disappeared with him, nearly a hundred years after the accident. the case of dr. nosseler, who inherited from his mother a crushed finger joint, caused by an accident which happened two years before his birth, would seem to be conclusive proof that injuries are transmissible. dr. eimer refers also to the breeding of short-tailed pointers from dogs whose tails had been artificially shortened; and also to brown-sequard's experiments with guinea pigs, in which epilepsy was inherited by their offspring, who showed also the loss of certain phalanges, or even whole toes of the hind feet, the parents having suffered a similar loss owing to the division of the sciatic nerve. he adds that numerous other instances of the inheritance of injuries have been recorded, as "inheritance of the artificially shortened tail of the bull, of artificially produced hornlessness in cattle, many cases of inheritance in man of curvature in a finger, caused by injury, inheritance of the absence of one eye which had been lost by the father during life or by disease, etc." the question of the inheritance of deformities and diseases, and the causes of the germ-variations on which it depends, have been considered by zeigler, whose conclusions, as quoted by dr. eimer (page ), are too important to be omitted. the causes which zeigler assigns for the origin of such germ-variations are of three kinds. these are: --union of sexual nuclei which are not adapted for copulation; --disturbance of the copulatory process itself; --injurious influences which affect the sexual nuclei or the fertilized ovum at a time when separation of the sexual cells from the body cells has not yet occurred. "if the embryo is injuriously affected at a later period," says zeigler, "either a malformation or a constitutional anomaly arises, which is not inherited, or only the sexual cells are injured, in which case the body-cells develop normally, and a disturbance shows itself only in the development of the next generation." the union of sexual nuclei not adapted for copulation appears, however, to be "the most frequent and most important cause of hereditary local malformations as well as of hereditary morbid tendencies, or of a defect in any system of the whole organism." if the nuclei are altogether unadapted to each other, sterility occurs, as in the sexual nuclei of distinct species. psychical diseases.--zeigler's conclusions are supported by reference to the enquiries of the distinguished psychiatrist, d. von krafft-ebings, who has considered the heredity of psychical diseases, and in connection therewith mentions three "essential facts" which it is necessary to keep in view when dealing with that subject. the first of these facts is atavism, by which "the bodily and mental organization and character can be transmitted from the first to the third generation, without any necessity that the second and intermediate one should exhibit the peculiarities of the first--thus the condition of the life and health of the grandparents are of interest for us." secondly, "only in rare cases is the actual disease transmitted in procreation (congenital insanity, hereditary syphilis), as a rule only the disposition thereto. actual disease only occurs when accessory injurious influences produce an effect based upon that disposition. . . . we must, therefore, consider also the state of health of the relatives (uncles, cousins, aunts), and since here also the law of atavism holds good, the possible diseases of great-uncles and great-aunts." thirdly, dr. von krafft-ebings says, "only exceptionally does the same disease develop in ascendant as in descendant lines, in consequence of the transmission of morbid dispositions. on the contrary, there exists a remarkable variability in the forms of disease which may almost claim the value of a law (the law of polymorphism or transmutation)." this law is referred to by m. ribot as one of the causes of deviation from heredity, and he speaks of it as "transformation." as examples of transformation of heredity, ribot refers to fixed ideas in the progenitor, which may become in the descendants "melancholy, taste for meditation, aptitude for the exact sciences, energy of will, etc.;" the mania of progenitors may be changed in the descendants into "aptitude for the arts, liveliness of imagination, quickness of mind, inconsistency in desires, sudden and variable will." "just as real insanity," says moreau of tours, "may be hereditarily reproduced only under the form of eccentricity, may be transmitted from progenitors to descendants only in modified form, and in more or less mitigated character, so a state of simple eccentricity in the parent--a state which is no more than a peculiarity or a strangeness of character--may in the children be the origin of true insanity. thus in transformations of heredity we sometimes have the germ attaining its maximum intensity; and again, a maximum of activity may revert to the minimum."[ :a] it should be borne in mind, as mentioned by von krafft-ebings,[ :b] that everything which debilitates the nervous system and the generative powers of the parents, "be it immaturity or too advanced old age, previous debilitating diseases (typhus, syphilis), mercurial treatment, alcoholic and sexual excesses, overwork, etc., may give rise to neuropathic constitutions, and thereby indirectly to every possible nervous disease in the descendants." telegony.--there is one remarkable phenomenon, spoken of by various writers as _telegony_, which has an important bearing on the subject of the transmission of acquired characters, and shows the action of prenatal influence in an unexpected form. it is referred to by professor romanes, when he says, "it has not unfrequently been observed, at any rate in mammals, that when a female has borne progeny to a male of one variety, and subsequently bears progeny to a male of another variety, the younger progeny presents a more or less unmistakable resemblance to the father of the older one."[ :a] this curious fact was considered, in relation to plants especially, by darwin, who affirms, as quoted by romanes, that it is of the highest theoretical importance, as "the male element not only affects, in accordance with its proper function, the germ, but at the same time various parts of the mother-plant, in the same manner as it affects the same parts in the seminal offspring from the same two parents. we thus learn that an ovule is not indispensable for the reception of the influence of the male element." the curious phenomenon of telegony is not limited, however, to plants. mr. herbert spencer drew attention, in _the contemporary review_ for march, , to a case which has long been known to horsebreeders, and which may be said to have become classic. the facts were brought, by the earl of morton, to the attention of the royal society of great britain, as long ago as the year . the earl, who possessed a male quagga, said, in a letter to the president: "i tried to breed from the male quagga and a young chestnut mare of seven-eighths arabian blood, and which had never been bred from; the result was the production of a female hybrid, now five years old, and bearing, both in her form and in her colour, very decided indications of her mixed origin. i subsequently parted with the seven-eighths arabian mare to sir gore ouseley, who has bred from her by a very fine black arabian horse. i yesterday morning examined the produce, namely, a two-year-old filly and a one-year-old colt. they have the character of the arabian breed as decidedly as can be expected, where fifteen-sixteenths of the blood are arabian; and they are fine specimens of that breed; but both in their colour and in the hair of their manes they have a striking resemblance to the quagga. their colour is bay, marked more or less like the quagga in a darker tint. both are distinguished by the dark line along the ridge of the back, the dark stripes across the forehead, and the dark bars across the back part of the legs." mr. spencer refers to an analogous case of the influence of a wild boar over the subsequent progeny of a domestic sow, and it now appears that such effects are not so uncommon as the scientific world has supposed. professor romanes made particular enquiries on this subject of professional and amateur breeders of animals, and he says most of his correspondents "are quite persuaded that it is of frequent occurrence, many of them regard it as a general rule, while some of them go so far as to make a point of always putting a mare, bitch, etc., to a good pedigree male in her first season, so that her subsequent progenies may be benefited by his influence, even though they be engendered by inferior sires."[ :a] his own more modest conclusion is that the evidence he obtained "is enough to prove the fact of a previous sire asserting his influence on a subsequent progeny, although this fact is one of comparatively rare occurrence." the english darwinian met with only one case in which the offspring of a woman by a second husband, who was a white man, showed the influence of her first husband, who was a negro. mr. herbert spencer would seem to have been more successful. in _the contemporary review_ for may, , mr. spencer gives the result of his own enquiries as to the effect on a white woman's subsequent progeny of a previous union with a negro, and he quotes the opinion of a "distinguished correspondent," that information given to him many years ago was to the effect that "the children of white women by a white father had been _repeatedly_ observed to show traces of black blood, in cases where the woman had previous connexion with [i. e., a child by] a negro." mr. spencer refers also to professor marsh as authority for such a case, and to the opinion of several medical professors who assured him, through dr. w. j. youmans, that the alleged result "is generally accepted as a fact." he gives as authoritative testimony the following statement by dr. austin flint, taken from his "text-book of human physiology:" "a peculiar and, it seems to me, an inexplicable fact is, that previous pregnancies had an influence upon offspring. this is well known to breeders of animals. if pure blooded mares or bitches have been once covered by an inferior male, in subsequent fecundations the young are likely to partake of the character of the first male, even if they be bred with males of unimpeachable pedigree. what the mechanism of the influence of the first conception is, it is impossible to say; but the fact is incontestable. the same influence is observed in the human subject. a woman may have, by a second husband, children who resemble a former husband, and this is particularly well marked in certain instances by the color of the hair and eyes. a white woman who has had children by a negro may subsequently bear children to a white man, these children presenting some of the unmistakable peculiarities of the negro race." this phenomenon would alone seem to answer the question of the transmission of acquired characters in the affirmative, for its explanation is to be found in the facts brought out by darwin, as to the action of foreign pollen on the structure of the mother plant; in relation to which professor romanes remarks: "when one variety fertilizes the ovules of another not unfrequently the influence extends beyond the ovules to the ovarium, and even to the calyx and flower-stalk, of the mother plant. this influence, which may affect the shape, size, colour, and texture of the somatic tissues of the mother, has been observed in a large number of plants belonging to many different orders."[ :a] may we not have here the explanation of the fact, which has frequently been pointed out, that husband and wife show a tendency to grow like each other, both physically and mentally, the resemblance after a long married life being sometimes very striking? power of heredity.--the most important fact brought out in the discussion of the possibility of the transmission of acquired characters is the power of heredity. if organisms did not reproduce their own special characteristics, there could be no fixity of form and no order in organic nature. nevertheless, if there were no change by individual modification or divergence, in whatever way this may be rendered permanent in the race, there could be no evolution. hence we can say, with dr. eimer, "any one who thus completely renders allegiance to the supremacy of the principles of the unity of the organic world, who rejects everything which contradicts that principle, cannot help admitting that in truth, as i assert, the ultimate origin of the various kinships in the animal and vegetable kingdom is to be traced to individual differences, and that the difference between the former, like the latter, must be essentially determined by external conditions, by the modification of organic growth." the causes of diversity which interfere with the action of heredity may operate, as we have seen, at the moment of conception, or subsequent to conception. the former class of causes is of great importance, in accordance with the principle, laid down by m. ribot, of the disproportion of effects to causes, and it is essential, therefore, if children are to be well-born, that their parents should be careful that at the moment of procreation they are fitted for the performance of so serious an act. mr. j. f. nisbet in his "marriage and heredity" (page ), well observes, "twins usually bear a closer resemblance to each other than to their brothers and sisters born at a different period; and the reason generally assigned is that they are conceived under precisely similar conditions. if so, it follows that the difference existing between ordinary members of a family is due to their being born at considerable intervals of time and therefore under changed conditions on the part of their parents." sobriety in the father.--especially does it concern the father, who is the most active agent in reproduction, to see that he is then in a fit condition. this is quite apart from the question of the diseased condition of the organism treated of by dr. von krafft-ebings, and refers to temporary rather than to continuing causes. sobriety is in this connection of great importance, and, as appears from a passage, already quoted, in xenophon, was insisted on at the time of procreation, by the ancients. zeigler points out, as quoted by dr. eimer, that "substances taken up from without, as, for example, poisons, are brought by the blood to the sexual cells, and others produced in the body are conveyed to the sexual organs."[ :a] it is suggested that alcohol has such an effect, and there can be no doubt that a tendency to the drinking habit may be implanted in a child by a parent intoxicated at the time of procreation, with the possibility of its leading to other evils in succeeding generations, ending in the early extinction of the family. nisbet refers to several cases of this character, and remarks (page ) that, "there is a limit to the transmission of abnormal characters, either in an original or in a disguised form. always striving after perfection, or rather uniformity of type, nature either purifies a race of its physical and moral defects, or, if the type be too vicious, exterminates it, as in the case of the cæsars, the stuarts, and many other historical families." doutrebente came to the conclusion, however, that insanity--and doubtless it is true of other conditions--may be worked out of a family by the infusion of healthy blood, except where both parents were insane, in which case their offspring will become extinct. the law of leviticus (chap. x, verse ) provides, under penalty of death, that the priests should not drink wine or strong drink before going into the tent of meeting. the more stringent regulations provided by this law in relation to intercourse between jehovah and his people require physical and moral perfection in those who approach the deity, and they may be studied with advantage at the present day by those who wish to aid in the perfecting of the race. the man who had a blemish was not allowed to go near the altar of sacrifice, that the sanctuary might not be profaned; and the sanctuary of the human organism should no less be preserved from profanation. sacredness of parentage.--it would be well if the sacred act of procreation were performed more often in the spirit of the ancients, who regarded marriage as a sacred institution, designed not only for the perpetuation of the race, but also for the carrying on of the religion of the domestic hearth. the first-born child especially was considered to have been sent by the gods, and care was taken, therefore, that it should be well-born. prayer and offerings were made to the spirits before the nuptial bed was approached, and everything was done to ensure the gift they were asked for should be in every respect worthy of them. among the ancient hebrews the first-born of "all that openeth the womb" was dedicated to jehovah (exodus xxxiv, ), and hence the rights of the eldest son could not be defeated by his father: "for he is the beginning of his strength" (deut. xxi, ). the disturbance of uterine existence between conception and birth is that which has engaged most attention, and the fact that such disturbances can take place requires that the expectant mother should be protected from anything that can so act on her own organism as to prevent the due operation of the law of heredity. the precautions taken by primitive peoples in relation to food may have some foundation in fact, and any food should be avoided by the enceinte woman which will injuriously influence the system, or give rise to organic disturbances that may affect the blood by which the embryo is nourished. emotional disturbances are to be no less avoided, as through the nervous system they act on the blood itself. how far the action of the emotions can influence the physical organism has become a moot question with psychologists, who now seem inclined to think that "movements are not caused by the emotions, but are aroused reflexly by the object." thus, if the sight of a disagreeable object affects by reflex action the muscular system of the mother, it will arouse in her a concomitant emotion, which being transmitted to the embryo may act on its muscular system, leaving the impression as a birthmark, which may be regarded as a reflection from the cerebral nerve center of the mother, whether emotion is the cause or effect of muscular movement. if the unborn child can be affected injuriously by disturbances of the mother's environment, it is reasonable to suppose that the child can be influenced in the opposite direction by making that environment as conducive to the normal activity of the material organism as possible. the story of jacob and laban, referred to at the beginning of this chapter, affords an important lesson as to the surroundings with which the wife should be provided. the bedchamber itself may become a means of influencing offspring for good or evil, and hence it should contain only what is agreeable to the senses, and capable of giving rise to pleasant imaginings. especially should this be the case where a woman is of a highly sensitive nature. impressions received from without depend largely for their force and influence, however, on the condition of the receptive mind, and beautiful surroundings cannot make up for the want of inward harmony. a happy and contented mind is the best guarantee that the due action of the law of heredity will not be disturbed at the time of conception or afterwards. thus, bickerings between husband and wife must have a disturbing effect, especially if carried into the bedchamber. the sage of old said: "let not the sun go down upon thy wrath," and parents should make it a point of duty, for the sake of their future offspring, never to let the disputes of the daytime--if unfortunately they occur--be carried into the night. the bedchamber is the place for mental as well as physical repose. the surest guarantee against the occurrence of conditions which may injuriously affect the future offspring, either at the time of procreation, or during the subsequent period of gestation, is to be found in the general life of the parents. this will give the general impress which affects the disposition of the child as a whole, and it will show what are the conditions of the family life under the influence of which it was born. the nature of the "home" is thus an important factor in determining that of the offspring, and it will necessarily be a reflection of the general character of those on whom it depends. a noble life in the parent will bear fruit in the physical, intellectual and moral character of the child, and although this is true in relation to the father as well as to the mother, it is doubly true as to the latter, seeing that the mother alone is the bearer and nourisher of offspring during the period of gestation. during this period the child acquires probably many of the characters which it inherits from its mother, and the maternal influence may thus be extended to the period of lactation. the importance attached to fosterage, where this practice became an established custom, as with the early irish and arabs, would seem to prove that the characteristics of the nurse were to some extent transmitted to the child with the milk. the early arabs regarded the milk-tie as constituting a real unity of flesh and blood between the foster mother and the foster child, and between foster children, so much so as to be a bar to marriage. self-control.--one very serious matter which should be kept in mind by an expectant mother is the duty of exercising self-control. the influence of this principle in relation to the general life and conduct has been repeatedly pointed out, and it is referred to by jennie chandler in _the journal of hygiene_ for august, , where we are told: "the power of self-mastery is believed by scientists to be the last one acquired by the human race in the process of evolution, and the last powers acquired are not so firmly fixed in our natures as some which have been longer in our possession. the result is, it becomes deranged more readily than more fixed forces. in many cases, self-control has never been acquired at all, and so the person can only partly master himself. as a rule, children have little of this power. they are like animals. little by little, as they grow older, it grows, and in some it becomes so well developed that it is almost perfect. in others, like music in those who never acquire it, or any other faculty, it never becomes a potent factor in life." dr. chandler adds, "woman as well as man needs to learn self-mastery. with a large amount of feeling in her nature, it is very hard for her to do it, but she should try. too many of us go through life never making any effort to be our own masters. we give way to caprices, whims, feelings, follies, far more than is good for our health. hysteria gives us a good example of the loss of self-control. any uncontrolled passion gives an equally vivid example. men and women often say they can't govern themselves; that is admitting they have defects of character which are their masters. they ought to make effort and see if they are not mistaken. the worst effect of lack of self-control are on the health. it allows every kind of bad habit in eating, drinking, dressing, sleeping, to gain possession of the person, and the result is a weak instead of a strong character." considering the effect which the organic disposition of the mother has on the future offspring, it is evident that whether a child shall have the power of self-control depends very largely on the mother herself, and it is all-important, therefore, that she should have and exercise that power herself. as dr. chandler remarks, "no matter how much you have been to school, how many college degrees you have, you are not educated till you have a reasonable control of your own nature, and can direct your own lives rather than have them directed for you by your feelings and emotions." this truth obtains fresh significance when we consider that a woman's conduct affects the direction not only of her own life, but the lives of her future children, and possibly of succeeding generations. although much has yet to be done to prove the actual effects on offspring of the conduct of its parents, enough is known to establish the fact that both the general disposition and the particular conduct of father or mother may interfere with the orderly action of the law of heredity. this law ensures the inheritance of race and individual characters; but when these are good, a noble life will cause the tendencies towards good to be still further strengthened in offspring, and if they are evil, then the disposition will receive an inclination in the opposite direction, or, at least, the further development of evil will be arrested. on the other hand, a degrading life will produce bad effects on offspring, causing deterioration of the organic disposition and strengthening the tendency to evil it may have inherited, or weakening its tendencies towards the good. footnotes: [ :a] "heredity." by th. ribot (new york: d. appleton & co., ), p. . [ :a] "the origin of the fittest." by e. d. cope (d. appleton & co., new york). page . [ :a] "pioneering in new guinea." by james chalmers. . page . [ :a] "development of kinship and marriage." page . [ :a] "researches into the early history of mankind." page . [ :a] cope's "origin of the fittest." (redway, london. .) page . [ :a] "organic evolution." translated by j. t. cunningham, m. a. (london, macmillan & co., .) page . [ :a] "examination of weismannism." the open court publishing co., chicago. . [ :a] _the contemporary review_, september, . [ :a] "organic evolution." translated by j. t. cunningham, m. a. page . [ :a] "organic evolution," page . [ :a] "organic evolution," page . [ :b] op. cit., page . [ :a] "examination of weismannism," page . [ :a] "examination of weismannism," page . [ :a] "examination of weismannism," page . [ :a] "organic evolution," page . heredity and education. _a lecture delivered before the brooklyn ethical association._ in presenting the subject of heredity and its relation to education, it seems to me best to consider first what is meant by the term, and after this the views held on the subject by our leading evolutionists, when its relation to education will be easier and, i hope, more satisfactory. in common parlance, heredity is the transmission of any trait or peculiarity from the parent to the offspring, as the color of the hair, the form of the nose, the tones of the voice; or any disease, or any special character that may exist in either parent. if a horse has a star on its forehead like one of its ancestors, we say it is due to heredity. if an ox has color marks on its body like its parent, it is a case of heredity. if a human being has a disease which his ancestors had, very often he declares he inherited it from them, even if it be only a common catarrh. but this is a narrow view of the subject, and does not include all that a biologist means when he uses this word. by heredity he understands the production from a fertilized ovum of an individual, with all the general characteristics of structure and function of body and brain of the species to which it belongs. it means that the offspring, however much they may vary in general characters, will always be of the same species as the parents. the offspring of dogs will be dogs; of wolves, wolves; of negroes, negroes, and of white men, white men. anything less is not heredity in its full sense. darwin, whom we all love and honor, says: "the whole subject of inheritance is wonderful," and in this he but voices the universal sentiment of those who have given any serious consideration to it. let me try to show you how wonderful it is by an illustration. from very ancient times the horse has been the constant companion of man. this animal, with his splendid muscular system, the most perfect, perhaps, of any creature, has for his food and shelter, and not always the best of these, rendered mankind almost infinite service. now, every horse that has ever been born into the world began life as a minute ovum, which under the microscope presents no appearance of a horse, or any other animal, and, strange to say, this ovum is, to all appearance, like the ovum of other animals, and no amount of study, without knowing its origin, can decide whether it will develop as a dog, an ox, a horse or a man. after, however, it has gone through the process of gestation, this apparently simple egg becomes an animal of a very complex nature, with heart, lungs, brain, eyes, ears, mouth, stomach, and blood vessels, all where they should be and ready to perform their functions; with mental traits of a peculiar kind which adapt him to the service which man requires. nay more: in the process of the evolution of the horse, little by little he has changed in various ways, and many, if not all of these changes in his bodily constitution and in his mental characteristics, which have been found useful or made him more serviceable to man, his greater docility, his increased size, his enormous strength and speed, his wonderful beauty, through a wise selection and the weeding out of the unfit on the part of the breeder, have been transmitted through heredity to his offspring, so that today only a paleontologist can tell us if he finds the remains of a primitive horse, that it belongs to the same class of animals as the horse of our time. theories.--our theories of heredity will depend on the extent of our knowledge, and especially our knowledge of embryology. in the last century knowledge on this subject was very meagre, especially that part of embryology which could only be studied with the microscope; consequently the views of scientists and others of that time were exceedingly crude. the most important was that of malphigi and bonnet, who maintained that the miniature animal existed in the egg; that fertilization by the male element simply furnished it with food for growth, and that this was added to and stored up in its interstices. cuvier, haller and leibnitz adopted substantially these views. the latter found them to support his opinion that everything was the result of growth from monads, and that there was no such thing in all nature as generation. such a theory was very simple, but it explained nothing except the bare production of offspring. it gave no clue to their endless variations, nor to the fact that they often resembled the father more than the mother. according to this theory the offspring should resemble the mother, as the complete individual is formed by her and should be in her image. leeuwenhock, one of the early microscopists, by the aid of his lenses, opened a new world to mankind, and discovered the sperm cells to be active, living, moving elements, and he gave a death-blow to the belief that the perfect organism exists in the ovum; but he went to the opposite extreme, and maintained that it exists in the male cell and that it is only fed and developed by the female. even today we find in a vague way both these theories held by educated persons. we are indebted to harvey in the early part of the eighteenth century for advocating the view held by aristotle, now known as _epigenesis_, and combatting the view of growth from a miniature, but already perfectly formed animal, to a visible one. epigenesis consists in the successive differentiation from the relatively homogeneous elements as found in the egg, to the complicated parts and structure as seen in the offspring. according to huxley, this work of harvey alone would have entitled him to recognition as one of the founders of biological science, had he not immortalized himself as the discoverer of the circulation of the blood. not long after harvey's publication, casper frederick wolf established the theory of epigenesis upon a firm foundation, where it still remains. the doctrine of _epigenesis_ has very much complicated the whole question of heredity. no wonder even so great a mind as that of darwin exclaimed, "the whole subject is wonderful." how can an egg, which in structure is comparatively simple, an aggregation of cells, not one of which bears the slightest resemblance to any organ in the body, develop into the perfect individual? how can this egg, formed in special organs, develop other organs than those like the ones in which it was formed? how can sexual cells develop brain cells, with their wonderful modes of action? we cannot explain the philosophy of heredity without being able to answer these questions; but difficult as is the problem, our biologists have made various attempts at an explanation. i cannot go over all the various speculations, but only those most intimately connected with the subject will be mentioned. the first is darwin's own attempt at an explanation by the theory of _pangenesis_, or genesis from every part. he saw the necessity of having in the sexual cells some power or force to represent the other organs and functions of the body, else how could these organs be formed in the embryo? pangenesis was supposed to be accomplished as follows: every organ through its cells gives off _gemmules_. these are inconceivably small, too small for any microscopical vision; also inconceivably great in numbers, and with great power of growth and multiplication. they pass from the various organs in which they are formed to the special sex organs for generating the sexual cells; some of them are stored up as representatives of the various organs from which they have been given off. the consequence is that every egg has in it something from every organ in the body of both parents which is able, during gestation, to develop into that organ. according to this theory, for instance, if no gemmules are given off from the brain, then no brain can be developed from the egg, and so of other organs. as in a representative government, all parts of the country send representatives to the capitol to do the bidding of the people, so every organ of the body sends representatives to the sexual cells to form their respective organs; without them these organs would not be formed. there are many objections to pangenesis, but they need not be named here. it occurred to galton, whose studies in heredity have been more prolific of good than those of any other man, to test it by practical experiment. if these gemmules are circulating in the blood of animals before being stored up in the sexual cells, by transfusing blood from one variety of any species to another it ought to affect the offspring of this other. for his test cases he chose eighteen silvergrey rabbits which breed true, and into their bodies he transfused the blood of other different varieties, in several cases replacing one-half of this fluid. there were eighty-six offspring bred at once from these silvergrey rabbits, and all true silvergreys. the theory did not work. but if it did not work in practice, it certainly worked on the intellects of biologists everywhere, exactly what darwin wished; it set them to thinking. it acted as a ferment, so to say, and brought forth a rich harvest in speculation if not in actual knowledge.[ :a] continuity of the germ-plasm.--the only other theory which i shall mention is that of weismann, which has been before the public for more than a decade, and it is safe to say it has produced a more profound impression upon biologists than all others. it has its basis in what he calls _continuity of the germ-plasm_. by the germ-plasm is meant that part of the germ cell containing all the chemical and physical properties, including the molecular structure, which enables it to become, under appropriate conditions, a new individual of the same species as the parents. in it lies hidden all the characteristics both of the species and of the future individual. in it lies all the phenomena of heredity. it is the product of the coalescence of the male and female elements requisite for reproduction. only, however, in the nuclear substance is to be found the hereditary tendencies. now, this germ-plasm is _continuous_, that is to say, it contains not only material from both parents, but from grandparents and greatgrandparents, and so on indefinitely. this germ-plasm is exceedingly minute in quantity, but has great power of growth. not all is used up in the production of any individual, but some is left over and stored up for the next generation. the germ-plasm might be represented as a long creeping root, from which arise at intervals all the individuals of successive generations. the amount of ancestral germ-plasm in each fertilized ovum is calculated in the same way that stock breeders calculate the amount of blood of any ancestor running in any individual. for instance: the germ-plasm contributed by the father and mother is each one-half; each grandparent one fourth, and so on. ten generations back each ancestor contributes only one part in one thousand and twenty-four parts. this continuity has by some been called the immortality of the germ-plasm. theoretically, the original adam and eve have contributed an infinitesimal part. this probably explains why there is so much of the original adam in most of us. by it we are able to explain that wonderful fact of _atavism_, or the appearance of characters from a remote ancestor in offspring. some of the germ-plasm from this ancestor by some means has had an opportunity to grow rapidly and contribute more than its share in the production of the individual in which it appears. it also enables us to explain the fact that no two individuals are quite alike, but that there is constant variation. each person is the product of a multitude of ancestors, and the germ-plasm which produced them is never mixed, in quite the same proportion, nor do the different parts grow with quite the same vigor. it was on this theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm that weismann built his doctrine of the non-transmission of acquired characters. on this subject he says: "hence it follows that the transmission of acquired characters is an impossibility, for if the germ-plasm is not formed anew in each individual, but is derived from that which preceded it, its structure, and above all, its molecular constitution, cannot depend upon the individual in which it happens to occur, but such an individual only forms, as it were, the nutritive soil at the expense of which it grows, while the latter possessed its character from the beginning, that is, before the commencement of growth." of this, however, i will speak later. a rational view of heredity.--i might continue giving other theories of heredity--hæckel's, for instance--or the metaphysical theory, but it is hardly necessary. i do not accept in full any of them. their authors, it seems to me, have not worked along the lines of evolution, but have gone further than was necessary into the fields of speculation. darwin, in his theory of pangenesis, admitted this frankly, and yet he clung to the idea with great tenacity. if we take the unicellular organisms which multiply by division, we may see that heredity is simple. one unicellular individual growing larger than is convenient, divides into two. each is like the other. it could hardly be different. reproduction by spores or buds is practically the same thing. the spores or buds are minute particles of the parent organism. when it comes to the coalescence of the germ and sperm elements from two organisms, the phenomena become more complicated, and it is still more so as the animal rises in the scale of creation; but i believe the processes of organic evolution have gone on so slowly that the sexual cells have acquired the power to transmit the whole organism without the necessity of the germ-plasm being continued from parent to offspring indefinitely, and also without the aid of pangenesis. the egg has acquired a tendency to develop in a certain direction. just how we cannot tell, further than to say that it was probably the result of variation first and natural selection selecting out those variations most suitable. it is this tendency to vary that gives rise to many of the phenomena of heredity. the subject is, for the present, beyond our power to settle satisfactorily, and so hypotheses must be resorted to. the sexual cells, comparatively simple in anatomical structure, must be highly complex in their molecular structure; and the more highly evolved the organism, the more complex becomes this molecular structure. if it were possible to study this molecular structure we should be able to understand the whole subject far better than is possible now. but this is not possible, and there is little hope that we shall ever be able to accomplish it. heredity and the education of children.--the next question which comes up for consideration is that of the education of children and its relation to heredity. this brings us at once to the problem as to whether acquired characters are transmitted to offspring or not. if acquired characters are transmitted, the relation of heredity to education must be very close and important. if acquired characters are not inherited, then heredity and education have a very different relation. that acquired characters are transmitted has long been believed. it was the belief of lamarck. he tried to explain the structure of the organism by this principle. the illustration of the long neck of the giraffe is familiar to every one. it originated by the constant stretching of this part to obtain food from the trees. in times of scarcity, he had to exert himself in this way still more to reach the higher branches. the young of the giraffe had longer necks than their parents because of the efforts of the latter in this way. so the keen sight of birds, it was argued, was acquired in the same manner. the hawk had to exercise his eyes most vigorously to discern his prey at a distance, and his offspring inherited this keenness of sight acquired by the exercise of his ancestors. darwin believed that the effects of the exercise of any part were transmitted. he says: "we may feel assured that the inherited effects of the use and disuse of parts will have done much in the same direction with natural selection in modifying man's structure of body." we may say that this belief has been held by the common people, uneducated in science. they not unfrequently get at truths in a rude way long before the scientists do. many parents tell us their children are strongly influenced by some particular occupation of the mother during pregnancy. so strong is this belief, that many mothers are in our times trying to influence the character of their unborn children by special modes of life, by cultivating music or art, or science, in order to give the child a love for these pursuits. it is by herbert spencer that this has been most ably presented. indeed, he holds that there is no explanation of evolution without the transmission of the effects of the use and disuse of parts. his words are: "if there has been no transmission of acquired character there has been no evolution." he also says: "if we go back to the genesis of the human type from some lower type of primates, we see that while the little toe has ceased to be of any use for climbing purposes, it has not come into any considerable use for walking or running. it is manifest that the great toes have been immensely developed since there took place the change from arboreal to terrestrial habits. a study of the mechanism of walking shows why this has happened. stability requires that the line of direction--the vertical line, let fall from the center of gravity--shall fall within the base, and the walking shall be brought at each step within the area of support, or so near that any tendency to fall may be checked at the next step. a necessary result is that _if_ at each step the chief stress of support is thrown on the outer side of the foot, the body must be swayed so that the line of direction may fall within the outside of the foot, or close to it; and when the next step is taken it must be similarly swayed in an opposite direction, so that the outer side of the foot may bear the weight. that is to say, the body must oscillate from side to side, or waddle. the movement of the duck when walking shows what happens when the points of support are far apart. this kind of movement conflicts with efficient locomotion. there is a waste of muscular energy in making these lateral movements, and they are at variance with the forward movement. we may infer, then, that the developing man profited by throwing the stress as much as possible on the inner side of the feet, and was especially led to do this when going fast, which enabled him to abridge the oscillations, as indeed we see it now in the drunken man. then there was thrown a continually increasing stress upon the inner digits as they progressively developed from the efforts of use, until now the inner digits, so large compared with the outer, bear the greater part of the weight, and being relatively near one another render needless any swaying of the body from side to side in walking. but what has meanwhile happened to the outer digits? evidently as fast as the great toes have come more and more into play and the small ones have gone more and more out of play, dwindling for--how long shall we say?--perhaps , years." in other and simpler words, the great toe of man has wonderfully developed since he began to walk upright. this has been from greater use, and the transmission of the effects of this use to offspring. the small toe has decreased in size proportionately. this we can reasonably infer has been the result of disuse, the effects of which were also transmitted to offspring. a still more remarkable illustration of the effects of use and disuse is seen in the sense of touch in different parts of the body. prof. weber, in his laboratory for experimental psychology, has worked out this difference most minutely. he finds that by taking a pair of compasses, the points of which are less than one-twelfth of an inch apart, the end of the forefinger is not able to distinguish more than one point. going to the middle of the back we have the least discriminating power in the skin, for the points must be separated two and one half inches before the nerves can decide that there are two. any one may test this on himself. between these extremes we have many differences. the end of the nose has four times as great power of discrimination as the forehead. when we come to the tip of the tongue, we find it far excels any part of the body in its power of tactual discrimination, it being twice that of the forefinger. in every case we find there is greatest delicacy of touch in those parts where this sense has been most exercised. the tongue is being constantly exercised on our food, on the roof of the mouth, the teeth, etc. it is rarely idle. there is in man no advantage for his survival, mr. spencer asserts, by having such a sensitive tongue. he could get on just as well without it. he regards it as a case where the exercise of a function has exalted it remarkably, and this exaltation has been transmitted to offspring. natural selection, he thinks, is not sufficient to account for it. natural selection only preserves those characters which will give their possessor some advantage in the struggle for existence. still another argument is drawn from the whale. this monster once lived, it is believed, partly on land, probably on low land near water, and must have been smaller than now. it had hind legs; but since it has lived continuously in the water its tail has so developed as to make a far better organ of locomotion, and the legs have dwindled from disuse, so that now there is only a remnant left, and this is hidden beneath the skin. the tail has become more efficient from use, and this has been transmitted so that all whales are born with well developed tails. the legs have dwindled for want of use until they have almost disappeared; and this effect of disuse has also been transmitted to offspring. another illustration is furnished by havelock charles, an english surgeon, who has spent much time among the punjab tribes in india, and studied them anthropologically. his account is given in "the journal of anatomy," in a paper on the structure of the skeletons of these people. it appears they have facets on the bones, fitting them for the sitting posture. these do not develop after birth, but are seen in the fetus. it seems hardly possible that these facets could have any other origin except by transmission after being acquired by ages of use of sitting posture. another argument is drawn from the coadaptation of parts. we know that the male sheep, likewise the goat, the stag, and the males of many other animals, have large horns. they are supposed to be useful in fighting with rivals in order to secure as large a number of females as possible. now these large horns require at the same time a greater development of the bones of the head to hold them, also larger and stronger vertebræ of the neck and back, and larger muscles of these parts to maintain and use them effectively. in other words, there must be coadaptation of all the parts, otherwise these larger horns would be an incumbrance and useless. now, if we accept the theory of the inheritance of acquired characters, this is all simple. the use of the head in butting against other males exercises all these parts simultaneously, and they develop equally and at the same time. if, however, inheritance has no part in the matter, then we must fall back on variation in the germ-plasm and natural selection for an explanation; but it is difficult or, as spencer says, impossible to conceive of variation producing large and heavy horns on these animals and at the same time coadaptation of all the other parts to hold and use them. sometimes coadaptation does not take place, as in the common brook crab, familiar to every country boy. its foreclaws or fingers are out of all proportion to the rest of the leg, and its awkwardness is well known. the lobster is another case. even in human beings we have instances of non-coadaptation, as where the head and brain are out of proportion to the size of the body, or the reverse. i need not multiply instances. now, if acquired characters are transmitted, any system of training which exists for a considerable time must necessarily appear in the structure of the body and in the character. if the training is not in accord with the laws of evolution, it causes the race to deviate from the true line of progress, and by just so much hinder advancement. if, on the other hand, our systems of education conform to correct principles, progress is advanced by them. quite recently an entirely new theory has grown up, opposed to lamarckianism, and the theory of the transmission of acquired characters. it has been before the world little more than a decade and has made remarkable progress, though it is too soon to say it has been established beyond dispute. prof. weismann, its author, is well equipped as a biologist to maintain and defend it. i have already stated briefly his theory of heredity, namely, that the germ-plasm is continuous from parent to offspring. this necessitates a remodeling of commonly accepted views, an entire giving up of the lamarckian belief that use and disuse have their effect on progeny. if the germ-plasm continues from one generation to another, then it must already have been formed, or at least provided for, even before the birth of the parents. they may modify it, through growth and nutrition, but not through exercise of any function. prof. weismann went at the demonstration of his views in a thoroughly scientific way by the making of experiments on living animals and the collection of facts. from his experiments it is now pretty well established that wounds and injuries, which he considers to be acquired characters, are not transmitted. no matter for how many generations you cut off the tails of dogs, cats, horses or sheep, the effects of this removal do not appear in the progeny. most parents have some mark on the body, received in early life, some cut or bruise, some scratch, but their children do not inherit them. the famous experiment of cutting off the tails of mice, for generation after generation, and then breeding from them was one of weismann's methods of substantiating the theory that acquired character is not inherited. the offspring of these mutilated mice had as long tails as if those of their parents had not been removed. the explanation is, the germ-plasm was not in any way affected by the bodily mutilation. the practice of the flathead indian is another case. the children of parents whose heads have been artificially flattened are not affected by it. the small feet of chinese women, made so by binding them and preventing their growth, may also be mentioned. intellectual acquirements.--not to depend on such evidence, however, he adduces that of a very different character, namely, the non-transmission of intellectual acquirements. language is an example. although human beings have been communicating their thoughts to each other from very ancient times by speech, yet every child has to learn how to do this for itself. no matter how many languages the parents master, their children have to go over all the ground the parents did, make all the toil and effort to learn to speak. the children of the most gifted linguists, if brought up without coming in contact with those who can teach them to talk, will never learn a single word. there are, it is claimed, a few cases on record of children who never acquired their natural tongue because they had lived among animals and not among human beings. they learned to make the same vocal sounds the animals did, no more. the environment in this case was everything, the parental acquirements nothing. music, like language, is also an acquired character, and it is probably not transmitted. our musical geniuses are not the children of great musicians, but in most cases the reverse. they seem to spring into existence from lowly sources, or at least from parents whose advantages for a musical education have been very limited, though generally they have had good health, and a climatic environment of a favorable kind. great musical talent usually dies out in any family in a few generations, no matter how much it is cultivated, or, if it does not die out entirely, it becomes mediocre; and yet the opportunities of the children of great musicians, and the ambition of their parents for its culture, are usually very favorable. instinct.--in accepting the theory of the non-transmission of acquired characters, it becomes necessary to give up prevailing views of the origin of instinct. according to the old belief it was a gift of god, and not acquired by any effort on the part of its possessor. in speaking of the instinct of bees, sidney smith says: "_providence has done it._ there are the bees, there is the comb, and the honey, get rid of it or find some other explanation if you can." the early evolutionists changed all this, and made instinct the inheritance of an oft-repeated act. the young kitten, as soon as old enough, hunts for a mouse and catches it without any training. the sight of the mouse acts on its nervous system in such a way as to compel it to creep up softly, jump on it, toy and play with it, and finally kill and eat it. it would have required long practice on the part of its ancestors before so wonderful a character could have become fixed. the same is true of the setter dog. the new view is, that instincts arise from variations in the germ-plasm. the union of the germ elements of two individuals causes it to vary more or less from either parent. these variations will be favorable and unfavorable. the unfavorable ones will produce offspring handicapped in the struggle for life and they will disappear. the favorable variations will produce descendants possessing advantages for survival and leave numerous offspring. it is not easy to accept this view, but i think there are some facts that support it. i will advance a few. the hive of the honey-bee contains three kinds of insects: the queen, the drones or males, and the workers. the queen makes her nuptial flight but once in a life-time, and does it from instinct. how can an instinct like this have been acquired by being performed but once? the drones are derived from unfertilized eggs; yet their instincts are those of the male, not of the female. as they have no male ancestors, it seems probable there was in the germ-plasm of some queen bee, at a time far back, some change which allowed unfertilized eggs to produce males. the workers are all females, not fully developed sexually on account of a diet with too small a proportion of nitrogenous food and containing so large a proportion of the hydrocarbons. they inherit from the mother, or rather from the germ-plasm, the instinct to gather honey, yet neither their male nor female ancestors ever gathered any honey in their lives, nor have they for ages. far back in antiquity the queen, no doubt, did gather honey, but the disuse of this instinct has not caused it to disappear in the working bee, as it should have done according to the lamarckian theory of disuse causing decay of function. is there any way to account for this, except on the theory that the germ-plasm produces working bees as well as the other kinds, irrespective of the habits of the queen? her character in this respect is fixed and does not change. is it unreasonable to think that some time in the past, in some queen bee, was formed a germ-plasm capable of producing three varieties, and that there was such an advantage in it for survival, that it has been continued ever since by natural selection? queens not able to do this have not been selected, left no offspring, and thus the perfection of the stock has been assured. one more case. some years ago, when interested in agricultural entomology, i made a study of the so-called seventeen-year locust. noting the wonderful precision with which the female cuts into a soft twig of a tree and lays its eggs in two rows, the thought was suggested to me, how can an instinct, used only a few hours, once in seventeen years, be acquired by exercise and persist in the offspring seventeen years later? weismann's theory of the origin of instinct from favorable variations in the germ-plasm offers, it seems to me, a rational explanation. i do not need to extend illustrations which abound in the insect world, especially among the ants, which furnish cases of coadaptation that cannot be transmitted, as they do not propagate, so i will not mention them here. now, if acquired characters _are not_ transmitted to offspring, how should these facts affect our methods of educating children? one advantage will be evident, i think, to all. erroneous systems of training, which do not injure the health, will not appear through heredity in the offspring of parents thus wrongly trained, except as a result of environment. that is to say, the injury does not become congenital--will not be in the blood--and, consequently, it will be less difficult to eradicate it and to introduce better systems. this may be considered an advantage. but it is not all. if heredity takes place only through the germ-plasm, then it seems to me that whatever promotes a knowledge of how to maintain it in a high degree of health, and how to favor more perfectly natural selection, are subjects with which our educators may busy themselves far more than they do. that is to say, the study of biology, of life--of the laws of human growth and development, and of evolution, will become, more and more, important factors in our school curriculum. we can hardly imagine how much our common every-day life has been aided by even the slight knowledge of mathematics gained by an acquaintance with addition, subtraction, multiplication and division. by it we are able to keep our little accounts correctly, and neither cheat our creditors nor be cheated by them. could we not by a knowledge of the laws of evolution, and also the laws of growth and development, keep our larger account with nature in a far better condition? could we not keep ourselves from being cheated out of our health and happiness, and also do something to put an end to physical, intellectual and moral deterioration which threatens so many families and even races? it seems to me that the time is not far distant when these studies will be quite as much attended to as the not unimportant ones of arithmetic and grammar. knowledge of heredity.--whatever doctrine of heredity prevails, however, one thing is certain, some knowledge of the subject will be very useful to those who have in care the training of children. to them, often more than to the parent, is entrusted the task of developing the character and the individuality of the child. can he do this well if he knows nothing of what the bent of the child's genius from ancestral influence is? i doubt very much if any of us realize how important it is that this individuality should have its proper share of attention. as the evolution of society goes on, more and more must there be differentiation of our various activities. if every boy and every girl can be educated so that to a considerable extent they can follow the bent of their genius, _whenever that bent is a normal one_, will not the available intellectual and moral energy of society be considerably augmented? if you educate a boy which nature intended for a blacksmith for a preacher, has not the world lost something? educate another for a blacksmith who should have been a preacher, is there not also a great loss? there are a few children who will come out all right, no matter how much they are schooled, or whether they have any schooling, so well have they been born, but with the majority this is not the case. now it seems to me that the teacher who knows the natures of his pupils, and something of their ancestors', can direct their energies more satisfactorily than the one who does not. if there are hereditary defects of intellect or morals, he can more easily correct them. if there are ancestral tendencies to disease through imperfections of certain organs, for instance, the lungs or the brain, he can often put the child on such a course of physical culture or mental training as to lift it above danger, so that it may go through life a useful person instead of a feeble one or a lunatic. even the tendency to crime might be averted. individuality.--if we could educate the young so as to bring out more fully their normal individualities we should be able to cultivate in them more independence of character. on this subject prof. mills says: "with all its imperfections, i am bound to say that the individuality of the pupils in the old log school-house was often more developed than in the city public schools of today, where for a boy to be himself frequently brings with it the ridicule of his fellows--a condition of things that has its effect afterward on the lad at college. i find that this fear of being considered odd,--out of harmony with what others may think,--one of the greatest drawbacks to the development of independent investigating students at college. the case is still worse for girls. when women begin to be really independent in thought, in feeling, in action, i shall be more hopeful of the progress of mankind. happily, the dawn of this day is already begun." we must not forget that there is also a spectre of heredity. it is seen under different forms. the physician is often reminded by his patients that they have inherited this or that disease from father or mother, or an ancestor farther back. now, there are few diseases which come to us directly through inheritance. in a majority of cases they are not transmitted. even consumption is not. if we accept the modern theory of its origin, as we must, this plague is the result of germs floating in the air being introduced into our bodies by respiration, or in food, or through contact with abraided surfaces. those with weakened constitutions are more liable to it than the strong, and a weakened constitution may be inherited, for in this case the germ-plasm will not be well nourished and will suffer; but those thus handicapped in the race of life will get on far better by endowing themselves with knowledge and obeying the laws of life than they can by living under the shadow of the great spectre of heredity, and casting anathemas at their ancestors for not having done more for them. no doubt most of them have done the best they could; and if life is worth living, as most of us believe, we owe them many thanks for having brought us into the world. the spectre of heredity.--there is a spectre of heredity of a more serious nature. it is the spirit of the dead past, with its mighty hand on society, on institutions, on modes of life. wendell phillips used to tell a story, in his anti-slavery addresses, which illustrates the evil effect of this inherited spectre. it ran in this wise. in an eastern temple, an idol, in the image of a god, stood calmly on its pedestal. it was sacrilege to touch it with human hands; but rats having no such feelings of awe in the presence of a deity, began to gnaw about it in various places, yet no one was bold enough to remove it to a place of safety; and so the rats gnawed on and on, and built their nests within the sacred image. in time they loosened it from its firm foundation, and one morning, when the worshippers came in to pay their devotions, they found their god had fallen prostrate on the floor. so it is sometimes with our inherited beliefs. they hold us back from progress like a heavy weight. we fear to remove them, for they are sacred inheritances, idols, gods, and so our institutions decay, perish. footnotes: [ :a] darwin did not regard this experiment as settling this question. he had great affection, so to speak, for this poor, despised theory, and believed it would finally be established as in the main true. evolution's hopeful promise for a healthier race. _given before the greenacre conference of evolutionists._ we have most of us in the past looked upon health as a matter of inheritance, or temperance and moderation in working, in eating and drinking; or as depending on climate; or exercise, or plenty of sleep, pure water and a morning bath, or some other secret, one or more of which is pretty sure to be in the possession of most persons who have lived long enough to have had some experience with those things that do them good or harm. all these agencies have great value; but i think few of us realize that nature, through the laws of evolution, has long been working to produce a brave and strong, healthy and hardy race of men and women by other methods than those health habits which most of us value so highly. nature has been doing this chiefly by two methods, and it seems necessary that i should say something about them in order to present my subject as i wish to present it. the methods to which i refer are those of sexual and natural selection. it is to these two processes that we are largely indebted for race improvements--more perfect bodies, more active brains, and the high degree of health which a considerable portion of the race enjoys. sexual selection.--by sexual selection is meant that preference which the male or the female has for certain characteristics of the other sex. it also includes the advantages which the stronger and more capable male has over the weaker one in obtaining a choice, or, among polygamous animals, a larger number of females, thus allowing offspring to be generated by the most capable, and preventing the most incapable from procuring mates. the first principle of sexual selection, that of preference, would imply a considerable development of the intellect, and some taste, but i do not think it has had great influence on the lower forms of life. it is difficult to study the preferences of insects, for instance; but i have studied the moth of the silkworm, and could never observe that either male or female had a choice for any particular mate. they always appear to take the first one that comes along. i think this is the conclusion come to by those entomologists who have had opportunities for studying other insects. the spider might perhaps be studied in this relation to advantage, as the female is ferocious, often eating her male suitors while they are trying to woo her. nor do i believe that it is a very important matter in many other animals. certainly among the domestic ones--the sheep, the horse, the bull and the cow--a superior male and female will mate with inferior ones of the opposite sex, apparently without the slightest objection. i have sometimes thought i had observed in pigeons a preference, having occasionally seen a male leave his mate for a more attractive female; at least one that seemed more attractive to me. when it comes to sexual selection through struggle, no doubt there has been great advantage, and it has produced important effects. this occurs among polygamous and also among non-polygamous animals, and the strong males are certain to secure the largest number of females and, consequently, leave the largest number of offspring. this would, no doubt, through the laws of inheritance, be beneficial in producing animals of greater vigor and more perfect health. but even in this case, the males seem to have little preference for any particular female; and so while the least vigorous ones would leave few, and many no offspring, the least vigorous females would leave nearly as many as the more vigorous ones. still, through pure-blooded males alone, stockbreeders tell us, herds of cattle can be brought up to a high degree of perfection in three or four generations, even if the females, at the beginning of the experiment, are inferior. the first generation would be half pure blood; the second three-fourths; the third, seven-eighths, and the fourth fifteen-sixteenths, or almost thoroughbred. when it comes to man, however, the case is different. with him sexual selection is more important, and the preference shown by both sexes is very marked. many women have strong prejudices against marrying men with certain characteristics, and nothing will induce them to such a union. so strong are the desires many of them have for mates with particular qualities, that they prefer to remain single rather than marry one not possessing these qualities. through this preference, on the whole, the better and those most adapted mate with those most suited to them, and a considerably larger class of physically and mentally inferior ones do not mate at all, or, if they do, leave few offspring. the idiot would stand no chance of securing a mate, although, if left free, he would unite with another idiot, like an animal. such things have happened, and the offspring were not idiots, as might have been expected; but they were not superior beings. the most deformed in body would, in most cases, unless they had mental traits of a high order to counterbalance them, rarely find mates. thus, through this agency, some of the poorest specimens of both sexes do not produce offspring, and this raises the standard of the health and ability of the race. there are many characters which have come into existence, it is believed, through sexual selection. one is beauty in women, greater beauty of form, of hair, of eyes, of grace, fidelity, chastity, power of love, etc. these all give pleasure to the opposite sex, and have an element of usefulness in them. whenever these characters have appeared in women they have given the possessors a better chance to find a partner with superior characters. the same is true of men. woman being debarred from the hardest labor through maternity has found it useful, even in early times, to choose men who were strong, brave, courageous and capable of defending and caring for her, so far as was possible, and thus by sexual selection she has indirectly promoted health and vigor in man, for these qualities are inseparable from it. but the results of sexual selection are by no means perfect. the sexes are nearly equally divided, and as polygamy is not to any great extent practiced among human beings, with the exception of those already named, most men and women can find mates if they wish, even though they may have many serious imperfections of body and mind, and from them many children will be born physically and mentally incompetent. there is no doubt that sexual selection is coming more and more into play, however. we have abundant evidence of this in the growing sentiment against the marriage of those with a tendency to any serious disease, as insanity, syphilis, etc. only a little while ago was published an account of a suit for a breach of promise brought by a young woman in an english court against her suitor. he, having in view the value of a healthy wife, and also of children well endowed physically, asked her before the engagement if any of her near relatives had died of consumption, and she replied that none had, which he afterwards found was not true. on learning of it he refused to marry her. i am sorry to say that she won her suit. one of the questions asked in court was: "is it possible that a lover would ask such questions of his sweetheart as would be asked of a candidate for life insurance?" courtship is such a delightful occupation for the young, that it seems a pity to mar it by bringing in questions of health. yet men and women are often such deceivers, and frequently so ignorant, that some way must be devised to prevent deception if sexual selection is ever expected to have its full influence on race improvement. human selection.--under the head of human selection galton and wallace have made some interesting and valuable suggestions for improving the health and quality of man. mr. galton proposed a system of marks for family health, intellect and morals, and those members of families having the highest number were to be encouraged to marry early by state endowments sufficient to enable them to make a good start in life, early marriages being favorable to large families. it was a bold suggestion, savoring too strongly of socialism or state control of marriage to suit many of us. professor wallace's plan is that women shall, so far as possible, be made independent, so that they will not feel the necessity of marrying for a home. her time might be occupied either in public duties or self-culture, or any occupation she might prefer. she should be educated to believe it degrading to marry for a home, without love and adaptation, and equally wrong to marry her inferior. this would compel men to be more manly, to leave off their bad habits and many vices, in order to obtain wives; and the idle, selfish, sickly and deformed would not easily get them. one difficulty in the way of carrying out this plan is the greater number of women in society as it exists today, owing to the larger mortality among boys. but by a better hygiene which is likely to result from the evolution of the race, this greater mortality of the masculine sex is certain in the future to be prevented, and there will then be an excess of men instead of women. this will be a real advantage, for a scarcity of women would give her a greater influence in selection, and the result would be, the worst men would not be able to get wives. being in a minority, women would be held in higher esteem, be more sought for, and have a real choice in marriage by being able to reject unsatisfactory suitors, which is certainly not the case now to any considerable extent. mr. wallace's plan would not require such early marriages as that of mr. galton's, and this would be a positive benefit to the physical vigor of the children, for we know that the progeny of too early marriages are more delicate, and reproduction before bodily maturity lowers the standard of health in parents as well as of their offspring. marriage being delayed, and the culture of the mind being more attended to than is possible when it is early, would reduce the number of children in any family, and this would enable parents to bestow more care upon them. it would also prevent, to a limited extent, over-multiplication of the race, which is a real evil, for if every couple left three or four children the whole world would soon be full, and over-population would result in much disease. mr. wallace's scheme has in view the prevention of marriage by the weak and worthless. he believes that if this can be done little more will be required, for the superior would be the only ones to procreate, and this would be quite sufficient in a few generations to produce a strong and healthy race. he calls his plan that of "human selection," but it may be considered practically as a modification of sexual selection. natural selection.--natural selection is another process which takes place on an enormous scale and constantly among all organisms, whether animal or vegetable. natural selection is the result of the operation of certain laws in the natural world which brings about the survival of those best fitted for their environment. it is a weeding-out system by the destruction of a certain portion, at least, if not all, of the weak and the bad, and it occurs because there is such a rapid increase of most organisms. we speak of it as the survival of the fittest, but it is also, at the same time, the destruction of the unfit. mr. darwin says: "we have seen that man is variable in body and mind, and that the variations are induced either directly or indirectly by the same general causes, and obey the same general laws as with the lower animals. man has spread widely over the face of the earth, and must have been exposed during his incessant migrations to the most diversified conditions. they must have passed through many climates and changed their habits many times before they reached their present homes. they must have been exposed to a struggle for existence and, consequently, to the rigid law of natural selection. beneficial variations of all kinds have been preserved and injurious ones eliminated. if, then, the progenitors of man, inhabiting any district, especially one undergoing some changed conditions, were divided into two equal bodies, the one-half including those with the best adapted powers for movement, for gaining a subsistence, for self-defence, would, on the average, have more offspring than the other and the less well endowed half." we may have a good object lesson in the elimination of the unfit going on about us constantly. in new york city, for , the deaths of children under five years of age was , ; for it was , , or slightly less. this is more than one-third, but not quite one-half, of the total deaths at all ages for these years. a very large proportion of these deaths occurred in the tenement house districts, and a very natural question arises in the mind: are the children of those who live in tenement houses more unfit to survive than those who live in houses in which only one family dwells. no doubt in most cases the children of those are most fit who are most able to provide them with hygienic surroundings, the better food and most suitable care; such are usually the prudent and the capable. the love of children is usually stronger in them. the intelligent affection of parents for their young is one of the incentives to their best training. it certainly is not nearly so strong among the residents of the crowded quarters of a city as among the more prosperous. any one may observe this by going with a company of mothers on the excursions of some fresh air society, which may be seen in most cities. it is hard to find one of these mothers who shows what we may call intelligent affection or intelligent care of her young. some pathetic instances illustrating this might be mentioned. when it comes to the question of their physical or mental inferiority, a cursory inspection is all that is required to show they are far below the average. there is a great want of symmetry of body and mind--evidence of degeneration. in order to test the strength of constitution, which is a good way to get at one form of physical fitness for survival, it seems to me, i made a study of the blood of a considerable number of these children and found the amount of protoplasm in the colorless blood corpuscles deficient. this shows that their power to resist disease is slight. it must be borne in mind, however, that a strong constitution alone is not evidence of fitness for survival. a strong person may not have prudence, foresight, keenness of perception, judgment, and many other qualities equally important. the characters just mentioned may constitute fitness when there is only a moderately vigorous body. mr. darwin recognized this when he said: "we should bear in mind that an animal possessing great size, strength and ferocity, and which, like the gorilla, could defend itself from all enemies would not, perhaps, have become sufficiently social, and this would effectually have checked the acquirement of the higher mental qualities, such as the sympathy and love of his fellows. hence, _it might have been of immense advantage to men to have sprung from some comparatively weak but social creature_." fitness is a complicated condition and not a simple one. it depends upon so many external conditions. fitness in one place would be unfitness in another. still, other things being equal, strength of constitution is a very important factor, and must not be left out of consideration. with it there is a surplus of material in the body beyond what is required for digestion, assimilation, circulation and other bodily functions, to enable the parents not only to do hard labor, but also to endow their offspring with vigor equal to their own, often greater vigor. the feeble individuals will have a small amount of stored up material in their bodies which we may designate as physiological capital to give continuous food, warmth and protection to their young; they will not be so well adjusted to their environment, and, consequently, natural selection will cause their non-survival--or their offspring, if not immediately, at no distant period. this doctrine of natural selection has been designated as cruel, harsh, inexorable, and under the influence of the human feeling every effort is in our time being made to prevent this wholesome check upon the processes of nature from having its due influence upon evolution and race progress. modern hygiene undertakes to put an end to disease, to save all who are born, to surround them with every influence which can favor their health and development. it would stamp out diphtheria, scarlet fever, summer complaint, consumption and a host of other diseases which now decimate the ranks of the unfit, and often, no doubt, of the comparatively fit. this would perpetuate a type of feeble, unhealthy persons. there would not be much hope of more perfect health for the race if our hygienists could carry out this daring scheme along the lines now working. there seems an antagonism between nature's methods of bettering the physical condition of the race and the efforts of man himself, acting under the guidance of his moral feelings, to prevent the action of natural law. mr. darwin recognized this, and referred to it in his great work, "the descent of man," where he says: "with savages, the weak in body and mind are soon eliminated, and those that survive commonly exhibit a vigorous state of health. we civilized men, on the other hand, do our utmost to check the process of elimination. we build asylums for the imbeciles, the maimed and the sick; we institute poor laws; and our medical men exert their utmost skill to save the life of every one to the last moment." "there is," says he, "reason to believe that vaccination has preserved thousands who from a weak constitution would have succumbed to smallpox. thus the weak members of civilized communities propagate their kind. no one who has attended to the breeding of domestic animals will doubt but this must be highly injurious to the human race. excepting in the case of man himself hardly any one is so ignorant as to allow his worst animals to breed." other evolutionists, in more recent times, have taken a still more somber view of this danger of race deterioration through the prevention of the full action of the law of natural selection. dr. john berry haycraft, in a recent work entitled "darwinism and race progress," has sounded the alarm in no uncertain tones. he says: "races, therefore, subject to epidemics of a particular fever, suffer selections in the hands of the microbes of that fever, and those living are survivals, cast in the most resisting mould. it may not be flattering to our national vanity to look upon ourselves as the product of the selection of the micro-organism of measles, scarlet fever, smallpox, etc.; but the reasonableness of the conclusion seems to be forced upon us when we consider his immunity from these diseases as compared with the natives of the interior of africa, or the wilds of america, whose races have never been so selected, and who, when attacked for the first time by these diseases, are ravaged almost to extinction. by exterminating these diseases we shall no doubt preserve countless lives to the community who will, in their turn, become race producers; but in as much as the individuals thus preserved will, in most cases, belong to the feebler and less resisting of the community, _the race will not become more robust_." the same author concludes in these words: "in the meantime we may view, and not without inquietude, the probability that our statistics, as far as they go, indicate that race deterioration has already begun as a consequence of that care for the individual which has characterized the efforts of modern society. the biologist, from quite another group of facts, has independently arrived at conclusions which render this view in the highest degree probable." "thus, the great english race, once so hardy, so powerful," says this modern writer, "by hygiene and better physical conditions, is becoming weaker and weaker." this view of the case is growing largely in england and, perhaps, other european countries. there is already some evidence of its truthfulness in statistics. the death rate for those in middle life is rather increasing than diminishing. this arises from the fact that the great number of children who formerly died in infancy have lived, but being of more feeble constitutions, they swell the death rate later on. it is felt, also, in many educational institutions in the larger number of youths who cannot stand the strain and stress of student life. they are, high medical authority says, the youth saved from early death by modern hygienic and medical care. formerly, natural selection would have chosen them as unfit to survive, and there would have remained alive few besides the hardy ones with good constitutions, capable of great strain, with great powers of endurance. it is also shown in the stress of modern competition, in which there are multitudes who cannot stand this strain. it is from these, in some degree, that we hear the cry for governmental aid. "we must make the conditions of life easier for them," say our social reformers, "or they will become 'a submerged class.'" conflict between evolutionary theories and our humane sentiments.--and now i wish to consider another phase of my subject. those who have followed closely what was said concerning natural selection will have seen that there appears to be a conflict between evolutionary theories and the humane sentiment of the age--a want of correspondence between what is being done by natural law and what man is trying to do under the inspiration of his loving heart. can we reconcile this want of correspondence? to some extent no doubt we can. in the first place, the growth of the moral nature has always been held in high esteem by every nation and every race. our moral giants stand higher in the scale of being than our great generals or statesmen, even in an age when moral culture is at a low ebb. we draw our moral inspiration from buddha, socrates and christ rather than from aristotle; their science may be, yes, is, faulty, but their spirit is lofty. and the moral nature is cultivated in laboring for the good of others, in trying to save for a better life the poor, the weak, the distressed. all that is required is that we do this work wisely, not unwisely, under the guidance of reason, not feelings. we want to prevent these calamities rather than cure them. another satisfaction arises from the fact that in learning how to perfect the lives of the feeble so that they may live longer, we also learn how to perfect, in a still higher degree, the lives of the strong, or those we call the fit, so that they also will not only live longer, but be able to live with much greater satisfaction the complex lives of our times. the knowledge which helps the first may help the second even more than the first, for they have better opportunities and can take advantage of it. we may also comfort ourselves with the fact that a majority of those with feeble constitutions, whose lives have been for a time snatched from the operation of the laws of natural selection, will not, after all, contribute very extensively to the increase of the population. great powers of generation and numerous offspring rarely go with physical weakness. if there are exceptions they are explainable. it is, i think, pretty certain that a great majority of such leave few, often no offspring. they find their way into places where work is light and the pay small, and they cannot afford to marry and care for families, and do not do it. the law of natural selection will continue to work on them so long as its action is required, with little regard to the efforts of man to abrogate it. nature works continuously for ages, and she works on every part of man, every organ, every function. we may almost say she is omnipotent; that she watches for every slight improvement; that she knows what to do under every circumstance. foiled in one direction, she has other means, infinite means, for gaining her ends. man can no more put a stop to the operation of natural law than he can put a stop to the flow of niagara. he may turn off a trifle of its water to whirl wheels and spindles, but the mighty river flows on until nature makes some changes in the watersheds, that make its flow impossible. man, on the other hand, acts on his own body in a finite way. he works mainly for immediate, not remote, ends. he changes his methods as his needs change, or his knowledge increases. today he works with limited knowledge of hygiene, inspired by old ideas of philanthropy. tomorrow he may have a vastly extended knowledge of this subject and an entirely new social science which will enable him to do more good and less harm. ideal of health.--let me now consider some of the things necessary to give us a greater hope for the future of human health, of ourselves and for our children. the first thing necessary is to get a higher ideal of bodily or physical perfection than we have today. sir james paget, in a lecture on national health, in , put this in the following words: "we want," says he, "more ambition for health. _i should like to see a personal ambition for health as keen as that for bravery, for beauty, or for success in our athletic games or field sports. i wish there was such an ambition for the most perfect national health as there is for national renown in war, in art or in commerce._" sir james then gives his own ideal. it is for man or woman to be so full of health as to be comparatively indifferent to the external conditions of life, and to make a ready self-adjustment to all its changes. he should not be deemed thoroughly healthy who is made better or worse, more fit or less fit, by every change of weather or food, or who is bound to observe exact rules of living. it is good to observe rules, and to some they are absolutely necessary; but it is better to need none but those of moderation, and, observing these, to be willing to live and work hard in the widest variations of food, air, climate, bathing and all other sustenances of life. adaptation to environment.--this sounds very much like saying that to be healthy one must be adjusted to his environment; and this is practically what herbert spencer long before said in his "principles of biology." here are his words: "as affording the simplest and most conclusive proof that the degree of life varies as the degree of correspondence, it remains to point out that perfect correspondence would be perfect life. were there no changes in our environment but such as the organism had adapted changes to meet, and were it never to fail in the efficiency with which it met them, there would be eternal existence and universal knowledge. death by natural decay occurs because in old age the relations between assimilation, oxidation, and the genesis of force going on in the body gradually fall out of correspondence with the relations between oxygen and the food and absorption of heat by the environment. death from disease arises either when the organism is congenitally defective in its power to balance ordinary internal actions, or when there has taken place some unusual external action to which there was no answering internal action. death by accident implies some neighboring mechanical changes of which the causes are either unobserved from inattention, or are so intricate their results cannot be foreseen, and, consequently, certain relations in the organism are not adjusted to the relations in the environment. manifestly, if, to every outer co-existence and sequence by which it was ever in any degree affected, the organism presented an answering process or act, the simultaneous changes would be indefinitely numerous and complex, and the successive ones endless, the correspondence would be the greatest conceivable and the life the highest conceivable, both in degree and length." knowledge.--another requirement to promote human health is a better knowledge of how the constitution of the body may be strengthened, and more certitude as to whether such improvements as it may receive by hygienic training will be transmitted to offspring. that human health may be improved by right training of the body, a better supply of fresh air, greater moderation in living, there is not a shadow of doubt; but is the constitution itself thus strengthened, or only its original vigor conserved and made effective? i have been working on the problem for some time by a series of studies on the blood, and especially the amount of living matter in the colorless corpuscles, and have satisfied myself, from some observations on individual cases, that the original constitution of feeble persons can be strengthened in early life, but the extent of this strengthening seems somewhat limited. much original research is still required to get at important facts in this direction. if some of the study now given to micro-organisms could be devoted to this subject it would be most useful. the work might be done in connection with our numerous schools of physical culture, now happily multiplying, and also in our physiological laboratories. that any gain to the vigor of the constitution can be transmitted to the offspring is very probable. while education and training do not seem to affect the germ cells in any marked degree, nutrition does affect them. whether acquired characters in the form of skill, music, language or other like things are transmitted or not may still be an open question. strengthening the constitution seems to be best accomplished by increasing the resources of the body beyond its outgo, so that there shall be some gain; and this brings up a very important subject, that of the importance of living within the bodily income. in our fast age we are likely to use up the physiological resources in excessive work or dissipation, and so rob our children of their just inheritance. effects of living at high pressure.--one generation may, by living at high pressure and under specially unfavorable conditions, use up more than its share of the living matter of its bodies and draw a bill on posterity which the next generation cannot pay. many of us now have the benefit of the calm, unexciting lives of our forefathers. they stored up physiological wealth for us; we are using it. the question is, can we, working at high pressure, keep this up during our lives (which, in that case, will be on an average rather short), and transmit to the coming generation a large supply of living matter for their needs? how often has it happened in the history of the world that people who for generations have exhibited no special genius, have blazed out in bursts of national greatness for a time, and then almost died out! we ought to take care that this does not happen to us. how often we see a quiet country family, whose members have for generations led calm, temperate lives, suddenly produce one or two great men and then relapse into obscurity. they had by their quiet, inexpensive living stored up energy for this purpose. on the other hand, how often have we seen the reverse--families whose energies have been used up in overwork or sensuality producing offspring below themselves in ability. the true rule, however, is neither to waste the bodily energy nor to keep too much of it lying idle and producing nothing. girls in manufacturing districts.--we need also a new departure in our manufacturing centers. manufacturing as now conducted is a far less healthy occupation than agriculture and horticulture. the reason for this is that workmen and workwomen and even children in most mills and factories are exposed for hours at a time to an atmosphere which is loaded with dust and the debris of cotton, of wool, and often to that worst of all dust which comes from shoddy and rags. they are also, in many cases, kept away from light, and in cramped positions, and this, continued for years, slowly deteriorates the constitution; and if, in case of a war, we were obliged to enlist a large army, we should find a far less number of able bodied men among the factory workers than among the farmers. let me give you a picture, perhaps one of the very worst to be seen anywhere, of a visit to a new england paper mill. "we left, with a company of ladies and gentlemen, the light of a mellow afternoon to climb some steep and dusty stairs under the courteous guidance of a superintendent. we had hoped to 'see it all,' 'but that was quite impossible,' said our guide, 'since the room where the rags are sorted is so dusty that the gowns of the ladies would be ruined.' so we contented ourselves with less dangerous rooms. but even about the stairway the dust cloud hung heavily, obscuring the sight and choking the breath. from the narrow landing the room, into which it was impossible to venture, was in full view. it was long and large. from end to end were ranged huge boxes, waist high. fastened to each were two inverted swords on whose sharp blades the workers cut the piled-up masses of rags, shredding them for the bleaching boiler. all the floor was covered with rags, billows upon billows of soiled white pieces, in which the toilers stood, their feet buried deep beneath the dirty, tattered material. "not a word was spoken. even where we stood speech was difficult, so completely did the thick dust fill eyes, mouth and nostrils, choking, blinding and exasperating. the effect of this perfect silence was oppressive. a certain solemnity hung over the place. through the fog of dust the figures loomed unnaturally large. all the workers were white and hollow-cheeked, with great sunken eyes, emphasized by the circles underneath. each woman had bound upon her head some rag, larger or finer than the rest, to protect her hair, and the gray-white bands folded straight across the forehead showed weirdly in the dim half-light. "as they stood there in long, silent rows, cutting, _cutting_, cutting, they looked like the priestesses of some ancient and frightful ceremonial. we were glad to escape, to exchange the dust, the grime, the wan faces, and the burning eyes for the breath of cool wind, the full glow of the sunlight, and the face of nature herself, so many of whose human children have no time to know or learn her ways. "it gave a tragic significance to the memory of those silent workers to know that they have but a few years to live." the same unfortunate condition of things is complained of in manchester, england, one of the greatest manufacturing centers in the world. "the heated air of the mills, the dust, lack of light, the employment of children," says the london _lancet_, "are causing vast deterioration and a most disastrous effect on the morals of the people. football is popular, but all the players are imported from scotland. the natives simply look on and shout. if they want men for policemen or constables, they go to scotland or ireland for them. the women and girls are equally stunted and feeble." in the manufacturing towns the prospect for a strong, healthy race from such material is poor indeed. co-operation: an example.--it is difficult to see the remedy for this state of things. probably the evolution of a higher standard of ethics, a higher sense of justice, and a more thorough belief that health is a duty, may do something. meantime it is important that the working man should do all he can for himself; and perhaps i can do no better than to give here a picture of what some of them have done under the inspiration of co-operation, not only for their health but for their pockets. it is a picture of a great manufacturing establishment of the scottish co-operative wholesale society, at shieldhall, near glasgow, on the clyde. this society is a federation of all the retail societies of scotland, in number, with a membership of over , persons. the society began on a moderate scale many years ago, but its development has been marvelous. in it started out on a career which has since continued, owing to the indomitable energy of one of its members, himself a working man. the buildings stand in a very healthy locality, the health of the working force being considered of the first importance. they seem to have learned that sickness is loss--loss of time, of productive energy--and that it is a costly matter. as mr. beecher once said, "it is the one burden that bends, almost breaks, the back of society." these scotchmen are realizing, just as far as is possible, the condition of a sound mind in a sound body. they recognize the rights of the laborer to health, and place him in a position while working, so that his body may not deteriorate any more than is natural for it to do as age advances. the living machine must not be harmed more than the dead machinery. the land consists of acres, and cost $ , an acre; nearly all of it is covered with fine buildings, in which different industries are carried on, many of them on a large scale. every one of these buildings is constructed after modern methods, with every requirement, not only for convenience but for health. the workrooms are cosy and spacious, well ventilated, warmed in cold weather by steam, and lighted by electricity. the best sanitary arrangements known have been introduced, and the excellent health of the workmen and workwomen, of whom there are over , of each, tells the story of sanitation. two large dining-rooms, one for men and one for women, are provided; also two large reading-rooms with all necessary papers, periodicals, books and means of amusement. its only lack is a gymnasium and a field for athletic sports, but these may in time be added. food of the best quality is supplied for all who desire it at cost. a dish of oatmeal and milk costs three cents; a large scone with tea or coffee, the same; scotch broth or soup, two cents; stewed meat and potatoes, eight cents; roast beef or mutton, with potatoes, ten cents; a good and sufficient meal need not cost over twelve cents. standard wages are paid, and two and one-half hours less time demanded than in private shops. men work fifty-three hours weekly, women forty-four. most of the latter work in the shirt factory, but they do not need to sing hood's _song of the shirt_. sweating is unknown; every worker, from the youngest to the oldest, receives his or her share of the profits, which amount to about $ , yearly. here we have an almost ideal manufacturing establishment, and if all were such we should have higher hopes for human health in the immediate future for our workers in factories. it was the outgrowth, the effort of the scotch, a highly intellectual race, to adjust itself to its environment. necessity and competition acting on them forced them to new and better adjustments. such a result could hardly have been achieved by a less hard-headed and practical people, a race on which evolution has for ages produced some of its best effects. hygiene.--but i fancy you ask me, is there any hope that in the future evolution, and with it adjustment to environment, will carry man so far that an ideal state of health will be the lot of all? this is what hygiene promises. is it a vain hope? if we look at what older sciences have done for man we find much to encourage us. in astronomy, by the aid of mathematics, we can calculate with certitude the date of future eclipses. in many other sciences we can make accurate predictions and accomplish results of the greatest importance. indeed, science has become almost our only authority. imperfect as it yet is, we trust it, perhaps, too implicitly. the science of hygiene is the youngest of all the sciences. not that the greeks, the hebrews, the hindoos and chinese did not have some practical knowledge on the subject, but it was rude and empirical. with the discoveries of micro-organisms as the cause of a series of the worst diseases, we have begun to place hygiene alongside mathematics and chemistry. we now know the origin of many diseases which formerly were enveloped in mystery. can we remove them? that is the next task. hygiene will in the future busy itself with this great question. it has, it is believed, already made many cities proof, or almost proof, against cholera and yellow fever. it will try to make them proof against other contagious diseases also, and it will without doubt succeed. but its work will not then have been accomplished. we may avoid the causes of disease and still be puny creatures. our great task will be the building up of bodies equal to the needs of our environment. this we have, in a small way, already begun to do--imitating the ancient greeks--in our schools of physical culture, where the body can be trained up to its best, and also in our laboratories for psychological research, in which the relation of mind and body are being carefully investigated, where every subject connected with every function is being studied, even weariness, anger, hope, despair, drink, food, sleep, the weather, and their effects on function. the results of such knowledge will prove beyond a doubt that the health of the body, as well as of the mind, is of the highest importance for success in life, for happiness and usefulness, and that we can do much to secure both. my own personal hope for the future of human health lies in the evolution and spread of this gospel of hygiene. hygiene interests itself in all that relates to human well-being. it may be defined as _the ethics of the body--the science of true living_. it promises health to all who obey its laws. it makes no such promise to those who disregard them. in the future, no doubt, a higher average of health will be the result of our ever-increasing knowledge; and whenever we are able and willing to apply this knowledge to our own bodily and mental conduct we shall be amply rewarded. this much we can safely promise, but no more. on the contrary, the violators of hygienic laws will, with their offspring, suffer in the future as in the past, and that suffering will be in the form of pain, disease, degeneration, premature death. this may seem hard to many who are sensitive to the pains and sorrows of the world, and some have gone so far as to attribute to the author of nature, the unknown cause of all things, a character anything but good. but this is a very erroneous way of looking at the subject. to discuss it fully we should have to consider the question of the mystery of evil, which cannot be done here. suffice it to say, the creation, the evolution of the race, is by law. causes produce their legitimate results. if it were not so, our sufferings might be far greater, and no progress would result. let us be thankful that nature is as it is, and let us do our best to put our lives in harmony with it. by so doing, we may in the end attain all that we strive for. the germ plasm; its relation to offspring. the germ plasm is a most interesting and remarkable substance. it must be interesting, for everything which relates to life and reproduction is interesting. it must be remarkable, for out of it, under proper conditions, remarkable results are produced. although our knowledge of its nature is very imperfect, yet let us not on this account refuse to try to understand what little is known. in the first place, the germ plasm of animals which reproduce sexually is composed of two germ plasms--that of the male, and that of the female. that of the male is called the _spermatozoon_ (pronounced sper´ma-to-zoön). it is sometimes called spermatozoid; the plural is spermatozoa. it is exceedingly small, the smallest of any cell in the body, and has the power to move from place to place. these cells are produced in enormous numbers, and so far as they have been observed under the microscope they differ considerably in power of movement and in perfection of development. considering their small size, they must make a very long journey to find the ovum; and if they were only few in number, they would rarely succeed; but existing in large numbers, for there are millions of them produced in each sexual act of the male, some of them are pretty sure to do so, and, probably in most cases, it would be those most vigorous and capable of making the journey most direct and in the least time. that of the female is called the _ovum_, or egg; plural, _ova_. only a small number are produced, when compared with the number of the male spermatozoa, but there are quite enough for the ends they are to serve. they have not the same power of movement, though they do move somewhat as the amæba does. they are also very much larger than the male cells. the eggs of all mammals look alike as they come from the ovaries, but take on some changes afterward. hæckel says: "every primitive egg being an entirely simple, somewhat round, moving, naked cell, possesses no membrane, and consists only of a nucleus and protoplasm. these two parts have long borne distinctive names: the protoplasm being called the _vitellus_, or yelk, and the nucleus the _germinal vesicle_ (_vesicula germinativa_)." the same author also says: "the human egg cannot be distinguished from that of most other mammals, either in its immature or in its more complete condition. its form, its size, its composition, are approximately the same in all. in its fully developed condition it has an average diameter of one-tenth of a line--about the one hundred and twentieth part of an inch. if the mammalian egg is properly isolated, and held on a plate of glass towards the light, it appears to the eye as a very fine point. the normal eggs of most of the higher mammals are of almost exactly the same size. they have the same spherical form; always the same characteristic covering; always the same clear, round germinal vesicle with its dark germinal spot. even under the highest power of our best microscopes there _appears_ to be no essential difference between the eggs of a human being and that of the ape, the dog, the cat or other animal." this similarity is one of appearance only. there is a difference, and of this i shall speak later. it may be asked if the egg of a bird is the same as the egg of a mammal. the mature bird's egg, as it is laid in the nest, differs materially from that of any mammal; but in its miniature form, as found in the hen's ovary, it is also the same. the egg of a bird after it leaves the ovary, and as it passes along the oviduct, takes on secretions in its passage which it converts into yelk, and afterwards a shell is added to give it protection in the external world, where it must undergo incubation before it can become a bird; but before it takes on its shell it has been fertilized, and this also causes other changes. hæckel says: "after the ripe egg of the bird has left the ovary, and has been fertilized in the oviduct, it surrounds itself with various coverings which are secreted from the inner surface of the oviduct. the thick layer of transparent albumen first forms round the yellow yelk; this is followed by the formation of the outer calcareous shell, within which is another envelope, or skin. all these coverings and additions which are gradually formed round the egg are of no importance to the development of the embryo; they are parts which have nothing to do with the simple egg cell. even in the case of other animals we often find large eggs with thick coverings. for example, the shark's; but even in this case the egg is originally exactly similar to those of mammals when in its primitive condition as it comes from the ovary. in the case of the bird these additions serve only as food for the growing embryo, which, in the case of mammals, is furnished by a stream of the mother's blood, making 'stored-up' nutriment unnecessary." before, however, we can have _true germ plasm_ the mother cell must be fertilized by the male cell. this is true of all the higher plants and animals. there are some low plants and animals in which fertilization by the male cell is not required. this has been called virginal generation. in no mammal is this possible. how fertilization takes place and what it signifies are both important questions which have not been entirely settled, and it almost seems as if they could not be settled in some of their details, except in the lower forms of life. nature has so protected the process from observation in the higher animals that it cannot be studied in detail; but in plants and the lowest animals it has been observed with some success, and we may infer that the process is very much the same in the higher animals. hæckel, in his great work on the evolution of man, tells us that "the process of fertilization in sexual generation depends essentially on the fact that two dissimilar cells meet and blend. in former times the strangest views prevailed with regard to this act. men have always been disposed to regard it as thoroughly mystical, and the most widely different hypotheses have been framed to account for it. it is only within a few years that closer study has shown that the whole process of fertilization is extremely simple, and entirely without special mystery. essentially, it consists merely in the fact that the male sperm-cell coalesces with the female egg-cell. owing to its sinuous movements, the very mobile sperm-cell finds its way to the female egg-cell, penetrates the membrane of the latter by a perforating motion, and coalesces with its cell material. "a poet might find in this circumstance a capital opportunity for painting in glowing colors the wonderful mystery of fertilization; he might describe the struggles of the 'seed animalcules' eagerly dancing round the egg-cell shut up in its many coverings, disputing the passage through the minute pore-canals of the chorion, and then of purpose burying themselves in the protoplasm of the yelk mass, where, in a spirit of self-sacrifice, they completely efface themselves in the better 'ego.' but the critical naturalist very prosaically conceives this poetical incident, this 'crown of love,' as the mere coalescence of two cells! the result of this is, that in the first place the egg-cell is rendered capable of further evolution, and, secondly, that the hereditary qualities of _both_ parents can be transmitted to the child." by coalescence is understood, growing together, not mingling as water and milk might when mixed. more recent observations indicate that during coalescence both the male and female cells throw off some portions of their substance. it is also considered that the important part of each cell is its nucleus. in it all hereditary characteristics are stored up. if the nucleus be absent in either cell these cells cannot reproduce. in unicellular, or one-celled, organisms, it has been found in multiplication by division, a part of the nucleus must go with each half, otherwise the half without a part of it does not grow. in experiments in laboratories, artificial division of simple organisms may be made, and each fragment will become a perfect creature if only a very small piece of the nucleus goes with the separated portion; but if a part is cut off without any of the nucleus, then, while it may live on for a short time, it can not grow or propagate. possibly we have here an explanation of some hereditary phenomena in human beings. if there is an unequal division, and more of the male than of the female nucleus, the child might, as a result, inherit more of the father's than of the mother's characteristics, or the reverse. what has been so far said about the germ plasm has been to enable the reader to possess a degree of intelligence on the nature of fertilization, so far as it is known; but from a practical standpoint the most important knowledge for those prospective parents who wish to practice intelligent stirpiculture is to understand that the health of the germ plasm or fertilized ovum depends on the health of the parents. by health, i mean the possession of a good constitution, to which will be added a strong hold on life, power to do and to endure, and quickly to recover from weariness. disease will be easily warded off in such persons, so that there will be generally good health. such a condition of body is usually inherited. it depends on the possession of a large supply in the body of living matter--firm muscles, a good heart, lungs and digestive organs. those who are feeble cannot endure much; whose heart, lungs and digestive organs are weak; whose hold on life is slight, can rarely endow their offspring with these high qualities. their children may live if no great strain comes upon them; but if they must take an active part in the struggle and competition going on in the world they cannot endure it. mr. spencer puts the case very aptly in his work on ethics where he says: "it results that where maternal vigor is great, and the surplus vitality consequently large, a long series of children may be borne before any deterioration in their quality becomes marked; while, on the other hand, a mother with but a small surplus may soon cease altogether to reproduce. further, it results that variations in the state of health of parents which involves variations in the surplus vitality have their effects on the constitutions of offspring to the extent that offspring borne during greatly deranged maternal health are decidedly feebler. and then, lastly and chiefly, it results that after the constitutional vigor has culminated, and there has commenced that gradual decline which in some twenty years or so brings absolute infertility, there goes on a gradual decrease in that surplus vitality on which the production of offspring depends, and a consequent deterioration in the quality of such offspring. this which is _a priori_ conclusion is verified _a posteriori_. "mr. j. mathews duncan, in his work on fecundity, fertility, sterility and allied topics, has given results of statistics which show that mothers of twenty-five bear the finest infants, and that from mothers whose ages at marriage range from twenty to twenty-five years there come infants which have a lower rate of mortality than those resulting from marriages consummated when the mothers' ages are smaller or greater. the apparent slight incongruity between these two statements being due to the fact that whereas marriages commenced before twenty and twenty-five cover the whole of the period of highest vigor, marriages commenced at five and twenty cover a period which lacks the years during which vigor is rising to its climax and includes only the years of decline from the climax." this quotation from mr. spencer needs a qualifying remark. mr. galton, in his work on hereditary genius, found that the average age of mothers of men of the greatest ability was about thirty, and of their fathers thirty-five. in such cases, the physical and intellectual strength must have been above the average, and, consequently, it continued to a more advanced age. besides, those of great ability mature later. it may also be added that duncan's statistics, quoted by spencer, are average statistics gathered from tables of mortality, and include every class of persons. now, average statistics do not apply to individual cases, and they would not apply to those highly endowed physically and intellectually. further, those who are well endowed at birth and whose lives are in accordance with hygienic law, that is, those who do not squander their physiological resources by sensuality, by intemperance, or by excesses of any sort retain their health to a greater age than those whose lives are the reverse. such are of a youthful physiological age, which is not altogether determined by the actual number of years they have lived, but by very high physiological conditions. from all this we conclude that a very important rule in the production of offspring, if we would have those offspring superior, is to maintain a high degree of health--a condition in which there is a surplus of physiological capital to produce children with endowments equal to, if not superior to, their parents. another subject requires treatment here. it is the effect of alcohol on offspring. we are yet lacking in statistics giving the facts we need to know on this subject; but the general observation of competent persons who have had good opportunities to study it may teach us something. alcohol, in its circulation in the blood, penetrates every part; not even the germ plasm escapes. demme studied ten families of drinkers and ten families of temperate persons. the direct posterity of the ten families of drinkers included fifty-seven children. of these, twenty-five died in the first weeks and months of their lives; six were idiots; in five a striking backwardness of their longitudinal growth was observed; five were affected with epilepsy, and five with inborn diseases. thus, of the fifty-seven children of drinkers only ten, or . per cent., had normal constitutions and healthful growth. the ten sober families had sixty-one children, five only dying in the first weeks; four were affected with curable diseases of the nervous system; two only had inborn defects. the remaining fifty, . per cent., were normal in their constitutions and development. in this statement we have a graphic object lesson of the evil effects of alcohol on the germ plasm. natural selection had far more to do in removing those unfit to survive in the intemperate than in the temperate families. a knowledge of the evil effects of alcohol on the unborn child was known to the ancients. the mother of sampson was warned "not to drink any wine or strong drink nor to eat any unclean thing" because she was to conceive and bear a son who was to deliver israel out of the hands of the philistines. manoah was so interested in what the angel of the lord had said to his wife that he sought an interview with him for further confirmation, and asked: "how shall we order the child, and how shall we do unto him?" evidently meaning, "how shall we train and educate him?" and the same advice was given as before. whatever view the reader may hold as to the inspiration or non-inspiration of the bible, certainly this advice was good. other examples similar to it are to be found, not only in the same book, but in numerous historical works, and also abundant evidence in our own time of the evil effects of alcoholic drinks on unborn children giving them a tendency to insanity, idiocy and other nervous diseases. a whole book might be written on this branch of our subject. to what extent food affects the germ plasm we remain somewhat in ignorance. we know that it is from it that the body is nourished, and from it also the stored up or surplus matter in our systems is obtained. the larger the surplus the more highly will the offspring be endowed with energy is a fact clearly set forth by mr. spencer. a surplus of fatty food stored up in the body, however, cannot be of much service and may prove injurious. a deficiency of nitrogenous food would also, it seems to me, be an evil. the germ plasm, or its most important part, is a highly nitrogenous substance, like all protoplasm, or living matter. the highest form of germ plasm, that with a most complex molecular structure, would hardly be formed if there was a deficiency of nitrogenous matter in the blood. air is also food the same as bread is. the activities, the chemical changes in the body, are mainly, though not entirely, between the oxygen of the air and the carbon and hydrogen of our food. the body is quite as much injured by a deficiency of air inhaled into the lungs by exercise as by a deficiency of food, though the injury may be of a different nature. physicians and others have long ago observed that the offspring of parents living much in the open air and sunlight are healthier and stronger than those of parents living in confined spaces, where air and light are deficient. air which is impure, which is loaded with poisonous matter, if inhaled for a long time by the mother, lowers the standard of her health. in malarious regions, the vigor of the offspring is less, and the number who die in infancy greater, than in regions where the air and water are pure. many years ago i remember reading in one of the journals devoted to sanitary science published in london, an account of a rural town where both air and water were of extraordinary purity, and in this town a very large percentage of the children born lived to grow to maturity. there is also an isolated region in france, bordering on the sea, where both air, water and climate are unusually salubrious, and though intermarriage has been practiced for a long time among the several thousand inhabitants, the people are remarkably well formed and healthy. similar facts have been observed in other places. they indicate to us that a healthful climate, with good air and water, are important factors in all true stirpiculture. while all diseases which exhaust the physiological resources of the system are detrimental to the offspring, there are certain ones which are peculiarly so. specific diseases or those resulting from a sensual life are the first to be mentioned. if the bodies of either father or mother become saturated with the poison, which is probably a germ, then the child born of such parents will certainly be infected and either die at birth or live only a short and feeble life. it is one of the penalties of an impure life--a very severe one, no doubt, but perhaps not too severe, that the offspring of the sensualist must suffer the penalties for its parent's physiological sins. medical men have long been trying to discover a remedy which will make it safe for a man infected with specific disease to marry and become a father, but so far they have not had much success. it is doubtful if they ever will. epilepsy is another disease which is so often transmitted to children that any one of either sex suffering from it had better abstain from parentage. if one parent is remarkably healthy, the children may escape the severest form of penalty; but even then they may suffer from nervousness and other diseases, and rarely enjoy robust health. the question whether persons who have a consumptive tendency should become parents or not has frequently been discussed by sanitarians, but never settled. such persons are frequently intellectual, and often of an unusually cheerful and hopeful disposition. they are, in most cases, quite prolific. in the female they generally make excellent wives and mothers; in the case of the male, they are not uncommonly good providers for their families, and also good fathers. except in the worst cases, does the welfare of the race demand that they shall not marry and become parents. probably not. but we must advise them to take the very best care of their imperfect bodies; to develop their chests by wise but not excessive physical training; to husband their physiological resources carefully; not to marry young, nor rear too many children. excessive childbearing is a prolific cause in women of consumption, and excessive sexual indulgence is a frequent cause of it in both sexes. these remarks should not be construed to mean that those who are already in the early stages of this disease, or whose families on both sides have been deeply affected by it, may become parents. they should not. but in the present state of society, we cannot hold men and women up to an ideal standard. some slight risks may be taken, but not too great ones. as the race progresses in knowledge, however, we may raise our standards, and finally make them so high that no one with a tendency to any serious disease which is likely to affect the offspring unfavorably shall have any right to contribute to the world's population. i have mentioned only a few of the many diseases which affect the germ plasm unfavorably. it is hardly necessary to extend the list. one other subject deserves consideration, when i will bring this chapter to a close. every child born into the world is, to a certain extent, an experiment. that is to say, the parents cannot predict its sex, nor what its chief characteristics will be. these depend on what potentialities are stored up in the germ plasm. if this be formed by parents in good health, with a surplus of vital force, and a long line of ancestors with normal lives, we may believe that if the environment be favorable, the child will develop so as to show the same characteristics, perhaps in an even higher degree. whatever variations there are will not be much below or above the average line of its ancestors. the congenital characters will tend to be transmitted. they are in the germ plasm, even in great detail. whether the acquired ones are transmitted may still be uncertain; but whether they are or not, normal right living will be sure to have good effects. obey the laws of life and far better results will follow than if they are disobeyed. fewer and better children. in the present age suggestions on this subject may seem superfluous. the more highly educated and wealthy classes have already sufficiently reduced the number of children which they bring into the world. but are these offspring any better than they would have been had their parents given birth to a larger number? mr. darwin did not think much could be done to improve the race by parents limiting the number of their offspring. he would trust to natural selection to weed out the unfit, and to sexual selection as an aid. he thus describes the probable manner of action of sexual selection among primeval men: "the strongest and most vigorous men--those who could best defend and hunt for their families; those who were provided with the best weapons and possessed the most property, such as a large number of dogs or other animals--would succeed in rearing a greater average number of offspring than the weaker and poorer members of the same tribes. such men would doubtless generally be able to select the more attractive women. . . . if, then, this be admitted, it would be an unexplainable circumstance if the selection of the more attractive women by the more powerful men of the tribes, who would rear on the average a greater number of children, did not, after the lapse of generations, _modify the character of the tribes_." the way in which the tribe would be modified would be by its producing better children. of course among primitive men the richer and more powerful had several wives, but it is not likely that the number of children by each one was large. natural selection is, however, a painful process, necessary, no doubt, where ignorance prevails; but if the number of children of each pair could be limited and of a superior character, so far as vigor and adaptation to environment are concerned, would there not be less need for natural selection with all its evils? it seems to us that this would be so. we have already quoted grant allen as favoring abstinence from parenthood on the part of the unfit and the duty on the part of the fit to become parents, and, theoretically, mr. allen is right; but except as both of these classes are swayed by duty we would make little progress in this way. a majority of mankind think they are the fit. why should they crucify their desires for the benefit of the race? as mankind becomes more moral mr. allen's views may have a larger influence on thought than now; but before that time little can be expected from them. mr. spencer says: "we have fallen upon evil times, in which it has come to be an accepted doctrine that part of the responsibilities [of parenthood] are to be discharged, not by parents, but by the public--a part which is gradually becoming a larger part, and threatens to become the whole. agitators and legislators have united in spreading a theory which, logically followed out, ends in the monstrous conclusion that it is for parents to beget children and for society to take care of them. the political ethics now in fashion makes the unhesitating assumption that while each man, as parent, is not responsible for the mental culture of his offspring he is, as a citizen along with other citizens, responsible for the mental culture of all other men's offspring! and this absurd doctrine has now become so well established that people raise their eyes in astonishment if you deny. but this ignoring of the truth, that only by due discharge of parental responsibilities has all life on the earth arisen, and that only through the better discharge of them have there gradually been made possible better types of life, is, in the long run, fatal. breach of natural law will, in this case, as in all cases, be followed in due time by nature's revenge--a revenge which will be terrible in proportion as the breach has been great. a system under which parental duties are performed wholesale by those who are not parents, under the plea that many parents cannot or will not perform their duties--a system which fosters the inferior children of inferior parents at the cost of superior parents and consequent injury of superior children--a system which thus helps incapables to multiply and hinders the multiplication of capables or diminishes their capability must bring decay and ultimate extinction. a society which persists in such a system must--other things equal--go to the wall in the competition with a society which does not commit this folly of nourishing its worst at the expense of its best." we have evidence among primitive people that they understand the necessity of limiting offspring, and practice it in a perfectly healthful way. the natives of uganda, a region in central africa, offers an illustration: "the women rarely have more than two or three children; the practice is that when a woman has borne a child she is to live apart from her husband for two years, at which age children are weaned." seaman, speaking of the fijians, says: "after childbirth husband and wife keep apart three and even four years, so that no other baby may interfere with the time considered necessary for suckling children." some fifty years ago there lived in new york a young couple, strong, healthy, ambitious to be rich, and both saving and industrious enough to become so under ordinary conditions. the husband was in a business which required constant attention; and in order to promote it and save the expense of help which he thought he could not afford, he labored nights, often up to the hours of twelve and sometimes one o'clock, and then arose early and went at it again. his wife sympathized with him in all his undertakings, helped him in every way possible, even to the sharing of his midnight toils. in no way did either of them spare themselves. they knew something of the evils of poverty, and were determined that it should not always be their lot. fortune favored them, and their bank account grew larger and larger until they could count the value of their possessions as amounting to several million dollars. they lived in a fine country seat, and could gratify every wish, so far as food, clothing, books and travel were concerned. during their early married life, when the strain of work was the greatest, two children were born unto them, both boys, and they are alive today; but are they a comfort to their parents, and a help in their declining years? instead of this they are both deformed and cripples, unable to help themselves or do any labor. their family physician has told me that the overwork and privation of the parents at the time of their birth and before, was undoubtedly the cause of the children's inferiority. a younger son born after the wife had ceased to toil like a slave, gives some promise of being a man of character. we have here a typical case of strong, healthy parents, with a limited number of offspring, yet they were not superior. on the other hand, it would be easy to collect a large number of instances where the children in large families have had superior endowments. take benjamin franklin as an example. he was the fifteenth child of his father, josiah franklin, and the eighth of the ten children of his mother. it seems that superiority is a result of great vigor and perfection of body and mind and of abundant reproductive power. where this is absent the children will hardly be superior. yet in both cases a certain degree of limitation ought to be advantageous. in conclusion, let me say what i have indirectly said already. let the strong, the capable and the good rear as many children as they can without overburdening themselves in any way, and let the weak, the imperfect and the bad rear few or none, but devote their lives to perfecting their own characters. in this way the future race will be modified for good and not for evil. a theoretical baby. _reported by request of dr. holbrook._ it was our first baby. i was making a living as a doctor by writing articles on the general care of the health; and my wife before her marriage had been a kindergartner, a trainer of kindergartners, and a lecturer to mothers on the scientific and expert methods of rearing children aright. we believed in the theories we had taught, and our baby got nothing else from the start. according to the first applied theory, we made our temporary home before the boy began to be, in the rocky mountains of colorado; and were a large part of the time either in our garden or on horseback, in this perfect outdoor climate. my wife was entirely in love with me, and i made each day count for nothing more certainly than to deserve and return that sentiment of hers. we lived simply but freely, and had next to no anxieties. my wife had practiced general gymnastics for years; but for months prior to the birth of her boy, she every day went through with a series of special maternal gymnastics, by which the muscles that aid in parturition can be made strong and entirely to be relied upon. we were rewarded for this outlay of time in a delivery that was rapid and easy, without more than an ounce of hæmorrhage, and everything so perfectly controlled that--except for the inconvenience of it--the presence and aid of the physician (myself) might have been dispensed with. recovery was rapid also. my wife made no haste to get up, keeping quiet most of the time for two weeks, to ensure good milk. but she did a family washing without effort after three weeks, and was on horseback again by the sixth week. the baby was not severed from his mother till ten minutes after birth (ensuring a better blood supply). then he got no bath, no food, no dressing process; but was simply swathed in cotton batting and laid aside for six hours in a padded box-bed, surrounded by bottles of hot water, and covered with plenty of soft blankets, to sleep and get used to his new environment. on the second day we began rubbing him daily from head to foot with vaseline. his first bath, with a flannel cloth dipped in warm milk diluted with soft water and without soap, came when he was a week old, and was followed by the thorough rub with vaseline. this bath he has had nearly every day up to date. he has often cried, or crowed and begged for this bath; but never cried during its performance, except when his clothes were being replaced. on the contrary, he enjoys every moment of it. feeding began with a meal every hour of the twenty-four, for the first week. then night feeding was reduced to two meals, and he was fed every two hours, from four or five o'clock in the morning till nine at night, till two months old. about then he began sleeping right through the nights; and until three months old was fed every three hours of the day time; then for a month he went four hours between his meals. at his fourth month began the present regime of four meals _per diem_. now and then he has cried in the night from thirst, and a few spoonsful of cold water have sufficed to send him off to sleep again. all in all, i think i could count on my fingers the times that he has wakened us out of hours, and not once has anyone walked the floor with him. in fact, no diversions of this sort have ever been practiced on him. he has never been rocked to sleep; whenever cross or fretful in the day, we have known that sleep was all he needed, and into his little bed he has been promptly plumped, and covered with a loosely knit afghan, tented on a light framework, which we call "the extinguisher." here shut away and entirely unnoticed he soon learned to give himself up to his own reflections, and then presently to sleep. thus we have kept down the first great nuisance of ordinary infancy, namely, egoism and a habit of howling for attention when no attention is really needed. but social relations, and those of the gayest, he has constantly with both his parents. we take up and make into play with him each idea of his own. we have shown him some finger-plays. in the main we leave him to originate his own amusements. from the keeping of stomach and bowels absolutely healthy, by a regular and reasonable exercise of their all-important functions, not only has the boy been free from irritability, and spontaneously happy and self-amused, sometimes quiet, and sometimes jolly to overflowing. but the second great nuisance of those ordinarily attending baby-raising, namely, sour stomach followed by colic, was eliminated. a secondary result of this entire regularity of functioning at the upper end of the alimentary canal was that a like regularity set in at the other end. that is, at the thirteenth week he began to have but one daily passage of fæcal matter, and that soon after breakfast. of the approach of this act he notified his mother without fail, and thereafter we had no soiled diapers. movements were received on pieces of old cloth, and cloth and all tossed into a pan of ashes, or the fire, when we had one. when, at six months, we put him onto cow's milk, mixed with thin graham porridge, to supply the extra nourishment demanded by rapid growth, he went up to two movements per diem--morning and evening. thus, the third great nuisance of of diaper washing was eliminated, in its more disagreeable feature. eructation of curds, rashes, colic, diarrhoea--these common ailments of ordinary babyhood, we have never had a sight of. we believe it due solely to strict adherence to the four-meals-a-day plan. these consist of an early breakfast, a later breakfast, a dinner about one o'clock and a supper between six and seven. the bath comes at any convenient time. on pleasant days, even in winter, he is outdoors, well wrapped, in a chair, for hours, and often has a long nap there. he was provided, by my own needle and penknife, with an ample fur sleeping sack, into which he is securely buttoned every evening and laid in his box-bed, on a trunk. he never sleeps with his parents. according to the coolness or coldness of the nights, additional covering, in the shape of soft blankets and shawls, is laid in on the box, their weight supported by the edges of the box. he cannot uncover himself, but he can kick freely, and use his arms. we dressed him, from the first, in the "_gertrude_" system of baby clothes, introduced by dr. grosvenor, of chicago--all woolen princess garments, with shirring strings at the lower hems, by which they are made closed bags, ending just below the feet; warm, but allowing of kicking _ad libitum_. at five months--it being winter time--he went into short clothes, including solid suits of warm flannel underwear, shirts, drawers and long snug-fitting stockings. he has never had a cold. his muscles, from the first (due to his mother's gymnastics), were firm and active, like those of an adult. at the fourth week he surprised us by suspending his entire weight from his hands and arms one morning. legs, neck, back and hands particularly have developed steadily in power and quickness. there was never any fat deposited--that _avant courier_ of so much infant mortality--yet he is, and has been all along, a rosy, plump, dimpled baby, or boy, rather, for babyhood very early lost its hold on him. too often children seem finally to emerge from the miseries and ailments of a tedious infancy and to take on, at last, individuality and distinct character at the second or third year. this child, _per contra_, having never had a sensation of illness, or of pain, save honest hunger, has seemed to be a happy little boy almost from the first, alert or thoughtful, shouting or cooing, laughing and crowing, especially after his meals and movements, studying the world of things about him by the hour, keenly appreciative of colors and of music, and preferring some sorts to others, his face crossed by vivid changes of expression, wonder, merriment, surprise, reverie--all as perfect at six months as ordinarily seen at three years. he has good color from head to foot, is pale when hungry, but the moment a bit of food is down expands to his most genial flow of spirits. immediately after his day-time naps his cheeks are regularly flushed and rosy. his spirits become more pronounced toward each evening, reaching their high-point of talking, laughing, crowing and squealing at just about bed-time. he keeps it up for some time after being tucked away for the night, till sleep masters him; and begins where he left off early next morning. all this is good physiology. so happy day succeeds happy day, and we trust and hope that many good tendencies are getting a fair start in a harmonious and spontaneous beginning of this great work of growing up that we are fostering but not forcing. at one year old.--everything continues as begun. teething at times causes slight transient fretfulness, and more cold water is drunk. the bowels remain absolutely regular. the all-night sleep (never "put to sleep,") and two day-time naps are unchanged, in all thirteen or fourteen hours of sleep _per diem_. on warm days he needs _and gets_ plenty of cool water to drink, often two-thirds of a pint at a time. talking, standing and creeping he has attained by his own unaided initiative (this on principle). as for amusements, he invents his own always, except when engaged in social exchange with his father and mother, and in these, too, we are careful that he makes at least half the advances. on particular occasions he comes in need of mothering--and gets it. on all others he simply lives with two big but highly sympathetic playfellows; and he has developed separate lines of play and talk for each. often he chooses to alternate as between two poles of attraction, turning his face to his mother's for her sympathy between shouts to his father, or _vice versa_. from week to week we notice that the older plays are mostly dropped one by one, and fresh ones invented. all, however, are real and vivid to him. in early prospect we have but two more points to compass. perfect health in all respects he has intact. self-control and self-sufficiency, both in amusing himself and in enduring lesser ills, such as bumps and mild degrees of hunger, he is getting as fast as growth permits. but obedience and responsibility will soon be needed in his repertoire. negative obedience his mother is obtaining already in response to "no, no," and shakes of the head. positive obedience will be the far more vital thing to secure--just as soon as he can help in little ways. here we hope to make him responsible as far as can be for the welfare, safety and amusement of younger playfellows, whether brother or sister it is now too soon to say. at eighteen months.--a cold douche has, for three months past, ended his morning bath, regularly given by his father after his sister arrived, and his weight became considerable. this douche, poured slowly from a dipper until redness set in, has added markedly to his spirits, muscular activity and digestive capacity. it causes screaming at the moment, but an instant later, as three turkish towels are wrapped closely about him, his exuberance is delightful to see. coincidently he has taken up a selected diet of solid food, including chocolate and cooked fruits, and will have but one nap, though often that is a long one. as the child is working out of babyhood, every day counting (as no day of half illness in childhood can count), and well into boyhood, the single principle already outlined, of leaving the little individuality to establish its own activities and socialities, seems sufficient, as the illustrations appended, i believe, prove. doubtless a child that is not, day after day, enjoying, and often thrilled by health and life, as this little boy is, a child not brought up in an unbroken _camaraderie_ with both parents, such as he has had, and particularly a child not having the send-off of trust and amiable impulse which he received before his birth, could not be left to blossom in such wild-flower style. ugly, sulky or "streaky" conduct, jumping perversely out in place of good cheer, we have never had to deal with. in fact, we have never been able to detect the slightest resentment immediately after punishing him for taking forbidden articles, or for raising an outcry over being denied sundry things he wanted. his crying when punished is that of pure grief, and he is ready at once to nestle down under the hand that had spatted disapproval, to be comforted, resuming good spirits two or three minutes later on. in the main, simply "no, no!" from either parent, has sufficed to stop him in the beginnings of mischief, sometimes resulting in cheerful desisting, and sometimes in a little of what we call the "grieved cry." but this, too, if it becomes loud or insistent, can be hushed by another "no, no," and enable him to regain control of himself. with this regained self-control has always come gratefulness for aid in the matter, as evinced by extra sweetness and brightness immediately after, and eager resumption of some one or other of his plays or calls with one or both of us. this may be what is known as discipline. it always brings a smile to our faces, however. without a break of more than a day or two at a time, we have been able to be equally near him all the while, and divide up about equally the matters of bathing, feeding, dressing and undressing him. the conventional estimate of those standing nearest to a child of, --mother, --nurse, --teacher, --servants and playmates, --older brother or sister, --father--the man behind the newspaper, certainly does not apply here. when i am absent for from three to six hours his uneasiness sets in, and grows stronger and stronger, ending in repeated expeditions to a short distance along the road, where he stands and calls "vager," "vager," (father, father,) at first hopefully, then protestingly, and sometimes at last with indignation or tears. when i return--and he listens and catches the first distant sound of hoofs, or wheels, or whinny of the left-at-home colts, or voice, or opening gate--an eager, beaming face welcomes me from gate or doorway, or even several rods down the beaten snow on the road. once back, things are all right in his little domain again, and he goes on, without special attention to me, in his series of occupations and plays. i say "occupations." they are nothing else to him; serious matters that he goes about accomplishing. he is at his best when he can help his mother at her work--blowing the fire, bringing her kindling, handing her clothespins one by one as she needs them, shutting or opening doors on request, picking up articles from the floor. but there are many hours continuously when he is left to his own devices, which are numerous, though many of them he goes through daily, such as feeding the cat, visiting his little sister, emptying and refilling the wall-pockets, collecting his blocks, and fishing articles off the table with a long stick. he has learned, untaught, to get a cloth to open the stove door with and save burned fingers; to get and bring clean diapers to his mother when he wishes a change; to stoop and lap water out of the pail; to stand by his bed and point up at it when wishing his mid-day nap; to retreat to a dark corner and drape his handkerchief over his head for a brief period towards the close of a day, in lieu of the discarded second nap; to scoop bread or biscuit out of a pail hung above his reach, with an iron spoon; to lasso peaches toward him with a cord, said peaches being in pan on the floor just beyond where he could reach from a little gate separating the kitchen and sitting-room. none of these things has been taught him. nothing whatever has been taught him, and especially no words and no "tricks." he invents or does without, in all non-essential matters, in regular spartan style. so, in pursuit of his own undertakings, he rarely asks for what he would have; just tries and tries, day after day, until he succeeds or is beaten. but as he is at some new act or plan much of the time when left to himself, he has, we are satisfied, independently attained to more of childish accomplishment than the most incessant teaching processes could have effected. in doing what he does do, for instance, in certain climbing feats, he has slowly worked up to, he is both cautious and sure; he rarely tumbles and never loses his confidence. thus for the past two days he has achieved the feat of climbing up and standing erect on a little box fourteen inches high, where he calls and shouts and roars to us his ecstacy over the matter for ten minutes at a time. today only he has found out how to get down alone. contrast is taken here with the frequent falls and wailings of children who are first persuaded into attempts of various sorts, but have not worked out a real personal mastery of given acts for themselves. he has quite a vocabulary now of his own invention. the meanings of these terms we have learned mostly, and use them to him. of our vocabulary he understands the meanings of a large number of the words for things in which he is interested, forty or fifty nouns, and a dozen verbs, perhaps. he sings to his mother, and now and then to me, rude imitations of the songs he has heard us sing, and his mother he roughly accompanies. his inflections of voice have developed to the point of entirely expressing many of his emotions; while his expressions of face are as much beyond these as the inflections are beyond his stock of english--about seven words, and those requiring some exigency to bring out. all this pleases us, because we truly want him to become rich in his own life, to subsist and grow in his own home-made lines of feeling and thought; and not to learn words, parrot-like, before he has the thought formed, and searching, even struggling, for a means by which to convey itself. it is dearth of internal life, emotion and unaided thought that is in need of replenishment in the average young person, not lack of english dictionary terms for things that can be _talked about_, but are evidently not intrinsic and personal. c. w. lyman, m. d. _new castle, col._ _notes._ _war and parentage._ in the interests of unborn children we should, so far as possible, remove from the world those causes which, acting on the mother, either directly or indirectly, may injure them by lowering the standard of their health, or by altering and debasing their moral and intellectual natures. one of the most potent of the causes for harm is war. war has generally been regarded as one of the ennobling professions. if we look upon it in its most favorable light, all that we can say in its favor is that among primitive and barbarous races it has perhaps resulted in the preservation and spread of the most capable ones, and that it has at the same time welded them together into larger groups, and finally into nations, and habituated them to those restraints which are necessary to social existence; but we no longer require it for this purpose, and the industrial pursuits and the evolution of civilization are so disturbed by them that they should cease, and especially should they cease in the interest of our children, both born and unborn. how can war injure children? we have already shown in the chapter on prenatal culture that when the mother is under the influence of any powerful mental emotion, such as fear, depression, anger and similar passions during the months in which the child is being developed in her womb, there is very great danger of permanent injury to it. only the strongest mothers, those with the most robust health, or who have the most stable nerves, those who are rarely thrown off their balance, are capable of resisting the intense excitements to which they are subject during some of the phases of war. as i mentioned in my early work on marriage and parentage, esquirol, a french historian, gives details of a considerable number of cases of children born soon after some of the sieges of the french revolution, which were weakly, nervous and idiotic, on account of the terrible strain to which their mothers had been subjected. in every war where a city is besieged, even if its women and children are sent away, they cannot be altogether free from anxieties and mental strains of a most unwholesome nature, and if some of them are soon to become mothers, the offspring not yet born must suffer. no one can estimate the vast number of children injured under such conditions in the ages past. they have been only incidentally referred to in history. the fame and glory of conquerors must not be dimmed by the relation of such occurrences. joseph a. allen, in _the christian register_, gives the results of some of his observations which bear on this subject. he says: "so much is being said about war and its effects, that i am prompted to send you the result of my observations. "i was in charge of the massachusetts state reform school for several years, when every inmate (there were between three and four hundred) was born before the civil war--during the time of the great anti-slavery agitation, which did so much to educate the moral sense of the people. "i was again in charge of the same institution _when every inmate was born during, or soon after the war, when the mothers were reading, talking and dreaming of battles, and of husbands, fathers or brothers who had gone to the war_. "_i found as great a difference in the character of those inmates born before and after the civil war as exists between a civilized and a savage nation._ "_those under my care the second time were much more difficult to control, more quarrelsome and defiant, less willing to work or study. the crimes for which they were sentenced were as different as their characters._ "it was not uncommon for them to be sentenced for breaking and entering with deadly weapons. "this difference was not confined to inmates of reform schools, but it was manifest throughout all classes. "after the war crimes increased rapidly. in boston garroting was common, and was only checked by judge russell sentencing all such subjects to the full extent of the law. "before the close of the civil war the state prison at charlestown, under mr. gideon haynes, was, according to dr. d. c. wines, d. d., the model prison of the united states. since that time it has been almost impossible to maintain proper discipline, owing, no doubt, to the more desperate character of the inmates. "let us try to trace these effects back to their causes, and prove, if possible, that whatsoever a man (or nation) soweth, that shall it also reap." but there are other ways in which war militates against the noblest motherhood. camp life is a school for vice and prostitution. in camp chickamauga, which is a sample of them all, during the war with spain on account of cuba, the amount and baseness of the prostitution by the soldiers, with both black and white women, exceeded description. in a single day forty-one cases of specific disease applied to the physicians at the hospitals for treatment. these things were not reported in the daily papers; they were too vile. the place was a hot-bed of vice, rather than a school of virtue and patriotism. in all european armies it is the same. in times of peace, soldiers from the highest to the lowest in rank, insist that facility shall be allowed them for the gratification of their passional natures. the officers, not being permitted to marry unless they or their wives have a certain income, keep their mistresses, and not a female servant near a camp is safe. the immoral influences here generated spread throughout society, lower the standard of morals among both men and women in private life, and jeopardize the interests of children born or unborn, morally and intellectually, as well as physically. but there is another view. "great standing armies," says the czar of russia, in his note to the powers, "_are transforming the armed power of our day into a crushing burden which the people have more and more difficulty in bearing_." that is to say, the tax imposed upon the individuals of any nation to support its army pauperizes or keeps on the verge of poverty a large portion of the race. it is war, far more than any other cause, which has created the burden of taxation. in some european countries almost every man carries a soldier or sailor on his back, that is, he must labor not only to support himself and family, but a soldier or sailor who devotes his life to a murderous profession. is this not a grievous burden which cripples or paralyzes his life and reacts on his offspring? now, the poverty caused by this burden is a serious obstacle to the production and training of the young, and especially is this the case in the more populous countries--france, spain and italy are examples. these lands were once the most powerful in europe; they are so no longer. they gloried in war, and spent immense sums of money upon their armies and burdened the people with taxes which should have been reserved for the use of fathers and mothers in educating and providing for the needs of their offspring. war has crushed out the best life of these countries, and other nations which follow in the same path will in the end come to a similar fate. they may hold out a long time, but not forever. "the mills of gods grind slowly, but they grind exceeding small." it is because war is an enemy to the highest motherhood that women should array themselves against it. it is one of the greatest foes to the development and welfare of the children they love so well. women should insist that all governments should settle their differences by peaceful rather than by warlike means. the industrial age may have its difficulties, but they are not insurmountable. in it the fathers and mothers may have the time and the means to study and learn how to improve the race through a wiser parentage. i believe that thoughtful women, when they come to see the evils of war in their true light, as they have seen the evils of prostitution and intemperance, will be its greatest foes. _cases of prenatal influences._ alfred russell wallace gives in _nature_ a few cases of prenatal influences sent him by his correspondents. the first experience is from a mother residing in australia. she writes: "i can trace in the character of my first child, a girl now twenty-two years of age, a special aptitude for sewing, economical contriving and cutting out, which came to me as a new experience when living in the country among new surroundings, and strict economy being necessary, i began to try to sew for the coming baby and myself. i also trace her great love of history to my study of froude during that period. her other tastes for art and literature are distinctly hereditary. "in the case of my second child, also a daughter, i having interested myself prior to her birth in literary pursuits, the result has been a much acuter form of intelligence, which at six years old enabled her to read and enjoy the ballads which tennyson was then giving to the world, and which at the age of barely twenty years allowed her to take her degree as b. a. of the sydney university. "before the third child, a boy, was born, the current of our lives had changed a little. visits to my own family and a change of residence to a distant colony, which involved a long journey, as well as the work incidental to such changes, together with the care of my two older children, absorbed all my time and thoughts, and left little or no leisure for studious pursuits. my occupations were more mechanical than at any other time previous. this boy does not inherit the studious tastes of his sisters at all. he is intelligent and possesses most of the qualifications which will probably conduce to success in life, but he prefers any kind of out-door work or handicraft to study. had i been as alive then as i am now to the importance of these theories, i should have endeavored to guard against this possibility; as it is, i always feel that it is, perhaps, my fault that one of the greatest pleasures of life has been debarred to him. "but i must not weary you by so many personal details, and i trust you will not suspect me of vanity in thus bringing my own children under your notice. suffice it to say that in every instance i can, and do, constantly trace what others might term coincidences, but which appear to me nothing but cause and effect in their several developments." mr. wallace then gives extracts from other correspondents as follows: mrs. b---- says: "i can trace, nay, have traced (in secret amusement often), something in every child of mine. before the birth of my eldest girl i took to ornithology, for work and amusement, and did a great deal in taxidermy, too. at the age of three years i found this youngster taking such insects and little animals as she could find, and puzzling me with hard questions as to what was inside of them. later on she used to be seen with a small knife, working and dissecting cleverly and with much care and skill at their _insides_. one day she brought me the tiniest heart of the tiniest lizard you can imagine, so small that i had to examine it through a glass, though she saw it without any artificial aid. by some means she got a young wallaby, and made an apron with a pocket inside which she used to call her 'pouch.' this study of natural history is still of interest to her, though she lacks time and opportunities. still, she always does a little dissecting if she gets a chance." another case.--"i never noticed anything about p---- for some years. three months before he was born a friend, whom i will call smith, was badly hurt, and was brought to my house to be nursed. i turned out the nursery and he lay there for three months. i nursed him until i could do so no longer, and then took lodgings in town for my confinement. now after all these years i have discovered how this surgical nursing has left its mark. the boy is in his element when he can be of use in cases of accident, etc. he said to me quite lately: 'how i wish you had made a surgeon of me!' then all at once it flashed in upon me, but, alas! it was too late to remedy the mistake. "before the birth of the third child i passed ten of the happiest months of my life. we had a nice house, one side of which was covered with cloth of gold roses and bougainvillea, a garden with plenty of flowers, and a vineyard. here we lived an idyllic life, and did nothing but fish, catch butterflies and paint them. at least my husband painted them after i had caught them and mixed his colors. at the end of this time l---- was born. this child excels in artistic talent of many kinds; nothing comes amiss to her, and she draws remarkably well. she is of a bright gay disposition, finding much happiness in life, even though not always placed in the most fortunate surroundings. "before the birth of my next child, n----, a daughter, i had a bad time. my husband fell ill of fever, and i had to nurse him without help or assistance of any kind. we had also losses by floods. i don't know how i got through that year, but i had no time for reading. n---- is the most prudent, economical girl i know. she is a splendid housekeeper and a good cook, and will work till she drops; has no taste for reading, but seems to gain knowledge by suction." such cases are so numerous that they should be collected and scientifically studied. _luxury and parentage._ in all ages of luxury, fine ladies try to avoid maternity. they detest it in theory only, for women are controlled by the instinct of the race. in the circles of which we are speaking, the instincts of the race for children have vanished. life has lost its serious meaning. responsibility of any kind is a mere nuisance, and the idea of bringing up a new life, with all its bonds and its charm, is as repellant as the idea of a new bonnet is enticing. for such women the world has no use. beautiful, in the great sense, they are not. incapable, in any great way, of either loving or being loved, they are at best the painted bubbles on the stream of life. such women will always be far inferior as mothers, and less capable of bringing into the world noble offspring than those women in the humble walks of life who live naturally, who love the family ties and are fond of the young. great mothers must have a certain sort of hardihood which comes from a wise physical culture, not necessarily an artificial one,--a life in the open air, and the avoidance of all social dissipation. _degeneracy of the breasts and motherhood._ a sign of degeneracy is pointed out by hegar, who appeals to young men on behalf of posterity to choose for wives women with well-developed breasts; he quotes statistics to prove inability to nurse a child a sign of degeneracy which produces degeneracy in the offspring. among other facts he points out that in a district of his knowledge, which supplies a large number of wet nurses to the city, the percentage of men incapable of military service amounts to per cent., while in the neighboring districts, where the mothers remain at home with their families, it is only per cent. he remarks upon the surprising number of deformed nipples encountered in the hospitals. fehling mentions "hollow nipples" as occurring in . of his obstetric cases. he warns mothers not to allow the clothing to constrict the growing breasts of their daughters, and urges general hygiene as the best method to develop them. in this connection the question may be asked, is it possible for women with defective breasts to become mothers of a virile race of men and strong women. in most cases it is not. a defect in this part of their nature is evidence of a weakened constitution. it may be said, that the breasts do not always develop before marriage and parentage. this is true, and if the health is robust, and the constitution and ancestry good, the mother will, in most cases, be able to nurse her child. if it is known in advance that such cannot be the case, and it may generally be known, then the responsibilities of motherhood should be undertaken with the greater precaution. in modern times we have far better means of bringing up children by hand than formerly. still, a mother able to nurse her own children should always be preferred. _location of birth._ in manchester, england, in , , boys out of every , died before they reached their fifth year. in healthy districts only , out of , died. about the same condition prevails in other places. the lesson it teaches us is, that we should choose a healthy region in which to live if we would rear the healthiest offspring. _evolution._ this word means progress and progress implies improvement, without which there could be no evolution; but improvement of the human race will not be further possible unless the marriage relation is regarded from a higher stand-point than that of sexual indulgence. the practical superiority of man over animals consists in his knowledge of the _aim_ of his conduct. animals exercise the reproductive function instinctively at particular seasons, but man knowingly always; and thus, unless the latter subordinates his passion to reason he is worse than a brute, as he knows himself to be such. the difference between the chaste marriage of affection and the unchaste marriage of passion, is analogous to that between education and instruction, as explained by elder evans of the shaker community. instruction imparts knowledge, such as is associated in eastern lore with the sexual passion, but education embraces the whole disposition, which is rendered more beautiful and spiritual through a marriage of chastity, and as thus affected is transmitted to the offspring, who exhibit the disposition of their parents at the time of conception. sexual excess not only tends to produce offspring of a weakly constitution, but it interferes with the organic growth of the parents. it is as wasteful as burning a candle at both ends at the same time. parents should bear in mind that the mental plan on which their children shall begin life, depends on the desire by which they are governed when they beget their offspring; and as desire depends on disposition, they should aim at requiring harmony of character and conduct. if we think less of ourselves and more of the race to which we belong, we shall have a better chance of improving both ourselves and the race as represented in our offspring. we are all members of a great organism, which is constituted by the whole of human kind, past, present and future, and it is our duty to act in such a manner that the whole shall be benefited by our conduct; which it cannot be if we are careless as to our own disposition or as to the character of our offspring. our aryan ancestors were conscious of their duty towards the race, and probably to this fact was largely due the high physical development the white race attained. only by acting in their spirit can we hope to maintain the race at its high level or prevent its deterioration and decay. the important influence which the gratification of the sexual impulse has had over the development of the aesthetic side of nature has been often insisted on; and there is no reason why its gratification should not be attended also with the development of the highest mental qualities, if these are made use of in the formation and exercise of the marriage relations between the sexes.--c. staniland wake. _too little fatherhood._ the modern child is threatened not with too much mother but with too little father, and this danger is heightened by the sudden release of womanhood from the ban of conventionality and of the domineering power of physical force. let her not too readily accept as complimentary to herself the church's adoration of mary. woman is made of no purer stuff than man, her companion, man her father. she cannot transmit from her own veins or her companion's veins any purer life stuff, any finer impulse to her daughter than she does to her son. we need more fathers in the home, more men teachers in our public schools; and if our homes and schools are not organized so as to evoke and direct this masculine investment, then let them be reorganized. it is not true that mothers are peculiarly the divinely appointed teachers of children, that to them is especially entrusted the intellectual or spiritual destinies of the young. that argument is based upon the analogies of the past; it is a reversion to primitive conditions, an illustration of the law of atavism, like the return to six fingers and toes in some people, or the restoration in others of the muscle that can move the ear. the highest reaches of evolution point to a double responsibility and a double potency. in the interest of the child, then, let us lift him out of a mother rule into a father and mother rule. let the home be girdled with masculine order and justice as well as with feminine love and tenderness. let there be strength as well as tenderness. let there be in it mind as well as heart, vigor as well as sympathy. all these are spiritual children which cannot be born except in the bi-sexual realm.--rev. jenkin lloyd jones. _the flat-head indians and heredity._ amongst the round-head tribes woman holds a higher position, whereas amongst the flat-heads she is a mere drudge. in by-gone days it was common to see a tired-looking woman walking behind her husband carrying a heavy load, while he walked on before with nothing. again, the round-heads have a remarkable mythology, while the others have a poor affair. mr. dean has informed me that the flat-head, which would be an acquired character, is never transmitted to offspring--another argument against the lamarchian theory, that acquired characters are transmitted. that whatever injures the physical or intellectual health of parents tends to degrade their offspring has long been evident. i think we have a good race illustration of this in the effects of flattening and deforming the skulls of children among the flat-head indians, who for centuries followed this precedent. information has been furnished me by special request by mr. james dean, of victoria, b. c., bearing on this point. he writes: "among the children the mortality seems to be greater with the tribes which flatten the heads of their children than in those who do not. i have long noticed that there is a very marked intellectual difference between them." the hidery tribes of northern british columbia and southern alaska, who never flattened their heads, have long been famous for their works of art, such as elaborate carvings in wood and stone. _suggestion as an aid in the training of children._ within a few years an old subject, that of hypnotism, formerly called mesmerism, has received new attention under the name of suggestion, or, in medical language, "suggestive therapeutics." it was used in a rude way by mesmer in the cure of disease. later it was employed much more effectively by braid and others for the same purpose, and especially for the prevention of pain in surgical operations. want of space forbids our going into any extended historical detail as to its application for these purposes, but a few points will be considered, which bear on the subject. it was found that when a person had contracted a bad habit, as, for instance, smoking or drinking, it could often be broken up by placing him in the mesmeric sleep, and telling him he would no longer desire to continue the habit, but would even loathe them. the habit of sucking the thumb, a bad temper, lying, stealing, dullness and lack of ambition, etc., were amenable to this treatment. to illustrate: a boy fifteen years old, always at the foot of his class, was put into the hypnotic sleep, and told that he would be able to study harder and learn his lessons better, so as to go to the head. this was continued daily for several weeks, and, sure enough, he accepted the suggestion, and outstripped every scholar in his class, and kept at the head so long as these means were used; but, unfortunately, when they were discontinued he relapsed into his first state. the suggestions had not been sufficiently thorough to take deep root, and become a part of his nature, as might have been the case with a better knowledge as to how to use them. so long ago as in dr. bérillon, editor of _the revue de l' hypnotism_, read a paper before the second international congress of experimental psychology, in which he stated that he had observed the beneficial effects of hypnotism in education in some cases, including nervous insomnia, night terror, sleepwalking, kleptomania, stammering, idleness, filthy habits, cowardice and moral delinquency. he also stated that other observers had similar experience. my friend, dr. b. osgood mason, of new york, working on the same lines, has had similar experiences. i will quote a few illustrative cases furnished by him. the first is of a school-girl fifteen years of age, a pupil in one of the grammar-schools of new york--intelligent in many ways; a good reader of such books as interested her--history, biography, and the better class of novels; but for the routine of school studies she had no aptitude, and she was constantly being left behind in her classes. she could not concentrate her mind upon details which did not specially interest her. if she succeeded in learning a lesson she could not remember it, or if she remembered it until she arrived at the classroom, when she arose to recite, it was instantly gone; her mind became a perfect blank; she had not a word to say, and was obliged to sit down in disgrace. she could write a good composition, but could never stand up and read it before the class. teachers had been engaged to give her special lessons, so as to enable her to pass her preliminary examination, which would allow her to come up for entrance to the normal college. after months of effort they reported to the mother that it was utterly useless to go on; it was impossible for her to pass her preliminary examination, and they did not think it right to take her money without any such expectation. she was then brought to me to inquire if anything could be done to help her. i proposed hypnotic suggestion. it was then march ; the first examination was in may. i commenced treatment at once. the patient went into a quiet, subjective condition, with closed eyes, but did not lose consciousness. i suggested that she would be able to concentrate her mind upon her studies; that her memory would be improved; that she would lose her excessive self-consciousness and timidity, and in their place she would have full confidence in herself and be able to stand up before the class and recite. she was kept in the hypnotic condition one-half hour at each treatment, and the same or similar suggestions were quietly but very positively made and repeated at intervals during that time. she at once reported improvement in her ability both to study and recite. she had six treatments, and on may she reported that, greatly to the surprise of her teachers, she had passed her preliminary examination with a percentage of , which entitled her to come up for the college examination. in june she passed her examination for entrance to the normal college with a percentage of ; entered the college and is at present doing well, though the suggestions have not been repeated since may. another case from the same author was that of a boy "so bad as to be perfectly unmanageable, and his temper so outrageous, that his mother begged me to come to the house and see if i could do anything with him. "having secured _carte blanche_ for whatever course i chose to pursue, i went. he was in the back room, his grandmother urging him forward, he kicking and resisting. without speaking, i went directly to him, seized him firmly by one wrist, and brought him topsy turvy through two intervening rooms, gave him a thorough shaking, and set him down violently in a chair. he smoothed down his bang, whimpered a little, and gruffly remarked that i had rumpled his hair. i told him i had not intended to disturb his hair, but that as he had never obeyed anybody i had come to the house for the express purpose of making him obey me, and i should most certainly do it. after a few moments i said, quietly, 'now go and lie down on the bed in the next room.' he started, walking toward the bed, but when near it he set off on a full run past it and into the back room. i brought him back and again ordered him to lie down on the bed. he went toward it as if to obey, but suddenly sprang under it, and clung to the slats underneath with hands and feet, and hung there like a monkey. i dislodged him, pulled him out, gave him a spanking, and surprised him by tossing him vigorously upon the bed, with the command to lie there quietly until i gave him permission to move. he obeyed. presently i ordered him to go into the front room and sit down again in the chair he had before occupied. again he quietly obeyed, i said: 'all right; now you understand you will obey me. i don't want to hurt you. i want to be a good friend to you, only you must obey me.' "i then in a pleasant way gave him a short lesson, picturing to him very plainly the course of a boy such as he was, and where it would be likely to end; and also showing what he might be if he would change his course. i told him i should be at the house again in a day or two, and i should expect him to meet me pleasantly, shake hands with me, and do whatever i directed him. "next day there came a telephone message begging me to come up; m. was outrageous again. i went. he was backward in greeting me, but at length came and shook hands. i afterward learned that there had not been the slightest improvement in his behavior; and the cause of his mother's sending for me was his outrageous conduct at the table, when, in a fit of anger, he had thrown a plate at his grandmother. i talked to him pleasantly a moment, and then said very quietly, 'now go and lie down on the bed.' he did so at once. i sat down beside him, and taking his two thumbs firmly in my hands, i said: 'now, m., i want you to look steadily at that little stud in my shirt-front; keep your eyes very steadily fixed upon it.' he did so, and i never secured better or more concentrated attention from any patient. "in five or six minutes his eyelids quivered and soon dropped. i closed them, suggesting sleep; and directly he was in the sound hypnotic sleep. i then presented the two pictures again--the bad and the good course--and suggested that they would always be present, distinct in in his mind, that he would dislike the _wrong_ course and desire to avoid it, and choose the _good_ one. i suggested definitely that he would be kind and considerate to his mother, and obey her as well as me. i repeated these suggestions very positively, let him sleep ten minutes, and repeated them again, and then awoke him by counting. "the effect of this treatment was very marked; his whole manner at home was changed, and he became comparatively docile and manageable. "he came to my office for his next treatment, which was perfectly successful. i have given him in all six treatments, and the improvement has been maintained and increased. he is not yet by any means perfect, but his general behavior is changed, and i am suggesting such definite improvements in his conduct, and impressing such pictures upon his mind, as i think will help to develop his better nature and qualities. he is a lover of flowers, and on two occasions has brought some of his own choosing to me. he has lost none of his boyishness; he is full of life; is mischievous, playing tricks even upon his mother; but he is affectionate and generally obedient. his will is not broken, but he has self-control, and he is far more considerate of others than formerly. in short, he is a fair example of one of the educational uses of hypnotism and suggestion." the only other case i will quote is one of night terrors. "a little girl, five years of age, went soundly to sleep when first put to bed, but after two or three hours she awoke screaming and trembling with terror, on account of the hideous black man whom she saw in her dream. the impression of the dream was vivid and persistent, and her screams kept the household aroused and alarmed for hours every night, and this state of things had already continued for months. one day, when she was perfectly bright and happy, i placed her in her high chair in front of me; put my hands gently upon her shoulders, and asked her to look steadily at a trinket easily in her view, and quieted her with passes and soothing touches until her drooping eyelids denoted the subjective condition. i then commenced in a gentle, sing-song manner to suggest that she would go easily to sleep as usual at night, but that she would have no frightful dreams; that she would see the dreadful black man no more, but would sleep quietly on the whole night through. it was repeated over and over in the same gentle manner. "that was a year ago; she has not seen the black man since, and her sleep and health have been perfect. there was no repetition of the treatment." from these few cases, and many not quoted, it appears evident that we have in hypnotism, or suggestion, an agent which, when fully understood, will be of great usefulness to parents in the early training of children. that it should be used wisely no one will deny. the question will naturally arise, how is it that a suggestion to a child while passive or in the hypnotic sleep is more effective than when awake. the answer is not so easy to give; but it is possible that in this state the subliminal self, the higher self, or, perhaps, the spiritual nature is appealed to; and as the active, every-day nature, the conscious self, is now dormant, it receives this appeal more seriously. perhaps a quotation from prof. frederic w. h. myer, who has given the subject profound attention, will help to make the subject clearer. he says: "in waking consciousness i am like the proprietor of a factory whose machinery i do not understand. my foreman, my subliminal self, weaves for me so many yards of broadcloth per diem (my ordinary vital processes), as a matter of course. if i want any pattern more complex, i have to shout my orders in the din of the factory, where only two or three inferior workmen hear me, and they shift their looms in a small and scattered way. such are the confined and capricious results of the first, the more familiar stages of hypnotic suggestion. "at certain intervals, indeed, the foreman stops most of the looms, and uses the freed power to stoke the engine and oil the machinery. this, in my metaphor, is sleep; and it will be effective hypnotic trance if i can get the foreman to stop still more of the looms, come out of his private room, and attend to my orders--my-self suggestions--for their repair and re-arrangment." to make this a little plainer. the subliminal self, the foreman, is the one who manages the machinery of the nervous system, and turns out this or that sort of conduct or behavior in the child, or the man or woman, as he is told to turn out by the conscious self. but in the hypnotic trance this subliminal self can take orders, or suggestions, for other kinds of conduct or behavior; alter the action of the brain, so as to make another sort of creature; for he is not so occupied then but that he can receive these orders. as in the kaleidescope, the pictures presented depend entirely on the arrangement of the pieces of glass. so in daily conduct, character depends on the combination and activity of the brain cells. by suggestion in the hypnotic state we are able, to some extent at least, to alter this combination so that new conduct is presented. the question now arises, how can the parent make use of this agent in altering the nature of a child from one that is not desirable to one that is? probably the best way to proceed would be to take it while sleeping, and make the suggestion then; for ordinary sleep is not different from hypnotic sleep, except in degree. as the child is in the act of going to sleep, let the mother, or whoever is to make the suggestion, sit by its side, take it by the hand and gently soothe it with pleasant words or music, in a firm but agreeable voice. let her say slowly: now you are going to sleep, sleep, sleep. you will soon be sleeping sweetly. how nice it is to sleep and rest our bodies so that we can feel well and strong on the coming day. this sleep is going to do you a great deal of good. you will not have bad dreams. you will not see ugly faces or wake up with a fright. tomorrow you will wake up good-natured, full of life, and will be good boy (or girl, as the case may be), and do your best to make mother happy and proud of you. you will want to play and enjoy the fresh air and sunshine; relish your food; not eat too much, etc., etc., according to the needs of the child. if it is timid and fearful of thunder, or dogs, or horses, or other harmless things, you can say to it, now, you will not be afraid any more of thunder but like to hear it. this, like all other suggestions, must be repeated several times, so as to make an impression. if afraid of strangers, say, now, you will not fear men, or persons you don't know; repeating it slowly over and over again. if the child uses bad language, say, now you will not want to use bad words any more, and will be careful how you speak. if it has a cold, put the hand over the chest and say, now your cold will get well quickly, and not grow worse. if it has the unfortunate habit of wetting the bed at night, even this can be broken up, often by one suggestion, and surely by several repeated so as to take deep root in the mind. this latter is necessary to produce any effect. in case of disease, even serious disease, when a physician is necessary, suggestion may be used by the nurse or parents, or the physician, if he has learned the art, to advantage; but if the parents are anxious or weary, they had better leave it for those who are not weary or anxious; otherwise they may transfer their own condition instead of one of health. the state of mind and body of the operator should be a stable, equable and wholesome one. the age at which suggestion may be of use is hardly yet known. certainly so soon as the understanding has become developed it may be employed, though the language should be simplified for the childish understanding. before this it is of doubtful utility; but some experiments which have been made intimate that good health may sometimes be transmitted from a healthy person to a very young sick child by thought transference. thought transference is the transference from one to another person of some feeling, sensation or idea. the person from whom the thought is transferred is the _active_ agent, and the one who receives it is the _passive_ one. often this phenomenon takes place spontaneously, as when one is in trouble, or at the point of dying, a knowledge of it may sometimes be transferred to an intimate friend who is in sympathy. in the hypnotic state, thought transference can sometimes be induced artificially; and the point here to be considered is the transference to the child of healthy normal sensations to replace the abnormal ones which may have taken possession of consciousness and caused trouble. the important thing always to have in mind in using psychic forces on children is to instil natural, or normal, conditions, not unnatural or abnormal ones. to this end to produce the best results, the active agent should be a normally healthy person, having good common sense, and living a normal, natural life. those with sickly, sentimental or fanciful notions, if they try to use suggestion may transfer these states to the child, which would do harm rather than good. index. acquired characters, inheritance of, , , _et seq._, , , , , _et seq._ acquired characters not transmitted, adaptation to environment necessary for health, aesthetic sense displayed by animals, aesthetic surroundings during gestation, air, regarded as food, alcohol, as a poison, alcohol, effect of, on offspring, allen, joseph a., observations of, as to effects of war on children, _allen, grant_, , , , amphimixis, theory of, ancestral _ids_, ancestral tendencies, correction of, animals, practical superiority of man over, what?, animal flesh, supposed effect of eating, atavism in relation to disease, baby, a theoretical, _et seq._ bad habits, broken up by suggestion during mesmeric sleep, bad temper cured by hypnotic suggestion, _et seq._ beauty, reference of sexual selection to, bees, instincts of, bérillon, dr., on beneficial effect of hypnotism over bad habits, etc., birthmarks, , , blood, healthy, purifying influence of, blood, study of the, , bones, modification of certain, through sitting, boys, mortality among larger than with girls, breasts, best methods of developing, breasts, defective, women having, incapable of becoming mothers of a virile race, breasts, development of, after marriage and parentage, breasts, degeneracy of the, and motherhood, breeding in and in, noyes' first principle for race improvement, camp life, evils of, cases of prenatal influences, _et seq._ cells, sexual, , _chandler, jennie_, character, dependence of, on arrangement of nerve cells, character, improvement by suggestion, method to be employed by parents for, character of children affected by war, characteristics, origin of, through sexual selection, _charles, havelock_, chickamauga camp, prostitution at, children acquire special aptitudes from mothers, child bearing, best age for, children, breeding of, in plato's republic, , children considered as belonging to the state, _et seq._, children, deaths of, in new york city, children, healthy, essentials for having, children, interests of unborn, children, characteristics of, in the oneida community, children in the oneida community, care of, children, mortality among, children, obstacle of war to production and training of, child training aided by suggestion, _et seq._ children, training of, _et seq._, civil war and how it affected the character of children, co-adaptation of parts as evidence of transmission of acquired characters, coalescence of sperm and germ cells, concentrative power, want of, cured by hypnotic suggestion, conduct, knowledge of its object, not possessed by animals, congenital characters, transmission of, congenital deformities, consanguineous marriages among the greeks, consanguineous marriages, regulations as to, among uncultured peoples, , consanguineous marriages, effect on offspring, constitution, bodily, improvement of the, consumption, causes of, consumption, tendency to, whether a bar to marriage, contentment, value of, continuity of germ-plasm, , co-operation, hygienic value of, _et seq._ _cope, prof. e. d._, , cousins, marriage between, couvade, custom of the, _et seq._ crimes, increase of, caused by war, _darwin, charles_, , _et seq._, , , , , , , , , , death, causes of, deformities, congenital, degeneracy of the breasts and motherhood, degeneracy in offspring due to maternal degeneracy evidenced by inability to nurse a child, degeneration, evidence of, development of breasts after marriage and parentage, diseases, influence of hygiene over, diseases, inheritance of, diseases which affect offspring, disposition spiritualized through marriage of chastity, disproportion between accidental causes and effects, , diversity between offspring and parents, causes of, domestication of animals, _doutrebente, prof._, drink, influence of, over offspring, _duncan, j. c. mathews_, education, beneficial effects of hypnotism in, education and heredity, _et seq._ education and non-transmission of acquired characters, education of spartan children, education, plutarch on, education, study of laws of evolution, as part of, educational uses of hypnotism and suggestion, egg. see _ovum_. _eimer, dr. g. h._, , _et seq._, embryo, how parental properties communicated to, embryology, importance of, energy, bodily, use and abuse of, environment, adaptation to, necessary for health, epigenesis, theory of, esquirol on the effects of the french revolution over children, ethics of the body, hygiene as the, evolution, a superior race produced by, _et seq._ evolution, meaning of the term, evolution of the horse, evolution, study of laws of, as part of education, evolutionary theories, conflict of, with humane sentiments, _et seq._ example, influence of, over children, exercise, transmission of effects of, experiment in race improvement by noyes, _et seq._ explanation of the action of hypnotic suggestion, family life, abolition of, in plato's republic, father rule should be combined with mother rule, fatherhood, too little importance assigned to, feeble constitutions prevent numerous offspring, fertilization essential to true germ plasm, fertilization, nature of, _fison, lorimer_, fitness for survival, characteristics of, flat head indians and heredity, flat head and round head tribes, comparison between, flat head not transmitted to offspring, flattening the skull, injurious effect of on health, _flint, dr. austin_, food, how it affects germ plasm, food (certain) injurious influence of, foot, compression of, by chinese ladies, fosterage, french revolution, evil effects of over children, _galton, francis_, , , , , , gemmules, essential to pangenesis, , generation, influences over, at time of conception, , generation, influences over, subsequent to conception, generative powers, debilitation of the, germ plasm and heredity, , germ plasm, continuity of the, , _et seq._, , germ plasm, how affected by food, germ plasm, modification of the, , germ variations, causes of, gestation (period of) importance of pleasant surroundings during, gestation, maternal influence during, gestation, strong emotion during, effect of, , gestation, uterine disturbances during, girls, physical training of, among spartans, girls, mortality among, smaller than with boys, great mothers, how constituted, group marriage of australian natives, _hæckel, ernst_, _harvey_, _haycraft, john berry_, head flattening, health, action of nature in relation to, health, transmission of, by thought transference, to young sick child, healthy localities enable the healthiest offspring to be reared, health, adaptation to environment necessary for, health, ideal of, health, importance of, in relation to marriage, , , _hearn, professor_, hedonism, new, hereditary tastes of children, _et seq._ heredities, antagonistic, of two parents, heredity among flat-head indians, heredity, definition of, heredity and education, _et seq._ heredity, evils arising from, may be cured, heredity, exceptions to law of, heredity and germ plasm, heredity, importance of knowledge of, by teachers, heredity, modification of law of, heredity, preponderating influence of, , heredity, rational view of, heredity, spectre of, _et seq._ heredity, theories of, _et seq._ heredity, transformation of, _hering, richard_, hidery tribes of british columbia, high-pressure, effects of living at, hypnotic sleep, differs from ordinary sleep only in degree, hypnotic suggestion, value of, as aid to education, hypnotism as suggestive therapeutics, horse, evolution of the, human selection, plans for, _et seq._ human kind, regarded as a whole, should be benefited by our conduct, human race, further improvement of impossible, if marriage relation be regarded only from standpoint of sexual indulgence, humane sentiments, conflict of, with theories of evolution, _et seq._ husband and wife, tendency to resemble each other, _huth, a. h._, hygiene, modern, as opposed to natural selection, _et seq._ hygiene, as the ethics of the body, hygiene, promises of, _et seq._ hygienic laws, punishment for infraction of, hygienic surroundings, importance of, hygienic training, value of, ideal of health, idiots, education of, illustrative cases of prenatal influence, _et seq._ imagination, effect of, on unborn offspring, _et seq._ improvement of race. see _race improvement_. incas of peru, consanguineous marriages among the, income, bodily, importance of living within, individual, the, as the beginning and end of the race, individuality, development of the, infanticide among spartans, infanticide, former general prevalence of, infanticide in plato's republic, infanticide not morally permissible, inheritance of acquired characters, question as to the, , , , , , , _et seq._ inheritance, organic, wonders of, injuries during life, transmission of, _et seq._ injury to health through flattening the skull, instinct, explanations of origin of, instincts of the race for children, loss of, instruction and education, difference between, intelligence affected by head flattening, jacob, rods of, _jeune, lady mary_, _jowett, professor b._, _et seq._, _krafft, d. von ebing_, , , _lamarck_, lamarchian theory of transmission, language, not transmitted to offspring, _leeuwenhock_, limitation of offspring, _et seq._ locust, egg-laying instinct of, luxury and parentage, _lycurgus_, marriage regulations of, _et seq._, , _lyman, dr. c. w._, on treatment of a baby, _et seq._ man, variations undergone by, man, practical superiority of, over animals, what, manufacturing life, unhealthiness of, manufacturing mills, deterioration caused by, marriage, consanguineous, ideas as to, , marriage customs among spartans, , marriage, early, disadvantages of, marriage, importance of health in relation to, marriage, regulations as to, in plato's republic, , marriage of weak and worthless, marriage, a sacred state, marriage of chastity, disposition spiritualized by, marriages of affection and passion, difference between, analogous to that between education and instruction, _mason, dr. r. osgood_, on beneficial effect of hypnotism in education, maternity, avoidance of, _mcgee, dr. anita newcomb_, memory, endowment of reproductive cells with, memory, improvement of, by hypnotic suggestion, mental dullness, curable by suggestion during hypnotic sleep, mental emotion of mother, injury to unborn child through, mesmeric sleep, effect of suggestion during, mesmerism, now known as hypnotism, method to be employed by parents for using suggestion in child training, microbes, selective action of, mind of operator, state of, necessary to successful suggestion, - modification of certain bones through sitting, modification of the organism during descent from first ancestors, modification of sense of touch, modification of toes, modification of the whale, molecular structure of sexual cells, monogamy, return to, by the oneida community, , , moral nature, growth of the, mosaic regulations as to unclean animals, motherhood, highest, war an enemy to, motherhood and degeneracy of the breasts, mothers, not peculiarily the divinely appointed teachers of children, musical talent, not transmitted to offspring, mutilations, not transmissible, _meyer, prof. frederic w. h._, on hypnotic suggestion, natural selection, , , , natural selection, always operative, nature, action of, in relation to health, nerve cells, constitution of, alterable by hypnotic suggestion, nervous system, debilitation of the, night terrors cured by hypnotic suggestion, nipples, deformed, common occurrence of, _nisbet, j. f._, , non-nursing of children a sign of degeneracy, normal conditions only should be transferred by hypnotic suggestion, nose molding, notes, _et seq._ _noyes, john humphrey_, _et seq._ nucleus of cell, essential to reproduction, nutrition, action of, on germ cells, nutrition (arrested) organic effect of, obedience the basis of education among the spartans, offspring, effect of alcohol on, offspring, effect of consanguineous marriage on, offspring, influence of locality on health of, offspring, injuriously affected by sexual excess of parents, offspring, inception of, the starting point of stirpiculture, offspring, limitation of, _et seq._ oneida community, _et seq._ ovum, _et seq._ ovum, the beginning of animal life, , ovum, developmental tendency of the, ovum, effect of gestation on the, ovum of different animals, apparent similarity of the, _paget, sir james_, pain, prevention of, in surgical operations, pangenesis, experiments in, pangenesis, theory of, , , panmixia, theory of, paper mill (new england), parentage and luxury, parentage and war, parentage, responsibility in, , parentage, plato's restrictions on, parentage, sacredness of, parents, how to make use of suggestion in the training of children, parents, organic growth of, injuriously affected by sexual excess, parental life, influence of, over offspring, perfectionists of the oneida community, _et seq._ _phillips, wendell_, physical culture, physical training of girls among spartans, physical weakness may be associated with mental greatness, plato, republic of, _et seq._, plutarch, , _et seq._ poisons, actions of, on the sexual cells, poverty, obstacle of, to production and training of the young, preference, as exhibited among animals, preference, as exhibited among men, preference, first principle of sexual selection, prenatal culture, _et seq._ prenatal culture, illustrative cases of, _et seq._ prenatal influence, prenatal influence in telegony, prenatal influences, cases of, _et seq._ principles on which sexual selection is based, , progress in organic life, promiscuity regulated in oneida community, promiscuity regulated in plato's republic, prostitution, camp life a school for, psychical diseases, heredity of, _et seq._ psychological laws, uncertain effect of, psychological research, laboratories for, _quatrefages, m. de_, race (human) deterioration of the, through hygienic action, _et seq._ race, improvement of the, aim of, race, improvement of the, based on spiritual sympathy, race improvement, experiment in, of the oneida community, _et seq._ race improvement, failure of compulsory attempts at, race improvement, grecian methods for, _et seq._ race improvement, grecian methods not suited for modern times, race improvement, natural factors in, race improvement, state aid to, , race should be thought of before ourselves, reproductive function, difference in exercise of, by animals and man, responsibility in parentage, , _ribot, th._, , , _romanes, g. j._, , , , ruin of countries by the burdens of war, sacredness of parentage, _saint-hilaire, geoffroy_, sampson, mother of, science of true living, hygiene as the, scottish co-operative wholesale society's manufacturing mill, _et seq._ selection, artificial, by man, selection, individual, by noyes, selection, natural, _see_ "natural selection." selection, sexual, _see_ "sexual selection." selective action of female animals, _et seq._ selective action of woman in marriage, _et seq._ self-control, importance of, self-consciousness, excessive, cured by hypnotic suggestion, self-development, sense of touch, modification of, through use, sex-instinct, sexual cells, sexual cells, acquired powers of, sexual excess injuriously affects both parents and offspring, sexual impulse, gratification of the, consistent with the development of the highest mental qualities, sexual selection, _et seq._, _et seq._ sexual selection, action of, among primeval men, sexual selection applicable primarily to male characteristics, sexual selection by women, effect of, _et seq._ sexual selection, influence of, , sick child, transmission of health to, by thought transference, sire, previous, influence of, on subsequent progeny, _et seq._ sleep, ordinary, differs from hypnotic sleep only in degree, _smith, sidney_, sobriety, importance of, in relation to offspring, _see_ "alcohol." soldiers demand gratification of their passional natures, spartans, marriage relations among, _et seq._ special aptitudes of child determined by prenatal influences, spectre of heredity, _et seq._ _spencer, herbert_, , , , , , , , , , spermatozoon, spiritual nature, appeal to, in hypnotic suggestion, spontaneous thought transference, standing armies, crushing burden of, state, aid of the, to race improvement, state, children regarded as belonging to the, _et seq._, stirpiculture. _see_ "race, improvement of the." stirpiculture, meaning of, stirpiculture, good air and water as factors in, stirpiculture, noyes' experiment in, _et seq._ stirpiculture, starting point of, strength as necessary as tenderness to bringing up of children, struggle, sexual selection through, studious habits transmitted to children, subliminal self, orders conveyed to, by hypnotic suggestion, suggestion as an aid to child training, , suggestion by parents to children for educational purposes, suggestion during mesmeric sleep, bad habits cured by, suggestion during mesmeric sleep, beneficial effect of, over mental dullness, suggestion, hypnotic, influence of, in developing self-control, suggestion, hypnotic, method of, employed by dr. r. osgood mason for educational purposes, _et seq._ suggestive therapeutics, superiority of offspring, where limited, surgical operations, prevention of pain in, by mesmerism, survival of the fittest, survival, what constitutes fitness for, sympathy, spiritual, as the basis of race improvement, taxation, burden of, created by war, telegony, _et seq._ temper, bad, cured by hypnotic suggestion, tenderness to be combined with strength in bringing up children, theoretical baby, _et seq._ thought transference induced artificially in hypnotic state, thought transference, nature of, thought transference, transmission of health by, to a young sick child, timidity cured by hypnotic suggestion, toes, modification of the, in man, touch, modification of the sense of, training of children aided by hypnotic suggestion, training of children, plutarch on the, _et seq._ transformation of heredity, transitory states of parents, effect of on offspring, transmission by mother to child of aptitude for hard work, transmission by mother to child of artistic and literary tastes, _et seq._, transmission by mother to child of taste for study of natural history, transmission by mother to child of taste for surgical nursing, transmission of acquired characters. _see_ "acquired characters." transmission of effects of exercise, _tylor, e. b._, , twins, resemblance of, unborn children injured by war, unborn children, interests of, unfit, elimination of the, unicellular organisms, uterine existence, disturbances of, , vaccination as a preserver of weak constitutions, vitality, surplus, production of offspring depends on, _wake, c. staniland_, , , _wallace, a. r._, , wallace, alfred russell, on prenatal influences, war and parentage, war, effects of, on civilization, war, effects of, on unborn children, _et seq._ war, enemy to the highest motherhood, _weber, professor_, _weismann, professor_, , _et seq._, , , wet nurses, use of, accompanied by physical weakness, whale, modification of structure of the, white race, superiority of the, due to consciousness of duty towards the race, _wolf, caspar frederick_, woman, condition of, among flat head indians, woman, first duty of, woman not superior to man, woman, selective action of, in marriage, , _et seq._ women incapable of love inferior as mothers, women more numerous than men, women, preference for certain characteristics in men, _xenophon_, _zeigler, professor_, , transcriber's notes: the word "diarrhoea" uses an oe ligature in the original. the following corrections have been made to the text: page : visited her "with great caution and apprehension"[quotation mark missing in original] page : "that the difference between men and the animals is forgotten in them."[quotation mark missing in original] page : _the philosophical[original has philosphical] journal_ for october , page : come to console him [original has extraneous quotation mark]for the pain page : distinguished psychiatrist, d. von krafft-ebings[original has kraft-ebings] page : inconsistency in desires, sudden and variable will."[quotation mark missing in original] page : develop[original has devolop] other organs than those like the ones in which it was formed page : theories of heredity--hæckel's[original has heckel's], for instance page : without the transmission[original has transmision] of the effects of the use page : to give continuous[original has continous] food, warmth and protection page : the ape, the dog, the cat or other animal."[quotation mark missing in original] page : clear, round germinal vesicle[original has vescicle] page : they completely[original has competely] efface themselves page : often of an unusually[original has unsually] cheerful and hopeful disposition page : quoted grant allen as favoring abstinence[original has abstainence] page : must bring decay and ultimate extinction.[original has comma] page : children, both born and unborn.[period missing in original] page : capable of resisting the intense excitements[original has excitments] page : dimmed by the relation of such occurrences[original has occurrencies] page : is this not a grievous[original has grevious] burden page : [original has extraneous quotation mark]mrs. b---- says: "i can trace page : cloth of gold roses and bougainvillea[original has bougianvillea] page : only , out of , died.[original has comma] page : mind as well as heart,[comma missing in original] vigor as well as sympathy page : gruffly[original has grufly] remarked that i had rumpled his hair page : suggestions have not been repeated since may."[original has extraneous quotation mark] page : number " " is below the entry for "air" in the original, but it belongs to the entry for "allen, joseph a.", and has been moved accordingly page : page numbers for the entry on darwin have been put in numerical order page : eimer,[original has period] dr. g. h., , _et seq._, page : hæckel[original has haeckel], ernst, page : inheritance of acquired characters, question as to the, , , ,[comma missing in original] page : krafft[original has kraft], d. von ebing, , , page : leeuwenhock[original has leeukwenhock], page : jowett[original has jewett], professor b., _et seq._,[comma missing in original] page : mason, dr. r. osgood, on beneficial effect of hypnotism[original has hynotism] page : quatrefages[original has quartrefages], m. de, page : saint-hilaire, geoffroy[original has geoffory], page : transmission[original has tranmission] of acquired characters produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) being well-born being well-born an introduction to eugenics _by_ michael f. guyer, ph. d. professor of zoology, the university of wisconsin childhood and youth series _edited by_ m. v. o'shea professor of education, the university of wisconsin indianapolis the bobbs-merrill company publishers copyright the bobbs-merrill company press of braunworth & co. bookbinders and printers brooklyn, n. y. to my wife helen m. guyer editor's introduction the writer recalls that when he was a young boy, he heard the grown-up people in the community earnestly and incessantly debating the question: does heredity play a greater part in shaping one's mind and body than does his environment? from that day to this he has listened to men and women in every walk of life discussing the relation of heredity to environment in determining human traits. teachers and parents are constantly asking: "are such and such characteristics in my children due to their inheritance or to the way they have been trained?" students of juvenile delinquency and of mental defect and deficiency are searching everywhere for light on this matter. it is not to be wondered at that practically all people are peculiarly interested in this problem, since it concerns intimately one's personal traits, and it constantly confronts any one who is responsible for the care and culture of the young. it is suggestive to note how people differ in their views regarding the extent to which a child's physical and mental qualities and capacities are fixed definitely by his inheritance. the writer has often heard students in university classes discuss the subject; and their handling of the problem has shown how superficially and even superstitiously most persons regard the mechanism and functions of heredity. it is significant also to observe what extreme views many people hold regarding the possibility of affecting a child's traits and abilities by subjecting him to specific influences during his prenatal life. in any group of one hundred persons chosen at random, probably seventy-five will believe in specific prenatal influence. many of them will believe in birthmarks due to peculiar experiences of the mother. a popular book recently published asserts among other things that if a mother will look upon beautiful pictures and listen to good music during the prenatal period of her child, the latter will possess esthetic traits and interests in high degree. on the other hand, people generally do not seem to think that degenerate parents beget only degenerate children. alcoholics, feeble-minded persons and the like are permitted to bring children into the world. very few people have any precise knowledge of the mechanism of heredity. the whole thing is inscrutable to them, and is shrouded in mystery. superstition flourishes among even intelligent persons in respect to heredity, and errors due to education, and tragedies resulting from vicious social organization are all alike ascribed to its uncontrollable forces. most people are none the wiser because they do not know to what extent the physical and mental defects and deviations of individuals are due to inheritance or to the malign influences of the individual's environment and training. professor guyer, who has studied the whole problem in a thoroughgoing, scientific way, has prepared this book with a view to illuminating some of the mysteries that surround the subject of heredity, and to dispelling the illusions that persist regarding it. he shows the method which nature follows in the development of the individual. he presents the laws which have become established respecting the extent to which and the manner in which immediate and remote ancestors contribute to the child's physical and mental organism. he answers many questions which those who are engaged in social work or in education in the home or the school are asking to-day. he discusses subjects upon which every serious-minded person wishes to be informed. he has thus made a book which is both of theoretical and of practical interest. he has written in a style which should make his book attractive to the parent and the teacher as well as to the student of the complicated mechanism of inheritance. only a few special terms are used, and these should not give any reader trouble, because the treatment throughout is so concrete that the meaning of the terms will be easily grasped. further, the book is illustrated, with many attractive and instructive illustrations which will show at a glance the working of the principles of inheritance which are developed in the text. this book may be heartily commended to all who are interested in questions of human nature, education and social reform. it should enable the parent, the teacher and the legislator to understand more clearly than most of them now do in how far children's traits and possibilities are or can be fixed by inheritance as contrasted with environmental conditions and nurture in home, school, church and institutional life. m. v. o'shea. madison, wisconsin. preface one of the most significant processes at work in society to-day is the awakening of the civilized world to the rights of the child; and it is coming to be realized that its right of rights is that of being well-born. any series of publications, therefore, dealing primarily with the problems of child nature may very fittingly be initiated by a discussion of the factor of well-nigh supreme importance in determining this nature, heredity. no principles have more direct bearing on the welfare of man than those of heredity, and yet on scarcely any subject does as wide-spread ignorance prevail. this is due in part to the complexity of the subject, but more to the fact that in the past no clear-cut methods of attacking the manifold problems involved had been devised. happily this difficulty has at least in part been overcome. it is no exaggeration to say that during the last fifteen years we have made more progress in measuring the extent of inheritance and in determining its elemental factors than in all previous time. instead of dealing wholly now with vague general impressions and speculations, certain definite principles of genetic transmission have been disclosed. and since it is becoming more and more apparent that these hold for man as well as for plants and animals in general, we can no longer ignore the social responsibilities which the new facts thrust upon us. since what a child becomes is determined so largely by its inborn capacities it is of the greatest importance that teachers and parents realize something of the nature of such aptitudes before they begin to awaken them. for education consists in large measure in applying the stimuli necessary to set going these potentialities and of affording opportunity for their expression. of the good propensities, some will require merely the start, others will need to be fostered and coaxed into permanence through the stereotyping effects of proper habits; of the dangerous or bad, some must be kept dormant by preventing improper stimulation, others repressed by the cultivation of inhibitive tendencies, and yet others smothered or excluded by filling their place with desirable traits before they themselves come into expression. we must see clearly, furthermore, that even the best of pedagogy and parental training has obvious limits. once grasp the truth that a child's fate in life is frequently decided long before birth, and that no amount of food or hospital service or culture or tears will ever wholly make good the deficiencies of bad "blood," or in the language of the biologist, a faulty germ-plasm, and the conviction must surely be borne home to the intelligent members of society that one thing of superlative importance in life is the making of a wise choice of a marriage mate on the one hand, and the prevention of parenthood to the obviously unfit on the other. in the present volume it is intended to examine into the natural endowment of the child. and since full comprehension of it requires some understanding of the nature of the physical mechanism by which hereditary traits are handed on from generation to generation, a small amount of space is given to this phase. then, that the reader may appreciate to their fullest extent the facts gathered concerning man, a review of the more significant principles of genetics as revealed through experiments in breeding plants and animals has been undertaken. the main applications of these principles to man is pointed out in a general discussion of human heredity. finally, inasmuch as all available data indicate that the fate of our very civilization hangs on the issue, the work concludes with an account of the new science of eugenics which is striving for the betterment of the race by determining and promulgating the laws of human inheritance so that mankind may intelligently go about conserving good and repressing bad human stocks. in order to eliminate as many errors as possible and to avoid oversights i have submitted various chapters to certain of my colleagues and friends who are authorities in the special field treated therein. while these gentlemen are in no way responsible for the material of any chapter they have added greatly to the value of the whole by their suggestions and comments. thus i am indebted to professor leon j. cole for reading the entire manuscript; to professors a. s. pearse and f. c. sharp for reading chapter vii; to professor c. r. bardeen for reading special parts; to doctor j. s. evans for reading chapter vi and part of v; to doctor w. f. lorenz, of the mendota hospital, for reading chapter viii; to judge e. ray stevens for reading chapter ix, and to helen m. guyer for several readings of the entire manuscript. grateful acknowledgment is made to all of these readers, to various publishers and periodicals for the use of certain of the illustrations, to the authors of the numerous books and papers from which much of the material in such a work as this must necessarily be selected, and to my artist, miss h. j. wakeman, for her painstaking endeavors to make her work conform to my ideas of what each diagram should show. m. f. g. contents chapter page i heredity blood heritage--kind determined by origin--ancestry a network-- ancestry in royalty--offspring derived from one parent only--dual ancestry an aid in studying heredity--reversion--telegony-- prenatal influences apart from heredity--parent body and germ not identical--a hereditary character defined--hereditary mingling a mosaic rather than a blend--determiners of characters, not characters themselves, transmitted--our knowledge of heredity derived along three lines--the method of experimental breeding-- the statistical method--galton's law of regression--correlations between parents and offspring--the biometrical method, statistical, not physiological--mental as well as physical qualities inheritable. ii the bearers of the heritage the cell the unit of structure--unicellular organisms--importance of cell-theory--heredity in unicellular forms--reproduction and heredity in colonial protozoa--conjugation--specialization of sex-cells--the fertilized ovum--advancement seen in the volvox colony--natural death--specialization in higher organisms--sexual phenomena in higher forms--cell-division--chromosomes constant in number and appearance--significance of the chromosomes--cleavage of the egg--chief processes operative in building the body--the origin of the new germ-cells--significance of the early setting apart of the germ-cells--individuality of chromosomes--pairs of chromosomes--reduction of the number of chromosomes by one-half-- maturation of the sperm-cell--maturation of the egg-cell--parallel between the two processes--fertilization--significance of the behavior of the chromosomes--a single set of chromosomes sufficient for the production of an organism--the duality of the body and the singleness of the germ--the cytoplasm in inheritance--chromosomes possibly responsible for the distinctiveness of given characters--sex and heredity--many theories of sex determination--the sex-chromosome--sex-linked characters in man--in lower forms. iii mendelism new discoveries in the field of heredity--mendel--rediscovery of mendelian principles--independence of inheritable characters-- illustration in the andalusian fowl--the cause of the ratio-- verification of the hypothesis--dominant and recessive-- segregation in the next generation--illustrated in guinea-pigs-- terminology--the theory of presence and absence--additional terminology--dominance not always complete--modifications of dominance--mendel's own work--dihybrids--getting new combinations of characters--segregations of the determiners--four kinds of gametes in each sex--the : : : ratio--phenotype and genotype-- the question of blended inheritance--nilsson-ehle's discoveries-- such cases easily mistaken for true blends--skin-color in man-- questionable if real blends exist--the place of the mendelian factors in the germ-cell--parallel between the behavior of mendelian factors and chromosomes--a single chromosome not restricted to carrying a single determiner. iv mendelism in man probably applicable to many characters in man--difficult to get correct data--a generalized presence-absence formula--indications of incomplete dominance--why after the first generation only half the children may show the dominant character--eye-color in man-- hair-color--hair-shape--irregularities--digital malformations--eye defects--other defects inherited as dominants--recessive conditions more difficult to deal with--albinism--other recessive conditions in man--breeding out defects--other inheritable conditions in man. v are modifications acquired directly by the body inherited? which new characters are inherited?--examples of somatic modifications--use and disuse--the problem stated--special conditions in mammals--three fundamental questions--external influences may directly affect the germ-cells--such effects improbable in warm-blooded animals--poisons may affect the germ-plasm--how can somatic modifications be registered in germ-cells?--persistence of mendelian factors argues against such a mode of inheritance--experiments on insects--on plants--on vertebrates--epilepsy in guinea-pigs--effects of mutilations not inherited--transplantation of gonads--effects of body on germ, general not specific--certain characters inexplicable as inherited somatic acquirements--neuter insects--origin of new characters in germinal variation--sexual reproduction in relation to new characters--many features of an organism characterized by utility--germinal variation a simpler and more inclusive explanation--analysis of cases--effects of training--instincts-- disease--reappearance not necessarily inheritance--prenatal infection not inheritance--inheritance of a predisposition not inheritance of a disease--tuberculosis--two individuals of tubercular stock should not marry--special susceptibility less of a factor in many diseases--deaf-mutism--gout--nervous and mental diseases--other disorders which have hereditary aspects--induced immunity not inherited--social, ethical and educational significance of non-inheritance of somatic modifications--no cause for discouragement--improved environment will help conserve superior strains when they do appear. vi prenatal influences all that a child possesses at birth not necessarily hereditary-- the myth of maternal impressions--injurious prenatal influences-- lead poisoning--the expectant mother should have rest--too short intervals between children--expectant mothers neglected-- alcoholism--unreliability of most data--alcohol a germinal and fetal poison--various views of specialists on the effects of alcoholism on progeny--the affinity of alcohol for germinal tissue--innate degeneracy versus the effects of alcohol-- experimental alcoholism in lower animals--further remarks on the situation in man--much inebriety in man due to defective nervous constitution--factors to be reckoned with in the study of alcoholism--venereal diseases--the seriousness of the situation-- infantile blindness--syphilis--some of the effects--a blood test-- many syphilitics married--why permit existing conditions to continue?--ante-nuptial medical inspection--the perils of venereal disease must be prevented at any cost--bad environment can wreck good germ-plasm. vii responsibility for conduct all mental process accompanied by neural process--gradations in nervous response from lower organisms to man--behavior of many animals often an automatic adjustment to simple external agents-- tropisms--certain apparently complex volitions probably only tropisms--complicating factors--many tropic responses apparently purposeful--tropisms grade into reflex actions and instincts-- adjustability of instincts opens the way for intelligent behavior--modification of habits possible in lower animals--some lower vertebrates profit by experience--rational behavior-- conceptual thought probably an outgrowth of simpler psychic states--the capacity for alternative action in higher animals--the elemental units of the nervous system are the same in lower and higher animals--neuron theory--establishment of pathways through the nervous system--characteristic arrangements of nerve cells subject to inheritance--different parts of the cortex yield different reactions--skill acquired in one branch of learning probably not transferred to another branch--preponderance of cortex in highest animals--special fiber tracts in the spinal cord of man and higher apes--great complexity in associations and more neurons in the brain of man--the nervous system in the main already staged at the time of birth--many pathways of conduction not yet established--the extent of the modifiable zone unknown-- various possibilities of reaction in the child--probable origin of altruistic human conduct--training in motive necessary--actual practise in carrying out projects important--interest and difficulty both essential--the realization of certain possibilities of the germ rather than others is subject to control--we must afford the opportunity and provide the proper stimuli for the development of good traits--moral responsibility. viii mental and nervous defects prevalence of insanity--imperfect adjustments of the brain mechanism inheritable--many mental defectives married-- disproportionate increase in number of mental defectives--protests voiced by alienists--examples of hereditary feeble-mindedness-- difficult to secure accurate data--feeble-mindedness and insanity not the same--many types of insanity--not all insanities of the same eugenical significance--difficulties of getting genealogies of specific forms of insanity--certain forms of insanity seem to behave as mendelian recessives--grades of feeble-mindedness--about two-thirds of feeble-mindedness inherited--some results of non-restraint of the feeble-minded--not all cases of mental deficiency inherited--epileptics--feeble-mindedness probably a recessive--many apparently normal people are carriers of neuropathic defects--tests for mental deficiency--the backward child in school--the exceptionally able child--cost of caring for our mentally disordered--importance of rigid segregation of the feeble-minded--importance of early diagnosis of insanity--opinion of competent psychiatrists essential--some insanities not hereditary--importance of heredity in insanity not appreciated. ix crime and delinquency heredity and environment in this field--feeble-mindedness often a factor--many delinquent girls mentally deficient--institutional figures misleading--many prisoners mentally subnormal--inhibitions necessary to social welfare--the high-grade moron a difficult problem--degenerate strains--intensification of defects by inbreeding--vicious surroundings not a sufficient explanation in degenerate stocks--not all delinquents defectives--no special inheritable crime-factor--what is a born criminal?--epileptic criminal especially dangerous--the mental disorders most frequently associated with crime--bearing of immigration on crime and delinquency--sexual vice--school instruction in sex-hygiene-- mere knowledge not the crux of the sex problem--early training in self-restraint an important preventive of crime and delinquency-- multiplication of delinquent defectives must be prevented. x race betterment through heredity questionable charity--past protests--an increasing flood of defectives--natural elimination of defectives done away with--why not prevent our social maladies?--eugenics defined--improved environment alone will not cure racial degeneracy--heredity and environment--inter-racial marriage--human conservation--kindness in the long run--the problem has two phases--constructive eugenics must be based on education--inferior increasing more rapidly than superior stocks--an unselected population may contain much valuable material--the lack of criteria for judging fitness--the college graduate--native ability, independence and energy eugenically desirable--four children to each marriage required to maintain a stock--factors contributing to low birth-rate in desirable strains--the educated public must be made to realize the situation--utilization of family pride as a basis for constructive eugenics--the tendency for like to marry like--public opinion as an incentive to action--choosing a marriage mate means choosing a parent--the best eugenic marriage also a love match--the elimination of the grossly unfit urgent--suggested remedies-- inefficacy of laws which forbid marriage of mental defectives-- systems of mating impracticable in the main--corrective mating presupposes knowledge of eugenics--segregation has many advocates--sterilization as a eugenic measure--to what conditions applicable--in insanity--in feeble-mindedness--in cases of epilepsy--sterilization laws--social dangers in vasectomy--our present knowledge insufficient--sterilization laws on trial--an educated public sentiment the most valuable eugenic agent--the question of personal liberty--education of women in eugenics needed--much yet to be done--a working program--which shall it be? glossary references for further reading and study index being well-born chapter i heredity it is a commonplace fact that offspring tend to resemble their parents. so commonplace, indeed, that few stop to wonder at it. no one misunderstands us when we say that such and such a young man is "a chip off the old block," for that is simply an emphatic way of stating that he resembles one or the other of his parents. the same is true of such familiar expressions as "what's bred in the bone," "blood will tell," and kindred catch phrases. all are but recognitions of the same common fact that offspring exhibit various characteristics similar to those of their progenitors. =blood heritage.--=to this phenomenon of resemblance in successive generations based on ancestry the term heredity is applied. in man, for instance, there is a marked tendency toward the reappearance in offspring of structures, habits, features, and even personal mannerisms, minute physical defects, and intimate mental peculiarities like those possessed by their parents or more remote forebears. these personal characteristics based on descent from a common source are what we may call the blood heritage of the child to discriminate it from a wholly different kind of inheritance, namely, the passing on from one generation to the next of such material things as personal property or real estate. =kind determined by origin.--=it is inheritance in the sense of community of origin that determines whether a given living creature shall be man, beast, bird, fish, or what not. a given individual is human because his ancestors were human. in addition to this stock supply of human qualities he has certain well-marked features which we recognize as characteristics of race. that is, if he is of anglo-saxon or italian or mongolian parentage, naturally his various qualities will be anglo-saxon, italian, or mongolian. still further, he has many distinctive features of mind and body that we recognize as family traits and lastly, his personal characteristics such as designate him to us as tom, harry, or james must be added. the latter would include such minutiæ as size and shape of ears, nose or hands; complexion; perhaps even certain defects; voice; color of eyes; and a thousand other particulars. although we designate these manifold items as individual, they are in reality largely more or less duplicates of similar features that occur in one or the other of his progenitors, features which he would not have in their existing form but for the hereditary relation between him and them. "o damsel dorothy! dorothy q.! strange is the gift that i owe to you; * * * * * what if a hundred years ago those close-shut lips had answered 'no,' * * * * * should i be i, or would it be one-tenth another, to nine-tenths me?" "soft is the breath of a maiden's yes; not the light gossamer stirs with less; but never a cable that holds so fast through all the battles of wave and blast, and never an echo of speech or song that lives in the babbling air so long! there were tones in the voice that whispered then you may hear to-day in a hundred men." when life steps into the world of matter there comes with it a sort of physical immortality, so to speak; not of the individual, it is true, but of the race. but the important thing to note is that the race is made up, not of a succession of wholly unrelated forms, but a continuation of the same kind of living organisms, and this sameness is due to the actual physical descent of each new individual from a predecessor. in other words, any living organism is the kind of organism it is in virtue of its hereditary relation to its ancestors. it is part of the biologist's task to seek a material basis, a continuity of actual substance, for this continuity of life and form between an organism and its offspring. moreover, inasmuch as the offspring is never precisely similar to its progenitors he must determine also what qualities are susceptible of transmission and in what measure. =ancestry a network.--=from the fact that each child has all of the ancestors of its mother as well as of its father, arises the great complications which are met with in determining the lineage of an individual. a person has two parents, four grandparents, eight great grandparents, and thus following out pedigree it is plain to be seen that through this process of doubling in each generation, in the course of a few centuries one's ancestry is apparently enormous. by actual computation, according to professor d. s. jordan, if we count thirty generations back to the norman invasion of england in , at this ratio of duplication, the child of to-day would have had at that time an ancestry of , , , persons. but we know that the total number of inhabitants in england during the time of william the conqueror was but a small fraction of this enormous aggregate. this means that we shall have to modify our inference that a child has twice as many ancestors as its parents; a condition which at first sight seems evident, but which is not literally true. the fact is that the parents of the child, in all probability, have many ancestors in common--a state of affairs which is brought about through the intermarriage of relatives, and this is especially frequent among remoter descendants of common progenitors. time after time in genealogy strains of blood have crossed and recrossed until it is not improbable that a man of to-day who is of english origin has the blood in his veins from every inhabitant of england who lived during the time of william the conqueror and left fruitful descendants. instead of conceiving of ancestry as an ever branching and widening tree-like system as it recedes into the past, it is more accurate, therefore, to regard it in the light of an elaborate meshwork. the "family tree" in reality becomes the family net. =ancestry in royalty.--=the pedigrees of royal families have proved to be of much importance in the study of human inheritance, not that royal traits are any more heritable than any other, but simply because the records have been carefully kept so that they are the most comprehensive and easily followed pedigrees available. the netlike weave of ancestry is particularly well exemplified in some of these families because of much close intermarriage. their heritage typifies on an intensified scale the heritage of the mass of mankind. for example, if we go six generations back in the ancestry of frederick the great instead of the expected sixty-four individual ancestors we find only forty; or in a still more closely woven stock, in the spanish royal line of don carlos we find in six generations instead of sixty-four individual ancestors, only twenty-eight. while the present german emperor might have had four thousand ninety-six ancestors in the twelfth generation back, it is estimated that owing to intermarriage he probably had only five hundred thirty-three. =offspring derived from one parent only.--=so far in our reckoning of heredity we have counted elements from both father and mother, and the complications which arise from such a double ancestry are manifestly very perplexing ones. if we could do away with the elements of sex and find offspring that are derived from one parent only, it would seemingly simplify our problem very much for we should thus have a direct line of descent, free from intermingling. this, in fact, occurs to a greater or less extent among lower animals in a number of instances. there may be only female forms for a number of generations and the eggs which they produce develop directly into new individuals. moreover, many of the simpler organisms have the power of dividing their bodies into two and thus giving rise to two new forms, each of which resembles the parent. this shows plainly that we may have inheritance without the appearance of any male ancestor at all, hence sex is not always a necessary factor in reproduction or heredity. the development of eggs asexually, that is, without uniting first with a male cognate, is termed _parthenogenesis_. the ordinary plant louse or aphid which is frequently found upon geraniums is a familiar example of an animal which reproduces largely in this way. during the summer only the females exist and they are so astonishingly fertile that one such aphid and her progeny, supposing none dies, will produce one hundred million in the course of five generations. in the last broods of the fall, males and females appear and fertile eggs are produced which lie dormant through the winter to start the cycle of the next year. again, the eggs of some kinds of animals which normally have to unite with a male germ before they develop, can be made to develop by merely treating them with chemical solutions. the difference between an offspring derived in such a manner, and one which has developed from an egg fertilized by the male is that it is made up of characteristics from only one source, the maternal. =dual ancestry an aid in studying heredity.--=although we have the factors of heredity in a more simplified form in the case of asexual transmission, as a matter of fact most of our insight into the problems of heredity has been attained from a study of sexually reproducing forms, because the very existence of two sets of more or less parallel features offers a kind of checking up system by which we can follow a given characteristic. =reversion.--=occasionally, however, plants and animals do not develop the complete individuality we might expect, but stop short at or re-attain some ancestral stage along the line of descent, and thus come to resemble some progenitor perhaps many generations back of their own time. thus it is well known that as regards one or more characteristics a child may resemble a grandparent or often some remote ancestor much more closely than it does its immediate parent. the reappearance of such ancestral traits the student of heredity designates as _reversion_ or _atavism_. reversion may occur apparently in any class of plants or animals. it is especially pronounced among domesticated forms, which through man's selection have been produced under more or less artificial conditions. for example, among fancy breeds of pigeons, there may be an occasional return to the old slaty blue color of the ancestral rock-pigeon, with two dark cross-bars on the wings, from which all modern breeds have been derived. this is almost sure to happen if the fancy varieties are inter-crossed for two or three generations. another example of reversion frequently cited is the occasional reappearance in domestic poultry of the reddish or brownish color pattern of the ancestral jungle-fowl to which, among modern forms, the indian game seems most nearly related in color. still another example is the cross-bars or stripes occasionally to be seen on the forelegs of colts, particularly mules, reminiscent of the extinct wild progenitors which were supposedly striped. fig. , p. , is a picture of a hybrid between the common fowl and the guinea-fowl. the chevron-like markings on certain feathers show a reversion to a type of color pattern that is prevalent among both the primitive pheasants (the domestic chicken is a pheasant) and the primitive guinea-fowls. although the common spotted guinea-fowl may be crossed with a black chicken which shows no trace of barring, nevertheless the hybrid offspring are likely to bear a chevron-like pattern such as that shown in the picture. there has been much quibbling over the relative meanings of reversion and atavism. the general idea, whichever term we use, is that there is a "throwing back" in a noticeable degree through inheritance to some ancestral condition beyond the immediate parents. a few recent authors have taken the term atavism in a restricted sense and use it to signify specifically those not uncommon cases in which a particular character of an offspring resembles the corresponding character of a grandparent instead of a parent. such, for example, as the blue eye-color of a child with brown-eyed parents, each of whom in turn has had a blue-eyed parent. the tendency of other authors is to abandon the term entirely because of the diversity of meaning that has been attached to it in the past. [illustration: fig. hybrid between the guinea-fowl and the common fowl, showing in many feathers reversion to a primitive chevron-like barring.] certain classes of so-called reversions, such as the case of the eye-color just cited, are readily explicable on mendelian principles as we shall see in a later chapter, but probably not all kinds of phenomena described as reversion can be so explained. for example, some seem to be cases of suppressed development. the word reversion, indeed, must be looked on as a convenient descriptive term rather than as the name of a single specific condition. =telegony.--=there is yet a wide-spread belief in the supposed influence of an earlier sire on offspring born by the same mother to a later and different sire. this alleged phenomenon is termed _telegony_. for example, many dog-breeders assert that if a thoroughbred bitch has ever had pups by a mongrel father, her later offspring, although sired by a thoroughbred, will show taints of the former mongrel mating. in such cases the female is believed to be ruined for breeding purposes. other supposed instances of such influences have been cited among horses, cattle, sheep, pigs, cats, birds, pets of various kinds and even men. the historic case most frequently quoted is that of lord morton's mare which bore a hybrid colt when bred to a quagga, a striped zebra-like animal now extinct. in later years the same mare bore two colts, sired by a black arabian horse. both colts showed stripes on the neck and other parts of the body, particularly on the legs. it was inferred that this striping was a sort of after effect of the earlier breeding with the quagga. in recent times, however, professor ewart has repeated the experiment a number of times with different mares using a burchell zebra as the test sire. although his experiments have been devised so as to conduce in every way possible to telegony his results have been negative. moreover, it has been pointed out that the stripes on the legs of the two foals alleged to show telegony could not have been derived from the quagga sire for, unlike zebras, quaggas did not have their legs striped. furthermore it is known that the occurrence of dark brown stripes on the neck, withers and legs of ordinary colts is not uncommon, some cases of which have exhibited more zebra-like markings than those of the colts from lord morton's mare. it seems much more probable, therefore, that the alleged instances are merely cases of ordinary reversion to the striped ancestral color pattern which probably characterized the wild progenitors of the domesticated horse. various experiments on guinea-pigs, horses, mice and other forms, especially devised to test out this alleged after-influence of an earlier sire, have all proved negative and the general belief of the biologist to-day is that telegony is a myth. =prenatal influences apart from heredity.--=in discussing the problems of heredity it is necessary to consider also the possibilities of external influences apart from lineage which may affect offspring through either parent. although modifications derived directly by the parent, and prenatal influences in general, are of extremely doubtful value as of permanent inheritable significance, nevertheless they must be reckoned with in any inventory of a child's endowment at birth. impaired vitality on the part of the mother, bad nutrition and physical vicissitudes of various kinds all enter as factors in the birthright of the child, who, moreover, may bear in its veins slumbering poisons from some progenitor who has handed on blood taints not properly attributable to heredity. of such importance is this kind of influence to the welfare of the immediate child that it will be necessary to discuss it in considerable detail in a later chapter. =parent body and germ not identical.--=inasmuch as each new individual appears to arise from material derived from its parent, taking the evidence at its face value one might suppose that any peculiarity of organization called forth in the living substance of the parent would naturally be repeated in the offspring, but a closer study of the developing organism from its first inception to maturity shows this to be probably a wrong conclusion. the parent-body and the reproductive substance contained in that body are by no means identical. it becomes an important question to decide, in fact, how much effect, if any, either permanent or temporary, the parent-body really has on the germ. a given fertile germ (fig. , p. ) gives rise by a succession of divisions to a body which we call the individual, but such a germ also gives rise to a series of new germ-cells which reside in that individual, and it is these germ-cells, not something derived from the body, that pass on the determiners of distinguishing features or qualities from generation to generation. it is only by grasping the significance of this fact that we can understand how in certain cases a totally different set of characters may appear in an offspring than those manifested in either parent. =an hereditary character defined.--=by a _character_, in discussions in heredity, is meant simply a trait, feature or other characteristic of an organism. where we can pick out a single definable characteristic which acts as a unit in heredity, for greater accuracy we term it a _unit-character_. many traits are known to be inherited on a unit basis or are capable of being analyzed into factors which are so inherited. these unit-characters are in large measure inherited independently of one another apparently, although cases of characters inherited as a unit along with other characters are known. =hereditary mingling a mosaic rather than a blend.--=the independence of unit-characters in inheritance leads us to the important conclusion that the mingling of two lines of ancestry into a new individual is in no sense bringing them into the "melting pot," as it has been picturesquely expressed, but it is rather to be regarded as the mingling of two mosaics, each particle of which retains its own individuality, and which, even if overshadowed in a given generation, may nevertheless manifest its qualities undimmed in later generations when conditions favorable to its expression transpire. [illustration: fig. diagram illustrating germinal continuity. through a series of divisions a germ-cell gives rise to a body or a soma and to new germ-cells. the latter, not the body, give rise in turn to the next generation.] =determiners of characters, not characters themselves, transmitted.--=the fact should be thoroughly understood that the actual thing which is transmitted by means of the germ in inheritance is not the character itself, but something which will _determine_ the character in the offspring. it is important to remember this, for often these _determiners_, as they are called, may lie unexpressed for one or more generations and may become manifest only in later descendants. the truth of the matter is, the child does not inherit its characters from corresponding characters in the parent-body, but parent and child are alike because they are both products of the same line of germ-plasm, both are chips from the same old block. methods of studying heredity before entering into details it will be well to get some idea of the methods which are commonly employed in arriving at conclusions in the field of heredity. some of these are extremely complex and all that we can do in an elementary presentation is to get a glimpse of the procedures. =our knowledge of heredity derived along three lines.--=our modern conceptions of heredity have been derived mainly from three distinct lines of investigation: first, from the study of embryology, in which the biologist concerns himself with the genesis of the various parts of the individual, and the mechanism of the germs which convey the actual materials from which these parts spring; second, through experimental breeding of plants and animals to compare particular traits or features in successive generations; and third, through the statistical treatment of observations or measurements of a large number of parents and their offspring with reference to a given characteristic in order to determine the average extent of resemblance between parents and children in that particular respect. =the method of experimental breeding.--=a tremendous impetus was given to the method of experimental breeding when it was realized that we can itemize many of the parts or traits of an organism into entities which are inherited independently one of another. such traits, or as we have already termed them, unit-characters, may be not only independently heritable but independently variable as well. the experimental method seeks to isolate and trace through successive generations the separate factors which determine the individual unit-characters of the organism. in this attempt cross-breeding is resorted to. forms which differ in one or more respects are mated and the progeny studied. next these offspring are mated with others of their own kind or mated back with the respective parent types. in this way the behavior of a particular character may often be followed and the germinal constitutions of the individuals concerned can be formulated with reference to it. inasmuch as we shall give much consideration to this method in the chapter on mendelism we need not consider it further here. =the statistical method.--=the statistical method seeks to obtain large bodies of facts and to deal with evidence as it appears through mathematical analysis of these facts. the attempt of its followers is to treat quantitatively all biological processes with which it is concerned. historically sir francis galton was the first to make any considerable application of statistical methods to the problems of heredity and variation. in his attempts to determine the extent of resemblance between relatives of different degree as regards bodily, mental and temperamental traits, he devised new methods of statistical analysis which constitute the basis of modern statistical biology, or _biometry_ as it is termed by its votaries. professor karl pearson in particular has extended and perfected the mathematical methods of this field and stands to-day as perhaps its most representative exponent. the system is in the main based on the calculus of probability. the methods often are highly specialized, requiring the use of higher mathematics, and are therefore only at the command of specially trained workers. just as insurance companies can tell us the probable length of human life in a given social group, since although uncertain in any particular case, it is reducible in mass to a predictable constant, so the biometrician with even greater precision because of his improved methods can often, when a large number of cases are concerned, give us the intensity of ancestral influence with reference to particular characters. for example, it is clear that by measuring a large number of adult human beings one can compute the average height or determine the height which will fit the greatest number. there will be some individuals below and some above it, but the greater the divergence from this standard height the fewer will be the individuals concerned. galton compared the heights of normal english parents and their adult offspring. in order to equalize the measurements of men and women he found he had to multiply each female height by . . then, to take both parents into account when comparing height of parents to that of children he added the height of the father to the proportionately augmented height of the mother and divided by two, thus securing the height of what he termed the "mid-parent." he found that the mid-parental heights of his subjects ranged from . to . inches, and that the general _mode_ was about . inches. it should be mentioned that the _mode_, in a given population, represents the group containing the largest number of individuals of one kind; it may or may not coincide with the average. the children of all mid-parents having a given height were measured next and tabulated with reference to these mid-parents. the results of galton's measurements may be expressed simply as follows: ----------------------------------------------------------------- |mode| ----------------------------------------|----|------------------- height of mid-parent| | | | | | | | | in inches | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | | | | | | | | average height of | | | | | | | | | offspring | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . ----------------------------------------------------------------- =the law of regression.--=it is plain from this table that the offspring of short mid-parents tend to be under average or modal height though not so far below as their parents. likewise children of tall parents tend to be tall but less tall than their parents. this fact illustrates what is known as galton's _law of regression_; namely, that if parents in a given population diverge a certain amount from the mode of the population as a whole, their children, while tending to resemble them, will diverge less from this mode. it is clear that the extent of regression is an inverse measure of the intensity of inheritance from the immediate parents; if the deviation of the offspring from the general mode were nearly as great as that of their parents then the intensity of the inheritance must be high; if but slight--that is, if the offspring regressed nearly to the mode--then the intensity of the inheritance must be ranked as low. in the example in question it must be ranked as relatively high. computations show that as regards stature the fraction two-thirds represents approximately the amount of resemblance between the two generations where both parents are considered. =correlations between parents and offspring.--=in modern researches the conception of mid-parent and mid-grandparent as utilized by galton has been largely abandoned. it has been found more convenient as well as more accurate to keep the measurements of the two parents separate and to deal with correlations between fathers and sons, fathers and daughters, mothers and sons, mothers and daughters, brother and brother, etc. professor pearson and his pupils have found for a number of characters that the correlation between either parent and children, whether sons or daughters, is relatively close. the correlation between brother and brother, sister and sister, and brother and sister, usually ranges a little higher than the corresponding relation between parents and children. =the biometrical method, statistical, not physiological.--=while biometry may in certain cases go far toward showing us the average intensity of the inheritance of certain characters it can not replace the method of the experimental breeder which deals with particular characters in individual pedigrees. it must be borne in mind that the biometrical method is a statistical and not a physiological one and that it is applicable only when large numbers of individuals are considered in mass. it is most valuable in cases where we are unable sharply to define single characters, due probably to the concurrent action of a number of independent causes, or where experiment is impossible so that we have to depend solely on numerical data gained by observation. =mental qualities inheritable.--=galton showed by this method long ago, and pearson and his school have extended and more clearly established the work, that exceptional mental qualities tend to be inherited. while on the average the children of exceptional parents tend to be less exceptional than their parents, still they are far more likely to be exceptional than are the children of average parents. by this method professor pearson has shown that such mental and temperamental attributes as ability, vivacity, conscientiousness, temper, popularity, handwriting, etc., are as essentially determined as are physical features through the hereditary endowment. chapter ii the bearers of the heritage before we can make any detailed analysis of the inheritance of characters we should have some general idea of the physical structure of animals and particularly some familiarity with the development of an individual from the egg, as well as some knowledge of the nature of the germ-cells. =the cell the unit of structure.--=if we examine one of the higher animals, as, for example, the horse, the dog, or man, we find that it is made up of a large number of constituents, such as bones, muscles, nervous elements, blood and other tissues. each kind of tissue is composed of a number of living units, ordinarily microscopic in size, which are known as cells. a careful examination of various cells reveals that although they may differ greatly in size, shape and minor details, they all alike possess certain well-marked characteristics. each when reduced to its fundamental form is seen to consist of a small mass of living matter termed protoplasm in which may usually be distinguished two regions--the cell-body or _cytoplasm_, and the _nucleus_ (fig. , p. ). any cell, whether it be of the brain, of the liver, or from any organ of an animal or plant, has this same fundamental structure. in addition, a limiting membrane or wall of some kind is generally present, although it is not a necessary constituent of all cells. [illustration: fig. diagram of a cell showing various parts.] =unicellular organisms.--=while such a structure as a tree or a horse is composed of countless millions of cells, on the other hand numerous organisms, both plant and animal, exist which consist of only one cell. yet this cell is just as characteristically a cell as are the components of a complex animal or plant. it has the necessary parts, the cell body and the nucleus. moreover it exhibits all of the fundamental activities of life, though in a simplified form, that a complex higher organism does. =importance of cell-theory.--=this discovery that every living thing is a single cell or an aggregation of cooperating cells and cell-products is one of our most important biological generalizations because it has brought such a wide range of phenomena under a common point of view. in the first place, the structure of both plants and animals is reducible to a common fundamental unit of organization. moreover, both physiological and pathological phenomena are more readily understood since we recognize that the functions of the body in health or disease are in large measure the result of the activities of the individual cells of the functioning part. then again, the problems of embryological development have become much more sharply defined since it could be shown that the egg is a single cell and that it is through a series of divisions of this cell and subsequent changes in the new cells thus formed that the new organism is built up. and lastly, the problem of hereditary transmission has been rendered more definite and approachable by the discovery that the male germ is likewise a single cell, that fertilization of the egg is therefore the union of two cells, and that in consequence the mechanism of inheritance must be stowed away somehow in these two cells. =heredity in unicellular forms.--=in unicellular animals one can readily see how it is possible for an individual always to give rise to its own kind. one of the simplest of the single-celled animals is the _ameba_ (fig. , p. ). the ameba eats and grows as do other animals. sooner or later it reaches a size beyond which it can not increase advantageously, yet it is continuously taking in new food material which stimulates it to further growth. here then is a problem. the ameba solves this difficulty by dividing to form two amebæ. such a division is illustrated in fig. , p. . first the nucleus divides, then the cell-body. when the two new amebæ separate completely each renews the occupation of eating and growing. but what has become of the parent? here, where once existed a large adult ameba are two young amebæ. the parent individual as such has disappeared, yet there has been no death, for we have simply two bits of living jelly in place of one. they will in turn repeat the same process, so will their offspring, and thus, barring accident, this growth and reproduction, or overgrowth as we may regard it, may go on forever, as far as we know. here the problem of heredity, or the resemblance of offspring to parent, is not a very complicated one. the substance of the cell-body and cell-nucleus divides into two similar halves, so that each descendant has the substance of the parent in its own body, only it has but half as much. it differs from the parent, not in quality or kind, but in size. [illustration: fig. six successive stages in the division of _ameba polypodia_ (after schulze). the nucleus is seen as a dark spot in the interior.] =reproduction and heredity in colonial protozoa.--=there are enormous numbers of these single-celled animals existing in all parts of the world. some are simple like the ameba, others are very complex in structure. many, after division, move apart and pursue wholly independent courses of existence. on the other hand we find a modification appearing in some which is of the greatest importance. after division instead of moving apart the two cells may remain side by side and divide further to form two more, these in turn may divide and thus the process goes on until there is formed what is known as a colony. each cell of such a colony resembles the original ancestral cell because each is a part of the actual substance of that cell. as in the ameba, the first two cells are the ancestral cell done up in two separate packets, and thus finally the full quota of cells must be so many separate packets of the same kind of material. inasmuch as each is but a repetition of its original ancestor, it can, and at times does, produce a colony of the same kind as that ancestor produced. =conjugation.--=at longer or shorter intervals, however, we find that two individuals, on the disruption of the old colony, instead of continuing the routine of establishing new colonies through a series of cell divisions, very radically alter their behavior. they unite and fuse into a single larger individual. this process is called _conjugation_. we find it occurring even in some species of ameba. the conjugating cells in some colonies are alike in size and appearance, in others different. =specialization of sex-cells.--=a beautiful sphere-shaped colony known as _volvox_ is to be found occasionally in roadside pools. depending on the species of _volvox_ to which it belongs, the colony may be made up of from a few hundred to several thousand individuals arranged in a single layer about the fluid-filled center of the sphere and bound together by a clear jelly-like inter-cellular substance. each individual cell also connects with its neighbors by means of thin threads of living matter. one of the largest species is _volvox globator_, one edge of which is represented in fig. , p. . mutual pressure of the cells gives them a polygonal shape when viewed from the surface. each cell, with a few exceptions to be noted immediately, bears two long flagella, whip-like structures which project out into the water. the lashing of these flagella gives the ball a rotary motion and thus it moves about. when the colony has reached its adult condition and is ready to reproduce itself, certain cells without flagella and somewhat larger than the ordinary cells become more rounded in outline and increase considerably in size through the acquisition of food materials. they are then known as egg cells or ova. each ovum finally enters on a series of cell-divisions forming a mass of smaller and smaller cells which gradually assumes the form of a hollow sphere like the parent colony. the young colonies thus formed drop into the interior of the parent colony to escape later to the outside as independent swimming organisms when the old colony dies and disintegrates. =the fertilized ovum termed a zygote.--=after a number of generations of such asexual reproduction, sexual reproduction occurs. the ova arise as usual. certain members of the colony, on the other hand, go to the other extreme and divide up into bundles of from sixty-four to one hundred twenty-eight minute slender cells, each provided with flagella for locomotion. when mature these small flagellate cells, now known as _spermatozoa_, escape into the interior of the parent colony and swim about actively. ultimately each ovum is penetrated by a spermatozoon, the two cells fuse completely and thus form the single _fertilized ovum_ or _zygote_. the body-cells of the mother colony finally disintegrate. after a period of rest each zygote, through a series of cell-divisions, develops into an adult volvox. in some species of volvox a still further advance is seen, in that instead of both kinds of gametes being produced in the same colony, the ova may be produced by one colony and the spermatozoa by another. here, then, we have the foreshadowings of two sexes as separate individuals, a phenomenon of universal occurrence among the highest forms of animal life. [illustration: fig. _volvox globator_ (from hegner after oltmanns). half of a sexually reproducing colony: _o_, eggs; _s_, spermatozoa.] =advancement seen in the volvox colony.--=in the volvox colony there is a distinct advance over the conditions met with in various lower protozoan colonies in that only certain individuals of the colony take part in the process of reproduction and these individuals are of two distinct types; one is a larger, food-laden cell or egg and the other a small, active, fertilizing cell. the motile forms are produced in much greater numbers than the eggs, plainly because they have to seek the egg and many will doubtless perish before this can be accomplished. this disparity in number is only a means of insuring fertilization of the egg. the remaining cells of the body carry on the ordinary activities of the colony such as locomotion and nutrition and have ceased to take any part in the production of new colonies. =natural death appears with the establishment of a body distinct from the germ.--=volvox is an organism of unusual interest because in it we see a prophecy of what is to come. although still regarded as a colony of single-celled individuals, it represents in reality a transition between the whole group of unicellular animals termed protozoa and the many celled animals characterized by the possession of distinct tissues, known as _metazoa_. moreover, it shows an interesting stage in the establishment of a body or _soma_ distinct from special reproductive cells which have taken on the function of reproducing the colony. in such colonial forms natural death is found appearing for the first time, the reproductive cells alone continuing to perpetuate the species. then again volvox represents an important step in the establishment of sex in the animal kingdom for in its sexual reproduction the conjugating cells known as _gametes_ are no longer alike in appearance but have become differentiated into definite ova and spermatozoa. in volvox as in the other organisms which we have studied we find that all of the cells including the germ-cells are produced by the repeated division of a parent cell, and consequently each must contain the characteristic living substance of that parent. many other forms might be cited to illustrate reproduction in single-celled animals, whether free or in colonies, but all such cases would be practically but repetitions or modifications of those we have already examined. =specialization in higher organisms.--=if we pass on to the higher animals and plants which are not single cells or colonies of similar cells but organisms made up of many different kinds of cells, we find a pronounced extension of the phenomenon met with in volvox. instead of each cell executing independently all of the life relations, certain ones are set apart for the performance of certain functions to the exclusion of other functions which are carried on by other members of the aggregation. thus the organism as a whole has all the life relations carried on, but, as it were, by specialists. =sexual phenomena in higher forms.--=in the reproduction of multicellular organisms, one sees likewise but a continuation of the phenomena exhibited in volvox. ordinarily, each new form is produced by the successive divisions of a single germ-cell which in the vast majority of cases has conjugated with another germ-cell. in the development of the egg, as the divisions proceed, groups of cells become modified for their particular work until the entire organism is completed. during development certain cells are set apart for reproduction of the form just as they were in volvox. these two kinds of reproductive cells in multicellular organisms are derived ordinarily from two separate individuals known as male and female, though there are some exceptions. the main difference between these cells which will have to unite to form a single fertile germ-cell, is that they have specialized in different directions; one is small and active, the other large, food-laden and passive. but with two such germ-cells coming as they do from two individuals, one the male, the other the female, it is obvious that the actual living substance of which each germ is composed will be distinctive of its own parental line and that when the germs unite these distinctive factors commingle, hence the complications of double ancestry arise. =structure of the cell.--=before we can understand certain necessary details of the physical mechanism of inheritance we must inquire a little further into the finer structure of the cell and into the nature of cell division. a typical cell, as it would appear after treatment with various stains which bring out the different parts more distinctly, is shown in fig. , p. . typical, not that any particular kind of living cell resembles it very closely in appearance, but because it shows in a diagrammatic way the essential parts of a cell. in the diagram, there are two well-marked regions; a central _nucleus_ and a peripheral cell-body or _cytoplasm_. other structures are pictured but only a few of them need command our attention at present. at one side of the nucleus one observes a small dot or granule surrounded by a denser area of cytoplasm. this body is called the _centrosome_. the nucleus in this instance is bounded by a well-marked nuclear membrane and within it are several substances. what appear to be threads of a faintly staining material, the _linin_, traverse it in every direction and form an apparent network. the parts on which we wish particularly to rivet our attention are the densely stained substances scattered along or embedded in the strands of this network in irregular granules and patches. this substance is called _chromatin_. it takes its name from the fact that it shows great affinity for certain stains and becomes intensely colored by them. this deeply colored portion of the cell, the chromatin, is by most biologists regarded as of great importance from the standpoint of heredity. one or more larger masses of chromatin or chromatin-like material, known as _chromatin nucleoli_, are often present, and not infrequently a small spheroidal body, differing in its staining reactions from the chromatin-nucleolus and sometimes called the _true nucleolus_, exists. =cell-division.--=in the simplest type of cell-division the nucleus first constricts in the middle, and finally the two halves separate. this separation is followed by a similar constriction and final division of the entire cell-body, which results in the production of two new cells. this form of cell-division is known as _simple_ or _direct division_. such a simple division, while found in higher animals, is less frequent and apparently much less significant than another type of division which involves profound changes and rearrangements of the nuclear contents. the latter is termed _mitotic_ or _indirect_ cell-division. fig. , p. , illustrates some of the stages which are passed through in indirect cell-division. the centrosome which lies passively at the side of the nucleus in the typical cell (fig. _a_, p. ) awakens to activity, divides and the two components come to lie at the ends of a fibrous spindle. in the meantime, the interior of the nucleus is undergoing a transformation. the granules and patches of chromatin begin to flow together along the nuclear network and become more and more crowded until they take on the appearance of one or more long deeply-stained threads wound back and forth in a loose skein in the nucleus (fig. _b_, p. ). if we examine this thread closely, in some forms it may be seen to consist of a series of deeply-stained chromatin granules packed closely together intermingled with the substance of the original nuclear network. as the preparations for division go on the coil in the nucleus breaks up into a number of segments which are designated as _chromosomes_ (fig. _c_, p. ). the nuclear membrane disappears. the chromosomes and the spindle-fibers ultimately become related in such a way that the chromosomes come to lie at the equator of the spindle as shown in fig _d_, p. . each chromosome splits lengthwise to form two daughter chromosomes which then diverge to pass to the poles of the spindle (figs. _e_ and _f_, p. ). thus each end of the spindle comes ultimately to be occupied by a set of chromosomes. moreover each set is a duplicate of the other, because the substance of any individual chromosome in one group has its counterpart in the other. in fact this whole complicated system of indirect division is regarded by most biologists as a mechanism for bringing about the precise halving of the chromosomes. [illustration: fig. diagram showing representative stages in mitotic or indirect cell-division: _a_, resting cell with reticular nucleus and single centrosome; _b_, the two new centrosomes formed by division of the old one are separating and the nucleus is in the spireme stage; _c_, the nuclear wall has disappeared, the spireme has broken up into six separate chromosomes, and the spindle is forming between the two centrosomes; _d_, equatorial plate stage in which the chromosomes occupy the equator of the spindle; _e_, _f_, each chromosome splits lengthwise and the daughter chromosomes thus formed approach their respective poles; _g_, reconstruction of the new nuclei and division of the cell body; _h_, cell-division completed.] the chromosomes of each group at the poles finally fuse and two new nuclei, each similar to the original one, are constructed (figs. _g_ and _h_, p. ). in the meantime a division of the cell-body is in progress which, when completed, results in the formation of two complete new cells. as all living matter if given suitable food, can convert it into living matter of its own kind, there is no difficulty in conceiving how the new cell or the chromatin material finally attains to the same bulk that was characteristic of the parent cell. in the case of the chromatin, indeed, it seems that there is at times a precocious doubling of the ordinary amount of material before the actual division occurs. =chromosomes constant in number and appearance.--=with some minor exceptions, to be noted later, which increase rather than detract from the significance of the facts, the chromosomes are always the same in number and appearance in all individuals of a given species of plants or animals. that is, every species has a fixed number which regularly recurs in all of its cell-divisions. thus the ordinary cells of the rat, when preparing to divide, each display sixteen chromosomes, the frog or the mouse, twenty-four, the lily twenty-four, and the maw-worm of the horse only four. the chromosomes of different kinds of animals or plants may differ very much in appearance. in some they are spherical, in others rod-like, filamentous or perhaps of other forms. in some organisms the chromosomes of the same nucleus may differ from one another in size, shape and proportions, but if such differences appear at one division they appear at others, thus showing that in such cases the differences are constant from one generation to the next. =significance of the chromosomes.--=the question naturally arises as to what is the significance of the chromosomes. why is the accurate adjustment which we have noted for their division necessary? the very existence of an elaborate mechanism so admirably adapted to their precise halving, predisposes one toward the belief that the chromosomes have an important function which necessitates the retention of their individuality and their equal division. many biologists accept this along with other evidence as indicating that in chromatin we have a substance which is not the same throughout, that different regions of the same chromosome have different physiological values. when the cell prepares for divisions, the granules, as we have seen, arrange themselves serially into a definite number of strands which we have termed chromosomes. judging from all available evidence, the granules are self-propagating units; that is, they can grow and reproduce themselves. so that what really happens in mitosis in the splitting of the chromosomes is a precise halving of the series of individual granules of which each chromosome is constituted, or in other words each granule has reproduced itself. thus each of the two daughter cells presumably gets a sample of every kind of chromosomal particle, hence, the two cells are qualitatively alike. to use a homely illustration we may picture the individual chromosomes to ourselves as so many separate trains of freight cars, each car of which is loaded with different merchandise. now, if every one of the trains could split along its entire length and the resulting halves each grow into a train similar to the original, so that instead of one there would exist two identical trains, we should have a phenomenon analogous to that of a dividing chromosome. =cleavage of the egg.--=it is through a series of such divisions as these that the zygote or fertilized egg-cell builds up the tissues and organs of the new organism. the process is technically spoken of as _cleavage_. cleavage generally begins very shortly after fertilization. the fertile egg-cell divides into two, the resulting cells divide again and thus the process continues, with an ever-increasing number of cells. =chief processes operative in building the body.--=although of much interest, space will not permit of a discussion in detail of the building up of the special organs and tissues of the body. it must suffice merely to mention the four chief processes which are operative. these are, ( ) infoldings and outfoldings of the various cell complexes; ( ) multiplication of the component cells; ( ) special changes (_histological differentiation_) in groups of cells; and ( ) occasionally resorption of certain areas of parts. =the origin of the new germ-cells.--=on account of the unusual importance from the standpoint of inheritance, which attaches to the germ-cells, a final word must be said about their origin in the embryo. while the evidence is conflicting in some cases, in others it has been well established that the germ-cells are set apart very early from the cells which are to differentiate into the ordinary body tissues. fig. _a_, p. , shows a section through the eight-celled stage of _miastor_, a fly, in which a single large, primordial germ-cell (_p. g. c._) has already been set apart at one end of the developing embryo. the nuclei of the rest of the embryo still lie in a continuous protoplasmic mass which has not yet divided up into separate cells. the densely stained nuclei at the opposite end of the section are the remnants of nurse-cells which originally nourished the egg. fig. _b_, p. , is a longitudinal section through a later stage in the development of _miastor_; the primitive germ-cells (oög) are plainly visible. still other striking examples might be cited. even in vertebrates the germ-cells may often be detected at a very early period. =significance of the early setting apart of the germ-cells.--=it is of great importance for the reader to grasp the significance of this early setting apart of the germ-cells because so much in our future discussion hinges on this fact. the truth of the statement made in a previous chapter that the body of an individual and the reproductive substance in that body are not identical now becomes obvious. for in such cases as those just cited one sees the germinal substance which is to carry on the race set aside at an early period in a given individual; it takes no part in the formation of that individual's body, but remains a slumbering mass of potentialities which must bide its time to awaken into expression in a subsequent generation. thus an egg does not develop into a body which in turn makes new germ-cells, but body and germ-cells are established at the same time, the body harboring and nourishing the germ-cells, but not generating them (fig. , p. ). the same must be true also in many cases where the earliest history of the germ-cells can not be visibly followed, because in any event, in all higher animals, they appear long before the embryo is mature and must therefore be descendants of the original egg-cell and not of the functioning tissues of the mature individual. this need not necessarily mean that the germ-cells have remained wholly unmodified or that they continue uninfluenced by the conditions which prevail in the body, especially in the nutritive blood and lymph stream, although as a matter of fact most biologists are extremely skeptical as to the probability that influences from the body beyond such general indefinite effects as might result from under-nutrition or from poisons carried in the blood, modify the intrinsic nature of the germinal substances to any measurable extent. [illustration: fig. a--germ-cell (_p. g. c._) set apart in the eight-celled stage of cleavage in _miastor americana_ (after hegner). the walls of the remaining seven somatic cells have not yet formed though the resting or the dividing (_m p_) nuclei may be seen; _c r_, chromatin fragments cast off from the somatic cells. b--section lengthwise of a later embryo of _miastor_; the primordial egg-cells (_oög__{ }) are conspicuous (after hegner).] =germinal continuity.--=the germ-cells are collectively termed the _germinal protoplasm_ and it is obvious that as long as any race continues to exist, although successive individuals die, some germinal protoplasm is handed on from generation to generation without interruption. this is known as the theory of _germinal continuity_. when the organism is ready to reproduce its kind the germ-cells awaken to activity, usually undergoing a period of multiplication to form more germ-cells before finally passing through a process of what is known at _maturation_, which makes them ready for fertilization. the maturation process proper, which consists typically of two rapidly succeeding divisions, is preceded by a marked growth in size of the individual cells. =individuality of chromosomes.--=before we can understand fully the significance of the changes which go on during maturation we shall have to know more about the conditions which prevail among the chromosomes of cells. as already noted each kind of animal or plant has its own characteristic number and types of chromosomes when these appear for division by mitosis. in many organisms the chromosomes are so nearly of one size as to make it difficult or impossible to be sure of the identity of each individual chromosome, but on the other hand, there are some organisms known in which the chromosomes of a single nucleus are not of the same size and form (fig. , p. ). these latter cases enable us to determine some very significant facts. where such differences of shape and proportion occur they are constant in each succeeding division so that similar chromosomes may be identified each time. moreover, in all ordinary mitotic divisions where the conditions are accurately known, these chromosomes of different types are found to be present as pairs of similar elements; that is, there are two of each form or size. =pairs of similar chromosomes in the nucleus because one chromosome comes from each parent.--=when we recall that the original fertilized egg from which the individual develops is really formed by the union of two gametes, ovum and spermatozoon, and that each gamete, being a true cell, must carry its own set of chromosomes, the significance of the pairs of similar chromosomes becomes evident; one of each kind has probably been contributed by each gamete. this means that the zygote or fertile ovum contains double the number of chromosomes possessed by either gamete, and that, moreover, each tissue-cell of the new individual will contain this dual number. for, as we have seen, the number of chromosomes is, with possibly a few exceptions, constant in the tissue-cells and early germ-cells in successive generations of individuals. for this to be true it is obvious that in some way the nuclei of the conjugating gametes have come to contain only half the usual number. technically the tissue-cells are said to contain the _diploid_ number of chromosomes, the gametes the reduced or _haploid_ number. [illustration: fig. a--chromosomes of the mosquito (_culex_) after stevens. b--chromosomes of the fruit-fly (_drosophila_) after metz. both of these forms have an unusually small number of chromosomes.] =in maturation the number of chromosomes is reduced by one-half.--=this halving, or as it is known, _reduction_ in the number of chromosomes is the essential feature of the process of maturation. it is accomplished by a modification in the mitotic division in which instead of each chromosome splitting lengthwise, as in ordinary mitosis, the chromosomes unite in pairs (fig. _b_, p. ), a process known technically as _synapsis_, and then apparently one member of each pair passes entire into one new daughter cell, the other member going to the other daughter cell (fig. _c_, p. ). in the pairing preliminary to this _reduction division_, leaving out of account certain special cases to be considered later, according to the best evidence at our command the union always takes place between two chromosomes which match each other in size and appearance. since one of these is believed to be of maternal and the other of paternal origin, the ensuing division separates corresponding mates and insures that each gamete gets one of each kind of chromosome although it appears to be a matter of mere chance whether or not a given cell gets the paternal or the maternal representative of that kind. [illustration: fig. diagram to illustrate spermatogenesis: _a_, showing the diploid number of chromosomes (six is arbitrarily chosen) as they occur in divisions of ordinary cells and spermatogonia; _b_, the pairing (synapsis) of corresponding mates in the primary spermatocyte preparatory to reduction; _c_, each secondary spermatocyte receives three, the haploid number of chromosomes; _d_, division of the secondary spermatocytes to form _e_, spermatids, which transform into _f_, spermatozoa.] =maturation of the sperm-cell.--=in the maturation of the male gamete the germ-cell, now known as a _spermatogonium_, increases greatly in size to become a _primary spermatocyte_. in each primary spermatocyte the pairing of the chromosomes already alluded to occurs as indicated in fig. _b_, p. , where six is taken arbitrarily to indicate the ordinary or _diploid_ number of chromosomes, and three the reduced or _haploid_ number. the division of the primary spermatocyte gives rise to two _secondary spermatocytes_ (_c_), the paired chromosomes separating in such a way that a member of each pair goes to each secondary spermatocyte. each secondary spermatocyte (_d_) soon divides again into two _spermatids_ (_e_), but in this second division the chromosomes each split lengthwise as in an ordinary division so that there is no further reduction. in some forms the reduction division occurs in the secondary spermatocytes instead of the primary. each spermatid transforms into a mature spermatozoon (_f_). the spermatozoa of most animals are of linear form, each with a head, a middle-piece and a long vibratile tail which is used for locomotion. the head consists for the most part of the transformed nucleus and is consequently the part which bears the chromosomes. =maturation of the egg-cell.--=as regards the behavior of the chromosomes the maturation of the ovum parallels that of the sperm-cell. there are not so many primordial germ-cells formed and only one out of four of the ultimate cells becomes a functional egg. as in maturation of the sperm-cell there is a growth period in which _oögonia_ enlarge to become _primary oöcytes_ (fig. _b_, p. ). in each primary oöcyte as in the primary spermatocyte the chromosomes pair and two rapidly succeeding divisions follow in one of which the typical numerical reduction in the chromosomes occurs. a peculiarity in the maturation of the ovum is that there is a very unequal division of the cytoplasm in cell division so that three of the resulting cells usually termed _polar bodies_ are very small and appear like minute buds on the side of the fourth or egg-cell proper. the scheme of this formation of the polar bodies is indicated in fig. , p. . in fig. _b_ the chromosomes are seen paired and ready for the first division; that is, for the formation of the first polar body. figs. _c_, _d_, p. , show the giving off of this body. note that while only a small proportion of the cytoplasm passes into this tiny cell, its chromatin content is as great as that of the ovum. a second polar body (figs. _e_, _f_, p. ) is formed by the egg, but in this case each chromosome splits lengthwise, as in ordinary mitosis, and there is no further numerical reduction. in the meantime, typically, a third polar body is formed by division of the first. (stages _e_, _f_, _g_.) =parallel between the maturation of sperm- and egg-cell.--=this rather complex procedure of the germ-cells will be rendered more intelligible through a careful study of figs. and , pp. and , and fig. , p. , which indicates the parallel conditions in spermotogenesis and oögenesis. [illustration: fig. diagram to illustrate oögenesis: _a_, showing the diploid number of chromosomes (six is arbitrarily chosen) as they occur in ordinary cells and oögonia; _b_, the pairing of corresponding mates preparatory to reduction; _c_, _d_, reduction division, giving off of first polar body; _e_, egg preparing to give off second polar body, first polar body ready for division; _f_, _g_, second polar body given off, division of first polar body completed. the egg nucleus, now known as the female pronucleus, and each body contain the reduced or haploid number of chromosomes.] the view now generally held regarding the polar bodies is that they are really abortive eggs. they later disappear, taking no part in embryo-formation. it can readily be seen how such an unequal division is advantageous to the large cell, for it receives all of the rich store of food material that would be distributed among the four cells if all were of equal size. this increased amount of food is a favorable provision for the forthcoming offspring whose nourishment is thus more thoroughly insured. [illustration: fig. diagram showing the parallel between maturation of the sperm-cell and maturation of the ovum.] on the other hand, all of the sperm-cells develop into complete active forms, which, as aforesaid, usually become very much elongated and develop a motile organ of some kind. in such cells an accumulation of food to any large extent would hinder rather than help them, because it would seriously interfere with their activity. =fertilization.--=in fertilization (fig. , p. ) the spermatozoon penetrates the wall of the ovum and after undergoing considerable alteration its nucleus fuses with the nucleus of the egg. in some forms only the head (nucleus) and middle-piece enter, the tail being cut off by a so-called fertilization membrane which forms at the surface of the egg and effectually blocks the entrance of other spermatozoa. thus normally only one spermatozoon unites with an egg. in some forms while several may enter the egg only one becomes functional. as soon as the nucleus of the spermatozoon, now known as the male _pronucleus_, reaches the interior of the egg, it enlarges and becomes similar in appearance to the female _pronucleus_. it swings around in such a way (fig. _b_, p. ) that the middle piece, now transformed into a centrosome, lies between it and the female pronucleus. the two pronuclei (_c_, _d_, _e_), each containing the reduced number of chromosomes, approach, the centrosome divides, the nuclear walls disappear, the typical division spindle forms, and the chromosomes of paternal and maternal origin respectively come to lie side by side at the equator of the spindle ready for the first division or cleavage (_f_, _g_). it will be noted that the individual chromosomes do not intermingle their substance at this time, but that each apparently retains its own individuality. there is considerable evidence which indicates that throughout life the chromosomes contributed by the male parent remain distinct from those of the female parent. inasmuch as each germ-cell, after maturation, contains only half the characteristic number of chromosomes, the original number is restored in fertilization. [illustration: fig. diagram to illustrate fertilization; [male], male pronucleus; [female], female pronucleus; observe that the chromosomes of maternal and paternal origin respectively do not fuse.] =significance of the behavior of the chromosomes.--=the question confronts us as to what is the significance of this elaborate system which keeps the chromosomes of constant size, shape and number; which partitions them so accurately in ordinary cell-divisions; and which provides for a reduction of their numbers by half in the germ-cell while yet securing that each mature gamete gets one of each kind of chromosome. most biologists look on these facts as indicating that the chromosomes are specifically concerned in inheritance. in the first place it is recognized that as regards the definable characters which separate individuals of the same species, offspring may inherit equally from either parent. and it is a very significant fact that while the ovum and spermatozoon are very unequal in size themselves, the chromosomes of the two germ-cells are of the same size and number. this parity in chromosomal contribution points clearly to the means by which an equal number of character-determiners might be conveyed from each parent. moreover it is mainly the nucleus of the sperm-cell in some organisms which enters the egg, hence the determiners from the male line must exist wholly or largely somewhere in the nucleus. and the bulk of the nucleus in the spermatozoon consists of the chromosomes or their products. =a single set of chromosomes derived from one parent only is sufficient for the production of a complete organism.--=that a single or haploid set of chromosomes as seen in the gametes is sufficient contribution of chromatin for the production of a complete organism is proved by the fact that the unfertilized eggs of various animals (many echinoderms, worms, mollusks, and even the frog) may be artificially stimulated to development without uniting at all with a spermatozoon. the resulting individual is normal in every respect except that instead of the usual diploid number it has only the single or haploid number of chromosomes. its inheritance of course is wholly of maternal origin. the converse experiment in echinoderms in which a nucleus of male origin (that is, a spermatozoon) has been introduced into an egg from which the original nucleus has been removed shows that the single set of chromosomes carried by the male gamete is also sufficient to cooperate with the egg-cytoplasm in developing a complete individual. =the duality of the body and the singleness of the germ.--=since every maternal chromosome in the ordinary cell has an equivalent mate derived from the male parent, it follows therefore, supposing the chromosomes do have the significance in inheritance attributed to them, that as regards the measurable inheritable differences between two individuals, the ordinary organism produced through the union of the two germ-cells is, potentially at least, dual in nature. on the other hand through the process of reduction the gametes are provided with only a single set of such representatives. this duality of the body and singleness of the mature germ is one of the most striking facts that come to light in embryology. how well the facts fit in with the behavior of certain hereditary characters will be seen later in our discussions of mendelism. =the cytoplasm not negligible in inheritance.--=just what part is played by the cytoplasm in inheritance is not clear, but it is probably by no means a negligible one. the cytoplasm of a given organism is just as distinctive of the species or of the individual of which it forms a part as are the chromosomes. it is well established that neither nucleus nor cytoplasm can fully function or even exist long without the other, and neither can alone produce the other. they undoubtedly must cooperate in building up the new individual, and the cytoplasm of the new individual is predominantly of maternal origin. it is obvious that all of the more fundamental characters which make up an organism, such, for instance, as make it an animal of a certain order or family, as a human being or a dog or a horse, are common to both parents, and there is no way of measuring how much of this fundamental constitution comes from either parent, since only closely related forms will interbreed. in some forms, moreover, the broader fundamental features of embryogeny are already established before the entrance of the spermatozoon. it is probable therefore that instead of asserting that the entire quota of characters which go to make up a complete individual are inherited from each parent equally, we are justified only in maintaining that this equality is restricted to those measurable differences which veneer or top off, as it were, the individual. we may infer that in the development of the new being the chromosomes of the egg together with those derived from the male work jointly on or with the other germinal contents which are mostly cytoplasmic materials of maternal origin. =the chromosomes possibly responsible for the distinctiveness of given characters.--=it seems probable that in the establishment of certain basic features of the organism the cooperation of the cytoplasm with chromatin of either maternal or paternal origin might accomplish the same end, but that certain distinctive touches are added or come cumulatively into expression through influences carried, predominantly at least, in the chromatin from one as against the other parent. these last distinctive characters of the plant or animal constitute the individual differences of such organisms. in this connection it is a significant fact that in young hybrids between two distinct species the early stages of development, especially as regards symmetry and regional specifications, are exclusively or predominantly maternal in character, but the male influence becomes more and more apparent as development progresses until the final degree of intermediacy is attained. from the evidence at hand this much seems sure, that the paternal and maternal chromosomes respectively carry substances, be they ferments, nutritive materials or what not, that are instrumental in giving the final parity of personal characters which we observe to be equally heritable from either line of ancestry. it is clear that most of the characters of an adult organism can not be merely the outcome of any unitary substance of the germ. each is the product of many cooperating factors and for the final outcome any one cooperant is probably just as important in its way as any other. the individual characters which we juggle to and fro in our breeding experiments seem apexed, as it were, on more fundamental features of organic chemical constitution, polarity, regional differentiation, and physiological balance, but since such individual characters parallel so closely the visible segregations and associations which go on among the chromosomes of the germ-cells it would seem that they, at least, are represented in the chromosomes by distinctive cooperants which give the final touch of specificity to those hereditary characters which can be shifted about as units of inheritance. =sex and heredity.--=whatever the origin of fertilization may have been in the world of life, or whatever its earliest significance, the important fact remains that to-day it is unquestionably of very great significance in relation to the phenomena of heredity. for in all higher animals, at least, offspring may possess some of the characteristics originally present in either of two lines of ancestry, and this commingling of such possessions is possible only through sexual reproduction. as has already been seen, in the pairing of chromosomes previous to reduction, the corresponding members of a pair always come together so that in the final segregation each gamete is sure to have one of each kind although whether a given chromosome of the haploid set is of maternal or paternal origin seems to be merely a matter of chance. thus, for instance, if we arbitrarily represent the chromosomes of a given individual by _abc_ _abc_, and regard _a_, _b_ and _c_ as of paternal and _a_, _b_ and _c_ as of maternal origin, then in synapsis only _a_ and _a_ can pair together, _b_ and _b_ and _c_ and _c_, but each pair operates independently of the other so that in the ensuing reduction division either member of a pair may get into a cell with either member of the other pairs. that is, the line up for division at a given reduction might be any one of the following, abc/abc abc/abc abc/abc abc/abc. this would yield the following eight kinds of gametes, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, _abc_, each bearing one of each kind of chromosome required to cover the entire field of characters necessary to a complete organism. and since each sex would be equally likely to have these eight types of gametes and any one of the eight in one individual might meet any one of the eight of the other, the possible number of combinations in the production of a new individual from such germ-cells would be x , or . with the larger numbers of chromosomes which exist in most animals it is readily seen that the number of possible combinations becomes very great. thus any individual of a species with twenty chromosomes--and many animals, including man, have more--would have ten pairs at the reduction period and could therefore form ( )^{ }, or , different gametes in each sex. and since any one of these in one sex would have an equal chance of meeting with any one in the opposite sex, the total number of possible different zygotes that might be produced would be ( , )^{ }, or , , . sex therefore, through recombinations of ancestral materials, undoubtedly means, among other things, the production of great diversity in offspring. determination of sex =many theories.--=from earliest times the problem of sex determination has been one of keen interest, and needless to say hundreds of theories have been propounded to explain it. geddes and thomson say that drelincourt recorded two hundred sixty-two so-called theories of sex production and remark that since his time the number has at least been doubled. the desirability of controlling sex has naturally appealed strongly to breeders of domesticated animals. a study of animals born in litters, or of twins, is enough in itself to make us skeptical of theories of sex-determination based on nutritional or external factors. in a litter of puppies, for example, there are usually both males and females, although in their prenatal existence they have all been subject to the same nutritional and environmental conditions. likewise in ordinary human twins one may be a boy, the other a girl, whereas if the nutritional condition of the mother were the fact determining sex, both should be boys or both girls. however, there are twins known as _identical twins_ who are remarkably alike and who are always of the same sex. but there is reason to suppose that identical twins in reality come from the same zygote. presumably in early embryogeny, probably at the two-celled stage of cleavage, the two blastomeres become separated and each gives rise to a complete individual instead of only the half of one it would have produced had the two blastomeres remained together. such twins are monochorial; that is, they grow inside the same fetal membrane, whereas each ordinary twin has its own fetal membrane and has obviously originated from a separate ovum. it has been established experimentally in several kinds of animals that early cleavage blastomeres when isolated can each develop into a complete individual. in man, ordinary twins are no more alike than ordinary brothers and sisters, but identical twins are strikingly similar in structure, appearance, habits, tastes, and even susceptibility to various maladies. the fact that they are invariably of the same sex is a strong reason for believing that sex was already developed in the fertile ovum and consequently in the resulting blastomeres from that ovum. the young of the nine-banded armadillo in a given litter are invariably of the same sex and are closely similar in all features. newman and patterson have shown that all the members of a litter come from the same egg. patterson has established the fact that cleavage of the egg takes place in the usual manner, but later separate centers of development appear in the early embryonic mass and give rise to the separate young individuals. again in certain insects where one egg indirectly gives rise to a chain of embryos, or to a number of separate larvæ, possibly as many as a thousand, all of the latter are of the same sex. even in some plants researches have shown that sex is already determined at the beginning of development. then, too, much evidence has come to light recently showing that sex-characters in certain cases behave as heritable characters and are independent of external conditions. lastly there is visible and convincing evidence obtainable through microscopical observations that sex is determined by a mechanism in the germ-cells themselves. it is chiefly to these latter facts that i wish to direct attention for the present. =the sex chromosome.--=the evidence centers about a special chromosome or chromosome-group commonly designated as the _sex-chromosome_ or _x-element_, which has been found in various species of animals, including man. in the males of such animals this chromosome is present in addition to the regular number of pairs, thus giving rise to an _uneven_ instead of the conventional even number of chromosomes. this element remains undivided in one of the maturation divisions of the spermatocytes, in some forms in the first in others in the second, and passes entire to one pole of the spindle (fig. , p. ). this results in the production of two classes of cells, one containing the _x_-element and one not. the outcome is that two corresponding classes of spermatozoa are produced. the phenomena involved are diagrammatically represented in fig. . it has been clearly demonstrated in several cases that eggs fertilized by spermatozoa which possess this _x_-element, always become females, those fertilized by spermatozoa which do not possess it always develop into males. [illustration: fig. diagram illustrating the behavior of the _x_-element or sex-chromosome in the maturation of the sperm-cell. in one of the two maturation divisions (represented here as in the first) it passes undivided to one pole (_a_, _b_, _c_), in the other it divides. since the cell without the _x_-element also divides the result is that ultimately from the original primary spermatocyte (_a_) four cells are formed (_f_), two with the _x_-element and two without it. half of the spermatozoa therefore will bear an _x_-element, half will be without it. in _a_ the ordinary chromosomes, arbitrarily indicated as , are supposed to have already paired for reduction so that the original diploid number in spermatogonia and body-cells of the male would be plus the _x_-chromosome.] it has been found, furthermore, that in species in which the males possess this extra element the females have two of them. that is, if the original number in the somatic cells of the male were twenty-three, twenty-two ordinary and one _x_-element, the number in the somatic cells of the female would be twenty-four, or twenty-two ordinary and two _x_-elements. it has been found that when the chromosomes of the female pair for the reduction division, each chromosome uniting with its corresponding fellow, the two _x_-elements in the female pair in the usual way so that every egg-cell possesses an _x_-element. thus every mature egg has an _x_-element, while only half of the spermatozoa have one. that is, if we assume twenty-three as the diploid number present originally in the somatic cells of the male and twenty-four as the number in the female, then one-half the spermatozoa of the male would contain the haploid number eleven, and the other half, the number twelve, whereas every mature ovum would contain twelve. since there are equal numbers of the spermatozoa with the _x_-element and without it, and inasmuch as presumably under ordinary conditions one kind is as likely to fertilize the egg as the other, then there are equal chances at fertilization of producing a zygote with two _x_-elements or with but one. thus, spermatozoon + _x_ by ovum + _x_ = zygote + _xx_. spermatozoon (no _x_) by ovum + _x_ = zygote + _x_. we have already seen that the former is always female, the latter male. it thus becomes possible to distinguish the sex of an embryo by counting the chromosomes of its cells. this has been accomplished in several cases. in some instances[ ] the conditions may be much more complex than the ones indicated--too complex in fact to warrant detailed discussion in an elementary exposition--but the principle remains the same throughout, the very complexity when thoroughly understood, strengthening rather than weakening the evidence. in a few forms an interesting reversal of conditions has been found in that the eggs instead of the spermatozoa show the characteristic dimorphism. just what the exact relationship between sex-differentiation and the _x_-element is has never been clearly established. it is possible that this element is an actual sex-determinant, in the ordinary cases one _x_-element determining the male condition and two _x_-elements producing the female condition. on the other hand it might be argued that it is not the determining factor but the expression of other cell activities which do determine sex; that is, a sex accompaniment. or again, it may be one of several essential factors which must cooperate to determine sex. sex-linked characters the discovery of the remarkable behavior of certain characters in heredity which can only be plausibly explained by supposing that they are linked with a sex-determining factor still further strengthens our belief in the existence of such a definite factor. such characters are commonly termed sex-linked characters. =sex-linked characters in man.--=since there are a number of them in man we may choose one of these, such as color-blindness, for illustration. the common form of color-blindness known as daltonism in which the subject can not distinguish reds from greens, a condition which seems to be due to the absence of something which is present in individuals of normal color vision, is far commoner in men than in women. its type of inheritance, sometimes termed "crisscross" heredity, has been likened to the knight moves in a game of chess. the condition is transmitted from a color-blind man through his daughter to half of her sons. or, to go more into detail, a color-blind father and normal mother have only normal children whether sons or daughters. the sons continue to have normal children but the daughters, although of normal vision themselves, transmit color-blindness to one-half of their own sons. if such a woman marries a color-blind man, as might easily happen in a marriage between cousins, then as a rule one-half her daughters as well as one-half her sons will be color-blind. [illustration: fig. diagram illustrating the inheritance of a sex-limited character such as color-blindness in man on the assumption that the factor in question is located in the sex-chromosome (from loeb after wilson). the normal sex-chromosome is indicated by a black =x=, the one lacking the factor for color perception, by a light x. it is assumed that a normal female is mated with a color-blind male.] in such cases what appears to be a mysterious procedure becomes very simple if we assume that the defective character is associated with the sex-determining factor, or to make it concrete let us say with the _x_-element. the chart shown in fig. , p. , indicates what the germinal condition would be under the circumstances. the column to the right represents the maternal, the one to the left the paternal line. since two _x_ means female and one _x_ male, and inasmuch as we have assumed that the physical basis of the defect to which color-blindness is due is conveyed by the _x_-element, we may represent the defective single _x_ of the male in outline only (see first row). it is obvious that after the reduction divisions (second row) the mature sex-cells of the female will each contain a single normal _x_, the corresponding sex cells of the male will contain either no _x_ or a defective _x_. since if any member of the class of spermatozoa containing no _x_, fertilizes an egg the resulting zygote (row three) will have but one _x_ and that a normal one, the individual which develops from the zygote will be normal as regards color vision and moreover will be male because the condition one _x_ always means maleness. on the other hand, if any member of the class of spermatozoa containing the defective _x_ fertilizes an egg two _x_-elements are brought together and this of itself means femaleness. in this case one of the _x_-elements is defective but the single normal _x_ is sufficient in itself to produce normal color vision. but when it comes to the maturation of the sex-cells of this female, the pair of _x_-elements are separated in the usual way with the result that half of the mature ova contain a normal _x_ and half a defective _x_ (row four). since in a normal male, however, the mature reproductive cells will contain either a normal _x_ or no _x_ (fourth row), any one of four different kinds of matings may result. a sex-cell carrying normal _x_ of the male may combine with an ovum containing normal x producing a normal female (row five). or such a cell may combine with an ovum carrying the defective _x_, also producing a female but one who although of normal color vision herself, like her mother, is a carrier of the defect. on the other hand, any one of the spermatozoa without an _x_ may combine with an ovum containing the normal _x_, in which case a normal male is produced and, moreover, one who, like his mother's brothers, is incapable of transmitting the defect. however, the sperm-cell devoid of an _x_ is just as likely to fertilize an ovum carrying the defective _x_, in which event the resulting individual, a male, must be color-blind because he contains the defective _x_ alone. in other words, the chances are that one-half the sons of a woman whose father was color-blind will be color-blind, the other half perfectly normal; and that all of the daughters will be of normal color vision although one-half of them will probably transmit the defect to one-half of their sons. from a glance at the diagram it is readily seen also that a color-blind female could result from the union of a color-blind man (see first row) and the daughter of a color-blind man (see third row). for half of the gametes of such a female would bear the defect as would also that half of the gametes of the male which carry _x_, hence the expectation would be that half of the daughters of such a union would be color-blind and half would be carriers of color-blindness; and that half of the sons would be color-blind and half normal. all the sons of a color-blind woman would be color-blind because she has only defective _x_-elements to pass on. the inheritance of various other conditions in man follows more or less accurately the same course as color-blindness. among these may be mentioned: _hemophilia_, a serious condition in which the blood will not clot properly, thus rendering the affected individual constantly liable to severe or fatal hemorrhage; near-sightedness (_myopia_) in some cases; a degenerative disease of the spinal cord known as _multiple sclerosis_; progressive atrophy of the optic nerve (_neuritis optica_); gower's _muscular atrophy_; some forms of _night-blindness_; in some cases _ichthyosis_, a peculiar scaly condition of the skin. in one of my own tabulations of a case of inheritance of "webbed" digits or _syndactyly_, a condition in which two or more fingers or toes are more or less united, a sex-linked inheritance is clearly indicated (fig. ), although from the pedigrees recorded by other investigators this condition usually appears in some of both the sons and daughters of an affected individual. [illustration: fig. chart showing the inheritance of a case of syndactyly after the manner of a sex-linked character. the affected individuals are represented in black; squares indicate males, circles females. the condition is seen to be inherited by males through unaffected females.] =the occurrence of sex-linkage in lower forms renders experiments possible.--=the course followed by such characters in man can be inferred only from the pedigrees we can obtain from family histories. fortunately, however, such sex-linkage also occurs in lower animals and we are able therefore to verify and extend our observations by direct experiments in breeding. several sex-linked characters have been found to exist in a small fruit-fly known as _drosophila_. extensive breeding experiments with this fly by professor t. h. morgan and his pupils have borne out remarkably the interpretation that the characters in question are really linked with a sex-determining factor. chapter iii mendelism =new discoveries in the field of heredity.--=writing in , one of america's well-known zoologists asserts that, "it is easier to weigh an invisible planet than to measure the force of heredity in a single grain of corn." and yet only two or three years later we find another prominent naturalist saying regarding heredity that, "the experiments which led to this advance in knowledge are worthy to rank with those that laid the foundation of the atomic laws of chemistry." again, "the breeding pen is to us what the test-tube is to the chemist--an instrument whereby we examine the nature of our organisms and determine empirically their genetic properties." here is a decided contrast of statement and yet both were justifiable at the time of utterance. for even at the writing of the first statement the investigations were in progress which, together with the rediscovery of certain older work, were to transfer our knowledge of heredity from the realm of speculation to that of experiment and disclose certain definite principles of genetic transmission. through a knowledge of these principles in fact, the shifting of certain characters is reducible to a series of definitely predictable proportions and the skilled breeder may proceed to the building up of new and permanent combinations of desirable characters according to mathematical ratios and, what is of equal importance, he can secure the elimination of undesirable qualities. while there are many limitations in the application of these principles and while new facts and modifications are constantly being discovered concerning them, nevertheless they represent the first approximations to definite laws of hereditary transmission that we have ever been able to make, and the practical fact confronts us that whatever our theoretical interpretations may be, the principles are so definite that through their application important improvements of crops and domesticated animals have already actually been secured and one may confidently expect still others to follow. =mendel.--=the principles involved are called the mendelian principles after their discoverer, gregor johann mendel, abbot of a monastery at brünn, austria. after eight years of patient experimenting in his cloister garden with plants, chiefly edible peas, he published his results and conclusions in , in the _proceedings of the natural history society of brünn_. while known to a few botanists of that day, the full importance of the contribution was not recognized, and in the excitement of the post-darwinian controversy, the facts were lost sight of and ultimately forgotten. =rediscovery of mendelian principles.--=in three men, correns, de vries and tschermak, working independently--in different countries, in fact--rediscovered the principles and called attention anew to the long-forgotten work of mendel which they had come upon in looking over the older literature on plant breeding. these investigators added other examples from their own experiments. since their rediscovery the principles have been confirmed in essential features and extended by numerous experimentalists with regard to a wide range of hereditary characters in both animals and plants. =independence of inheritable characters.--=it has been found that many truly heritable characteristics or traits of an individual, whether plant or animal, are comparatively independent of one another and may be inherited independently. where there are contrasted characters in father and mother, such as white plumage and black plumage in fowls, smooth coat and wrinkled coat in seed, horns and hornlessness in cattle, long fur and short fur in rabbits, beard and beardlessness in wheat, albino condition and normal condition, etc., there is obviously a bringing together of the determiners of the two traits in the resulting offspring. in the third generation, however, in the progeny of these offspring, the two distinct characters may be set apart again, thus showing that in the second generation while perhaps one only was visible, the factors which determine both were nevertheless present, and moreover, they were present in a separable condition. =illustration of mendelism in the andalusian fowl.--=let us take as a simple example the case of the andalusian fowl. although it is not a case established by mendel it illustrates certain of the essential conditions underlying mendelism in a more obvious way than the cases worked out by mendel himself. the so-called blue andalusian fowl results from a cross of a color variety of the fowl which is black with one which is white with black-splashed feathers. the result is the same irrespective of which parent is black. when bred with their like, whether from the same parents or different parents, these blue fowls produce three kinds of progeny, approximately one-fourth of which are black like the one grandparent, one-fourth white like the other grandparent, and the remaining half, blue like the parents (fig. ). moreover, the black fowls obtained in this way will, when interbred, produce only black offspring and the same is true of the white fowls. to all appearances as far as color is concerned they are of as pure type as the original grandparents. with the blue fowls, however, the case is different, for when bred together they will produce the same three kinds of progeny that their parents produced and in the same proportions. again the white and the black are true to type but the blue will always yield the three classes of offspring and this through generation after generation. [illustration: fig. diagram showing the scheme of inheritance in the blue andalusian fowl.] these facts may be illustrated graphically as follows where the word "black" indicates the original black parent, "white" the original white (black splashed) parent and "blue" the hybrid offspring. parental generation (p) black Ã� white black Ã� white | | first filial | | generation (f_{ }) blue Ã� blue | +------------------------------------------+ | | | second filial black blue white generation (f_{ }) ( %) ( %) ( %) | | | | +-------------------------+ | | | | | | third filial black black blue white white generation (f_{ }) | ( %) ( %) ( %) | | | | | | | | +-------------+ | | | | | | | | | fourth filial black black black blue white white white generation (f_{ }) ( %) ( %) ( %) =the cause of the mendelian ratio.--=concerning the cause of this peculiar ratio of inheritance in crossed forms mendel suggested a simple explanation. animals or plants that can be cross-bred, obviously must be forms that produce a new individual from the union of two germ-cells, one of which is provided by each parent. mendel's idea was that there must be some process of segregation going on in the developing germ-cells of each hybrid whereby the factors for the two qualities are set apart in different cells with the result that half of the germ-cells of a given individual will contain the determiner of one character and half, the determiner of the other. that is, a given germ-cell carries a factor for one or the other of the two alternate characters but not the factors for both. in a plant, for example, in the male line, half of the pollen grains would bear germ-cells carrying the determiner of one character and half, that of the other. similarly, in the female line, half of the ovules would contain the determiner of the one character and half, that of the other. likewise in animals as regards such pairs of characters there would be two classes of germ-cells in the male and two in the female. in the case of the blue andalusian fowls under discussion this would mean that half of the mature germ-cells of the male carry the black-producing factor, and half carry the white-producing factor, and the same is true of the germ-cells of the female. thus when two such crossed forms are mated, there are, by the laws of chance, four possible combinations, namely: ( ) white-determining sperm-cells and white-determining ovum; ( ) white-determining sperm-cells and black-determining ovum; ( ) black-determining sperm-cells and white-determining ovum; and ( ) black-determining sperm-cells and black-determining ovum. manifestly, the first combination can only give white offspring; the second, white and black, gives blue (by such a cross the original blues were established); likewise, the third, black and white, gives blue; and the fourth combination can only give black offspring. this matter may be graphically represented by the following formulæ in which b indicates the determiner of black in the germ-cell and w the determiner of white: [male] signifies male; [female] female. in the original parents w Ã� b = wb = blue in the hybrids [male] [female] germ- germ- cells cells [male] [female] w----w w Ã� w = ww = white \/ w Ã� b = wb = blue /\ or b Ã� w = bw = blue b----b b Ã� b = bb = black thus of the four possible combinations one only can produce white fowls, two (wb or bw) can produce blue fowls, and one black fowls. that is, the ratio is : : or the , and per cent., respectively, of our diagram. the black fowls or the white fowls will breed true in subsequent generations when mated with those of their own color because the determiner of the alternative character has been permanently eliminated from their germ-plasm; but the blue fowls will always yield three types of offspring because they still possess the two classes of germ-cells. =verification of the hypothesis.--=the hypothesis that germ-cells of crossed forms are of two classes with respect to a given pair of mendelian characters is further substantiated by the following facts. if in the case of the fowls under discussion one of the blue fowls is mated with an individual of the white variety, half of the progeny will be blue and half white. for the hybrid has two kinds of germ-cells, black producing, which we have designated by the letter b, and white producing (or w) in equal number while the white parent has only one kind, white producing. it is obvious that if half the germ-cells of the hybrid form are of the type b then half the progeny will be of the bw type, which is blue, and the other half will be of the ww type, which is white. in the same way if we mate a hybrid and a black fowl, half of the progeny will be black and half will be blue, that is, there could only be wb and bb types. the fact must not be lost sight of that since the pairings are wholly determined by the laws of chance the proportions are likely to be only approximate. it is obvious that the greater the number of individuals, the nearer the results will approach the expected ratio. dominant and recessive =one character may mask the other.--=in a large number of cases, however, the actual condition of affairs is not so evident as in the andalusian fowl, for instead of being intermediate or different in appearance, the generation produced by crossing resembles one parent to the exclusion of the other. such an overshadowing is spoken of as _dominance_, and the two characters are termed _dominant_ and _recessive_. thus when brown ring-doves and white ring-doves are mated the progeny are all brown, or if wild gray mice are mated to white mice the progeny are all gray. so black is dominant to white in rose-comb bantams; brown eyes to blue eyes in man; beardlessness to beard in wheat, and likewise rough chaff to smooth, and thick stem to thin; tallness to dwarfness in various plants; normal condition to the peculiar waltzing condition in the japanese waltzing mouse. numerous other cases might be cited but these are sufficient to illustrate the condition. =segregation in the next generation.--=but now the question arises, what do such crosses as show dominance transmit to the next generation? experiments show regarding any given pair of these alternate characters that they are set apart again in the succeeding generation, returning in a definite percentage to the respective grandparental types. [illustration: fig. diagram showing the scheme of inheritance in guinea-pigs when black and albino forms are crossed.] =dominance illustrated in guinea-pigs.--=in guinea-pigs for example (fig. ), when an individual (either male or female) of a black variety, is crossed with one of a white variety, the f_{ } generation are all black like the black parent. when these are interbred or bred with other blacks which have had one black and one white parent, only two visible types of progeny appear, viz., black and white, and these approximately in the ratio of three to one. analysis by further breeding shows, however, that there are in reality three types, but since dominance is complete the pure extracted dominant and the mixed dominant-and-recessive type are indistinguishable to our eye. that is, while the blacks are three times as numerous as the whites, two out of every three of these blacks are really hybrid and correspond to the blue fowls of our former example. the condition is readily comprehended when expressed diagrammatically thus: generation p black Ã� white black Ã� white | | generation f_{ } black (white) Ã� black (white) | +-------------------------------------+ | | | generation f_{ } black black (white) white in other words, the germ-cells of the one original parent (gen. p) would contain only determiners for black and that of the other parent would contain only determiners for white. the condition of the individuals produced by the cross would be represented by the formula b(w). but these determiners segregate in the germ-cells of the crossed form, whether it be male or female, into b and w. hence half the spermatozoa of the male hybrid (generation f_{ }) would carry the b determiners and half the w determiners. the same is true of the mature ova of the female hybrid. consequently, in mating there are always four equally possible combinations, viz., bb, b(w), (w)b, and ww. since b is always dominant three out of the four matings would yield black individuals, or in other words the ratio would be : . the pure blacks when mated together will breed true in subsequent generations, likewise the whites, but the blacks carrying white as a recessive will yield when interbred the same ratio of whites and black as did their hybrid parents (fig. , p. ). =terminology.--=as work in the study of mendelian inheritance has progressed and expanded the need of a more precise terminology has become evident and such is gradually being established. thus professor bateson has coined the term "allelomorph" (gk. _one another_, and _form_) to express more exactly what we have thus far been calling a pair of alternate or opposite characters. in the blue andalusian fowls discussed, the white condition in the one parent is the allelomorph of the black condition in the other. the term generally means one of the pair of mendelian characters themselves as expressed in the individual plants or animals but when the germinal basis of such phenomena is under discussion, it is sometimes used to refer to the determiners of such characters. and by determiner is meant simply the condition which is necessary in the germ to bring about the occurrence of a definite character. for example, when we are studying a cross between a red flower and a white flower with reference to the color factors, the difference between the two plants may lie in the fact that one produces a red coloring matter and the other does not. that is, the determiner for red is absent from the white variety. what the exact relation of color production is to the parts of the germ-cell we do not know. it could be the function of a single definite body or the resultant of several cooperating bodies. the latter is far more likely to be the case. we may suppose that a group of cooperating substances function to produce red in the red flower but that in the white flowers one of these bodies is absent or fails to perform its red-producing function. it is customary where practicable to refer to the determiner of a character by the initial letter of the name of the character. the letter when written as a capital indicates the determiner but when written as a small letter the absence of the determiner. thus r may be taken to represent the determiner for red coloring matter and r its absence. it is convenient also to have a brief symbol to denote a given generation and for this purpose bateson has introduced the symbol f_{ } for the hybrid progeny of the first cross, the initial letter of the word "filial." f_{ } would indicate the next generation, f_{ } the third and so on. likewise p denotes the original parent generation. =the theory of presence and absence.--=many, if not all, allelomorphs consist of the presence and absence respectively of a given determiner. in such cases the character represented by the presence of the determiner is dominant over the character represented by the absence of a determiner. thus in the crosses from the wild gray mice and albino mice the progeny are all gray mice since one parent had the determiner or group of determiners for grayness and the hybrid offspring must also possess it. likewise the presence of black in black guinea-pigs is dominant to its absence in albino guinea-pigs and the resulting progeny are all black. however, it has already been mentioned that beardlessness in wheat is dominant to beard and that the absence of horns in cattle is dominant to their presence, that is, the progeny of hornless by horned cattle are without horns except for occasional traces of imperfect horns. facts like these would seem at first sight to contradict the assertion just made that presence is dominant to absence, but it is fairly well established that in such cases one is not dealing with true absences but with suppressions. the polled breeds of cattle, for example, are hornless not because of the absence of determiners for horns but because of the presence of an additional inhibiting factor which prevents these determiners from functioning. the horned breeds are without this inhibitor. when horned and hornless individuals are crossed the presence of the inhibitor from one line of ancestry is sufficient to suppress the development of horns in the progeny. a similar explanation would, of course, apply to beardlessness in wheat. in writing double-lettered formulæ to denote the determiners of characters in hybrids the condition is represented merely by the capital and small letter. thus rr indicates that red is dominant to its absence. =additional terminology.--=in pure breeds where the determiners are alike as bb in black or bb in albino guinea-pigs, the individual is said to be a _homozygote_ (like things united) with reference to that character, while in those in which the determiners are unlike, as bb, the individual is termed a _heterozygote_ (unlike things united) with reference to the character. or to use the adjective forms, a pure black guinea-pig is homozygous for black pigment, an albino guinea-pig is homozygous for absence of pigment, while a cross between the two is heterozygous for pigment. also, where the determiner of a given character is present in double quantity, that is, from both lines of ancestry, the individual is said to be _duplex_, where represented in only the single form as in heterozygous individuals, _simplex_, and where the determiner is absent entirely, _nulliplex_, with reference to the character in question. thus black guinea-pigs of formula bb are duplex with regard to the determiner for black color, individuals of formula bb are simplex with reference to this determiner, and those of formula bb are nulliplex. a heterozygote in which dominance prevails can be identified with certainty by breeding to a known recessive and noting the kind of offspring produced. if the individual was really a heterozygote, approximately fifty per cent. of the offspring should be of the recessive type. =dominance not always complete.--=as a matter of fact close inspection shows that in numerous instances dominance is not absolute since traces of the recessive character may be detectable. for example, in the cross between smooth and bearded wheat while smoothness is regarded as the dominant character and beardlessness as the recessive, nevertheless in the hybrid offspring a slight tendency toward bearding is not infrequently seen. or again when horned breeds of cattle are crossed with hornless ones, a small proportion of such progeny will show traces of imperfect horns. in some cases instead of either character dominating the other a form intermediate between the two parents may result, as we have seen already in the case of the andalusian fowl. thus, certain white-flowered plants and certain red-flowered plants when crossed produce pink hybrids, and longheaded and shortheaded wheats when crossed give offspring with heads of intermediate length. or again, crosses between white and red cattle may yield red roans, and between black and white cattle, blue roans. thus, while for such pairs of alternative characters as have been studied, dominance to some considerable degrees at least, seems to be the rule, still we have gradations down to the intermediate condition, and in some instances the hybrid with respect to a given character may be unlike either parent. the things of chief importance in the mendelian discovery are the independent, unitary nature of the characters and their segregation in the offspring of cross-bred forms. =modifications of dominance.--=it should be noted also that there is such a condition as _delayed dominance_. davenport found, for example, that chicks produced by crossing pure white with pure black leghorn fowls are speckled black and white, but later in the adult form white becomes dominant. likewise conditions of delayed dominance are known in man in eye-color and notably in color of hair. some few cases have been recorded where a character is dominant at one time, recessive at another. according to davenport extra toe in fowls may behave in this way. =mendel's own work.--=mendel[ ] himself worked out his principles on seven pairs of characters which he found in common culinary peas. placing the dominant characters first, these may be enumerated as follows: ( ) tall by dwarf; ( ) green pod (unripe) by yellow; ( ) pod inflated by pod constricted between the individual peas; ( ) flowers arranged along the axis of the plant by flowers bunched together at the top; ( ) seed skin colored by seed skin white; ( ) cotyledons yellow by cotyledons green; ( ) seed rounded by seed wrinkled. he found that each pair of characters followed the same law as any other pair when more than one pair of the characters occurred in the same plants, but that each pair behaved independently of the other. the meaning of this is that we may get various combinations of characters not associated in the original pure stocks, the number of such combinations depending on the number of pairs of allelomorphs there are. dihybrids =getting new combinations of characters.--=since this principle is well illustrated in peas, let us take two pairs of their characters, viz., greenness and yellowness (of the cotyledons) and roundness and angularity to see exactly what happens when two pairs of allelomorphs are involved. when a specific kind of yellow pea is crossed with a particular kind of green pea the offspring are always yellow (fig. , opposite p. ). when these hybrids (generation f_{ }) are self-fertilized there is the usual mendelian segregation; one-fourth the resulting offspring will be green, one-fourth pure yellow, and one-half, although yellow in appearance, will be of the mixed type. the exact numbers found by mendel were , yellow seeds to , green seeds. now of the original peas (generation p) the yellow ones are round and the green ones angular (really wrinkled). choosing this roundness and angularity respectively as a pair of characters they are found to follow the same law that the colors follow (mendel obtained in the f_{ } generation , round and , wrinkled seed), but independently of the latter. for while in the progeny of the hybrids (gen. f_{ }), twenty-five per cent. will be round and of pure type as regards roundness, twenty-five per cent. angular, and fifty per cent. round but containing hidden factors of angularity (i. e., roundness is dominant), the roundness and the yellowness, or the angularity and the greenness will not always go together as they did in the original grandparental strains, but there will be in addition some new types of round green peas and some of angular yellow ones. that is, the factors of color and of shape have been inherited independently of one another, so that instead of the two original kinds of peas, four have been produced, viz., ( ) round-yellow (one of the original types); ( ) round-green (new type); ( ) angular-yellow (new type); and ( ) angular-green (one of the original types). furthermore, these will be found to stand in the ratio of : : : respectively. =segregations of the determiners.--=how these combinations come about in this definite proportion is easily understood if the matter is expressed in terms of determiners and the possible matings tabulated (fig. ). if we represent the yellow determiner by y and the green determiner by y, and likewise the determiners of roundness and angularity by r and r respectively, then the formulæ for the determiners of these two pairs of characters in the body cells (that is, in the unreduced condition) of the pure forms and of the f_{ } generation hybrids respectively are as follows: in pure round yellow peas rr yy in pure angular green peas rr yy in the hybrid rr yy but now in the segregation of these determiners in the germ-cells of the hybrids (generation f_{ }) the pair of determiners rr and the pair yy operate entirely independently of one another. their only compulsion is that each pair be separated into the single determiners, r and r in the one case and y and y in the other. so in the separating division which brings about this divorcement r separates from r irrespective of whether it is accompanying y or y into the resulting daughter cell. thus in some cases r and y would pass into one germ-cell, in others r and y, in others r and y, and in still others r and y, depending entirely upon the chance relations of the respective pairs to the plane of division. that is, the segregation is equally likely to be ry/ry giving gametes ry and ry, or ry/ry giving gametes ry and ry. [illustration: \[female] [male]\ ry ry ry ry +-------+--------+--------+--------+ ry | rryy | rryy | rryy | rryy | +-------+--------+--------+--------+ ry | rryy | rryy | rryy | rryy | +-------+--------+--------+--------+ ry | rryy | rryy | rryy | rryy | +-------+--------+--------+--------+ ry | rryy | rryy | rryy | rryy | +-------+--------+--------+--------+ ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy : : : fig. diagram showing the possible combinations arising in the second filial generation (f_{ }) following a cross between yellow, round (yyrr) and green, angular or wrinkled (yyrr) peas. y, presence of factor for yellow; y, absence of such a factor; r, presence of factor for smoothness or roundness; r, absence of such a factor; [male] male; [female] female.] =four kinds of gametes in each sex means sixteen possible combinations.--=there are, therefore, with reference to the two pairs of characters under consideration, four kinds of gametes (or mature germ-cells) produced in equal numbers in each hybrid, viz., ry, ry, ry, and ry. that is, in the first type roundness and yellowness are associated, in the second roundness and greenness, in the third angularity (lack of roundness) and yellowness, and in the fourth angularity and greenness. but since both males and females have these four kinds of gametes, when they are mated there will be sixteen possible combinations. these may be tabulated as in fig. , opposite p. . =the : : : ratio.--=while there are sixteen possible and equally probable combinations, these will give only nine distinct kinds because some of the matings are alike. the numbers of the various kinds of matings are as follows: ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy ( ) rryy since roundness (r) and yellowness (y) are dominant to angularity (r) and greenness (y) in all combinations containing r or y, the alternative determiners r or y would be obscured, with the result that individuals having certain of the combinations would look alike to our eye. for example, the individuals represented by numbers , , and , since they contain dominant r and y, would all appear round and yellow, although in reality no. would be the only one of pure type (both elements homozygous) and hence the only one that would breed true in subsequent generations. the two individuals represented in no. would breed true as regards shape (rr) but not color (yy). just the reverse is true of no. since shape is heterozygous (rr) and color homozygous (yy). the four individuals represented in no. are heterozygous with regard to both elements. thus nine individuals ( plus plus plus = ) represented in nos. , , and would be round and yellow, three individuals (nos. and ) would be round and green, three (nos. and ) would be angular and yellow, and only one (no. ) would be angular and green. that is to say, the four classes discernible to the eye in generation f_{ } would be present in the ratio of : : : . =phenotype and genotype.--=forms such as those represented in nos. , , and which to the eye appear to be alike, regardless of their germinal constitution, are said to be of the same _phenotype_. those of the same hereditary constitution, as the two individuals represented in no. , or the four individuals in no. , are said to be of the same _genotype_, that is, they are of identical gametic constitution. as we have seen, it is from the genotypical not the phenotypical constitution that an offspring is derived and what a given form will bring forth depends then on its genotype. =crosses with more than two pairs of characters.--=in crosses in which more than two pairs of contrasted characters are involved the underlying principles are in no way different, only with each pair of additional characters there is, of course, a greater number of possible combinations. thus with three pairs of characters there will be eight different classes of gametes in each sex and consequently sixty-four possible combinations in mating, giving eight different phenotypes in the proportion of : : : : : : : . the largest class manifests the three dominant characters; the smallest class, the three recessives; the three classes in the proportion of each exhibit two dominant and one recessive characters; and those in the proportion of each display two recessive and one dominant characters. the question of blended inheritance we come now to certain types of inheritance in which there seems to be a true fusion or blend of the contributions from the two parents, the intermediate condition apparently persisting in subsequent generations without segregation. numerous cases of blended inheritance have been cited in earlier literature of heredity, but as our knowledge of genetics has progressed many experimental breeders have come to believe that the blends in such cases are apparent rather than real and that the phenomena can be best explained on a non-blending unit-character basis, just as we would explain ordinary mendelian phenomena. =nilsson-ehle's discoveries.--=to get their point of view we may review certain experiments on wheat made by nilsson-ehle, together with their mendelian interpretation. nilsson-ehle found that a certain brown-chaffed wheat when crossed with a white-chaffed strain yielded a brown-chaffed hybrid, apparently in accordance with the simple principle of mendelian dominance. but these heterozygous brown-chaffed individuals did not in turn give the expected ratio of : in the f_{ } generation but a ratio of brown to white, and furthermore the browns were not all of the same degree of brownness. to be exact, from fifteen different crosses of the strains he obtained , brown-chaffed and white-chaffed plants. this apparent anomaly in segregation was easily explained, however, when it was finally figured out that there were really two independent determiners for brown color, either of which alone could produce a brown individual, but when combined produced individuals of correspondingly deeper shades of brown. in such a case then nilsson-ehle discovered that he was dealing merely with a mendelian dihybrid where two different determiners b and b´ and their respective absences b and b´ are involved. the original brown wheat had both b and b´ and the original white b and b´. the formula for the f_{ } heterozygote was therefore bbb´b´. the four possible types of gametes for male and female are bb´, bb´, bb´, bb´, and the tabulation would be as follows: +----------------------------------- | bb´ | bb´ | bb´ | bb´ -----+--------+--------+--------+-------- bb´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ -----+--------+--------+--------+-------- bb´ | bbb´b´ | bb´bb´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ -----+--------+--------+--------+-------- bb´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ -----+--------+--------+--------+-------- bb´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ | bbb´b´ ----------------------------------------- it will be observed that there are more brown determiners in some combinations than others. for instance one of the sixteen contains four such determiners, viz., b, b´, b, b´, four contain three determiners, six contain two, four contain only one, and one contains none. thus all but one of the sixteen contain at least one determiner and will therefore be brown in color but the depth of color will depend on the number of brown determiners in a given individual. this is more graphically represented in fig. , p. . the largest number of similar individuals, six in all, contain two determiners each and represent an intermediate "blend" between the original brown-chaffed and white-chaffed strains. the deeper and the lighter browns due to more or fewer determinants in an individual would if one did not know the units in this case look like the fluctuations around this average which we might expect in a blend. [illustration: fig. diagram illustrating the proportionate distribution of determiners where either of two different determiners produces the same character, the degree of expression of the character depending on the number of the determiners present. the numerals indicate the number of brown determiners present in an individual.] nilsson-ehle found another significant case in wheat where one particular red-grained strain of swedish wheat when crossed with white-grained strains produced red-grained offspring, but when these were interbred the f_{ } generation gave approximately sixty-three red to one white-grained individual. here it was found that in the original red wheat there are three separate determiners which act independently of one another in heredity, any one of which would make red color; and that they together with their absences simply follow the mendelian laws for a trihybrid. =such cases easily mistaken for true blends.--=if we should tabulate the possible combinations as we did the dihybrid we should see that we would get individuals having varying numbers of red determiners. only one of the sixty-four possible combinations would be without a factor for red. of the sixty-four, one would have six determiners for red, six would have five, fifteen would have four, twenty would have three, fifteen would have two, six would have one, and one would have none. since here every additional red factor means deeper redness in the individual there would be varying degrees of redness in the f_{ } generation with those having three determiners, the largest group, standing apparently intermediate. not knowing the factors involved we might easily mistake such a case for a true blend with fluctuations about an average intermediate form. nilsson-ehle finally proved his interpretation by rearing an f_{ } generation from isolated and self-fertilized plants of this f_{ } generation. this same principle of cumulative determiners has also been established in america by east with field corn. as the number of duplicate determiners increases it can be readily seen that the number of apparent blends of different degrees of intermediacy between the two extremes would rapidly increase. =skin-color in man.--=in man, the skin-color of the hybrids between negroes and whites is often cited as a case of blended inheritance in contradistinction to mendelian inheritance. the skin-color of the mulatto of the f_{ } generation is intermediate between that of the white and black parent. this same degree of intermediacy is commonly supposed to persist in subsequent generations, but as a matter of fact, careful investigation has shown that while mulattoes rarely produce pure white or pure black children, there is considerably greater range in the shades of color in the f_{ } generation and subsequent generations than in the f_{ } generation. this is exactly what one would expect of a mendelian character in which several cooperating factors were involved. indeed, davenport who has made extensive studies[ ] on the inheritance of skin-color in man has come to the conclusion that the case is really one of mendelian inheritance in which several factors for skin-color are concerned. even the skin of a white man is pigmented in some degree under normal conditions. davenport has shown in the skin of both whites and blacks that there is a mixture of black, yellow and red pigments. he concludes that "there are two double factors (aabb) for black pigmentation in the full-blooded negro of the west coast of africa and these are separably inheritable." since these factors are lacking in white persons the intermediate color of an f_{ } mulatto would therefore be heterozygous for pigmentation, and subsequent generations, following the laws for segregation where a number of factors are concerned, would show different degrees of color because of the varying combinations of factors. =some investigators would question the existence of real blends.--=still other reputed blends such as ear length in rabbits and the like have been shown to be analyzable into mendelian behavior if one will but postulate numerous or multiple factors. just how far we are justified in so accounting for blends has not yet been established. some of our most careful experimentalists in heredity still believe that real blends exist, particularly where the character is quantitatively expressed--that is, as more or less of a given size or amount--while others would maintain that all alleged blends will probably be found to be resolvable into factors which follow mendelian rule. it must be left for future investigations to demonstrate which school is correct. the place of the mendelian factors in the germ-cells =parallel between the behavior of mendelian factors and chromosomes.--=the question arises as to whether there is any evidence from the study of germ-cells themselves to bear out the mendelian conception of separation of contrasted characters in the gametes of the f_{ } generation. in the discussion of the maturation of germ-cells (chap. ii) it has already been seen that the chromosomes of the germ-cells are in all probability arranged in homologous pairs, one member being of maternal and the other of paternal origin, and that furthermore they are closely associated with the phenomena of heredity. and since in maturation there is an actual segregation of the chromosomes into two sets, half going to one cell and half to its mate, a physical basis adequate to the necessities of the case is really at hand. it will be recalled that the individuals of a pair separate in such a way at the reduction division that the paternal member goes to one cell and the maternal member to the other, although each pair seemingly acts independently of the others with the result that any mature germ-cell may contain chromosomes from each of the original parents but never the two chromosomes which earlier made up a pair. the close parallel between the behavior of chromosomes and the behavior of mendelian factors, although the two sets of phenomena were discovered wholly independently of each other, is obvious. if we suppose that each chromosome bears the determiner of a mendelian character and that chromosomes bearing allelomorphic characters make up the various pairs which are seen in the early germ-cells of an individual before reduction occurs, then the segregation of the individuals of an allelomorphic pair into different gametes must result in consequence of the passing of the corresponding chromosomes into separate gametes. fig. , p. , from professor wilson represents equally well the segregations of pairs of chromosomes or pairs of mendelian characters. [illustration: fig. diagram showing union of factors from the two separate parents in fertilization and their segregation in the formation of germ-cells (after wilson). with four pairs of factors (_aa_, _bb_, _cc_, _dd_), sixteen types of gametes are possible, as shown in the series of small circles at the right. the same diagram equally well represents the pairings and segregations of chromosomes.] =a single chromosome not restricted to carrying a single determiner.--=it has been objected that there may be more pairs of independently heritable allelomorphic characters than there are pairs of chromosomes. it is true that there are more pairs of characters than pairs of chromosomes but there is no reason for supposing that a given chromosome is restricted to carrying a single unit-determiner. on the contrary it probably carries several or many. some workers have pointed out that certain units might be interchanged during the pairing of chromosomes before the reduction division, others that inasmuch as the chromosomes become diffuse and granulated during the intervals between divisions it is not improbable that the individual units may become separated from their original system during such times and that it is a matter of chance into which of the homologous chromosomes, a or a, they enter with the re-establishment of the chromosomes. on the other hand, cases are known where two or more separate characters are permanently associated in inheritance, that is, if they enter a crossed form together they come out together in the grandchildren as if they were carried in the same unit-body in the germ-cell. the only observable unit-bodies that fulfil the necessities of such cases are the chromosomes. this tendency of characters to exist in groups which are inherited independently of one another is coming more and more into evidence as we penetrate farther into the intricacies of inheritance, and it is exactly what we would expect on the supposition that each chromosome carries the determiners of a number of characters instead of a single one. chapter iv mendelism in man =the mendelian principles probably applicable to many characters of man.--=we are really just beginning to make the proper observations and collect the necessary data with reference to the application of mendelian principles to the traits of man. yet brief as has been our study we have disclosed much significant evidence which makes it seem highly probable that many of his characters, good and bad, of mind and body are as subservient to these laws as are the traits and features of lower forms. davenport and plate record over sixty human characters or defects which are seemingly inherited in mendelian fashion. although about fifty of these are pathological or abnormal conditions, this does not mean that such conditions are more prone to follow mendelian inheritance but merely that being relatively conspicuous or isolated they are easier to follow and tabulate. =difficult to get correct data.--=while it must be said that in many cases no simple form of mendelian tabulation has been unequivocally established, yet the general behavior of the various inheritable traits in question is so obviously related to the conventional mendelian course that there seems little reason for doubting that they are at bottom the same. failure to obtain exact proportions may be attributable in part to the probability that what we loosely regard as a character should in reality be analyzed into more elemental components, and above all to the fact that from the very nature of the conditions under which human records must be obtained, there is considerable chance of inaccuracy or error in such accounts. how many human traits follow mendelian rules remains largely for future investigators to establish. we are handicapped at the outset in man by the many difficulties of getting correct data from the genealogies on which we must depend, or in fact of getting any genealogy at all, for in this country at least, most families keep imperfect records of births and deaths and many of the institutions for the various kinds of defectives have little in their records that will help us in following out hereditary conditions. then in matters of disease we meet with the fact that many former diagnoses were erroneous. in yet other cases, and this is particularly true among mental and moral defectives, we are often not sure of the paternity of a given child. furthermore, one is likely to be misled by the proportions which may occur in the very limited number of children of any given couple. still other difficulties exist. among these is the fact, for example, that in many cases of defect or susceptibility to disease, a given individual in the stock may have the trait in an expressible and transmissible form, yet it never comes to expression because that individual has been fortunate enough to escape the environmental stimulus which would call it forth. thus one highly susceptible to tuberculosis might escape infection, or persons hovering on the verge of insanity might never receive the precipitating stimulus which would topple them into actual insanity; yet each would be wrongfully recorded in a genealogy looking to such traits as perfectly normal. or again if it be a question of intellectual brilliancy as shown by accomplishment in the realm of scholarship, or of worldly affairs, the ones who although possessing them have had no chance to display unusual talents would be tabulated as average whereas in fact they should be recorded as of high rank. that this is particularly likely to happen in the case of women is evident. =a generalized presence-absence formula for man.--=in man as in lower forms some characters or traits are due presumably to the presence of determiners or to their absence. likewise, dominance and recessiveness are as much in evidence, for in tracing back pedigrees of various traits we find the same forms of tabulation that obtain for these conditions in plants and lower animals hold good. for typical cases in man let us use a generalized presence-absence formula and the arbitrary symbol a for the presence of the determiner of the character (double in the individual, single in the germ) and a for its absence. thus aa represents a condition in which similar determiners have been derived from both parents and the individual is _duplex_ as regards the character in question; each mature germ-cell will have the determiner. aa represents a condition in which the individual has received the determiner from only one parent and is therefore _simplex_ with regard to the character; half of the gametes of such an individual will have the determiner and half will lack it. lastly, aa represents total absence of the determiner. such an individual is _nulliplex_. he or she will not have the determiner represented in any of the gametes, and can not, of course, transmit a trait represented by the determiner. it is evident that six kinds of gametic matings are possible among individuals representing these various formulæ. these matings are as follows: possible couplings matings of gametes product . nulliplex x nulliplex (aa x aa) == a------a == all nulliplex \/ /\ a------a . nulliplex x simplex (aa x aa) == a------a == per cent. \/ with character /\ nulliplex and a------a per cent. with it simplex. . nulliplex x duplex (aa x aa) == a------a == all with characters \/ simplex /\ a------a . simplex x simplex (aa x aa) == a------a == per cent. \/ with characters /\ duplex, per a------a cent. with it simplex and per cent. with it nulliplex. . simplex x duplex (aa x aa) == a-------a == per cent. \/ with character /\ duplex and a-------a per cent. with it simplex. . duplex x duplex (aa x aa) == a-------a == all duplex. \/ /\ a-------a =indications of incomplete dominance.--=while in cases of strict mendelian dominance it is not possible to distinguish directly the simplex from the duplex condition, as a matter of fact the individual of simplex constitution sometimes has the character represented in the single determiner less perfectly developed than in the corresponding character of duplex origin. in studying defects in man due to the absence of a determiner, where theoretically presence of the determiner (normality) is dominant over its absence in individuals of simplex constitution, one finds it recorded with increasing frequency that such individuals are more or less "intermediate" or are "tainted" with the defect; thus showing that the defect though obscured is not wholly in abeyance. thus individuals carrying epilepsy or feeble-mindedness which are regarded as recessive traits, while not showing specific feeble-mindedness or epilepsy, may nevertheless apparently show a neuropathic taint in the form of migraine, alcoholism or other lapse from normality. the condition is seemingly more akin in some cases to that found in the offspring of certain red flowers crossbred with white flowers, which though red do not show the same intensity of color as the original red parent. just as here the single determiner or single "dose" of redness is insufficient to produce the intensity of color that appears when the offspring receive two determiners for red, one from each parent, so in man a single determiner for normality of a specific character is inadequate in some cases to make the individual wholly normal. or possibly some cases are more of the type of those in which the character in question, for instance the red color of some wheats and corn, may be produced by any one of two or three determiners, the intensity of the characters (red color, e. g.) depending on whether one, two or three determiners are present. =why after the first generation only half the children may show the dominant character.--=if the trait is a simple dominant one it is clear that it will appear in each generation and always spring from an affected individual. by referring back to our tabulation of possible matings on page where the dominant character is represented by the letter a, this can be seen at a glance. if the trait is present in the duplex condition in one parent and absent from the other, then formula applies; all children will show the trait, but in the simplex form (aa). if the trait is present in the simplex form in one parent and absent in the other, formula applies. fifty per cent. of the children will have the character in the simplex form (aa) which means also an even chance of transmitting it to their offspring; fifty per cent. will not inherit it and will be incapable, furthermore, of transmitting it, since they have become nulliplex (aa). in human genealogies if an individual having an unusual trait which is inherited as a dominant marries a normal person and half of the offspring show the trait (and this is common), this means that the parent manifesting the trait had it represented only in the simplex condition, otherwise all of the children would have shown it. even though the original ancestor who first developed the condition or structure may have had it in a duplex form, it would after the first mating, if this were with an individual lacking the trait, be represented only in the simplex form (see formula ) and could never become duplex again unless two individuals both having the character married, and then only in twenty-five per cent. of the offspring (see formula ). if the trait is a defect all the children showing it, even though marrying normal (nulliplex) individuals, will pass it on again to half their children, but those who do not show it may ordinarily marry with impunity since its non-expression in their make-up means, as far as we know at present, that their germ-plasm has been purged of the defect and that they are therefore nulliplex with reference to it. =eye-color in man.--=of normal characters in man which follow the mendelian formula perhaps eye-color is the best established. brown or black eye-color is due to a _melanin_ pigment absent from the blue or gray eye. that is, a brown eye is practically a blue eye plus an additional layer of pigment on the outer surface of the iris. the different shades of brown and the black are due to the relative abundance of this pigment. gray color and the shades of blue seem to be a modification of an original dark blue, due to structural differences in the fibrous tissues of the iris. in inheritance brown or black is dominant to blue or gray, or in other words the _presence_ and _absence_ of a pigment p constitutes a pair of allelomorphs. hence two brown-eyed parents, if p is duplex in both (or duplex in one and simplex in the other) can have only brown-eyed children. thus, . pp Ã� pp = pp, or all duplex brown. . pp Ã� pp = pp and pp, half duplex brown and half simplex brown. if each parent has brown eyes but in simplex condition, then one-fourth of children will have blue or gray eyes; for example, mating gametic product couplings pp Ã� pp = p--p = pp, pp, pp, and pp, or one-fourth \/ duplex brown, one-half simplex /\ brown, and one-fourth blue or p--p gray. if both parents have blue or gray eyes they can not have children with black or brown eyes, since the recessive condition in each parent means total absence of brown pigment in both. if one pair is duplex brown and the other blue, then all children will have brown eyes but of simplex type. if one parent has simplex brown eyes (type pp) and one blue (pp) then one-half of the children will have brown eyes of simplex type and one-half will have blue eyes. occasional objections have been raised against the mendelian interpretation of inheritance in eye-color, but the cases cited in evidence against the theory usually narrow down to those in which the color is so diluted as to render classification uncertain. for example, hazel eyes are sometimes called gray; they belong however to the melanic pigmented type although the brown pigment may be much diluted and occur mainly around the pupil. so-called green eyes are due to yellow pigment on a blue background. in the rare cases where in the same individual one eye is brown and the other blue, the individual should probably be rated as brown-eyed on the supposition that in the one eye the development of brown pigment has in some way been suppressed. =hair-color.--=the inheritance of hair-color has also been the subject of considerable study and while the conditions are not so simple as in the case of eye-color, there is little doubt that it belongs in the mendelian category. in human hair, color has as its foundation apparently two pigments, black and red. absence of one or both or various combinations or dilutions of these seemingly account for the prevailing colors in human hair. in general dark hair is dominant to light, although because of the delay sometimes in the darkening of the hair in children this fact is often obscured. black is dominant to red. people with glossy black hair, according to davenport, are probably simplex for black, the glossiness being due usually to recessive red. the expectation would be for some of the children of such a pair to have red hair. in man occasionally a congenital white lock contrasting strikingly with the remaining normally pigmented hair occurs. it behaves as a simple dominant in heredity. =hair-shape.--=again, straight and curly hair seem to be distinct inheritable characters. curly is incompletely dominant to straight, the simplex condition yielding wavy hair. not to enter into details of the matings, statistics gathered by mr. and mrs. davenport show that, two flaxen-haired parents have flaxen-haired children; two golden-haired parents have only golden-haired children; two parents with light brown hair have children with hair of that color or lighter, but never darker; two parents each with dark brown or black hair may have children with all the varieties of hair-color. summing together a series of recessives davenport points out that two blue-eyed, flaxen or golden and straight-haired parents will have only children like themselves. [illustration: fig. diagram showing descent of brachydactyly through five generations; black symbols indicate affected individuals; [male], male; [female], female (after farabee).] =irregularities.--=if a dominant trait or defect depends on more than a single factor, as is sometimes the case, or if it is modified by sex or other conditions, as is true of certain characters, some of which, such as color-blindness, have already been examined, then we shall find some apparently non-affected individuals having affected offspring. certain diseases, for example, are generally transmitted by affected members of the family to their children in the expected mendelian ratio for a dominant, yet an occasional skip of a generation may appear in which an apparently perfectly normal individual transmits to his children what, except for the omission in his own case, appears to be an ordinary dominant character. this occasional lapse in the appearance of a character when theoretically it should appear is doubtless due in some instances to the fact that what is really inherited is a _tendency_, and although this is present in the apparently normal individual, for some reason the condition itself has not appeared. this might especially be true in the case of a disease which does not manifest itself until late in life. in other cases there are undoubtedly complicating accessory conditions which modify the behavior of the trait somewhat. other cases of dominance in man among other normal characters in man, as far as available evidence goes, dark skin is dominant to light skin; normally pigmented condition to albino; and nervous temperament to phlegmatic. =digital malformations.--=an interesting and easily followed defect is a condition known as _brachydactylism_, in which the digits are shortened because of the absence or rudimentary condition of one segment. the fingers, therefore, appear to be only two-jointed like the thumb. several families showing this defect have been charted and it appears to behave as a typical dominant. in looking over such a chart (fig. , p. ) one is struck by the fact that only half of the children from most of the matings show the defect, but when we recall that the affected parent, after the first generation, probably carried the condition in only the simplex form and married a normal individual, such a result is just what would be expected (see formula ). _polydactylism_ (figs. , , pp. , ) is a condition in which there are extra digits on hands or feet. the character, with apparently slight exceptions in a few records, behaves as a typical dominant. among other digital defects which are inherited as a dominant is a condition known as _syndactylism_ (fig. , p. ), in which two or more digits are fused side by side. for an example of syndactyly which seems to be in the class of sex-linked characters, see fig. , p. . =eye defects.--=_congenital cataract_ is another not uncommon defect in man which is transmitted as a dominant (fig. , p. ) with occasional irregularities. it is a condition of opacity of the lens of the eye which produces partial or total blindness. in a paper on _hereditary blindness and its prevention_, clarence loeb ( ) mentions families of which pedigrees have been published. of the , children in these families , or per cent., were affected. it is obvious that this is near the expected percentage in the case of a dominant trait where matings of affected with normal individuals prevailed. an unfortunate circumstance about this malady from the eugenic standpoint is the fact that it is frequently of the presenile form which comes on late in life so that it is usually impossible to predict whether an individual of marriageable age is immune or will later become affected. [illustration: fig. radiograph (courtesy of dr. w. b. helm) showing polydactyly in a child's hand. for genealogy of this see fig. , p. .] [illustration: fig. chart showing a history of polydactylism through five generations in the b---- family. the individual whose hand is pictured in fig. , p. , is of the fifth generation. squares represent males, circles females.] another defect of the eye following the course of a dominant in heredity is a pigmentary degeneration of the retina known as _retinitis pigmentosa_. atrophy of the optic nerve is also involved and the final result is blindness. still another example frequently cited is that of hereditary night blindness (_hemeralopia_), a disease in which the affected person can not see by any but the brightest light. in most affected families the final outcome is usually total blindness. one of the most remarkable pedigrees of defects in man ever collected is one of this disease published by nettleship. he succeeded in tracing the defect through nine generations, back to the seventeenth century. the genealogy includes , persons. the character behaves as a single dominant in males, but frequently, though not always, females may be carriers of the defect in transmissible form though not exhibiting it themselves. that is, males in which the condition is simplex (aa) develop the defect but females of similar simplex constitution (aa) frequently do not. it follows, therefore, that normal males of such strains will have normal offspring but normal females may have affected children. [illustration: fig. radiograph (courtesy of dr. w. b. helm) showing a partial syndactyly in each hand of an individual. some degree of webbing between the more distal portions of the affected parts is usual.] [illustration: fig. pedigree of a family with presenile cataract (black symbols); numbers in circles indicate unaffected individuals (after davenport).] =other defects inherited as dominants.--=not to go into details other defects which behave as dominants or modified dominants in human inheritance may be mentioned. the following list is not complete and it must be understood that in some cases the statistics are insufficient to justify us in making anything but a tentative decision. we may thus enumerate as dominant over normality: _achondroplasy_ (abnormally short limbs with normal head and body); _keratosis_ (thickening of epidermis); _epidermolysis_ (excessive formation of blisters); _hypotrichosis_ (hairless, toothless condition); _diabetes insipidus_; _diabetes mellitus_; ordinary (not gower's) _muscular atrophy_; _glaucoma_ (internal swelling and pressure of eye-ball); displaced lens; _coloboma_ (open suture in iris); spottedness of hair-coat; and corneal opacity. as a final illustration of a serious malady in man which acts as a dominant in inheritance, let us take _huntington's chorea_. ordinary _chorea_, or st. vitus' dance, a disorder characterized by involuntary muscular movements, is commonly though not always confined to children and usually ends in recovery, but _huntington's chorea_ appears typically in middle life and is a much more dangerous malady. fig. , p. , represents the family history of one of five cases which have been studied by doctor lorenz in the mendota hospital for the insane. all charts which have been platted of this malady show it to be inherited as a dominant. this means that half of the children of an individual who carried the malady in the simplex condition, and all the children of one who carries it in the duplex condition, are probably marked for this terrible end. and the true horror of it can only be appreciated by one who has seen the last stages of the malady. the victim once in its grasp gradually becomes wrecked in mind and body; the muscular twitchings and disorders of movement continually increase and dementia progresses until at last death ensues. fig. , p. , is another chart showing inheritance of _huntington's chorea_. in still a third case at the mendota hospital, the gravity of the situation can be appreciated when one realizes that the patient is the father of ten children, ranging in age from one to seventeen and one-half years. the calamitous fact that this disease does not manifest itself usually until middle life makes it likely that these children will all reach maturity, marry and in turn probably produce offspring before the doomed members of the family realize their fate. [illustration: fig. chart showing descent of _huntington's chorea_ in the p---- family (courtesy of dr. w. f. lorenz). squares represent male, circles female; shaded figures are choreic members of the family; partially shaded figures, slightly affected or very "nervous" members. the members of the last generation are for the most part still too young to show their condition. the cross indicates the individual in the asylum from whom the record was traced back.] cases of recessiveness in man =recessive conditions more difficult to deal with because they are frequently masked.--=coming now to the question of recessive conditions in man, we find that defects are more likely to be of recessive than of dominant type. apparently normality usually means the presence of normal determiners and abnormality, the absence of some essential determiner. in the latter case, a unit-factor has seemingly been lost out in some way in the germ-plasm, and the product of such germ-plasm is therefore incomplete. as long as the loss is counterbalanced by the presence of a single determiner from the other line of ancestry, that is, as long as the simplex (aa) condition prevails, the loss may not be in evidence, except in cases of incomplete dominance (taints, etc.), but any mating which permits of the production of the nulliplex condition will bring the defect to expression again. [illustration: fig. chart showing inheritance of _huntington's chorea_ in the r---- family (courtesy of dr. w. f. lorenz); , have been patients at mendota hospital for the insane; , died of "paralysis"; the fourth or last generation indicated by the cross, ranging in age from to , are too young yet to show their condition as regards this malady.] the obscure nature of recessives makes such conditions more difficult to deal with than dominant defects. for as regards the latter we have seen that marriage of unaffected members of the family as far as that particular trait is concerned, is perfectly safe, even to a cousin, for once the germ-plasm is purged of such a positive factor, it, in so far as we know, remains pure. but in the case of a recessive character due to the absence of some necessary determiner a normal offspring of simplex constitution (aa) will probably transmit to half of his children the capacity for handing on the defect, or if mated to another normal individual of simplex constitution (aa) is likely to have the actual defect revealed again in one-fourth of his children and latent in two-thirds of the remainder. =albinism a recessive.--=as an easily understood illustration of this type of case we may take human albinism, a condition which is due to the absence of a pigment-developing determiner. according to davenport the albinic condition is recessive to normal condition. if albino (aa) is mated with albino (aa) nothing but albino children may be expected. an albino (aa) mated with a normal individual will have normal offspring (aa), but they will have the capacity for transmitting albinism to their descendants. thus the normal offspring (aa) of an albino (aa) and a normal parent (aa) if mated to another normal individual (aa) who has also had an albino parent will probably transmit actual albinism to one-fourth of his children and the same capacity that he himself has of producing albinos, to one-half of his children, although the latter will appear to the eye to be normal. =other recessive conditions in man.--=if for albinism we substitute certain forms of insanity, hereditary feeble-mindedness (fig. , p. ), or hereditary epilepsy, all of which apparently follow the same law, we can readily understand how unfit such matings are where both strains are affected. marriage with similarly defective stock will result in the affection appearing in one-fourth of the progeny, and one-half of them, though apparently normal themselves, will have the capacity for transmitting the imperfection. it is in the existence of such hidden factors that the chief danger in the marriage of cousins, or in fact any consanguineous marriage lies. a few of the various defects which seem to be inherited as recessives when mated with normality are: susceptibility to cancer; _chorea_ (st. vitus' dance); true dwarfism (all parts proportionately reduced); _alkaptonuria_ (urine darkens after passage); alcoholism and criminality, where based on mental deficiency; hereditary _hysteria_; _multiple sclerosis_ (diffuse degeneration of nervous tissue); _friedreich's disease_ (degeneration of upper part of the spinal cord); _merriere's disease_ (dizziness and roaring in ears); _thomsen's disease_ (lack of muscular tone); hereditary _ataxia_; possibly the tendency to become hard of hearing with increased age; and possibly, non-resistance to tuberculosis. of non-pathological conditions in man which are inherited as recessives, apparently either very great or very small intellectual ability are examples. [illustration: fig. chart showing descent of feeble-mindedness as a typical recessive (after goddard). squares represent males, circles females; dd, homozygous dominant; dr, heterozygous dominant (i. e. normal although a carrier); rr, pure recessive; n, normal; f, feeble-minded; a, alcoholic.] =breeding out defects.--=even though recessive defects occur in a stock, there is the possibility of diluting out the imperfection in successive generations if care is taken always to marry into a stock wholly free from it. for example, a normal individual carrying a recessive defect will bear the abnormality in half of his or her germ-cells. this means that when such an individual marries a normal, non-carrier, half of their children will be wholly normal (aa) and half will be carriers; normal but of simplex constitution (aa). if now this generation, carriers and non-carriers, marry only into normal strains of duplex constitution, then their combined issue will be likewise normal with only one-fourth of them carriers of the imperfections. this means that even if all of this last generation were married to persons having the defect only one out of four would have children showing it although the remaining children would be carriers. on the other hand if mated to normals only one-eight of the next generation would be carriers. thus by continually marrying into strong strains liability to manifest any recessive defect can be diminished in a few generations until the descendants are no more likely to have defective children than are members of our ordinary population. the proportion in which the recessive defect would appear in successive generations if all persons in a given generation married only normal individuals who were non-carriers is indicated in the following table where aa indicates a normal individual, aa one who is normal but a carrier, and aa an individual with the imperfection expressed; to indicate proportions simply after the first generation, four is arbitrarily chosen as the number of children which results from each marriage: matings children generation aa Ã� aa = aa generation aa Ã� aa = aa + aa generation aa Ã� aa = aa aa Ã� aa = aa aa Ã� aa = aa + aa aa Ã� aa = aa + aa ---------- aa + aa =other inheritable conditions in man.--=while many pedigrees show beyond dispute that such qualities as musical ability, literary ability, memory, calculating ability, mechanical skill, longevity, peculiarities of handwriting, obesity and muscular strength, for example, are inherited, their modes of inheritance have not yet been sufficiently analyzed to express them exactly. chapter v are modifications acquired directly by the body inherited? =which new characters are inherited?--=any new feature which appears in a given organism may have had its origin in some change which has come about in the germ from which it sprang, or it may be merely the product of some unusual stimulus operating on the body. while the outcome, as far as the present individual is concerned, is in each case a definite modification, the matter of inheritance is a very different question. on the first alternative where the new character is the outcome of germinal change, it is obvious that the altered germ-plasm will find expression in a similar way in succeeding generations as long as the new germinal combinations persist. on the other hand, if the new character has resulted merely from some influence operating on the body of the individual, then to be inherited it would also have in some way to be transferred to and incorporated in the germ-plasm. inasmuch as the body or soma of any individual is highly plastic and since various of its ultimate features may be mere somatic modifications, it is important to decide if possible whether or not somatic variations which are not of germinal origin can be inherited. =examples of somatic modifications.--=for example, the small foot of the chinese woman of certain caste is the result of inherent germinal factor for the production of a foot plus the effects of binding which are in no wise germinal. the hand of the skilled pianist is a normal hand of germinal origin and normal environment plus the effects of special training. again, the head of the flathead indian is a normal head of germinal origin and environment plus the effects of flattening. similarly, almost any malformation of extrinsic origin may be cited, ranging from mutilations and amputations, scars and the like to monstrosities such as one-eyed fish which may be produced by subjecting a developing embryo to adverse conditions of development. =use and disuse.--=even reactions set up through the organism's own activities must produce changes. for example, a muscle has a certain average of normal development in the average man; it comes to this through the innate nature of its component cells plus a certain average amount of exercise. it may, however, be developed far beyond this average by excessive exercise. on the other hand, it is a well-known fact that an unused organ weakens or may remain but partially developed. thus either use or disuse may play an important part in the molding of a given individual. but whether or not in doing this it similarly affects the germ is a very different matter. =the problem stated.--=the question is can such enhanced or suppressed development, or can new or modified characters, produced in an individual by external agencies be so reflected on the germ-cell of the individual that they tend to reappear _as such_ in its offspring without requiring the same external factors for their production? =special conditions prevail in mammals.--=before proceeding further we must recognize clearly the very special conditions which exist in most mammals. with them environment is in part an intra-maternal environment and in part independent of parental influences. thus the formula for most non-mammalia would be-- individual == egg + non-parental environment; but for most mammals, including man-- individual == egg + intra-maternal environment + non-parental environment. this condition in mammals introduces a complicating factor which is likely to obscure the whole issue unless we bear it constantly in mind. in other words, we must discriminate sharply, in the discussion of inheritance in man, for instance, between two classes of influences which may exist in the infant at birth, that is, which are _congenital_; namely, those which were truly inherent--were in the germ-cells--at the very inception of the young individual, and ( ) those which might later have been derived from either parent by the yet unborn offspring. the latter are not regarded as truly hereditary. since certain diseases or their effects belong here we occasionally find a physician using the term inheritance for such prenatal influences, but the more careful ones now employ the term _transmission_ to discriminate between such conditions and true inheritance. in its biological usage inheritance always refers to germinal constitution and never to any condition that may be thrust on a developing organism before birth. it is clear, then, that congenital conditions are not all necessarily cases of inheritance. =three fundamental questions.--=to get at the question of the inheritance of body modifications with the least confusion, let us examine it in the form of three fundamental questions, as follows: . can external influences directly affect the germ-cells? . can external influences, operating through the intermediation of the parental body, affect the germ-cells? if so, is the effect a specific and a permanent one which persists in succeeding generations independently of external influences similar to those which originally produced it? only such a condition as this would rank as the inheritance of a somatic modification. . can the appearance of new characters be explained on any other ground, or on any more inclusive basis, than through the transmission of somatic acquirements, or do organisms possess heritable characters which are inexplicable as inheritance of such modifications? obviously the only way the question can be settled is through careful experimentation in which all possible sources of error have been foreseen and guarded against. much experimental work has been undertaken for the solution of this problem as the goal and we may therefore select typical ones of these experiments and apply the results toward answering our three questions. =external influences may directly affect the germ-cells.--=there is evidence that under special conditions external influences may in certain organisms affect the germ-cells, but that this occurs commonly is extremely doubtful. for example, professor macdougal, by treating the germ-cells of the evening primrose with various solutions, such as sugar, zinc sulphate and calcium nitrate, has apparently succeeded in producing definite germinal mutations. he injected the solution into the ovary of the flower the forenoon of the day at the close of which pollination would occur. he reports that in this way changes were produced in the germ which found expression in new and permanent characters. professor tower has experimented for a number of years with various species of _leptinotarsa_, the potato beetle. by varying the conditions of temperature, humidity and atmospheric pressure when females were laying their eggs, he reports having produced variations in the young which came from these eggs although the mothers themselves were not changed. according to professor tower slight increase or decrease in these environmental factors stimulated the activity of the color producing ferments, giving rise to melanic or darker individuals. greater increase or decrease, inhibited them and produced albinos. he found also that at times the same stimulus might show different results in different eggs. the effect, therefore, is a general and not a specific one. ordinarily the eggs of these beetles are laid in batches. when one of these batches was laid and left under normal conditions, the usual form of young hatched from it, but other batches from the same female under abnormal conditions resulted in the production of atypical forms. for example, a normal two-brooded form became five-brooded. the commonest modification was the production of various color types. these once established, according to professor tower, behave as independent, inheritable units. the experiments of doctor bardeen with x-rays and of others with x-rays, radium and other agents on the sperm and ova of amphibia show that these are very susceptible to injurious influence at or near the time of fertilization. =such effects improbable in warm-blooded animals.--=however possible it may be to bring about germinal changes in invertebrata or lower vertebrata by such external agents as temperature and the like it is obvious that the probability of such extrinsic influences affecting the germ-cells of warm-blooded animals is very remote indeed. in the latter the germ-cells are more or less distant from the exterior and are at practically a constant temperature. such experiments, therefore, beyond showing the possibility of producing changes in germ-cells, do not have very direct bearing on the problem of how inheritable variations are produced in man. in his case about the only avenue of approach through which germ-cells might be influenced is the blood or lymph. =poisons in the blood may affect the germ-cells.--=any poisonous material in the latter might injuriously affect the gametes. we know, in fact, that such poisons as alcohol, lead and various drugs, and also the toxins of various diseases, do so affect germ-cells. it seems plausible to suppose that changing conditions of nutrition may affect the constitution of the germ-cells and thus induce changes in the organism which arise from these cells, but such nutritional effect is not yet a matter of established fact. =difficulty of explaining how somatic modifications could be registered in germ-cells.--=as to our second query concerning the possibility of affecting the germ-cells through the intermediation of parental tissues, it is evident at a glance that since the germ-cells are built up along with the body and are not a product of it (fig. , p. ), if such effects are possible they must take place through the agency of some transporting medium. the germ-cells, being lineal descendants of the original fertile germ or zygote, already have the same possibilities of developing into an adult that the zygote had, and so the problem becomes one of modifying a complete germ already organized rather than of establishing a new germ by getting together samples of every part of the body. this is all the more evident when one realizes that usually the germ-cells are set apart long before the body becomes adult, that is, before the body has developed most of its characteristics. moreover, among lower animals many instances are known where the immature young or even larvæ will produce offspring which nevertheless ultimately manifest all the structures of the adult condition. but supposing specific modifications of the germinal mechanism were possible, it is difficult to comprehend how an influence at a distant point of the body could reach the germ-cell, to say nothing of the even greater difficulty of understanding how it could become registered in the germ in a specific way as affecting a particular part. for it must be remembered that the organs of the adult do not exist as such in the germ but are present there only as potentialities. how, for example, can a change in the biceps muscle of one's arm be registered in a germ-cell in which there is no biceps muscle, but merely the possibilities of developing one? or how can increased mental ability which is contingent on the elaboration of certain brain-cells be impressed on a germ which has no brain-cells but only the capacity under certain conditions of producing such cells? for the brain of a child is not descended from the brain of his parent, but from a germ-cell carried by that parent. =persistence of mendelian factors argues against such a mode of inheritance.--=on the face of things, the apparent inviolability of mendelian factors which may remain unexpressed in the germ for one or many generations--indeed the whole matter of genotypical differences in the gametes of the same individual--shows the improbability of somatic interference with the germ-plasm. but notwithstanding this, because of the great importance of the issue, it is well to review in some considerable detail the various phases and possibilities of the question. =experiments on insects.--=some of the attempts to secure evidence of the transmission of personally acquired parental modifications in insects are very interesting. many insects in the larval stages, particularly just after pupation seem to be especially susceptible to external influences. they have been much used, therefore, for purposes of experiment. it has long been known that differences in size, in color and even in the shape of wings can be produced by various agents if applied at this period of development. from the standpoint of heredity, however, the important consideration is to determine if these experimentally induced changes have been reflected on to the germ-cells so that they reappear in the offspring of the modified individuals. it has been found that in some cases where male and female are of different color, the color of the female can be changed to that of the male by altering the conditions of temperature. in certain cases types can be changed by cold so that they resemble varieties of the same species found farther north, and by heat, varieties found farther south. but not all individuals of a given lot are affected, and often different individuals of the same kind show different effects. moreover, in some cases the same aberrations were produced by heat as by cold. this indicates that it is not so much a question of specific effects as a general physiological change, apparently mainly a matter of direct influence of temperature on the chemical composition of the pigments. the countess von linden in fact has shown that the extracted pigments can be made to undergo the same changes of color in a test-tube by heat and cold as in the pupæ. but there is no evidence that the germ-cells of the living insect were affected in a specific way. in a small fraction of the offspring of such modified individuals abnormalities appeared, but these were not always of the same kind as those which had been produced in the parent. that is, there was no evidence of a trait or character having been acquired by the body and handed on to the germ-cell. where an effect was produced on the germ-cell it was probably produced directly as in the first cases discussed. size, colors and markings of butterflies have also been altered by subjecting the caterpillars or the pupæ to such influences as strong light, electricity, various chemical substances, centrifuging, diminished oxygen supply, etc., but the results were in the main confined to the immediate generations. in the few cases where permanent inheritable changes were seemingly produced they were more reasonably interpreted as the effects of direct action on the germ-cells than as examples of inherited somatic modifications. starvation experiments which resulted in the dwarfing of adult individuals have been performed on various insects, and while the dwarf condition may persist through one or two generations due to a diminished food supply in the eggs of the dwarf, the stock in question when returned to normal food conditions soon resumes its original characteristic size. =experiments on plants.--=many experiments have been performed with plants, inasmuch as they are particularly prone to become modified by changes of food supply, or climate. for example, plants which grow luxuriantly in a warm moist climate or a rich soil may become stunted and markedly changed if transplanted to a cold climate or a poor soil. naturally, their progeny will exhibit the same behavior as long as they are kept under the new conditions. experiments carried on through numerous generations, however, practically all show that the germinal constitution of the plants remains unchanged, for when their seeds are planted under the original favorable conditions of soil or climate, the plants resume their former habits of growth. naegeli, for instance, who made a study of many varieties of alpine plants, and who carried on experiments with many of them for years in the garden of munich, concluded that no permanent effects had been produced by the alpine climate and conditions in plants from other regions which had come under its influence. a few botanists have claimed to have found that the changes produced by the alpine climate have persisted for a generation or two and have then worn off. more recent experiments on various of our field grains which have been stunted and cut down in productivity by growing for a number of generations under adverse conditions show that they have not been permanently modified by such treatment, for they resume normal productivity and size when grown again under favorable conditions. on the other hand, lederbaur found that a common weed, _capsella_, when transplanted from an alpine habitat to the lowlands did not return to the lowland type of the weed, but retained certain of its alpine characteristics. it is not clear, however, that this particular species during its long sojourn of many generations in alpine conditions may not have undergone a series of germinal variations and have developed into a new variety or species quite independently of changes wrought in the germ by reflected somatic effects. indeed, in face of the preponderance of other cases to the contrary, this interpretation would seem to be the more plausible one. =experiments on vertebrates.--=in the vertebrates we may also find examples of various somatic modifications experimentally produced, but evidence of their inheritance is as difficult to establish as in the invertebrates. let us examine a few of the more significant of these which are alleged by some to bear evidence of such inheritance. by decreasing the amount of water in an aquarium marie von chauvin was able to transform the aquatic, gill-breathing salamander _axolotl_ into the gill-less land form _ambystoma_, heretofore regarded by systematists as a different species. either of these forms when sexually mature produces its like. the salamanders in question have both lungs and gills, but after a time the ones which are to be land forms lose their gills and become exclusively lung-breathers. what seems to have been accomplished then is the accelerating or forcing of normal natural tendencies already inherent in the organism instead of introducing something new into the inheritance by way of the soma. _axolotl_ is in all probability merely a larval form of _ambystoma_ which with high temperature and an abundance of water reproduces without advancing to the final possible stage of its life cycle. =epilepsy in guinea-pigs.--=perhaps the most frequently cited case and the one in which the defenders of the idea of somatic inheritance usually take final refuge is that of doctor brown-sequard's guinea-pigs, notwithstanding the fact that no one has had convincing success in repeating the experiments and that the original results are apparently open to more than one interpretation. this experimenter rendered guinea-pigs epileptic by certain injuries to the nervous system. epilepsy appeared in some of the offspring of these operated animals. he regarded this as an example of the inheritance of an artificially induced epilepsy. an indirect loss of toes occurred in some of the parents as a result of the operations on the nervous system. some of their young also had missing toes. however, as has been pointed out by various critics, guinea-pigs are strongly predisposed toward epileptic-like seizures, and the epilepsy in the young may have been merely a coincidence. voison and peron believe they have shown that in epilepsy a toxin is produced that may affect the unborn fetus. that is, the result might have been due to a poison derived directly from the mother. the experiments in fact show that it was mainly in the offspring of affected mothers that the condition appeared. others maintain that we do not know the exact nature of epilepsy, that in some cases it may be the result of infection by disease-germs, and that brown-sequard's cases may, therefore, have been merely the communication of a disease from parent to child. as to the disappearance of toes it is a well-known fact that rodents in particular are likely to gnaw off the toes of their young very soon after birth, and little credence can be put in a lack of toes in such young as cases of inheritance except under conditions of much more careful observation than existed in brown-sequard's experiments. a fuller account of these experiments will be found in romanes' _darwin and after darwin_, vol. ii, chap. . =effects of mutilations not inherited.--=many experiments have been performed by investigators to determine whether or not the results of mutilation are transferred to succeeding generations, but so far only with negative results. many such experiments have been unwittingly carried on for many generations, in fact, by breeders and fanciers, in the docking of horses, dogs and sheep, the dehorning of cattle and the like, yet no satisfactory evidence of the transmission of such conditions in any degree has ever been forthcoming. the mutilations or distortions of the human body through various rites or social customs also fails to yield any convincing examples. foot-binding, head-binding, or waist-binding must be repeated in each successive generation to produce the particular type of "beauty" that results from such deformities. and lucky it is for man that injuries do not persist in subsequent generations, otherwise the modern human being would be but a maimed relic of past misfortunes. =transplantation of gonads.--=an interesting experimental test regarding the effect of the body on the germ was made recently by castle and phillips with guinea-pigs. it will be recalled from the discussion on mendelism that when a black guinea-pig is mated with a white one the offspring are always black. these experimenters transplanted the ovaries from a young black guinea-pig to a young white female whose own ovaries had been previously removed. this white female was later mated to a white male. although she produced three different litters of young, six individuals in all, the latter were all black. that is, not a trace of coat-color of the white father or of the white foster-mother was impressed on the transplanted germ-cells or the developing young. later experiments of the same kind by castle and phillips, with other varieties of guinea-pigs, have yielded the same results. the body of the mother, indeed, seems to serve merely as a protective envelope and a source of nutrition. =effects of body on germ-cells general, not specific.--=as far as the evidence regarding the modification of the germ-plasm by the body is concerned, we must conclude then that while under special circumstances the germ-cells may be affected, the effect is general rather than specific and the result as seen in the offspring has no discoverable correlation with any particular part or structure of the parental soma. the effect is presumably of much the same nature as where the germ is directly affected by external agents. where a new character or a modification of one already existing is produced by a given condition of environment, in our experience so far to have the same repeated in the offspring, a similar evocative condition must prevail in the environment of the latter. or in other words the new character is not a permanent one which persists in succeeding generations independently of external influences similar to those which originally produced it. =certain characters inexplicable as inherited somatic acquirements.--=it would require remarkable credulity, in fact, to believe that some of the most striking features about certain plants or animals could have been developed by means of the inheritance of somatic modifications. for example, many animals such as the quail, the rabbit, or the leaf-butterfly are protectively colored. that is, they harmonize in color-pattern with their surroundings so closely that they are overlooked by their enemies. but how can this oversight on the part of an enemy so affect the bodies and through them the germ-cells of such individuals as to develop so high a degree of protective coloration? or how, indeed, could any of numerous adaptive structures which one can think of, such as the color or scent of flowers to lure insects for cross-pollenation, the various grappling devices on many seeds to secure wide distribution by animals, or the like, have been directly produced by use or disuse or by any variation produced in them by the agents to which they are adapted? =the case of neuter insects.--=a very instructive example of the improbability that great skill, highly specialized structures, or certain instincts are first developed in the parental body as the result of use and then passed on to the offspring, is seen in the case of neuter insects. in bees, for example, there are three classes of individuals: the drones or males; the queens or functional females; and the workers, which are neuter, that is, take no part in reproduction. the latter are really sexually undeveloped females. the queen can lay either fertilized or unfertilized eggs. the latter always give rise to males. the workers gather the food, attend the queen, wait on the young, construct the comb, and in short perform all the ordinary functions of the colony except the reproductive. they have many highly specialized structures on various parts of their bodies for carrying on their many activities, as well as the very highly specialized instincts necessary to the maintenance of the colony. but now, complex and highly developed as these workers are, since they do not give rise to offspring, no matter how much experience or structural modifications they may acquire during their lifetime, it can not be handed on to another generation. nor can they have come to their present highly organized state through such a form of transmission since they are not the descendants of workers but of a queen. any new modifications that appear in the workers of a colony must therefore have their origin in changes which have taken place in the germ-cells of the queen, and not in the soma of some other worker. it has been argued that the worker has not always been infertile; that at a more primitive stage of the evolution of the bee colony every female was both worker and mother, and that individual somatic acquirements might therefore have been transmitted, but this argument can not hold for many of the instincts or features of the modern bee because these have to do only with the conditions of life which exist in the colony in its present form. it is obviously absurd to maintain, for instance, that all the highly specialized instincts incident to queen production, queen attendance and the like were functionally produced through usage before there was any queen to produce or attend, while on the other hand, the very necessity of queen production and maintenance is the outcome of the infertility of the workers. some workers have been known to lay eggs, but as these are few in number and are never fertilized, which means if they develop they can only produce males, they can play no considerable part in inheritance. origin of new characters =origin of new characters in germinal variation.--=this brings us to our last query as to whether the appearance of new characters can be explained on any other or any more inclusive ground than that which infers that changes undergone by the parent-body are in some way registered in the germ-cells so as to be repeated in a certain measure in the body of the offspring. the answer to the question of how inheritable variations do come to appear in offspring if not through changes produced in the body of the parent, is uncertain; nevertheless most biologists believe that they do not have such a somatic origin but arise directly as germinal variations. some would attribute them to the fluctuating nature of living substance in general. the instability of protoplasm is one of its striking characteristics. it is constantly being broken down and built up, or, in other words, undergoing waste and repair. like all other protoplasm, that of the germ-cells must also undergo these metabolic changes and it is possible though not proved that in this give and take of substances small changes occur in their constitution which find expression in the offspring as variations. as already seen, substances in the blood other than food may also affect the constitution of the germ-cells. =sexual reproduction in relation to new characters.--=some biologists attribute great importance to sexual reproduction as a basis of variation and the origin of new characters. they argue that the mingling of determiners from two different lines must produce many new combinations and expressions of germinal potentialities. plausible as the argument seems at first sight no one has succeeded as yet in securing proof that absolutely new characters can be originated in this way. what seems to occur under such circumstances is merely a reshuffling or sorting of old unit-characters. although innumerable permutations and combinations of these may be made which find new expression outwardly, this is obviously not creating determiners of new unit-characters in the germ-plasm. while many biologists would not deny the possibility or even the probability that the determiners of unit-characters may sometimes combine or influence one another so as to form actual permanent new characters, the proof of such performance is wholly lacking. on the other hand, there are not a few biologists who argue that sexual reproduction accomplishes just the reverse of increasing the extent of variation or creating new characters; according to them it tends to annul exceptional peculiarities of either parent by throwing the offspring back to the average racial type. it is thus looked on by these advocates as a stabilizer which reduces the amplitude of variations instead of increasing them. as a matter of fact the two ideas are not mutually exclusive; sexual reproduction may accomplish both of these ends. a limited number of observations and experiments have been made to test out the correlation between sexual reproduction and variation, but they have so far been too few or too inconclusive to enable us to come to a satisfactory conclusion. while we are uncertain about the method of origin of new characters the fact remains that they do arise in abundance as abrupt mutations or otherwise and become a part of the permanent heritage of a stock. it is clear that sexual reproduction may be one important means by which a given new character which has arisen in one or a few individuals may become incorporated in the species at large. through mendelian combinations and segregations it would by cross-breeding be spread and gradually introduced into more and more strains of the general population. =why so many features of an organism are characterized by utility.--=germinal variations are seemingly at first more or less hit or miss affairs as far as utility to the organism is concerned. useless variations, so long as they are not actually harmful, may persist and apparently be indefinitely inherited. however, a special premium is put on variations which happen to be useful for they help the organism to succeed in its struggle for life and since success in the world of life means not only mere individual survival but also the production of progeny, through this very means insured transmission to subsequent generations. it is probable that the very many useful features of any organism, that is, its _adaptations_, have thus been established. it is possible also that many variations which at their inception are indifferent may wax in strength in successive generations until they reach a point where they must become either useful or harmful. in the former case they would mean increased insurance of survival for their possessors, in the latter, elimination. with such an automatic process as this operative in nature it is not astonishing that the main features of any organism are characterized by their utility to it. =germinal variation a simpler and more inclusive explanation.--=the gist of the whole matter regarding the source of new characters in offspring seems to be that the explanation based on the idea of germinal variation is in last analysis the simpler and more inclusive, and there is no alleged case of inheritance of parental modification, which can not be equally well explained as the result of a germinal variation. there are numerous cases which can not be explained as transmissions of somatic acquirements even if this transmission could be established in certain cases. so, many biologists argue, why have two explanations when one is sufficient, especially when the other has never been conclusively established as true in any case and is obviously untrue in certain test cases? the attitude of most investigators is that of the open mind. while feeling that the weight of probability is very decidedly against the theory of the inheritance of somatic modifications, they still stand ready and willing to accept any evidence in its favor which when weighed in the balance is not found wanting. analysis of cases while space will not permit extended discussion, in order further to fix the nature of the problem in mind as well as to exemplify the conditions that must be satisfied to form convincing evidence of inherited somatic acquirements, it will be well perhaps to analyze a few typical cases as they are frequently cited. =are the effects of training inherited?--=breeders and trainers very commonly believe that the offspring of trained animals inherit in some measure the effects of the training. thus the increased speed of the american trotting horse is often pointed to as strong evidence of such transmission. according to w. h. brewer, the earliest authentic record of a mile in three minutes was made in . the improvement, approximately by decades, from that time was as follows: during st decade after , improved to : nd " " " " " : - / rd " " " " " : - / th " " " " " : - / th " " " " " : - / th " " " " " : - / th " " " " " : - / by , the date of professor brewer's publications (see _agricultural science_, vol. , ) the record had reached : - / . since then it has been lowered still further. on the face of it this looks like a good case of inheritance of training, and brewer himself believed it such. if so this would mean that colts of a highly trained trotter would be faster than they would have been if their parent had remained untrained. it is impossible to get positive proof in the case of any trained horse since there is no way of establishing just how speedy the progeny would have been had the parent remained untrained. if it could be shown that colts sired by a trotter late in life were on the whole faster than those sired by the same father when younger and as yet not highly exercised in trotting, then the facts might give some evidence of value, but unfortunately no such records are available. on the other hand, even ignoring the fact that improvement in track and sulky are probably the biggest items in the shortening of records in recent times, _selection_ instead of inheritance of the effects of training will equally well account for any innate progress in trotting. and since, as pointed out by professor ritter, there are even more striking cases of similar improvements in other fields, such as college athletics, where the factor of use-inheritance is entirely precluded, it is wholly unnecessary to postulate it in the case of the trotter. for example an inspection of the records of college athletics for the last thirty-five years in running, hurdling, pole-vaulting, jumping, putting the shot, etc., shows on the whole a steady advance year by year. moreover, the greatest improvement has occurred in those events in which skill and practise count for most together with selection of the inherently ablest candidate for the events. but in the case of athletics the improvements shown in thirty-five years have all come within a single generation and hence the inheritance of the effects of training is ruled out as a factor. selection and improved training are the only factors operative. in the case of the trotter inheritance undoubtedly has also been a factor, but inheritance based on selection of what the race-track has shown to be the speediest individual, not inheritance of the effects of training. in other words, horses which have shown the capacity for being trained to the highest degree of speed have naturally been selected as sires and dams and so through selection generation after generation a speedier strain has gradually been established. =instincts.--=when we turn to the realm of mental traits, particularly of instincts, we meet with a whole host of activities which are frequently pointed to by transmissionists as examples of inherited acquirements. thus according to them, habits at first acquired through special effort ultimately become instinctive, or according to some, instinct is "lapsed intelligence." instances often cited are the pointing of the bird-dog, the extraordinary crop-inflation of the pouter-pigeon, or the tumbling of the tumbler pigeon. we can not stop to discuss these cases beyond pointing out as many others have done that practically all dogs have more or less of an impulse to halt suddenly, crouch slightly and lift up one fore-foot when they scent danger or prey, that all pigeons pout more or less, and that practically all show more or less instincts of tumbling when pursued by a hawk. thus in all of these cases the fundamental germinal tendency is already at hand for the fancier to base his choice on and thus through selection build up the type desired. just as in the fan-tailed pigeon, by repeatedly selecting for breeding purposes individuals which showed an unusual number of tail-feathers he has built up a type with an upright, fan-like tail having many more feathers than the twelve found in the tail of the ordinary pigeon, so by similar procedure in the case of other forms he has markedly enhanced certain features. the idea of instincts being "lapsed intelligence" is so clearly and concisely criticized in an article by the late professor whitman[ ] that i can not do better than quote an excerpt. his views to the contrary are as follows: "the view here taken places the primary roots of instinct in the constitutional activities of protoplasm and regards instinct in every stage of its evolution as action depending essentially upon organization. it places instinct before intelligence in order of development, and is thus in accord with the broad facts of the present distribution and relations of instinct and intelligence, instinct becoming more general as we descend the scale, while intelligence emerges to view more and more as we ascend to the higher orders of animal life. it relieves us of the great inconsistencies involved in the theory of instinct as "lapsed intelligence." instincts are universal among animals, and that can not be said of intelligence. it ill accords with any theory of evolution, or with known facts, to make instinct depend upon intelligence for its origin; for if that were so, we should expect to find the lowest animals free from instinct and possessed of pure intelligence. in the higher forms we should expect to see intelligence lapsing more and more into pure instinct. as a matter of fact, we see nothing of the kind. the lowest forms act by instinct so exclusively that we fail to get decided evidence of intelligence. in higher forms not a single case of intelligence lapsing into instinct is known. in forms that give indubitable evidence of intelligence we do not see conscious reflection crystallizing into instinct, but we do find instinct coming more and more under the sway of intelligence. in the human race instinctive actions characterize the life of the savage, while they fall more and more into the background in the more intellectual races." for further discussion of this field the reader is referred to an excellent chapter on "are acquired habits inherited?" in c. lloyd morgan's book, _habit and instinct_. =disease.--=perhaps in the realm of disease more than in any other has an interest in the inheritance of somatic acquirements been manifested. the problem arising here is not essentially different from other questions of inheritance but since it is a matter of such practical importance to man, we may well give it special attention. we have to deal simply with the old questions of what is constitutionally in the germ, what is acquired by the body, and lastly, whether the somatically acquired is inherited. while we all know in a general way what is meant by disease, especially if some specific disorder such as scarlet fever, malaria or tuberculosis is mentioned, an attempt to give an accurate definition is much like trying to define a weed, inasmuch as what is functionally all right at one time or place may be all wrong at another, or what is normal in one animal may be abnormal in another. in general we may say that disease is derangement or failure of physiological function. =reappearance of a disorder in successive generations not necessarily inheritance.--=in attempting to study the inheritance of diseases we must recognize clearly at the outset that reappearance of a disease in successive generations by no means necessarily signifies inheritance. before it can be pronounced such we must make sure that it is not a case of reimpressing similar modifications on the individuals of successive generations. for example, in england there is a well-recognized condition known as collier's lung which results from constant working in coal mines. and while both father and son may exhibit it, because of their similar occupations, there is nothing hereditary about the malady. likewise there is what is known as emery grinder's lung, and practically every large manufacturing city with soot-laden atmosphere leaves its impress on the lungs of the inhabitants. this will occur, of course, generation after generation, as long as such pollutions of the atmosphere continue to exist. it is clear that any unhealthy occupation is likely to cause the reappearance of an associated typical disease generation after generation as long as the children follow the calling of their parents. the common misconception that deformities or postures associated with a trade, such as a shoemaker's or tailor's, is genetically stamped on offspring by the end of the third or fourth generation results from failure to discriminate between real inheritance and mere reappearances under similar conditions of environment. =prenatal infection not inheritance.--=again, we must recognize that prenatal infection is not inheritance. we have already seen that the young mammal undergoes a certain period of intra-maternal development, but influences operating on it during this period of gestation must be reckoned with as environmental, not germinal. for example, it is said that an unborn child may take smallpox from its mother but this and all similar occurrences are cases of contagion. we find the great pathologist, virchow, who with many others of his time was a believer in the inheritance of acquired characters, saying nevertheless regarding such instances that, "what operates on the germ after the fusion of the sex-nuclei, modifying the embryo, or even inducing an actual deviation in the development, can not be spoken of as inherited. it belongs to the category of early acquired deviations which are therefore frequently congenital." =inheritance of a predisposition not inheritance of a disease.--=we must discriminate sharply also between the inheritance of a predisposition and the inheritance of a disease itself. we often hear the statement made that tuberculosis is inherited and have cited in evidence certain consumptive families or strains. but tuberculosis is a bacterial disease and children of tuberculous parents are never born with the disease except in the rarest of instances. =tuberculosis.--=what is really inherited is a constitutional susceptibility to this particular germ. while almost any individual may contract tuberculosis when in a state of depressed vitality, or under stress of adverse surroundings, there is no doubt that certain families are more easily infected than others and much less resistant to the ravages of the disease when once it gains a foothold. however, a predisposition is a vastly different thing from the inheritance of the actual disease. for just as we are born with a nose well adapted to eye-glasses but not with eye-glasses on our nose, so many of us are born tuberculizable though not tuberculous, and every sanitary advance we make toward lessening the chances of infection is just so much more insurance for the susceptible. the whole problem of tuberculosis is an extremely complex one. we do not know just the measure of the inheritance of the predisposition. some writers in the past have maintained that tuberculosis is mainly a question of infection and not of inherent susceptibility, but steadily increasing evidence all points the other way. where the predisposition exists the chances of infection are still, even under the conditions of present-day sanitation, very great. the close association between a consumptive and other members of the family through a prolonged period of time, of course, renders the latter likely to infection unless unusual care is exercised. very often where a parent is consumptive a child contracts the malady shortly after birth and is particularly likely to do so if the mother, who nurses it and cares for it most intimately, is the tubercular member of the family. where the mother is tubercular, indeed, the probabilities are that the child has already before birth had its vitality lowered through the toxins circulating in her blood or through defective nutrition, and in consequence does not resist well any diseases. undoubtedly a large proportion of our infant mortality is of tubercular origin. it is now a well-established fact that much tuberculosis in children is attributable to drinking milk from tuberculous cows, yet we find individuals so uninformed and dairymen so mercenary that they fight all attempts of the commonwealth to test out cattle for tuberculosis so as to condemn the infected individuals and thus save our babies. recent investigations made in some of our large pork-packing establishments also indicate that hogs, especially such as have been around tubercular cattle, are often shot through and through with tuberculosis and that such flesh when used as food, if not thoroughly cooked, may become a serious menace to our health. with the wide prevalence of bovine and human tuberculosis it is little wonder that nearly every human being becomes more or less infected at some period of life. autopsies on large numbers of individuals in some of our great hospitals have shown that as many as ninety-nine per cent. of the subjects show tubercular lesions of some kind. while it is true that the class of people who would come to autopsy in such public hospitals would perhaps be more likely to be tubercular than the average of the community, still it can not be denied that a very large degree of infection exists. pearson, from statistics gathered in europe, has shown that about eighty to ninety per cent. of the population have tubercular lesions before the age of eighteen. hamburger found that in vienna ninety-five per cent. of the children of the poor, between twelve and thirteen years of age, were infected with tubercular bacilli and he estimates that all would be before maturity. according to doctor mott, pathologist to the london county asylums, the insane between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five are about fifteen times as likely to acquire tuberculosis as the sane are. yet the mortality from tuberculosis, great though it be, is obviously not in proportion to the enormous degree of infection. the crux of the situation is mainly the matter of resistance. from the standpoint of heredity, therefore, the question largely resolves itself into one of the inheritance or non-inheritance of constitutional resistance. some are predisposed to be non-resistant and hence succumb. the work of karl pearson[ ] and other recent researches forcibly indicate that hereditary constitutional predisposition is one of the chief factors concerned in subjects who develop well defined attacks of the disease. yet we must not forget that there are degrees of susceptibility and that therefore a constitutional predisposition which might be of little significance under good average conditions of nutrition and sanitation might be insufficient under unfavorable conditions. before we can make any relatively accurate estimate of the exact degree to which the malady is based on inheritance we must have more data. many difficulties beset the path of the investigator. in the first place, when one gets back a generation or two he finds that diagnosis was crude and uncertain; a given malady may or may not have been tuberculosis. the main error however was probably on the side of not recognizing it in mild or obscure cases. then again the questions of virulence of the infection, of size and frequency of the dose, etc., are also complicating factors. moreover, in very many cases the infection is a mixed one and hence we are dealing with other factors than straight tuberculosis. =two individuals of tubercular stocks should not marry.--=however, sufficient is now known of the inheritance of susceptibility to the disease that we can have little conscience toward the welfare of the race if we in any way countenance the marriage of two individuals who come each of tubercular strains, and marriage of even a normal person into a badly tainted strain, where the one married is tubercular, is extremely hazardous looked at from the standpoint of the children likely to be born of such a union. the supreme court of new york recently held that the fraudulent concealment of tuberculosis by a person entering into a marriage relation is ground for the annulment of the marriage. =special susceptibility less of a factor in many diseases.--=with some diseases such as leprosy, typhoid fever, smallpox and cholera there seems to be less a question of special susceptibility since nearly all persons are vulnerable. yet in cases of typhoid, at least, there are some indications that certain families are more likely to take the disease than others under similar exposure. we know of no inherited effects of such diseases, however. for instance, children of lepers do not inherit leprosy and if kept out of leper districts remain normal. =deaf-mutism.--=in certain abnormal states there is danger of confusing similar conditions which may have two entirely different sources of origin. deafness, for example, may be strictly inborn as the outcome of a germinal variation or it may result from extraneous influences such as accidents, infective diseases, neglected tonsils and the like. the former is inheritable, the latter not. bell in in a special census report to the united states government showed that deaf-mutism is markedly hereditary, particularly where deaf-mutes intermarry as they are prone to do. fay's extensive studies on _marriage of the deaf in america_ also demonstrate the hereditary nature of the congenital forms of deafness. cut off as such individuals are from communication with normal people, the association of the two sexes in special schools and institutions is of course highly conducive to such marriages. the defect seems to behave in the manner of a mendelian recessive. two deaf-mutes should not have children and yet such marriages are occurring every day. even if two persons marry from families which tend to become hard of hearing the evidence indicates that their children are likely also to develop this partial deafness as they grow older, although it seems safe for a person of such tendency to marry into a family without it. =gout.--=in such disorders as gout there is little question but that a tendency to it runs in families. on the other hand it may also be acquired without special susceptibility. there is no evidence, however, that because a father has gout the effect of the gout is reflected on his germ-cells and the son has gout as a result. indeed, often a son who becomes gouty was born long before the father became gouty. son and father both have gout then, because each has innate germinal tendencies which when subjected to certain evocative stimuli become expressed as gout. =nervous and mental diseases.--=inasmuch as the question of nervous and mental diseases has become one of such overshadowing importance at the present day, a discussion of the subject at some length will be presented in a separate chapter. i shall merely point out here that the general verdict of experts in nervous and mental disorders is to the effect that externally induced mental disorders are of rare occurrence except as the result of general poisoning or enfeeblement of the system in some way, or by traumatic conditions such as a blow on the head, and that there is no evidence of the transmission of the effects of such conditions. in most cases of insanity, supposedly caused by fright or worry, a close study of the family stock will reveal nervous instability of some kind. the supposed cause has been merely the precipitating stimulus which has brought to expression a dormant weakness of germinal origin. the stress and strain of modern life is particularly likely to test out and reveal such neurally unstable individuals. =other disorders which have hereditary aspects.--=space will not permit discussion of various other specific disorders which are known to have important hereditary aspects, although none shows any convincing evidence of having become hereditary in nature through first affecting the soma. some of these, such as epilepsy and other nervous affections, tuberculosis, color-blindness, cataract and various malformations, have already been mentioned. others that may be listed are cancer, arterio-sclerosis, obesity and certain forms of rheumatism, and of heart and kidney diseases. in practically all of these cases in which heredity enters as a factor the condition is one of inheriting a special susceptibility and not the disease itself. which means simply that the disorder in question is much more easily called forth in such persons by appropriate bacterial or other stimulus, than in the case of the normal individual. =induced immunity not inherited.--=lastly, it is well known that various animals, including man, after recovery from an attack of any one of certain diseases, become more or less immune from further attacks of the same disease. moreover in some instances as in inoculation against typhoid or diphtheria, immunity may be artificially induced by means of anti-toxins. the question arises as to whether such immunity is transmitted to offspring. experiments have been made (see _bulletin no. , u. s. hygienic laboratory_) to test this and it has been found that the condition is not inherited. young guinea-pigs, for instance, born of mothers immunized during pregnancy are immune at birth but they lose their immunity in the course of a few weeks. the effect is clearly one of direct transference from the blood of the mother. the same temporary immunity can be produced in the young, in fact, by merely having them nurse from an immunized mother. =non-inheritance of parental modifications has social, ethical and educational significance.--=like many other biological conclusions these relative to the non-inheritance of parental modifications are of extreme importance to humanity. it is clear that they have not only physical but social, ethical and educational significance. for if the education which we give our children of to-day, or the desirable moral conduct which we inculcate does not affect the offspring of succeeding generations through inheritance, then the actual progress of the race is much slower than is commonly supposed, and the advance of modern over ancient times lies more in an improvement in extraneous conditions through invention and the accumulation and rendering accessible of knowledge, than in an actual innate individual superiority. and when we face the issue squarely we have to admit that there is no more indication of the inheritance of parentally acquired characters as regards customs, knowledge, habits and moral traditions than there is of physical features. in fact, if such acquirements were inherited then we should soon have a race which would naturally, spontaneously as it were, do what its ancestors did with effort. yet we do not find the children in our schools reading, doing sums and developing proper social relations without ceaseless prompting and urging on the part of the teacher. indeed i can testify that this necessity carries over even into a university. in short, the habits and standards of each generation have to be instilled into the succeeding generation. =no cause for discouragement.--=at first glance when we realize that notwithstanding our individual advancement, that in spite of all our painstaking efforts toward self-improvement, we can not add one jot or tittle to the native ability of our children, that, aside from possible advantageous germinal variations, they will have to start in at approximately the same level as we did, and like us will have to struggle, or be coaxed, pulled or spurred up to the higher reaches of attainments, we are apt to feel discouraged and to look on heredity as the hand of fate which irrevocably bars progress. but there is another side to the picture. this very fact of heredity which can not be altered at will is the conservative factor which maintains the excellence of our standard strains of plants and animals, and sustains man himself at his present level of accomplishment. while we are denied advancement through the efforts of the flesh, we are also largely protected from our misfortunes and follies, as witness the non-inheritance of mutilations, of various maladies of extrinsic origin, or of personally acquired bad habits. =improved environment will help conserve the superior strains when they do appear.--=if we can not hand on to our descendants a personally enhanced blood heritage, we at least can do our share toward building up a social heritage of established truth, of efficient institutions and of stimulating ideals, through which their dormant capacities may be led to expand more surely and more effectively to their uttermost limits. each advance in such social heritage will tend more and more to create an atmosphere which will make it sure that the occasional real progressive and permanent variations which occur from time to time will find adequate expression and preservation in future lines of descendants. it will reduce the numbers of our "mute, inglorious miltons" by more certainly disclosing the individual of exceptional talents and insuring for him an opportunity of revealing them to the best advantage. above all, since surrounding influences are especially powerful on young and developing organisms, we should realize that great care must be exercised in behalf of the young child to secure an environment which is saturated with wholesome influences. for it is a rule of development that if the environment is faulty the organism is impaired. chapter vi prenatal influences =all that a child possesses at birth not necessarily hereditary.--=we come now to the more specific discussion of what may happen to offspring of mammals, and particularly man, in the interval between fertilization and birth; that is, during the intra-maternal period. we have already seen that anything affecting the offspring during this period has to be reckoned as environmental, our formula reading, mammal = germ + intra-maternal environment + external environment. it is evident, then, that all that a child possesses at birth is not necessarily hereditary, since the unborn child may be influenced by conditions prevailing in either parent. =the myth of maternal impressions.--=in order to clear the way for more urgent matters let us first inquire into the question of the production of changes in the unborn child as a result of "maternal impressions." as the tale generally goes, structural changes are produced in the unborn child corresponding to some mental experience of the mother, usually a vivid impression of strong emotion, but when a given individual is pinned down to sources, it is usually a case of hearsay. stock examples are: the mother sees a mouse with the result that a mouse-shaped birthmark occurs on the child; or she sees a crushed hand and in consequence bears a child later with some of the bones of the hand missing; the mother touches her body when frightened and thus marks the unborn child on the corresponding part of the body; or she produces beauty in the child by long contemplation of a picture of a beautiful child; and so on almost endlessly. the favorite is usually the production of a red birthmark or marks on the child's body by strong desire on the part of the mother for strawberries, tomatoes, etc.--the fruit must be red since the mark is red--or by fright from seeing a fire. as a matter of fact it is not uncommon for the capillary blood vessels of the skin of a new-born infant to remain dilated in spots instead of contracting as they normally should do. the result is more or less of a red or "flame" spot. it is easy to see, therefore, why such birthmarks are so frequently referred back by the credulous mother to her desire for or fear of some red object. an analysis of the case of a child shuddering at the sight of peaches is of interest in this connection. the child showed the greatest aversion to peaches, particularly to the fuzzy covering. the mother's explanation was that peaches were unusually plentiful the year the child was born and that she had worked hour after hour at peeling and canning peaches shortly before his birth until she had become thoroughly sick of them. this acquired aversion on her part she believed had been transferred to the child. a few questions revealed the fact, however, that the mother, herself, had never liked peaches and when asked if they were distasteful to any other member of her own family she exclaimed, "oh, yes, my mother would shudder and shake if a peach were brought near her." and there we have it. the idiosyncrasy was an inherited one as many similar peculiarities are. the mental impression produced in the mother by her own experience with peaches had nothing to do with its occurrence in the child. very frequently also one encounters the mother who is sure she has engendered musical ability in her child by constant practise and study of music during pregnancy. the child is musical; what better evidence does one want! it seems never to occur to such a mother that the child is musically inclined because she herself is, as is evinced by her own desire in the matter even if she is not a skillful performer. when we take into account the extreme credulity of many people, the unconscious tendency of mankind to give a dramatic interpretation to events where causes are not certainly known, the hosts of coincidences that occur in life, and the multitude of cases where something should happen but nothing does, we are compelled to believe that the whole matter of direct specific influence of the mother's mind on the developing fetus is a myth. after seeing the conditions which prevail in mendelism, for example, it will take strong faith to believe that a mother with duplex brown eyes can "think" or "will" blue eyes on her baby, yet this would be a mild procedure compared to some we are asked to accept by believers in the transmission of maternal impressions. most of all, however, when we recall the actual relation between the embryo and the mother--a narrow umbilical cord is the sole means of communication between the two--the physical impossibility of a connection between some particular mental happening of the mother and a corresponding specific modification in the fetus becomes evident. for there are no nerves in the umbilical cord, the only path of communication between mother and fetus being the indirect one by way of the blood stream. even this method of communication is limited inasmuch as the mother's blood does not circulate through the blood vessels of the fetus. gaseous and dissolved substances are merely interchanged through the thin walls of the capillary blood vessels in the placenta. =injurious prenatal influences.--=however, the denial that a particular mental impression of the mother is associated with a particular structural defect in a child does not carry with it the implication that prenatal influences of all kinds are negligible factors. on the contrary any deleterious effect which can reach the fetus through absorption from the blood of the mother may be of grave consequence. there is not the least doubt that malnutrition or serious ill-health on the part of the mother often has a prejudicial effect on the unborn offspring. severe shock or grief, worry, nervous exhaustion, the influence of certain diseases, poisons in the blood or tissues of the parent, such as lead, mercury, phosphorus, alcohol and the like, may all act detrimentally, but they operate either by rendering nutrition defective, by direct poisoning, or by generating toxins in the blood of the parent which then poison the fetus. among the latter may be mentioned the toxic products of tuberculosis and certain other bacterial diseases. such factors operating on the unborn young or even on the germ-cells may cause malformations, arrests of development, instabilities of the nervous system, and general physical or mental weakness. the effects are general, however, and not specific. to distinguish certain of these prenatal effects, particularly those of certain diseases or poisons, from true hereditary influences they are frequently spoken of as cases of _transmission_ rather than inheritance from parents. some writers use the technical term _blastophthoria_, or false-heredity, extending the meaning so as to include also any damage that might be inflicted on the germ-cells. =lead poisoning.--=by way of illustration of how certain cumulative poisons may act we may examine a tabulation of eighty-one cases of lead poisoning as reported by constantin paul (fig. , p. ). the table requires little comment. the disastrous effects of such poisoning are apparent in every class of cases. the sixth class where the husband alone was exposed to lead shows that the poison can operate directly through the germ-cell. other observers note that in the children of workers in lead, there is a distressing frequency of feeble-mindedness and epilepsy. that lead poisoning operating through the germ-cells of the father can affect the development of the young harmfully is well shown in fig. , p. , which is a photograph of two young rabbits from the same litter the white young one is from a normal albino mother mated to an albino father which had received lead treatment. the pigmented young one is from the same albino mother by a normal pigmented father. although the white father was considerably larger than the pigmented father, nevertheless the young of the former, because of the harmful effects of the lead, is distinctly smaller and less lively. a number of litters, each from the same mother but in part from a lead-poisoned father and in part from a normal father, have been secured. all show more or less the same results. the experiments are still in progress in the department of experimental breeding at the university of wisconsin. -------------------------------------------------------------------- |number of cases. | +---------------------------------------- | |number of pregnancies. | | +--------------------------------- | | |abortions, premature labor, and | | | stillbirths. | | | +--------------------------- | | | |infants born living. | | | | +-------------------- | | | | |remarks. ---------------------|-----|------|-----|------|-------------------- . mother showing | | | | |one infant died symptoms of plubism | | | | | within hours. | | | | | . mother working in | | | | | type foundry, all | | | | | of whose previous | | | | | pregnancies had | | | | |four of these died been normal | | | | | in first year. | | | | | . mother who during | | | | | period of work in | | | | |after ceasing to type foundry had | | | | | work had five pregnancies | | | | | healthy child. | | | | | . mother working | | | | |when away from intermittently in | | | | | work for some type foundry; | | | | | period of time while working | | | | | gave birth to there | | | | | healthy children. | | | | | . mother in whom | | | | | blue line on gum | | | | | the only sign of | | | | | lead poisoning | | | | | | | | | |of these, eight died . husband alone | | | | | in first year, exposed to lead | ? | | | | four in second, | | | | | five in third. -------------------------------------------------------------------- fig. tabulation of eighty-one cases of lead poisoning recorded by constantin paul (from adami). [illustration: fig. photograph of young rabbits from the same litter, the smaller one stunted by lead-poisoning of its father (courtesy of professor l. j. cole).] =the expectant mother should have rest.--=the mere matter of rest on the part of the pregnant mother is, judging from the work of pinard, a frenchman, and his pupils, an important one. in a number of detailed investigations they have shown that rest on the part of the working mother during the last three months before the child is born results in the production of markedly larger and more robust children than those born of mothers equally healthy but who have not had such rest. moreover the danger of premature birth is considerably lessened. =too short intervals between children.--=too short an interval between childbirths would also seem to be an infringement on the rights of the child as well as of the mother. thus doctor r. j. ewart ("the influence of parental age on offspring," _eugenic review_, october, ) finds that children born at intervals of less than two years after the birth of the previous child still show at the age of six a notable deficiency in height, weight and intelligence, when compared with the children born after a longer interval, or even with first-born children. =our duty to safeguard motherhood.--=doubtless the unventilated factory and tenement also do their share, even though we can give no exact quantitative measure of it. obviously, it becomes a civic duty to protect as much as possible all members of our social system from such injurious factors as have just been discussed. it is particularly necessary to safeguard mothers before confinement, especially working mothers. =expectant mothers neglected.--=according to the claims of life insurance men, expectant mothers are the most neglected members of our population. doctor van ingen, of new york city, estimates that ninety per cent. of women in this country are wholly without prenatal care. yet every prospective mother should be taught the probable meaning of such symptoms as headache, hemorrhages, swelling of the feet and disturbed vision. she should realize the importance of submitting a sample of urine for analysis at least once a month before childbirth and twice a month for a while thereafter. she should be specially informed regarding work, exercise, diet and dress. a recent government bulletin written by mrs. max west which may be had free by writing to the children's bureau, department of labor, washington, d. c., gives much useful information on this subject. alcoholism =unreliability of much of the data.--=one of the most important poisons that plays a prominent part among ante-natal influences is alcohol. but when it comes to a study of the problem of alcoholism from the standpoint of heredity and parental influences we meet with many difficulties, prominent among which are the inaccuracy and unreliability of many of the statistics brought forward in this connection. many of the results are vitiated by the prejudices of propagandists who propose to make a case either for or against alcohol as a beverage whether or not the facts justify their conclusions. when one tries to view the matter with an open mind he finds that there is a deplorable lack of statistics which are not susceptible to more than one interpretation. however, using as much as possible what seems to be unbiased data, the evidence is almost wholly against alcohol as a beverage, at least to any immoderate extent. =alcohol a germinal or fetal poison.--=the bad effects as far as offspring are concerned reveal themselves in the main under the category of "false heredity," i. e., germinal or fetal poisonings rather than of heritable changes induced in the germ-cells. most investigators feel that there are too many criminal, imbecile, insane and unhealthy persons among the offspring of drunkards to dismiss the matter as a coincidence. in an investigation of imbault, for example, we find recorded of one hundred tuberculous children that while forty-one were of tuberculous parentage, thirty-six per cent, were the offspring of inebriates. furthermore imbault cites the observations of arrivé on , cases of juvenile meningitis to the effect that this malady is twice as frequent in the children of alcoholic as in those of tuberculous parentage. it has been proved by nicloux (_l'obstetrique_, vol. , ) that in dogs and guinea-pigs alcohol passes through the placenta and may be detected in fetal tissues; hence it is in position to influence the fetus. he found that in a very short time the amount of alcohol in the blood of the fetus about paralleled that in the blood of the mother. =progressive increase in death-rate of offspring of inebriate women.--=in an investigation on the effects of parental alcoholism on the offspring, sullivan (_journal of mental science_, vol. , ) gives some important figures. to avoid other complications he chose female drunkards in whom no other degenerative features were evident. he found that among these the percentage of abortions, still-births and deaths of infants before their third year was . per cent. as against . per cent. in sober mothers. in answer to the objection that this high percentage may be due merely to neglect, and not to impairment of the fetus by alcoholism, he points out the fact based on the history of the successive births, that there was a progressive increase in the death-rate of offspring in proportion to the length of time the mother had been an inebriate, thus: ------------------------------------------------------------- |no. of|per cent.|per cent. dying| total |cases |born dead| before |percentage -----------------|------|---------|---------------|---------- first births | | . | . | . second births | | . | . | . third births | | . | . | . fourth and fifth | | . | . | . sixth to tenth | | . | . | . ------------------------------------------------------------- =views of a psychiatrist on alcohol.--=forel, who for years was the psychiatrist at the head of a large insane asylum at zurich, switzerland, has this to say about the effects of narcotic poisons and alcohol in particular: "the offspring tainted with alcoholic blastophthoria suffer various bodily and physical anomalies, among which are dwarfism, rickets, a predisposition to tuberculosis and epilepsy, moral idiocy, and idiocy in general, a predisposition to crime and mental diseases, sexual perversions, loss of suckling in women, and many other misfortunes." in another passage he[ ] remarks as follows: "but what is of much greater importance is the fact that acute and chronic alcoholic intoxication deteriorates the germinal protoplasm of the procreators.... the recent researches of bezzola seem to prove that the old belief in the bad quality of children conceived during drunkenness is not without foundation. relying on the swiss census of , in which there figure nine thousand idiots, and after careful examination of the bulletins concerning them, this author has proved that there are two acute annual maximum periods for the conception of idiots (calculated from nine months before birth); the periods of carnival and vintage, when the people drink most. in the wine-growing districts the maximum conception of idiots is enormous, while it is almost nil at other periods. moreover, these two maximum periods come at the time of year when conception is at a minimum among the rest of the population, the maximum of normal conceptions occurring at the beginning of summer." another interpretation of bezzola's results has been suggested to the effect that the license of these periods enables the defective members of the community, such as the feeble-minded, an opportunity of mating more readily and that consequently the result is direct inheritance of idiocy and allied defects instead of idiocy produced through alcoholic poisoning of the parental germ-cell. =other views.--=there are indeed many competent investigators who believe that alcoholism in parents has little or no part in the direct production of mental defects in children. for instance, tredgold quotes doctor ireland's observations that although at new year, when the fishermen return, the whole population of certain villages in scotland gets drunk, there is no noticeable excess of defectives born nine months later, and remarks further that, "i have histories of idiots conceived under such circumstances, but so i have of normal children, and my opinion is, that while this may be a cause in some cases, the number of instances in this country at any rate is exceedingly small." again, goddard, one of our best known american students of feeble-mindedness, who has made careful study of this point under especially favorable conditions, feels that his data do not prove that alcoholism of either the father or the mother causes feeble-mindedness in the child. he concludes, "everything seems to indicate that alcoholism itself is only a symptom; that it for the most part occurs in families where there is some form of neurotic taint, especially feeble-mindedness." goddard, however, in common with many other observers, notes that miscarriages and deaths in infancy are far higher among inebriates than among abstainers. doctor mjöen cites an interesting parallel between the increase of feeble-mindedness in norway and a period from to , when every one was permitted to distil brandy. in some districts many of the farmers distilled brandy from corn and potatoes, and in such regions during this period feeble-mindedness increased nearly one hundred per cent. later the home distillation of brandy was stopped. according to doctor mjöen, "the enormous increase in idiots came and went with the brandy." he is inclined to believe, however, that the alcohol operated injuriously mainly on stocks already defective. =the affinity of alcohol for germinal tissue.--=nicloux and renault have shown that alcohol has a decided affinity for the reproductive glands. in individuals who have recently taken alcohol the proportion of alcohol in the gonads is soon almost equal to the amount found in the blood. thus in experiments on mammals it was found that the proportion of alcohol in the ovary to that in the blood was as three to five, and in the testis as two to three. this would afford abundant opportunity for alcohol to act directly on the spermatozoon or the ovum. a number of different investigators concur in finding that the germ-glands of the male human inebriate in many cases show more or less atrophy and other degenerative changes. in guinea-pigs which have been repeatedly intoxicated with alcohol, stockard found that while he could detect no visible abnormality in the gonad, nevertheless their defective and weakened progeny showed that the germ-cells had been affected. =innate degeneracy versus the effects of alcohol.--=many observations on human beings have been brought forward which at first sight seem to indicate that noticeable defects, particularly mental and nervous, occur with appalling frequency in children resulting from conception during intoxication, although, unfortunately, the evidence is rarely clear as to whether the defects are really due to the effects of the alcohol or to the fact that the parent or parents were degenerate to begin with. a very interesting human case cited by forel on the authority of schweighofer is that of a normal woman who had three sound children when married to a normal man. after the death of this husband she married an inebriate by whom she had three other children. one of these suffered from infantilism, one turned out to be a drunkard, and the third became a social degenerate and drunkard. moreover the first two contracted tuberculosis, although hitherto the family stock had been free from this malady. ultimately the woman married again and by this third husband, who was normal, she again had sound children. similar cases might be cited, as, for example, a record of eighty-three epileptics, of whom sixty had drunken parents, but it can be urged against all of them, of course, that the defective offspring were due to an innate degeneracy of the drunken parent which made him a drunkard rather than to the effects of the alcohol he took. while one is skeptical as to the validity of this objection in all of the many cases which occur with such monotonous frequency in man, there is no way of escaping such an interpretation with the evidence at hand. it must be admitted, moreover, that there are many families with one or both parents alcoholic in which the children are not mentally defective. =experimental alcoholism in lower animals.--=many of the objections that exist in the case of man, however, do not apply in that of lower animals. if normal animals are experimentally alcoholized and are shown to produce defective offspring under such conditions, then in their cases at least, the disorders in the offspring must be due to the effects of alcohol and not to an innately degenerate condition of the parent. disorders similar to some of those seen in the children of alcoholics do actually result in alcoholized animals of one kind or another. against the earlier experiments on animals it has been urged that too few individuals were used to give conclusive results, but this objection can not be brought against the recent experiments of stockard. while he has published accounts of his work in various scientific periodicals lately, the reader will find a full statement of his own experiments, together with a review of the whole subject of experimental alcoholism in animals and the effects on progeny in _the american naturalist_, vol. xlvii, november, , together with a useful bibliography. before taking up stockard's results we may select a few of the more significant experiments made earlier by other investigators. laitinen alcoholized rabbits and guinea-pigs. he found that the treated individuals had more still-born young than the control, and also that growth of the living young was retarded. his alcoholized rabbits and guinea-pigs produced more young than did the normal individuals used as a control. laitinen's studies on man, together with three other studies of the eugenics laboratory in london, show that in man also more children are born to alcoholics than to normal parents. goddard's investigations in america corroborate this fact. ceni found that only per cent. of the eggs from alcoholized fowls developed normally, as against per cent. of normal development in the controls. moreover the eggs of alcoholic fowls were shown to be less resistant to adverse conditions than normal eggs from the fact that fluctuations of temperature at the beginning of incubation kept all the alcoholic eggs from developing perfectly, while per cent. of the control eggs developed normally under the same adverse circumstances. hodge made a pair of dogs alcoholic. of pups obtained from the pair, were deformed and were dead; alone were viable. from a control pair of dogs pups were obtained, of which were deformed, none were born dead, and were viable. =stockard's experiments on guinea-pigs.--=stockard's experiments demonstrate that the offspring of mammals may be injured or modified in their development by treating either parent repeatedly with alcohol. the guinea-pigs used in the experiment were all first tested by normal matings and found to yield normal offspring. the alcohol was given to them by inhalation. it was found to be readily taken into the animals' blood and to produce intoxication. while guinea-pigs alcoholized in this way as often as six times a week for two and one-half years would maintain their own bodily vigor and health apparently, the deleterious effects on their progeny were marked. the defects were general rather than specific, although the central nervous system and special sense organs were apparently affected most. out of total young produced by the alcoholic animals, only , or less than per cent., survived, whereas out of young produced from normal parents used as a control for the experiment, , or over per cent., survived. in some cases alcoholic males were mated with normal females, in other, alcoholic females with normal males. in still other instances both parents were alcoholic. the results are summarized in the accompanying table (fig. ), taken from stockard's paper: condition of the offspring from guinea-pigs treated with alcohol ----------------------------------------------------------------- |number of matings | +-------------------------------------- | |negative result or early abortion | | +--------------------------------- | | |stillborn litters | | | +---------------------------- | | | |number stillborn young | | | | +--------------------- | | | | |living litters | | | | | +---------------- | | | | | |young dying soon | | | | | | after birth | | | | | | +--------- condition of | | | | | | |surviving the animals | | | | | | | young --------------------|-----|----|----|------|----|------|--------- alcoholic [male] by | | | | | | | normal [female] | | | | | | | normal [male] by | | | | | | | alcoholic [female]| | | | | | | alcoholic [male] by | | | | | | | alcoholic [female]| | | | | | | summary | | | | | | | normal [male] by | | | | | | | normal [female] | | | | | | | d generation | | | | | | | by normal | | | | | | | d generation | | | | | | | by alcoholic | | | | | | | | | | | def.| | | d generation | | | | | | | by d generation | | | | | | | | | | | | | def.| female treated | | | | | | | during pregnancy | | | | | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------- fig. table showing condition of the offspring from guinea-pigs treated with alcohol (after stockard). lines four and five give a comparison between the total matings of all treated individuals and normal matings. in the first case almost per cent. of the matings gave negative results or early abortions, whereas in the normal control matings, failure to yield a full-term litter occurred in only two cases. the matings of alcoholic animals gave only living litters, or about per cent. on the other hand the control matings produced living litters, or - / per cent. it will be observed also that from such of the matings of alcoholics as produced young there were still-born, which died soon after birth, and only surviving young, whereas from the matings of normal individuals there were only still-born young, which died soon after birth, and surviving young. the bottom line of the table, although, as stockard points out, containing too few cases to prove wholly convincing, indicates that alcoholizing erstwhile normal females during pregnancy was not particularly harmful to the embryos _in utero_. some of the most interesting results were obtained when offspring termed second generation animals, derived from alcoholic parents though not themselves treated with alcohol, were mated in various ways. when such individuals were mated with normal individuals, although the litters were small, the results were normal, the normal mate having seemingly counteracted any defects which might have lurked in the second generation animal. on the other hand, out of three matings of second generation animals with alcoholic individuals, two produced still-born young, of which one was markedly deformed, while the third yielded two living young. however, the most striking results were obtained when two second generation individuals, the offspring of alcoholic parents, were bred together. although themselves untreated, these individuals, of which matings were made, produced as many or more defective young than did their alcoholic parents. seven of the matings were unfruitful. the remaining matings gave living litters consisting of individuals in all. six of these showed various nerve disorders (spasms, epileptic-like seizures, etc.) soon after birth; one was eyeless and otherwise deformed. =stockard's interpretation.--=stockard's interpretation of his experiments is as follows: "mammals treated with injurious substances, such as alcohol, ether, lead, etc., suffer from the treatments by having the tissues of their bodies injured. when the reproductive glands and germ-cells become injured in this way they give rise to offspring showing weak and degenerative conditions of a general nature, and every cell of these offspring having been derived from the injured egg or sperm-cell are necessarily similarly injured and can only give rise to other injured cells and thus the next generation of offspring are equally weak and injured and so on. the only hope for such a line of individuals is that it can be crossed by normal stock, in which case the vigor of the normal germ-cell in the combination may counteract, or at any rate reduce, the extent of injury in the body cells of the resulting animal." he also believes that various deformities and developmental arrests such as harelip and cleft-palate may similarly be cases of transmission rather than true inheritance, due to the weakening of the germ-cells in some way, or to some lack of full vigor in the uterine environment. =further remarks on the situation in man.--=returning now to the question of alcoholism in man, it seems in view of the strong circumstantial evidence in the case of man himself, together with the result of experiments on animals, that little doubt remains that excessive alcoholism might result in the production of defective offspring. on the other hand an antecedent degeneracy or neural instability undoubtedly plays an important part in many cases, in the original production of drunkards, and when such occurs, it, as well as the direct effects of alcoholic poisoning, must be reckoned with in the effects on progeny. studies carried on by pearson, elderton and barrington of the eugenic laboratory in london lead these investigators to the conclusion that extreme alcoholism is a _result_ not a _cause_ of degeneracy. that is, the degeneracy is due to the defective stock, not to alcohol. they cite in evidence their records of four thousand school children of alcoholic and of sober parents, which fail to show any unfavorable effect of alcohol on offspring. some of their critics, however, maintain that they did not choose subjects who were sufficiently alcoholic to give the injurious results that might legitimately be expected among the offspring of excessive drinkers or habitual drunkards. where children show a hereditary inclination toward drink, unquestionably one of the strongest factors is the inheritance of the same disposition, the same unstable nervous constitution and its accompanying lack of self-control which led the parent to drink, rather than the inheritance of the effects of the drink on the parent. for in many cases a parent may not become a drunkard until after the children who also become drunkards are born. that the tendency to drink immoderately is frequently due to a strain of feeble-mindedness or epilepsy becomes more evident every day. in many of the so-called "periodical" drunkards, the accompanying features of their periodic attacks of drink-craving, such as clouding of memory, restlessness and depression, are those commonly associated with ordinary epileptic attacks. =probably over fifty per cent. of inebriety in man due to defective nervous constitution.--=branthwaite, an english authority on drunkenness, finds that about sixty-three per cent. of the inebriates who come to his notice are mentally defective. in alcoholic insanities heredity is a potent factor. it is coming to be realized more and more that pronounced alcoholism is due in a large percentage of cases, perhaps over half, to a defective nervous make-up. while it is true that many drunkards would not develop without free access to alcohol, on the other hand many would never develop without a bad heredity back of them, which gives them a peculiar nervous constitution that renders alcohol an undue stimulus. in a recent report of the new york state hospital commission it is stated that in fifty-four per cent. of the cases of alcoholic insanity, a family history of insanity, epilepsy or nervous disease exists. thus in the presence of alcohol most of these unfortunates are helpless pawns of a hereditary weakness. so when the question of alcoholism is viewed from all angles, the children of the human drunkard would seem to run a double menace of misfortune, since they may be subject both to the direct poisoning effects of alcohol and the results of an inheritable degeneracy. =factors to be reckoned with in the study of alcoholism.--=in any thoroughgoing study of alcoholism in man many factors will have to be reckoned with. first of all there is the question of inherent lack of control. this is probably the principal thing inherited where heredity truly enters as a factor. that example and social environment are important factors in addition to or in place of heredity is clear, too, when we observe that often it is the boys only who take after a drunken father, for there is no evidence that the inherited tendency when it really exists is at all sex-linked. again, in certain occupations carried on under unwholesome influences relief is frequently sought in alcoholic stimulants, and such custom may easily crystallize into habit. furthermore, the accustoming young children to doses of alcohol, or the unborn young to alcohol through the body of a drunken mother, may be strongly contributory toward establishing inebriety in certain cases. as we have seen from an abundance of experimental data on animals, moreover, the nurture effects on germ-cells may result in the production of weakened offspring. such offspring in the case of man are probably less able to withstand temptations of all kinds and hence readily succumb to the habit-forming effects of alcohol if once its use is begun. lastly, it must not be forgotten that alcoholism in the father usually means poverty and the subsequent accompaniment of malnutrition and neglect of the children, and this in itself may not only account for poor development of the latter, but may also be strongly contributory toward establishing the habit of alcoholism in them. an inherent bias plus most of the other conditions just enumerated is the not unusual lot of the offspring of drunkards. =venereal diseases.--=there is yet another very considerable class of maritally unfit who in any conscientious discussion of unfitness for marriage or of racial improvement must be considered. i refer to those who are afflicted with the diseases which are inseparably associated with the so-called "social evil." to _gonorrhea_, one of the most prevalent of these diseases, more than one-fourth of our total one hundred and ten thousand blind in the united states are said to owe their affliction. milder types of eye disease may also result from such infections. as much as eighty per cent., or some say practically all blindness in children born blind is caused by it, the infection occurring at the time of birth or within a few days thereafter. the terrible consequences of this disease to the innocent wife would alone make its discussion imperative. =the seriousness of the situation.--=unfortunately the insidious nature of gonorrheal infections is unknown to most persons. a cure is apparently effected, yet as a matter of fact the germs may live for years and, if in the male, later be transmitted to the wife, subjecting her to a future of invalidism and misery. reliable statistics from various medical authorities reveal the appalling fact that seventy-five per cent. or more of the surgical operations for inflammatory pelvic disorders peculiar to women, such as pus tubes and peritonitis, are attributable to this disease, as is also the involuntary sterility of forty-five per cent. of childless women. unwelcome as the fact is there is an abundance of evidence to show that a large percentage of men in particular have at some period of their life been infected with venereal disease. of our fourteen million males in the united states under the age of thirty we find estimates by some specialists in venereal diseases to the effect that five million of them, that is, one out of three, suffer from some one of the social diseases or their consequences. doctor hugh cabot, one of the chief surgeons of the massachusetts general hospital at boston, a member of the faculty of the harvard medical school and president of the american association of genito-urinary surgeons, has this to say about the situation: "we have of late years heard much about the frequency and serious consequences of tuberculosis; it has been dubbed the 'white plague,' and so active has been the campaign that a wide-spread understanding of this serious disease has resulted. it may safely be averred that in the urban population at least there are two, and perhaps three, individuals with syphilis to every one with tuberculosis. the frequency of gonococcus infection is much higher." he believes that over half the male population acquire a gonococcus infection at some period of their career. while as a layman, one can not but feel that a specialist's estimate may run unduly high because of the fact that he is encountering an inordinate proportion of such maladies every day, still such specialists are in position to get at the truth as no other person can and their calculations are probably not grossly in error. in any event any one who has progressed in worldly knowledge beyond the naïveté of a child must recognize the appalling prevalence of these maladies. =infantile blindness.--=so serious has the matter of infantile blindness become that some state boards of health and some city health departments supply all physicians and midwives with specially prepared packages containing cotton and nitrate of silver solution for preventive or curative treatment of the eyes of all new-born children. at the time of the first bath each eye is carefully washed with a separate pledget of cotton saturated with boric acid solution. each then receives a drop of the silver solution, which is made just strong enough to kill any gonococci that might be present without itself inflaming the eye. water used in bathing the baby's body of course is not allowed to come in contact with its eyes. such treatment should be given every child no matter how unsuspicious the circumstances may be. german authorities who have been following this method now for some years assure us that nineteen-twentieths of the blindness of infancy can thus be prevented. =syphilis.--=as to _syphilis_, another and even more terrible of these diseases, we have before us the absurd fact that while thousands upon thousands of dollars are being spent to establish a rigid inspection and preventive measures against the spread of a very similar disease in the horse, this malady in man is allowed to pass unchallenged and we are confronted by the gruesome certainty that there are hundreds of these diseased persons about us to-day who, on their mere affirmation that they are unmarried and of age, will be given the right to marry and thus produce families of infected children irrevocably doomed to early death or to lifelong misery. while syphilis is most commonly spread through relations between the sexes, it may be acquired in various other ways, as for example, through a cut in shaving with the same razor an infected individual has used. it is commonly transmitted from parent to child. practically every prostitute is a center of dissemination. katherine bement davis has shown in her studies made at the new york state reformatory for women that while ordinary clinical tests show that apparently only twenty-one per cent. of these women are infected with venereal disease, more careful laboratory tests showed at least ninety per cent. to be infected. syphilis is caused by _treponema pallidum_, a small unicellular animal parasite. given access to the blood by any means whatever, possibly even through an abrasion in the lip by means of a kiss, it multiplies rapidly and any part or organ of the body may be attacked. usually a small sore occurs at the point of entrance to the body, but often it heals up readily with little indication of the seriousness of the infection. the development of the malady is insidious and long continued. as a matter of clinical convenience physicians divide its progress into successive stages although in reality the transitions are frequently variable and ill marked. the symptoms that arise within the first few months or even years are readily controlled by appropriate treatment, but to insure a cure prolonged and most thoroughgoing treatment is imperative. the symptoms disappear so completely after a short period of treatment that it is very difficult to persuade the average patient that he is not yet cured. two years at least are none too short a period of treatment, yet the majority of patients, fully convinced that they are merely being exploited by the physician as a source of revenue, drift away at the end of a few months. as a matter of fact, however, the germs usually persist long after the obvious symptoms of the disease have disappeared, and in consequence many of the most serious results of syphilis may not manifest themselves for a period of perhaps ten, twenty or thirty years. =some of the effects.--=it is now known that _paresis_, also termed general paralysis or softening of the brain, is probably invariably due to syphilis. the work of flexner and noguchi on _paresis_ and _tabes dorsalis_ show that always in such afflictions the tissues of the central nervous system have been invaded by the parasite. the original infection, however, may have occurred so long before as to have been almost forgotten by the patient. thus many an apparently robust man is stricken down in the prime of life. earlier and prolonged treatment would in all probability have eradicated the germs and thus prevented the mental breakdown, which can not be cured by any known treatment. postmortem examination always shows that the _treponema_ has wrought wide-spread damage in the brain. the frequency of paresis may be realized when one learns that in some regions it is responsible for about one-fifth of all cases of insanity sent to hospitals for the insane. it ranks next to the highest as a cause of insanity. statistics show that in the state of new york more deaths result annually from paresis than from smallpox, tetanus, malaria, dysentery and rabies all combined. in some cases the disease attacks the membranes of the brain and the small blood vessels giving rise to a still different type of mental disorder. practically all patients with _locomotor ataxia_ owe their condition to an antecedent syphilis. moreover it is one of the important causes of _arterio-sclerosis_, or hardening of the blood vessels, and is also a prominent factor in certain forms of heart-disease, as well as by no means an unimportant cause of blindness in children. as to specific cases of the effects of this disease on descendants the literature of the subject is crowded full. while it is needless to conduct the reader through a chamber of horrors by reviewing clinical cases, it is desirable to point out in a general way some of the effects. doctor george h. kirby, director of clinical psychiatry, manhattan state hospital, says: "we find that when either the father or the mother suffers from paresis that many other members of the family may be infected with syphilis, and furthermore, we find that a large number of children in these families are feeble-minded, nervous, or in other ways abnormal. doctor plant examined a group of children, the offspring of cases of paresis, and found that per cent. were plainly damaged mentally or physically, or in both fields; the blood test showed that one-third of these children had the syphilitic poison in their systems. "another investigator found in a group of children, the descendants of parents who had syphilitic nervous disease, that over per cent. were definitely feeble-minded or affected with some serious nervous disorders. "other studies indicate that there exists a close relation between syphilis and many of the hitherto unexplained cases of feeble-mindedness, including idiocy, imbecility, infantile paralysis, and some forms of epilepsy. while the question is not yet settled, it appears that syphilis is the real cause of many of these cases of mental defect in children." still other investigators give details of physical afflictions and distortions, of suppressed development, of inordinate percentages of stillbirths--perhaps the most merciful lot for the little victims--but sufficient has been said to indicate the full horror of the situation. goddard,[ ] although not minimizing the terrible nature of the disease, finds little evidence in his studies that syphilis in parents is a specific cause of feeble-mindedness. =a blood test.--=fortunately a delicate blood test known as the wasserman test has been discovered by means of which, through an examination of a few drops of blood, any trace of syphilitic poison which exists in the body may usually be detected. this is true even though the individual may at the time show no visible symptoms of syphilis. the test is therefore of great value in detecting the latent germs of syphilis in individuals who have apparently been cured, and also often in making an early diagnosis of paresis. the wasserman test, however, is reliable only in the hands of a skilled operator. it may occasionally give a positive reaction when syphilis does not exist and on the contrary a negative when it is present. the _luetin_ test is also now applied by some specialists, but is too new a test to have come into general use. it works on the same principle as the tuberculin test for tuberculosis. some army physicians now also give what is termed a provocative wasserman. that is, in a suspicious case which gives only negative results by an ordinary wasserman, they can get, if syphilis really exists, a positive reaction after giving small doses of potassium iodide or salvarsan. it should be well understood by every one that syphilis is usually curable provided the patient is given modern scientific treatment by a _competent_ physician. i emphasize competent because there are so many quacks in this field that one undergoing treatment can not be too careful in assuring himself of the competency of the physician. in even a case of long standing, where the symptoms have been in abeyance for a number of years, the disease can be cured provided it has not developed into an active cerebro-spinal type, and even the latter can be much benefited by proper treatment. the great danger of the cerebro-spinal type is that it will result in paresis or locomotor ataxia. as long as the blood of a patient shows a _positive_ wasserman reaction, marriage should certainly not be consummated. if after a proper course of treatment by a well-informed physician, the patient shows a _negative_ wasserman when tested by a competent examiner, he probably would not infect his wife or offspring, although prudence would require that he wait at least six months or a year before marriage, and marrying then only if later tests remain negative. the only way for a patient to be sure that he is not harboring the cerebro-spinal form would be to have a spinal puncture made and the cerebro-spinal fluid examined. while the cerebro-spinal phase often does not occur until long after the primary infection, cases are known in which it has appeared within a few weeks. evidence that the central nervous system is frequently invaded early in the course of the disease is increasing. marriage of an individual suffering from the cerebro-spinal form should not take place, since such a one is almost sure to become a burden on the family or the state. =many syphilitics are married.--=it may seem to some that in a treatise on being well-born the subject of syphilis might be ignored as not being especially pertinent, but the supposition that no considerable percentage of syphilitics marry is not borne out by the facts. seventy-five per cent. of men with insanity due to syphilis who are admitted to hospitals are married. the insanity in such cases is mainly the result of infections in earlier years, often long before marriage. while syphilis, strictly speaking, is not inherited, that is, does not become part and parcel of the germ-plasm, still the frequency of its direct transmission to offspring is so appalling that the outcome, as far as the immediate child is concerned, is quite as disastrous as the most thoroughgoing real inheritance could be. =why permit conditions to continue as they are?--=when one faces the easily ascertained facts regarding venereal disease, it seems incredible that we, an intelligent people, can go on complacently handing our daughters and sisters over to the surgeon's knife and a life of personal misery, and even in not a few instances to become mothers of incurably defective children, yet the dire fact confronts us that we do. we can no longer excuse ourselves on the plea of ignorance, for the grisly record may now be read in many medical and not a few popular treatises, and we find the theme entering even into the modern drama, as witness brieux's _damaged goods_. further indifference to these conditions can only be attributed to culpable apathy or prudery. the extreme dangers to which parents are subjecting their daughters if they do not demand a clean bill of health on the part of their prospective husbands are obvious. fathers and mothers perfectly willing to inquire into their future son-in-law's social connections, his income, securities, or business chances become strangely "modest" when it comes to determining whether he is physically fit for marriage. one great cause of ignorance in the past was the prudish taboo against frank discussions of venereal diseases which has thrown the veil of silence about the subject. to-day, however, it is coming to be recognized that these maladies are diseases and not a standard of social propriety, and that like most other diseases the surest way to secure prevention and gradual eradication is through the enlightenment of the public. they are prevalent in all classes of society. moreover, it must not be forgotten that there is no form of venereal disease which may not be innocently acquired. even where acquired through transgression of moral law an ignorant attitude toward the sexual instinct is often at the bottom of the difficulty. =medical inspection before marriage.--=ante-nuptial medical inspection is certainly as necessary to the welfare of society as the certification of age and of the single state now required by law. no one objects to a medical examination pertaining to venereal and other diseases when it comes to taking out a life insurance policy, and why there should be any more objection to it as a preliminary to marriage is a mystery. a few states already have compulsory ante-nuptial medical inspection. the laws have been enacted too recently to judge adequately of their working. there has been much debate in wisconsin as to whether their law (chapter , laws of ), which went into effect january , , is constitutional and whether it requires a wasserman test. the wisconsin law applies to males only. the supreme court of the state has declared it constitutional and that its requirement of "the application of the recognized clinical and laboratory tests of scientific search" involves only such examination as the ordinary licensed physician is equipped to make and can reasonably be expected to make for three dollars, the maximum fee specified in the law. a number of the physicians of the state are still dissatisfied with the wording, although most do not oppose the principle of the law. many believe that it should apply to the women as well as to the men, and others feel that the law should be extended to cover still other kinds of marital unfitness. most of the practitioners with whom i have discussed the matter appreciate the motive underlying the law and are endeavoring to make it successful. the general public of the state as a whole seems to be in favor of the provision. at least one hears much favorable comment and little dissension among those who understand its purpose. the very controversy over it which sprang up after its passage proved to be of great benefit in the education of the public regarding the necessity of such measures. such physicians as i have been able to question report that the candidates for marriage rarely object to the requirement, but on the contrary strongly favor it. especially where they have suffered from venereal disease earlier in life most are eager to know their condition and to have medical advice. to my own mind this last fact is the most significant of all, as it will give every candidate for marriage a chance to know the truth. most men are not so much brutal or vicious as ignorant in such matters. the vast majority of those unfit for marriage as a consequence of venereal disease will, when they realize the danger their condition imposes on wife and children, take every possible means to put themselves into proper condition. desirable as the wasserman test may be, it requires special laboratory facilities and equipment as well as a specially trained examiner to make it a reliable test. moreover it can not be given by the general practitioner for the very moderate fee that must obtain in a pre-nuptial examination compelled by law. if it or the serum test for gonorrhea are to be applied then the legislative body of the state will find it necessary to establish a special public laboratory or laboratories for their application. this, however, is not a matter of particular difficulty and would be capital well invested in any state. =the perils of venereal disease must be prevented at any cost.--=however, no matter what the cost may be to the state, no matter what the exaction from the individual, the grave perils of venereal disease to society _must_ be prevented. we owe it to the cause of humanity that there be fewer victims born into a world of eternal night, that from a parentage of polluted blood there spring no longer hosts of children with feeble misshapen bodies or with tarnished intellects, death-marked at the door of life. =bad environment can wreck good germ-plasm.--=in conclusion it is evident from our discussion of prenatal influences that not all of being well-born is concerned with heredity in its proper sense, since the unborn young may be influenced either directly or indirectly by environmental conditions which are in no sense products of heredity, although as far as the immediate child is concerned the result may be quite as disastrous where the influence is a baneful one. as to the production of beneficial prenatal effects, while parents can do nothing toward modifying favorably such qualities as are predetermined in their germ-plasm, nevertheless they must come to realize that bad environment can wreck good germ-plasm. they can see to it that they keep themselves in good physical condition by wholesome temperate living, and thereby insure as far as possible healthy germ-cells for the conception and good nutrition for the sustenance of their progeny. their one sacred obligation to the immortal germ-plasm of which they are the trustees is to see that they hand it on with its maximal possibilities undimmed by innutrition, poisons or vice. chapter vii responsibility for conduct since both physical and mental attributes are unquestionably inherited, it becomes a matter of importance to inquire into the nature of the entity we call personality. to what extent is human conduct a product of parentage? although apparently free agents are we in reality only by infinitely subtle indirections making the responses, forming the habits, establishing the characters which result merely from the blind impulsions of an inherent constitution? if so, who is praiseworthy, who blameworthy? are men "but helpless pieces of the game he plays upon this chequer-board of nights and days." =all mental process accompanied by neural process.--=whatever the ultimate decision of psychologists may be regarding the relation of mind to the sensory and nervous mechanism of man it is certain that there is so close an association between them that the least alteration in the mechanism means a parallel effect in the mind, or in the words of huxley, "every psychosis is definitely correlated with a neurosis." the rind or _cortex_ of gray matter which constitutes the surface of the large cerebral hemispheres of the human brain is regarded as the seat of consciousness. the development of the mental powers in the infant is dependent on the development of the elements of this cortical substance and the waning of the mental faculties in old age goes hand in hand with its atrophy. abnormal arrangements, injuries or omissions in it mean mental unsoundness. how the activity of the structural mechanism gives a reaction in consciousness is not understood, but we know that in the living being the two phenomena are inseparably linked. whether we accept the hypothesis that consciousness is an actual product of the structural mechanism or the hypothesis that the latter is only an instrument for the manifestations as consciousness of an outside force or entity, just as the telegraphic instrument manifests the existence of electricity, is neither here nor there for our purposes. on either supposition the degree and manner of expression are determined by the structure of the mechanism. our main problem is to decide as nearly as possible how much of the mechanism is rigidly inherited, how much is at birth largely undestined, so that its ultimate outcome is in part a product of the forces which play upon it, or in other words of education and training. =gradation in nervous response from lower organisms to man.--=to comprehend fully the basic nature of human neural responses one must seek the roots in the behavior of lower organisms. for there is found in a simpler form many of the fundamental activities and the first dim gropings which emerge in man as memory, reason and will. as we ascend the scale of animal life we find a continuous advance in neural complexity and nervous response that in many respects grades up closely to the human type. a windmill or a weather-vane points toward the source of the wind, obviously not because either exercises any special choice in the matter, but because it is constructed on such lines of symmetry that when the wind strikes it, if it slants the slightest to left or right, the more exposed surface receives the greatest pressure and thus swings the body back into the line of least resistance. =behavior of many animals often an automatic adjustment to simple external agents.--=it is a far cry, of course, from the responses of such a machine as a windmill to the responses of even the simplest living thing, but in spite of the broad gap between the two, there is much reason to believe that the behavior of many living organisms is due in a marked degree to the directive effects of comparatively simple external factors rather than to the complex internal volitions the casual observer is likely to attribute to them. =tropisms.--=it is a marked characteristic of all living protoplasm that it has the power of responding to external stimuli. this power of response is termed _excitability_ or _irritability_. in describing the motor responses of living organisms to stimuli resulting from a change in surroundings the term _tropism_ (gr. _trope_, turning) is frequently used and the kind of stimulus is indicated by a prefix. thus the term phototropism means a turning or _orientation_ brought about by means of light. an organism which reacts by a movement toward the source of light is said to be _positively phototropic_, one which moves away from it, _negatively phototropic_. by using such a neutral terminology the physiologist avoids implying that necessarily "likes" or "dislikes" or any other psychic reaction enter into the movements. several kinds of tropisms are recognized, such as _phototropism_ or _heliotropism_, reaction to light; _thermotropism_, reaction to heat; _electrotropism_ or _galvanotropism_, to electric current; _geotropism_, to gravity; _chemotropism_, to a chemical; _rheotropism_, to current; _thigmotropism_ or _stereotropism_, to contact; and _chromotropism_, to color. =many animals show tropic responses.--=many of the lower animals seem to have their movements determined more or less mechanically by the action of such external factors, some being positively, others negatively responsive to a given kind of stimulus, or the same individual may be at one time positive, at another negative, according to modifying conditions to be mentioned presently. in plants and in simpler lower animals there is no special nervous system. the responses of these organisms depend on the general irritability of their constituent protoplasm. in other animals a nervous system is developed, crude and diffuse in lower forms, extremely delicate, complex and definitely ordered in higher forms. but it should be borne in mind that nerve protoplasm possesses only in high degree a capacity for irritability, conduction, etc., that is common to all living substance. in keeping with other "physiological divisions of labor" or specialization which mark the increasing complexity of animals, this enormously enhanced sensitivity and conductivity of certain tissues have come about, and they have become set apart for these special functions. in higher animals, therefore, the tropisms where operative must act more or less through the agency of the nervous system instead of directly through the general protoplasm of the organism. =certain apparently complex volitions probably only tropisms.--=where nervous systems enter into tropic responses there must be specific sensibility of certain nerve terminations (i. e., sense organs) at the surface of the body. these sensory or receiving nerves connect through the central system with corresponding motor nerves which in turn supply certain specific muscles through the contraction of which the organism is as surely and as mechanically oriented as in the simpler cases. for example, if light is the stimulating agent, when it strikes a positively phototropic animal, if the latter is not already oriented, the eyes or other nerve terminations sensitive to light transmit an impulse through the central nervous system to certain muscles causing them to increase their tension and thereby swing the animal around with its head toward the light. progressive movements which the organism then makes must carry it toward the source of light. thus it is not "love of light" that draws the moth into the flame but the mechanical steering of the body toward the source of light through the stimulations produced by the light waves. it is chemotropism, not solicitude for its offspring, which drives the flesh fly to lay its eggs on decaying meat. and it is stereotropism and not a desire for concealment which impels certain animals such as many worms and insects to get into a close contact with solid bodies, or in other words to "hide" themselves in burrows and crevices. =complicating factors.--=however, beautifully as these theories of tropisms work out in a broad general way, there are various additional factors entering which must be reckoned with, and these become more numerous and of more consequence as the organism becomes more complex. in the first place certain internal conditions must be considered. living matter is characterized by its instability. there are continual synthetic and disruptive processes in progress which the physiologist terms metabolic changes. the very "life" of such matter seems to be the manifestation of such changes. concerning what the ultimate source of these changes is, whether or not indirectly they may be referred to external conditions as seems probable to many biologists, no one so far has ever given a convincing, positive answer. it is sufficient for our purposes to know that they may have set up certain internal stimuli which may modify the behavior of the organism in which they reside, and that the "physiological state" of the organism at the time of external or internal stimulation will condition the response. this physiological condition may be dependent on the general metabolic equilibrium of the animal, or on the extent of previous stimulation by means of the same or different agents. thus the organism may not always react in the same way to the same stimulus. the intensity of the stimulation and change in the intensity of the stimulation, are also factors to be reckoned with. moreover, it must be taken into account that a given organism is often operating under the control of more than one external influence. for example, swarm spores in a dish of water which at a given temperature are positively phototropic, that is, gather at the side of the dish toward the light, may, if the temperature of the water is raised or in case of marine forms if the salinity is increased, become negatively phototropic. sometimes two or more forms of stimuli may cooperate in bringing about certain behavior as, for instance, in the reaction of the earthworm to a suitable habitat, through a combination of chemical and contact stimuli. on the other hand, two different stimuli may interfere with each other; for example, the usual phototropic responses of certain animals do not manifest themselves when they are mating or feeding. in short, anything that alters the physiological state of the organism may cause it to react in a different manner. and thus with the interplay of shifting external agents and variable internal state the bounds of behavior on these purely mechanical bases become considerably extended. =many tropic responses apparently purposeful.--=the query arises as to why if these responses are mechanical they are so often apparently purposive; that is, why do they so often subserve some useful end for the animal? while they do not always work out to the animal's benefit, as for instance in the case of the moth and the light or under many other conditions that can be devised experimentally, as a matter of fact under normal natural conditions they are on the whole useful to the organism, carrying it into suitable surroundings of food, lessened danger, temperature, and the like. the probabilities are that in their first origin the reactions were not purposive. however, if any proved harmful they would result in the extermination of their possessors and hence of that particular strain of individuals. those types that happened to have useful reactions would be left and in course of time as the process of eliminating the others went on, would become the prevailing types. any organism which the useful reaction had preserved would tend to hand it down to the succeeding generation where again it would be the conserver of those individuals which possessed it in sufficient degree. =authorities not agreed on details of tropic responses.--=although all the foremost modern students of animal behavior accept as facts the more or less mechanical orienting effects of external stimuli, there is by no means unanimity of opinion regarding details. some stress as the directive factor the continuous action of the stimulating agent on sensitive tissues symmetrically situated. others would maintain that it is the time rate of change in the intensity of the stimulating agent, or that the factor is different in different cases. some make much of an automatic sort of "trial and error" system by which certain organisms test out an inimical environment until the path of least irritation is hit upon as the way to safety. the field is a broad one and to get at the finer shades of distinction the reader will have to refer to the works of such authorities as loeb, jennings, holmes and mast. =tropisms grade into reflex actions and instincts.--=the tropisms in many cases become indistinguishable from _reflex actions_ and these in turn grade up into the _instincts_ of animals. the latter may be looked on as but subtler and more involved reactions made possible through a more intricate structural organization. as might be expected of instincts, the feature of utility is more in evidence than in simpler tropisms because they have become of proportionately greater magnitude, but the same fundamental mechanism is apparently at bottom of both. it has already been seen how the "instinct" of the blow-fly to lay its egg on meat is interpretable as a chemotropic response. thus no elaborate psychic mechanism is necessary in such behavior. =instincts.--=in the typical instinct there is a series of "chain reflexes" in which one step determines the next until mechanically the whole gamut of changes is run to the last step. it is characteristic of a purely instinctive act that an animal performs it without practise, without instruction, and without reason. moreover, all of the same kind of animals tend to perform the act in the same way. but with instincts, as with tropisms, the physiological state of the organism must be regarded. for instance, the instinctive reactions of an animal sated with food or hungry will be different. =adjustability of instincts opens the way for intelligent behavior.--=as we progress in the scale of animal life this adjustability of instincts to new conditions comes more into evidence. while prescribed in the main by internal impulse the carrying out of the action is capable of some adaptability to circumstances. and in proportion as this adaptability releases the organism from a blind rigid working-out of a predetermined end, there is opened up the possibility of intelligent behavior; that is, of modification of the instinctive behavior by individually acquired experience. while the generation of instinctive impulses still occurs it is left more for individual experience to teach discrimination between ends. but we can not escape a fundamental structural mechanism, for with this new capacity of educability must come new structural mechanisms in the nervous system and this must be as faithfully reproduced in each individual as is the basis for any other nervous response. how low in the scale of animal life animals can profit from their experiences to the extent that their future conduct is conditioned thereby is not known. some would place it as far back as the protozoa, others would not. where such modification of behavior is possible there must be some mechanism for the storage of impressions in the form of what we term _memory_. =modification of habits possible in lower animals.--=among invertebrates such animals as crayfish will acquire new habits, or rather will modify old ones. even as lowly an organism as the starfish can have changes of habit thrust on it. when a starfish is placed upon its back it rights itself by means of its arms or rays. professor jennings found that in a given individual the tendency was always to employ certain rays for this rather than others. however, by preventing the use of the rays customarily employed, he found that the animal would use a different pair and that ultimately in this way it could be trained into the habit of using this pair of rays even when restrained in no way. one starfish which was given one hundred eighty such lessons in eighteen days after an interval of seven days still retained the new habit; young individuals were found to be more easily trained than old ones. =some lower vertebrates profit by experience.--=among vertebrates it is known that those as low in organization as fish will profit by experience. they will learn to come for food at a regular time and apparently learn more or less to appreciate the presence of certain obstacles with which they have had unsatisfactory experiences. professor sanford sums up what he believes are the limitations of the piscine mental organization as follows: "no fish is ever conscious of himself; he never thinks of himself as doing this or that, or feeling in this way or that way. the whole direction of the mind is outward. he has no language and so can not think in verbal terms; he never names anything; he never talks to himself; as huxley says of the crayfish, he 'has nothing to say to himself or any one else.' he does not reflect; he makes no generalizations. all his thinking is in the present and in concrete terms. he has no voluntary attention, no volition in the true sense, no self-control." =rational behavior.--=finally, however, out of these first dull glimmerings of intelligence as exemplified in the higher invertebrates and the lower vertebrates, which can modify behavior as the result of experience, come the still higher factors so dominant in man, of _rational_ behavior. this higher mental process can realize the end to be reached and can deliberate on the means to be employed. by means of his _reason_ man can overcome difficulties in advance by "thinking" out suitable schemes of action. some naturalists believe that man stands alone in possessing the power to reason, although others believe that some of the other mammals, notably the other primates, possess the same attribute although in a much less degree. =conceptual thought probably an outgrowth of simpler psychic states.--=is the capacity for such conceptual thought, however, which appears as the final efflorescence of complex neural activity something entirely new? most students of comparative psychology maintain that it is not. just as one kind of an instinct frequently grows out of another, so has this grown out of the complex of _psychic_ states which preceded it. it apparently is the product of the increasing awareness on the part of animals of their neural processes and the outcome of these processes, which becomes more and more prominent as we ascend the scale of animal life. with the advent of associative memory the mind comes more and more to deal with attributes of objects instead of merely with each single concrete object as it presents itself, and these attributes being common to many objects, come to represent definite ideas which can be manipulated by the mind. language, of course, has been an indispensable aid to man in this regard, for words become descriptions of facts and symbols of concepts, and thereby allow of abstract thought. =the capacity for alternative action in high animals renders possible more than one form of behavior.--=with this modification of instinct by experience made possible, there comes at the same time, of course, the capacity for a rational instead of a purely instinctive behavior. this very capacity for alternative action opens up many new possibilities of behavior and together with the well-known fixative effects of habit, also the opportunity of permanently establishing certain ones. thus it is obvious that a behavior toward which in a strict sense there can not be said to have been an original specific tendency, can be developed. what was present in the first place was only a general possibility of the development of any one of several types of behavior. the final choice of the alternatives together with repetition makes it the habitual behavior of the individual. of course it can be urged that if the selection of the type of behavior is left to the individual then the latter will operate automatically toward the various impulsions of its neural make-up and one path will be followed because of stronger inclination in that direction, so that the whole procedure is in the end the mere operation of an automaton. but however this may be in the individual left to itself, the fact is in man that the young individual is never left to itself and in the nature of things can not be, so that without entering into this troubled pool of controversy regarding freedom of the will, i wish merely to point out that the possibility of more than one form of behavior exists and that if one is more desirable than the others then this one can be chosen by the ones responsible for the training of the young individual and clenched fast by the agency of habit. intelligence, reason and habits, however, no less than instincts and tropism must have neural as well as psychical existence and we can not escape therefore the underlying mechanism. =the elemental units of the nervous system are the same in lower and higher animals.--=it is interesting to note that the fundamental neural mechanism which underlies the mental processes of higher animals is not essentially different from that which serves in lower forms. although as animals become more complex their nervous systems have become proportionately larger and incomparably more intricate, still all the changes have been rung on the same basic neural unit, the _neuron_ or nerve-cell (fig. _a_, p. ). the higher nervous system differs from the lower in the number, in the specializations and in the associations of these units rather than in possessing something of entirely different elemental structure. =neuron theory.--=according to the prevailing modern conception the entire nervous system is made up of a series of units called _neurons_. each neuron is a single cell with all its processes. the latter consists typically of short branching processes on the one hand, known as _dendrites_, and of a single process on the other, known as the _axon_, which extends from the cell to become a nerve fiber (fig. , p. ). the various neurons, with possibly a few exceptions, are not anatomically continuous but contiguous. they communicate with one another apparently by contact only. the axon of each neuron ends in an elaborate series of fine branchings which lie in contact with the dendrites of another neuron, or in some cases with the body of the other cell (fig. , p. ). thus the nervous impulse passes from one neuron to the other at these points of contact. an impulse is supposed to travel normally only in one direction through a neuron, the dendrites being the receiving and the axon the discharging terminals. there are various types of neurons. some, particularly within the brain, have their main processes so provided with branches and brushes that they may come into physiological connection with a number of other neurons. [illustration: fig. a--diagram to illustrate neurons and their method of connection; _a_, axon; _d_, dendrite; _s_, synapse. to simplify the diagram the medullary sheathes of such fibers as would have them have been omitted. the arrows indicate the direction in which the impulse travels. the lower series shows diagrammatically how from the same neuron in the cortex two subordinate neurons may be affected, the one excited to cause contraction of a certain group of muscle fibers, the other inhibited so that the antagonistic fibers may relax and thus not hinder the movement of a given part. b--section of a region of the cerebral cortex (after cajal). the cells have been blackened with chrome-silver and are much less highly magnified than the diagrams in a. the numerals refer to certain characteristic layers of the cortex in this region.] =establishment of pathways through the nervous system.--=it is believed that more or less resistance to transmission of stimuli prevails at the point of contact (_synapse_) between two neurons but that this resistance is lessened by repetition of conduction. the frequent traversing of a given pathway by similar impulses finally results in an automatic occurrence of the transmission, or, in other words, the action becomes habitual. education consists largely in establishing such routes through the nervous tissue. because of the greater plasticity of the neural mechanism in youth it is easier to open up and fix pathways of conduction than in later years. moreover the earlier established lines of conduction become the more permanent. =characteristic arrangements of nerve cells are as subject to inheritance as other structures of the body.--=that the main features of the nervous system are inherited becomes obvious when we see that each kind of animal has its own distinctive numbers, arrangements and proportions of the various neural units. in man, for example, there are certain characteristics, types and groupings of nerve-cells which are reproduced generation after generation with remarkable fidelity. this means that in so far as these represent the mental make-up of the individual, his mentality is continuously linked with others which have gone before. the new-born child has all the nerve-cells in its brain that it will ever have but the ultimate linkages of the finer connectives between them, or at least the pathways of travel, remain in large measure to be made. as we have already seen, the cerebral cortex is the seat of the chief mental faculties of man or at least of the highest of these. professor lloyd morgan, one of our greatest authorities on comparative psychology, is inclined to believe that the instincts are located in the subcortical material. in any event, the inheritance of mental ability resolves itself into the inheritance of a certain cerebral mechanism. =different parts of the cortex yield different reactions.--=the cerebral cortex, however, is not functionally homogeneous throughout. certain regions have been shown to be motor, others sensory, and moreover, these regions are apparently further specialized so that a given one of them is associated with a specific type of sensory or motor response, not merely with responses in general. thus by injuring one of the sensory areas we might destroy vision but not other sensations, or by stimulating one of the motor centers we would get a response in a corresponding motor organ but not in all such organs. likewise, it is probable that still different areas, the so-called "association areas," relatively of much greater development in man than in any other animal, are the regions in which various perceptions and conceptions are synthesized and formed into organized knowledge. here also are engendered the volitions which when flashed through the motor centers become expressed in activity or behavior. it seems highly probable that just as the sensory and motor areas differ in kind from one another, so we must suppose there are qualitative differences in various parts of the association areas so that the different parts give different reactions in consciousness; that is, each special mental ability of the individual is more or less centered in a special part of the cortex. and just as there may be variations in other structures of the organism so there may be variations in these areas. the "gifted" person in some one direction, whether it be in mathematics, music, painting, or what not, is on this hypothesis one who has that particular area of his brain which forms the basis for the talent in question more highly developed than it is in the average individual. and since such talents are handed down to descendants, this can only mean that a similar grouping of the neurons in the region in question has occurred. =skill acquired in one special branch of learning probably not transferred to another branch.--=such a differential arrangement of the brain-mechanism which presumably underlies the various mental abilities would lead to the inference that skill in one special branch of learning, in so far as it involves only certain centers of the cortex, would not be transferred to another branch based on different neural pathways and centers. development of historical knowledge, for example, would not enhance one's mathematical ability, or vice versa. the testimony of various psychologists bears out this idea. in so far as certain factors of training, such as habits of industry, concentration, etc., are common to the study of either mathematics or history, the good effects of either discipline will probably be much the same, but the identity of effect vanishes as soon as the intrinsic characteristics of the subjects themselves are involved. just how far we are warranted, however, in carrying this idea of localized functions as regards the association areas is a moot question. our present attitude regarding the specificity of such localizations is largely a matter of inference based on analogy to conditions which obtain in other and better known parts of the brain, together with the indubitable differences in inborn abilities which exist between individuals. some few brain physiologists maintain that the whole cortex operates more or less as a unit in all of the higher psychical activities. =preponderance of cortex in highest animals.--=one of the most interesting conditions in the nervous system of the highest types of animals is the way in which the cortex has outrun the other parts of the brain in size and complexity and has come to dominate the organism more and more both directly and indirectly. aside from the proportionately greater increase in size of the cortex, there is an abundance of anatomical evidence of this altered and probably altering system of control in man and the higher apes. this is well illustrated in the fiber tracts (nerve bundles) of the spinal cord. =more long fiber tracts in the spinal cord of man.--=the spinal cord although having many nerve centers of its own is also in great part a large cable for conducting enormous numbers of fibers from one part of the cord to another, or to and from the brain. in man and the higher apes a considerably larger percentage of the total area of the cord is given up to the long fiber tracts from the brain to the body than in lower vertebrates. this progressive increase in long fiber tracts in the higher anthropoids probably marks more and more domination of the body by the higher brain centers and correspondingly less by the direct activity of the cord and by the lower brain centers. however, even in man, many of the simpler reflexes of the body still have their centers in the spinal cord. =special fiber tracts in the cord of man and higher apes.--=there are certain special tracts of the cord that are particularly interesting in connection with the increasing domination of the brain over the body, namely, the _pyramidal tracts_. these were the latest tracts to appear in the animal kingdom and are apparently the latest to become functional in the individual. it is believed that the development of the medullary substance (an enveloping sheath) of the common medullated nerve fiber marks the time of entrance of the fiber into activity and it is a significant fact that the formation of this sheath occurs last of all in the fibers of the pyramidal tracts, where it does not appear till after birth. these tracts convey impulses from the brain to the body. they consist of two sets of tracts, in fact, one the crossed, the other the direct. as an anomaly, probably arising most frequently from instrumental injury at birth, the pyramidal tracts fail to develop normally, with the distressing result that the infant, although possessing perfectly normal brain activity and normal spinal cord reflexes, is unable to exercise voluntary control of the body. in other words the condition, like hare-lip, is one of suppressed development. at least this seems to be the most plausible explanation of what is known as _little's disease_. such unfortunates usually die early although they may survive for a few years. the direct pyramidal tracts occur only in man and man-like apes. they vary considerably in extent in different individuals. they originate in nests of characteristic large cells located in the cerebral cortex and are regarded as paths, though not the only ones, through which volitional impulses are conveyed from the brain. they seem to control certain of the finer and more delicate movements of the body. =great complexity in associations and more neurons in the brain of man than of other animals.--=it has already been noted that as animals stand higher in the scale of life while the general plan of their neural elements remain the same, there is increasing complexity in the number and connections of the neurons. the number of processes on individual nerve-cells is also greater. there is in fact much greater complexity in the number of processes and the inter-connections of the neural cells than in the numbers of the cells themselves. this would seem to indicate that the greater mental activities of higher animals depend more on richness in complex associations than on mere increase in number of neurons. the latter, however, is by no means unimportant as may be seen in man, for instance, in whom it is estimated that the cerebral cortex, that is, that part of his brain in which his more complex mental processes transpire, contains some nine billion more nerve cells than does the corresponding region of the brain of an anthropoid ape. of especial significance in the psychic make-up of man is his vastly increased capacity for inhibition. although not possessed by all men in equal measure and not entirely wanting in lower animals it is a distinctive feature in all human conduct. much of any child's education, particularly as it pertains to behavior, must be concerned with training in the exercise of proper inhibitions. he must learn to suppress certain primitive types of reaction in favor of higher ones. this applies not only to motor activities but to trains of thought as well. the essence of self-control consists mainly in ability to substitute for one impulse or idea other compensating ones. and the secret of concentration lies in being able to banish irrelevant ideas and focus on the central thought. =the nervous system in the main already staged at the time of birth for the part it must play.--=it is clear from what is known of its anatomy that in the main the central nervous system is framed to respond in certain set ways, that there are determinative elements in it which control or determine the responses, and therefore the behavior of the body. the same evidence shows also, however, in the incompleteness of many of the associations, that while the stage is all set and some of the main features of the performance are determined at the time of birth, considerable yet remains to be done toward fitting the parts together and working up the detail. just exactly what and how much is rigidly determined no one knows. =many pathways of conduction not established at birth.--=as we have already seen the evidence is that many of the neural pathways are not yet fully established at birth, and there is some indication that routes once opened may be altered. to what degree this has bearing on behavior is still unknown, but since neurologists attribute so much importance to the richness and the associations of the cell-outgrowths, it is evident that this increase in the number of pathways after birth with possible alternatives of connections may be a very important factor in the modification of behavior. yet, on the other hand, we are completely in the dark as to what extent these later associations are predetermined in the earlier cells. =the extent of the zone that can be modified is unknown.--=there is little doubt that many of the paths of action are already firmly established. others, although not irrevocably fixed, offer the least resistance and would "naturally" be taken if not counteracted or modified by the more or less artificial development and fixation of other paths through cultivation and habit. yet others perhaps are largely neutral; they still await the initial decisive push which "choice" or external environment may mete out to them. as trainers of youth all that is left that we can do is to attempt to develop in certain ways the elements of this indefinite, impressible zone. unfortunately, we must labor in the dark to a great extent as we have all too little indication of which the malleable factors of intellect and conduct are. we can only infer from long, intelligent and sympathetic observation of children in successive stages of their development. it is only by having clearly in mind the nature of our problem that our conclusions will finally come to be of enhanced practical value in the training of children. observation to the present time clearly indicates that many children are strongly predisposed this way or that "as the sparks fly upward." this is a point too frequently overlooked by educators. they are often unduly actuated by the other piece of the truth that, "as the twig is bent the tree inclines." they sometimes fail to realize that after all the tree remains the same kind of a tree. if an apple tree, while it may be bent from the normal path of development, it can not produce other fruit than apples. just how much the destiny of man can be influenced by training and the exercise of his own will power is the fundamental question not only of pedagogy but of ethics as well. for if man's rational judgments are markedly conditioned by his neural make-up then the volitional judgments which underlie conduct are likewise conditioned since they are inextricably intermingled with his reason. we must believe that to a considerable extent emotional expression, as well as other mental functions, is due to hereditary dispositions of the neurons in the various parts of the brain. =various possibilities of reaction in the child.--=despite the innate predeterminations of the tree, it is nevertheless our province to see that the twig _is_ bent, but our work can only be done with due intelligence when we recognize something of the limitations of our material. of the various possibilities of reaction we must see that certain desirable ones are realized, even, in some cases, if only to have others thereby excluded. it is a commonplace of psychology that all cerebral excitations, no matter what the origin, must vent themselves in some way and if this expression is not directed into proper channels it will very likely find improper ones. we must see that the young wearer of the coat of undetermined capacities gets it set by repeated performance into the habitual wrinkles of normal social conduct. for it is a trite observation that when habits are once well established it requires tremendous efforts to do otherwise than as they dictate. there is not the least doubt that some of our subjects will respond much more readily to training in certain directions of habitual reactions than others, but we have always the consolatory knowledge that no matter how difficult the art may be at first, repetition reduces the difficulty. while much of any youth's character must be determined by external forces brought to bear upon it, the ultimate climax of our effort and measure of our success will be the extent to which we have engendered in him the capacity for initiating and carrying out through his own volition those impulsions and inhibitions which tend to the highest good of humanity. =probable origin of altruistic human conduct.--=those phases of human conduct which find expression in consideration for others seem no less than other mental attributes to have their origin in certain fundamental instincts. altruistic conduct, in last analysis, apparently resolves itself back largely to certain very fundamental impulsions, namely those which arise out of certain obligations for the welfare of others which are necessarily associated with the marital, parental and filial relations that must exist where the young require post-natal care. looked at from the standpoint of natural selection, this would come about as a mere matter of survival value. where the young, as in man, are helpless for a long period of time, more opportunity would be afforded for the development of both conjugal and filial affection. the sympathetic emotions once established in such family relations would partly through habit, partly through community of interest, readily become extended to clan or tribe and as a final consummation to all mankind. =training in motive necessary.--=in the training of children, then, we must recognize first of all that there are decided inclinations or bents which, as long as they are not anti-social in nature, must be respected if not always encouraged. while it is necessary to utilize these as much as possible in their training still we must bear in mind that although it is natural for a child to follow certain interests, the fact remains that as regards social worth these natural interests may not be the most valuable. when this is true we must strive to develop others which will compel attention and thus become impelling factors in conduct. where certain fundamental impulsions run contrary to the common welfare it is necessary to practise the child in the setting up of inhibitions or counter-impulses until this becomes habitual. he must be led to construct a protective mantle of appropriate scruples, doubts and fears. it is all important to get the proper motives for action to prevail in his mind. =actual practise in carrying out projects is all important.--=but on the other hand it is equally important to see that the action is effectively carried out. in the matter of self-discipline, particularly, we may have many ideal impulses and realize that they should prevail over certain of our natural propensities, but unless we put forth effort to overcome the propensities our ideal impulses are of no avail. the world has many such moral paralytics to-day who can not seize their "languor as it were a curling snake and cast it off." it is training in this very overcoming of reluctance, in this putting forth of actual effort toward worthy ends instead of merely memorizing precepts about the desirability of such accomplishments, that is so sadly lacking in our school and home life to-day. we prate of the importance of self-control, we say with our lips that the way to learn to do is by doing, we proclaim that it is more vital to instil good mental and physical habits into our pupils than to stock them with information, we preach that mere fact training is as conducive to making a first-class rascal as an upright man, yet we jog on complacently in the well-beaten ruts of memory routine which require the memorizing of symbols rather than real understanding. we seldom require that our protégés make intelligent judgments based on evidence, we rarely exact of them decisions in matters of ethics, and almost never demand that they put their knowledge into efficient accomplishment. it can not be too strongly urged that we need less of formulæ learned by heart, less dead erudition pigeonholed in the brain like so many foreign bodies, and vastly more assimilation of knowledge into the living personality of the individual. where in school or home to-day do we find provision for such training? our tendency is, in fact, just the opposite. according to the modern code, as it works out in many instances at least, the child must be taught through play. though it is a truism that he who has not learned obedience can never be master of himself, the child of to-day must not be made to obey but be wheedled into changing his mind. if a given subject of study proves distasteful to him, the fault is the teacher's for not making it interesting, for he must always be led on by the thrill of fascination. in other words, the child must not only be allowed but be encouraged to take the path of least resistance. his own pleasure is to be the standard of his actions. let no stern demands of duty interfere! is it any wonder that the products of such tutelage come into the activities of life self-indulgent and undisciplined, and although often recognizing our private and public shame in business, politics and conduct, still remain supine, evasive of the unpleasantness or hardships of reform, or inefficient or unwilling in accomplishing unselfish ends? =interest and difficulty both essential.--=the writer does not wish to be understood as minimizing the importance of interest on the part of the child in what he is doing. interest is undeniably the open sesame to desirable mental development; but what he does protest against is that not uncommon interpretation of interest which deems it necessary to eschew most serious consideration of a subject and evade such parts as present difficulties. certainly if there is any fact that stands out prominently in human experience it is the fact that nothing conduces to the development of moral stamina so much as the overcoming of difficulties, particularly distasteful difficulties. =conduct developed through actual performance.--=self-control and the will to do can be trained and crystallized into habit as well as can any other activity. it is a fact that one well grounded in morals by habit will successfully resist subconscious impulsions to wrongdoing even when suggested in the hypnotic state. conduct is largely a matter of growth through actual performance. for proper guidance of this growth there must, of course, be high ideals around which the feelings are led to cluster and by which they gradually come to be controlled. =construction of ideals.--=the construction of such ideals through example, through precept, through appeal and through actual practise in self-denial and self-control on the part of the child, should be the foremost duty of the parent or teacher. above all it should be remembered that imitation of teacher, of parents, of companions, is more of a factor than intellect in the moral action of children. at present educationally we are in a fever for vocational training, for "practical" work, and in general for all things conducive to coaching our pupils in how to make a living, yet commendable as all this may be, is it not of even more fundamental importance to train them how to live? =the realization of certain possibilities of the germ rather than others is subject to control.--=it may be said in a sense that there exists potentially in any germ all the things that can possibly come out of it under any obtainable conditions of environment. the very initiation of a given mode of expression by some environmental factor, however, often mutually excludes many of the others. we get a given average result ordinarily because development normally takes place in a given average environment. as may be easily shown by experiment, this is manifest even in the instincts of lower animals. in the young the various instincts do not come into expression at the same time, and it not infrequently happens that if one of the earlier instincts becomes operative toward certain objects or situations, later instincts will have a wholly different relation toward these objects or situations than they would otherwise have had. as a result the whole life conduct of the animal is markedly modified. for example, young animals immediately after birth have no instinct of fear. they do, however, have a strong instinct to attach themselves to some moving thing and follow it. the utility of such an instinct, as for instance in the case of young chickens, is obvious. the object of attachment is usually the parent, but man may take the place of a parent and the young animal will fearlessly follow him about. however if the young animal has had no experience with man during its earliest infancy a later instinct, that of fear or wildness, will have come into play and it will flee from him. it is clear, therefore, that by familiarizing the young animal with man before its instinct of fear has come to expression, certain habitual reactions are set up in it which inhibit or limit the application of its instinct of wildness as regards man. in other words, the whole course of its life has been altered by this simple experience. the same principle applies in even greater degree to the young of man. we have seen in a former chapter that what in the ordinary course of nature was "predestined" to become one individual nevertheless contained the possibility of becoming four or more if the environing conditions were made such as to bring about a separation of the cleavage blastomeres. or a fish egg that contained the possibility of becoming a normal two-eyed form also contained the possibility of becoming a one-eyed form and could be made to do so by certain unusual modifications of the conditions under which it develops. however we must not be led so far by the plausibility of this comparison that we are misled, for the fact is that we are not creating anything new by these environmental upheavals, but are mainly altering features that already exist. beyond doubt the nature of the material is of greater import in the specificity of the outcome than are the external forces brought to play on it. the only point i wish to make is that even what seem ordinarily to be predestined ends can be altered by environment, and that the probabilities are that certain features are relatively indifferent at their inception, the environmental factor adding the final touch of specificity. and our common experience in education would indicate that the same is true of mental conditions, including behavior. the actual appearance of a particular trait is not necessarily always a matter of an initial trend, but may be due merely to the fact that its development is possible under certain conditions of environment and that these conditions have prevailed in the given instance. and even where there is a specific bent it may be arrested through the awakening of a contrary impulse, or, on the other hand, its exercise may prevent the engendering of the opposite impulse. =our duty to afford the opportunity and provide the proper stimuli for the development of good traits.--=it is clearly our duty to see that the expression of good traits is made possible. we must throw a sheltering screen of social environment around the young individual which will fend off wrong forms of incitement and chances for harmful expression, and we must provide proper stimuli and afford opportunity for development of proper modes of expression. we must not forget that a normal instinct denied a legitimate outlet will not infrequently find an illegitimate one. above all we must not forget the vital importance of establishing correct habits nor the possibility of even replacing undesirable ones by good ones. if training can redirect the machine-like behavior of as lowly a creature as the starfish into new courses, why should we be so willing as some of our genetists would seem to be to throw up our hands and admit failure in the case of man before we have even made a rational attempt to correct the evils in question? even in lowly organisms we have seen that behavior is not only the result of an innate constitution but also of the degree and kind of stimulations to which it has been subjected. if the individual himself has not the initiative or will to make the attempt to set up proper or corrective habits, or to cultivate the necessary specific inhibitors, then all the more is it our duty to see that he is led by suggestion and drill into the proper routine of activities for their establishment. for if the individual with propensities toward moral obliquity is to be saved to society it must be through the stereotyping effects of good habits. =moral responsibility.--=beyond question different men have different degrees of capacity for mental and moral training. all can not be held equally responsible ethically, but the lowermost limit of obligatory response to social and ethical demands necessary to rank one as within the pale of normal conduct is at such a level that any one not an actual defective can in a reasonably wholesome environment surmount it. all normal men are responsible for their conduct. chapter viii mental and nervous defects some of the most important and serious problems which confront humanity to-day lie in the realm of mental and neural maladjustments. for human progress and social welfare are in last analysis based fundamentally on the results of normal reactions of human nervous systems. any serious derangement of the latter may, and in certain cases must, lead to more or less disaster for the individual and disorder for society of which he is a unit. so appalling has the number of neuropathic subjects become in modern times that the matter may well cause even the most thoughtless citizen to pause and consider. =prevalence of insanity.--=as to the prevalence of insanity, one learns from recent charts prepared by a member of the national committee for mental hygiene that in we had more insane ( , ) in our institutions than there were students ( , ) in all our colleges and universities in the united states, or officers and enlisted men ( , ) in our combined united states army, navy and marine corps; further, the yearly cost ($ , , ) of caring for these insane is greater than the annual cost of construction ($ , , ) on such a stupendous undertaking as the panama canal. in new york over twenty per cent. of the revenues of the state go to support the insane. doctor lewellys f. barker, president of the national committee for mental hygiene, says: "it is calculated that some , people in the united states are insane. one of every five men discharged from the united states army for disability is discharged because of insanity, per cent. of the cases being _dementia precox_." even in individual states with exceptionally large university populations we still find these outnumbered by those of the insane. thus in wisconsin by the state university had attained a population of about , students resident at the university during the regular school year, and of approximately , attending during some part of the year, but the number of insane under restraint in public institutions in the state june , , was , , with an additional , on parole. this does not include the insane in various private sanatoria, and moreover a considerable greater number of patients had been treated in these public institutions than were resident there june twentieth. to make such comparisons complete one should, of course, know the average length of residence of students in college, and of insane patients in institutions. no accurate data on this point are at hand. the average period of residence in hospitals for the acutely insane is doubtless considerably shorter than the average period of attendance of students in college, while on the other hand the average period of residence of inmates in asylums for chronic insane is probably considerably longer. for example, the wisconsin state hospital for the insane reports a total of , patients under treatment, but an average population at any one time of only during the year , and the northern hospital for the insane, a total of , , with a daily average of during the same period. the combined thirty-four county asylums in wisconsin, for chronic insane, had a total population of , during the year , with a loss of , or approximately per cent. during the figures for these same institutions run , and respectively, or a loss of over . per cent. the conditions in other states are probably much the same. in other representative states we find the number of insane in public institutions as follows: california, , ; michigan, , ; minnesota, , ; pennsylvania, , . epileptics are estimated by alienists to be about equal in number to the insane, feeble-minded to be more numerous. the estimate that in the united states there are , feeble-minded is probably a minimal figure. =imperfect adjustments of the brain mechanism often inheritable.--=the outside layer or "cortex" of the brain is the region in which the more complicated adjustments occur, especially such as pertain to human behavior, and inasmuch as this portion of the brain is extremely complex and delicate in its mechanism, it is peculiarly liable to derangements which, even when slight, may have far-reaching effects. this brain-mechanism is as much a product of ancestry as is any other structure of the body, and it is obvious therefore that imperfect adjustments of its structure must be as subject to the laws of inheritance as are other malformations of the body. and just as with other defects, mental disorders may thus flow from pre-existing ancestral maladjustment of the nervous system or from immediate causes thrust upon it, such as syphilis, alcoholism, degeneration of the blood vessels and traumata. or, in other words, the mechanism of mentality may be faulty from the beginning, or it may be made faulty by bad environmental conditions. the records of the inheritance of insanity, imbecility, feeble-mindedness and other forms of nervous and mental defects are truly startling. active researches in this field have been in progress now for several years, and as each new set of investigations comes in the tale is always the same. it is questionable if there is a single genuine case on record where a normal child has been born from a union of two imbeciles. yet the universal tendency is for defective to mate with defective. davenport gives a list of examples, beginning with such a one as this: "a feeble-minded man of thirty-eight has a delicate wife who in twenty years has borne him nineteen defective children." little wonder, in the light of such facts as these, that the number of degenerates is rapidly increasing in what are called civilized countries. =many mental defectives married.--=but, it may be urged, these are exceptional cases, there is surely no considerable number of mental defectives who are married. let us look at the available facts. in great britain in , of , known feeble-minded, imbeciles and idiots, , were married, and in the same year, of , lunatics, , were married; that is, a sum-total of , mentally defective individuals were legally multiplying, or had had the opportunity to multiply their kind, to say nothing of the unmarried who were known to have produced children. in the state of wisconsin i note from the tenth biennial report of the board of control that of patients admitted to the northern hospital for the insane during the year from july , , to june , , were married and others were known to have been married; this is a total of out of , considerably over half. at the wisconsin state hospital for the insane we find the conditions are no better, for out of admitted in the year - , were married and others had at some time been married, or a total of out of . there is every reason to believe that conditions are approximately similar in other states. =disproportionate increase in the number of mental defectives.--=writing of conditions in england the commissioners in lunacy state in their fifty-fourth report that now ( ) there is one officially known lunatic to . individuals of population, whereas in there was only one to individuals of population. in great britain, taking into account mental defectives of all kinds, the census showed a total of , , or : of total population. rentoul estimates that : would be nearer the truth because of the fact that the number of officially known mental defectives is much less than the actual number. the conditions in ireland are even more impressive, for in there was one known lunatic to individuals of population; in , one to , and in one to . when all allowance is made in these statistics for the greater accuracy of recent enumeration, and for other modifying influences, such as migration, we are still forced to believe that an alarming increase in insanity is in progress and that society is woefully derelict in permitting the marriage of such unfortunates. a census of the insane under public care in wisconsin june , , not counting the paroled, shows , , or one to each of population, since the population of the state was then , , . if, however, we should add the number of insane in private sanatoria and the number unconfined the proportion of normal individuals would be very much reduced. in the united states as a whole, while i know of no data giving the number of married insane, it is estimated that at least one-fourth of the insane are not in asylums or hospitals. in all states the number of insane in state institutions (there are no available records of most private institutions) is rapidly increasing. according to the special census of covering a period of fourteen years, during which the general population increased thirty per cent., the number of insane in institutions increased one hundred per cent. this is due doubtless in part to the fact that because of better facilities for keeping them a proportionately greater number of insane are being sent to state hospitals than in former years. moreover, improved sanitation has cut down the death-rate in asylums. the increase is in such vastly greater proportion than the increase in general population, however, that it seems impossible to attribute it wholly to the greater accuracy of recent enumerations and the increasing custom of confining the insane in asylums. this is a matter that demands our gravest attention and one that should be investigated with the greatest thoroughness. one of the most disquieting facts in the situation in most states is that many patients--an average of approximately one thousand a year, in wisconsin for example--are on parole subject to recall. this means that although it is recognized that these patients are likely to have to be returned to the asylum or hospital, little or no restraint in the meantime is placed on their marital relations.[ ] =protests voiced by alienists.--=is it any wonder under the circumstances that we find doctor charles gorst, superintendent at the mendota hospital, voicing in his report the following vigorous protest--and certainly such men as he are in the best position to know. he says: "no one doubts for a moment that defective mental conditions are transmitted from parent to child as surely as the physical defects and deformities. every one knows that it is common for defectives to be attracted to each other and marry, and that the defects of both parents are liable to be transmitted to the children. it is also true that there are more children born in such families; and for that reason the percentage of defectives is continually on the increase. the report of the state of illinois shows the increase to be alarming, and many other states are no better. it is absolutely wicked that the persons suffering from periodical insanity should be allowed to return to their homes to propagate and scatter their children about the state as dependents." =examples of hereditary feeble-mindedness.--=no one can look at the remarkable series of charts and records brought together by doctor goddard of the institution at vineland, new jersey, and by other directors of similar institutions, and doubt for an instant the inheritability of feeble-mindedness and allied defects. in some instances the family history has been followed back as far as five generations, and it is always the same dire sequence of insanity, idiocy, epilepsy or feeble-mindedness, from generation to generation. for example, fig. , p. , is one of doctor goddard's charts. it shows thirteen descendants of a supposedly normal father (possibly a carrier) and a feeble-minded mother, of whom seven were feeble-minded, the others dying in infancy. the mother herself was one of seven feeble-minded children, who were in turn the descendants of feeble-minded parents, of whom the woman had five feeble-minded brothers and sisters. in fig. , p. , he shows mental defects running through four generations. fig. , p. , is a remarkable exhibit which, starting in the fifth generation back with a feeble-minded, alcoholic man--the mental condition of his wife being unknown--shows that in every generation down to and including the present there has been nothing but feeble-minded (or worse) offspring, leaving out of account two unknown and a number who died in infancy without revealing their mental condition. this is true notwithstanding the fact that in the course of the various generations there had been several matings with apparently normal individuals. the new blood, however, instead of redeeming the tainted stock, itself became vitiated. the numerous specific cases of inheritance of family traits reviewed in recent books or in special reports of trained workers give us abundant confirmatory evidence of the inevitable inheritance of various nervous and mental defects. [illustration: fig. inheritance of feeble-mindedness (after goddard): squares represent males, circles females; f, feeble-minded; n, normal; e, epileptic; i, insane; c, criminal; t, tuberculous; d. inf., died in infancy; the hand shows the individual from whom the record was traced back; small black circle indicates miscarriage.] =difficult to secure accurate data.--=it is obvious, of course, that in tabulations such as these there may lurk considerable margins of error. notwithstanding our binet-simon and other tests for feeble-mindedness, for example, there is yet much to be desired in the way of accuracy. many cases just bordering normality are by no means easy to decide. then again in most human records, when one gets back beyond the third or, at most, the fourth generation, the investigator has to depend on the hearsay evidence of relatives, friends or neighbors, and how vague this generally is can only be appreciated by those who have themselves tried to collect such data. but in spite of all the difficulties, there is little doubt that the more carefully prepared records are sufficiently accurate to establish the fact beyond dispute that defective tends in large measure to breed defective. [illustration: fig. inheritance of feeble-mindedness (after goddard); symbols same as in fig. , p. .] one serious drawback in making a study of the inheritability of insanity and other nervous disorders is that so far we have dealt mainly with mass effects rather than specific neuroses. but even when the latter is attempted we are confronted by the fact that there are various intergradations of the recognized types of defect, that because of varying degrees of defect in the same type a standard is hard to establish, and above all that what appears as a specific mental malady in one individual may crop out in his descendants in an entirely different guise. moreover, not only the predisposition of the individual, but age and precipitative cause enter as factors in determining the ultimate symptoms. [illustration: fig. inheritance of feeble-mindedness (after goddard); symbols same as in fig. , p. .] =feeble-mindedness and insanity not the same.--=authorities make a sharp distinction between insanities on the one hand and feeble-mindedness on the other. according to goddard, not only is there no close relationship between the two conditions, but in reality they stand at opposite ends of the psychical scale. in general, insanity is a degenerative process, whereas feeble-mindedness is an arrest of development. in the first case the victim loses part of the mentality he once had, in the second he stops short of normal development. =many types of insanity.--=the commonest manifestations of insanity are undue depression, apathy, excitement, instability, obsessions, hallucinations and delusions. some mental disorders are associated with recognizable structural changes in the nervous system, but the structural basis of many is not known. in general there is more doubt about the inheritability of some of the insanities than about cases of mental deficiency. the term insanity is merely a loose descriptive one, and we shall gain little definite knowledge about the inheritance of such maladies until we study each separate insane diathesis specifically. psychiatrists recognize many different forms of insanity, some of them very distinct from others and the product of unrelated underlying causes. often it is only a question of degree or sometimes a matter of chance as to whether a given individual is certified as insane or not. a neuropathic person who manifests certain anti-social activities is sure to be classed as insane, whereas another individual with the same diathesis in a less degree might pass unrecognized. it is almost impossible in some instances to tell just where the border-line between a neuropathic and a normal constitution lies. many of the idiosyncrasies of the insane, indeed, are merely exaggerations of characteristics seen in normal people. recent studies of the psychology of the insane show that most of their hallucinations and delusions are closely related to some previous mental experience they had before becoming insane. and it has been found that the surest means toward removing the obsessions of the patient in curable cases is to ferret out these earlier experiences and correct the wrong impressions regarding them. again, certain forms of insanity do not become manifest except as special reactions to particular environmental conditions, and if these conditions do not happen to occur, then the neuropathic constitution though existing would not be revealed. certain critical periods of life such as puberty, pregnancy and the close of sexual life are particularly likely to test out the mentally unstable, although such individuals may have maintained normal mental balance up to the crisis in question. =not all insanities of the same eugenical significance.--=of the various kinds of insanity some seem to be of much greater eugenical significance than others, not only because they are strongly heritable, but also because of the periodicity of the attacks. the patient may be repeatedly in and out of the asylum and in his sane intervals wholly unrestrained as far as propagating his kind is concerned. _manic depressive_ psychoses and _dementia precox_ in the order named represented the largest number of admissions to the wisconsin state hospital for the insane in and , and both of these very frequently have a hereditary basis. fig. , a chart showing the insanity in a local family as worked out by one of my pupils, is a good example of a recurrent type. the father (fig. , p. ) was about eighty-two years old when the record was made. his memory was poor and he could not talk connectedly, although this was possibly attributable to old age rather than to insanity. his brother, written to in ireland, stated that to his knowledge there had never been insanity in his side of the family. the mother ( ) was insane at nine, again at twenty-nine and again at thirty-six. in her later life she has been in the mendota hospital for the insane five times and in the county asylum twice. the eldest daughter ( ) has been in the state asylum five times and is now at home. the next daughter ( ) spent five months in the asylum in . another daughter ( ) likewise spent a short period in the asylum. two sons ( , ) have each spent two periods in the asylum, and a third son ( ) has had an attack of insanity. the youngest child died at the age of three. thus of the eight adult children six have been insane at some time. the cases in this family seem all to be instances of manic-depressive insanity. [illustration: fig. inheritance of insanity in the l---- family. see text for description.] =a neuropathic constitution may express itself differently under different conditions.--=some of the difficulties of getting genealogies of specific forms of insanity are obvious from the following quotations chosen from the works of eminent psychiatrists. kraepelin, for instance, expresses the opinion that: "the psychopathic charge of a family may reveal itself not only by the appearance of mental disorders but also by other forms of manifestation. here belong before all, those diverse slighter deviations from mental health which go to make up the borderland of insanity: nervousness, states of anxiety and compulsion, constitutional depressions, slight hysterical disorders and forms of feeble-mindedness, tics; also odd characters, peculiarities in mode of living, criminal tendencies, lack of self-control, intemperance, love of adventure, mendacity, suicide on an inner basis." from the volume of church and peterson on _nervous and mental diseases_ a further confirmatory opinion may be cited: "in determining the factor of heredity we must not be content with ascertaining the existence of psychoses in the ascendants, but must seek, by careful interrogation of various members of the family, for some of the hereditary equivalents, such as epilepsy, chorea, hysteria, neurasthenia, somnambulism, migraine, organic diseases of the central nervous system, criminal tendencies, eccentricities of character, drunkenness, etc., for these equivalents are interchangeable from one generation to another, and are simply evidence of instability of the nervous system. it is the unstable nervous organization that is inherited, not a particular neurosis or psychosis, and it must be our aim in the investigation of the progenitors to discover the evidence of this." =certain forms of insanity, but not all, seem to behave as mendelian recessives.--=a number of psychiatrists and investigators of the inheritance of insanities (rudin, lunborg, davenport, rosanoff, jolly), although working independently and in different countries, concur in the opinion that manic-depressive insanity, dementia precox and allied psychopathic conditions tend to occur after the manner of a mendelian recessive. on the other hand such maladies as huntington's chorea are transmitted as a dominant and in all probability at least half of the children of an afflicted individual will inherit and manifest the defect. as to inheritance of various other psychoses we have too few accurately charted pedigrees for most types to make very positive statements about their degree or manner of inheritance. little can be said beyond the statement that there is a decided tendency for various forms to recur in offspring. where more than one case of insanity occurs in a given family or stock it is strong presumptive evidence that a hereditary defect is at the bottom of it. as doctor wilmarth says, "mental accident may occur in any family, but it is rarely a second case occurs unless there is a tendency to nerve degeneracy." for example, of insane at the wisconsin state hospital for the insane during the biennium - , , or practically one-fourth were positively known to have insane relatives. of these, had insane fathers, insane mothers, insane brothers, insane sisters, insane uncles, insane aunts, and insane cousins. where definite information could be obtained it was found that of the , admissions of insane patients to the new york state hospitals during the year ending september , , . per cent. of the cases showed a history of insanity in the family and an additional . per cent. showed a history of alcoholism, nervous diseases and the like. =grades of feeble-mindedness.--=as to the various grades of feeble-mindedness, while no sharp lines of demarcation can be drawn, a rough and ready test usually applied is the relative ability of such subnormal individuals to take care of themselves. in all, the conditions exist from birth or shortly after. _idiots_ are such defective individuals as are unable to take care of themselves even to the matter of guarding against common physical dangers. their mentality does not progress beyond that of a two-year-old child. _imbeciles_ can take care of themselves in the cruder physical ways, but are unable to earn their living. their mental age ranges from three to seven years inclusive. _morons_, or the "feeble-minded" in a more specific usage of the term, can under proper direction become more or less self-supporting but they are as a rule incapable of undertaking affairs which demand judgment or involve unrestricted competition with normal individuals. their intelligence ranges with that of normal children from seven to twelve years of age. the last class grades up insensibly into the shiftless, ne'er-do-well types which exist in every community. it is the hordes of the feeble-minded in the restricted sense that afford our most serious problems to-day. the idiot and the imbecile are usually early and easily recognized and are kept more or less under restraint, but the higher grades of feeble-minded, the so-called moron type, can be detected often only by carefully devised tests. =about two-thirds of the feeble-minded have inherited their condition.--=concerning the various types of feeble-mindedness there is strong evidence that heredity is a factor of greater magnitude than in most insanities. all facts point to the conclusion that most mental deficiency is strongly inheritable and that the majority of our defectives of this type come from degenerate stocks. practically all specialists at the heads of asylums and homes for the mentally deficient concur in the opinion that about two-thirds of the cases are hereditary. for example, doctor alfred wilmarth, superintendent of the wisconsin home for feeble-minded, says: "my own observations, and those of others in this country and europe, would indicate that at least two-thirds of the feeble-minded have defective relatives." in his study of two thousand children tested by the binet measuring scale for intelligence, doctor henry h. goddard, director of the department of research at the training school for feeble-minded at vineland, n. j., remarks concerning heredity of feeble-mindedness: "but we now know that sixty-five per cent. of these children have inherited the condition, and that if they grow up and marry they will transmit the same condition to their offspring. indeed, we know that this class of people is increasing at an enormous rate in every community and unless we do something to stop this great stream of bad protoplasm we shall some day be swamped in a sea of degeneracy." e. r. johnstone, superintendent of the training school at vineland, n. j., in a recent bulletin remarks concerning feeble-minded and epileptics, "we are now convinced that from sixty to eighty per cent. of the cases are hereditary." again, we find doctor a. c. rogers, superintendent of a school for feeble-minded in minnesota, saying, "we have no survey of mentality in this country except in very small areas, but probably about sixty-five per cent. of the feeble-minded children that we know of are feeble-minded from heredity; that is, they come from families in which there is much feeble-mindedness, usually associated with various neuroses or psychosis. there are about thirty-five per cent. approximately that are acquired cases. these cases develop from various things. full development may be prevented during gestation, or early childhood, or early adolescence, but these acquired cases are entirely distinct from the hereditary ones." in a recent paper doctor martin w. barr, chief physician for the pennsylvania training school for feeble-minded children, says: "in my individual study of , cases of imbecility, i find , , or . per cent., caused by malign heredities; and of these , , or . per cent., are due to direct inheritance of idiocy; and , or . per cent., to insanity." from these figures it will be seen that doctors barr, goddard, wilmarth, johnstone and rogers all agree in their estimates; namely, that two-thirds of our imbeciles are so through inheritance. =some results of non-restraint of the feeble-minded.--=the following excerpt from a paper by doctor barr, is a fair sample of what happens when such defective individuals are not restrained from propagating their kind: "my own study and observation alone, of over , degenerates, shows such examples as: a man years of age, the father of defective children, all living, he and his wife both under par mentally; as was another couple, with imbecile children; an idiot woman with idiot children. a forcible instance is that of a man with two daughters and one illegitimate grandchild, all feeble-minded.... i could name a family, one of the proudest in the land, where there are five children, an aunt and two uncles, all feeble-minded. "yet another, which in seven generations numbering some individuals, records still-born children (premature births), insane, imbeciles, epileptics and with mental peculiarities so pronounced as to occasion remark. of the there remain apparently normal, who are nevertheless hopeless slaves of a neurotic heredity, direct or collateral. "in a study of imbecile girls, were recognized prostitutes, had each illegitimate child ( being the result of incestuous intercourse with brothers); had ; epileptics had, the one , and the other idiot children. "four feeble-minded women had illegitimate children. "a feeble-minded woman living in an almshouse since early childhood, allowed to go out to service periodically, had given birth to six illegitimate children, all inheriting her defect. "an imbecile drunkard is the father of three feeble-minded children. the daughter, seduced before the age of sixteen, gave birth to an idiot child; one son is a harmless imbecile, but the other is a moral imbecile, a sexual pervert, a thief on the streets, and a pyromaniac, firing in sheer wantonness a large mill property. "another shows the entire family for three generations below normal. father, mother, mother's sister, and father's uncle, all imbecile. five children feeble-minded. one girl had a proposal of marriage, and one boy is married to a feeble-minded girl. "one insane woman, whose brother and sister committed suicide, had five sons. the oldest, feeble-minded, a drunkard and hobo, had one son, a criminal. the second son, insane, had three imbecile children. the third, an insane epileptic, had three imbecile sons, one of whom was an epileptic. the fourth son was insane. the fifth, apparently normal, had a morally imbecile son and an epileptic daughter." yet striking as is the inheritance of these maladies, doctor barr points out that of the , known cases of feeble-mindedness in pennsylvania, only , are sequestrated. this leaves a balance in that state of , totally irresponsible individuals to work havoc in society by producing their kind. =inheritance not a factor in some cases of mental deficiency.--=on the other hand as our data show, there remain about one-third of the mentally deficient type to be accounted for on other than a basis of heredity. as already noted, some of these are doubtless the product of suppressions of normal development by various extraneous factors operating before or shortly after birth. there is one class particularly, estimated by some authorities as constituting as high as thirty per cent. of the feeble-minded which is unusually puzzling. these are the so-called mongolians. the name is given because the features of such individuals bear more or less resemblance to those of some of the mongolian races. the defect does not seem to be hereditary although it is usually congenital. it appears to be due to something which interferes with prenatal development. whatever the conditions, whether lack of nutrition in the mother, alcoholic or other poisoning, the cases seem to be as hopelessly incurable as are the hereditary forms. from the social standpoint, of course, such individuals are in their immediate generation, as incompetent or as dangerous to society as those suffering from the more surely known hereditary forms of mental defect. =epileptics.--=although epileptics are not classed as imbeciles ordinarily, as a matter of fact no sharp distinction can be drawn between the two classes. doctor wilmarth says, "epilepsy and mental deficiency are as closely related as branches on the same tree.... over one-half and perhaps two-thirds of all feeble-minded are subject to convulsive seizures at some period of their lives, and we are never surprised at the appearance of epilepsy in any feeble-minded person. on the other hand, so small a percentage of epileptics maintain normal mental actions as hardly to be worth consideration ... even those who retain a normal mind in the early stages of the diseases almost infallibly become imperfect later." how slight a chance the epileptic has of ever becoming normal may be inferred from a statement made by doctor frank billings in a paper read before the illinois state medical society in to the effect that "ten per cent. or more can be cured by proper care." according to the estimates of "the committee of fifty" in the state of illinois, who have been agitating for the establishment of a colony for epileptics, there are , of these unfortunates in that state. the consensus of opinion of experienced workers in various states is that there is about one epileptic to each three hundred fifty to five hundred inhabitants. =in heredity conditions of feeble-mindedness are probably recessive to normal condition.--=as to the mode of inheritance of the various forms of feeble-mindedness, the evidence points to such defects in the main as being recessive. however, no particular grade can be picked out and shown to be a pure recessive. for instance, the children of two epileptics will be defective but it is impossible to predict always whether the defect will appear as epilepsy or feeble-mindedness. this is doubtless due to the fact that mental deficiencies even of the inheritable type are not all due to the same specific cause, and in many cases the individual is defective in more than one direction. if one or more of a great number of units which are necessary for complete mental development are lacking, obviously mental deficiency will result. in other words, feeble-mindedness and allied disorders may not be definite characters, but simply evidences of the fact that the nervous system has not developed all factors necessary for normal mental coordination. goddard, however, one of our best authorities on the heredity of feeble-mindedness, is inclined to regard the condition as a unit character, "due either to the presence of something which acts as an inhibitor, or due to the absence of some stimulus which sends the normal brain on to further development." supposing nervous defects finding expression in feeble-mindedness, epilepsy and related conditions, to act as a mendelian recessive, then the marriage of one such defective with another should yield only mentally enfeebled offspring. how nearly this expectation may be realized is seen from the following examples. in an extensive study[ ] of feeble-mindedness, just from the press, doctor henry h. goddard points out that of children with both parents feeble-minded all but six were feeble-minded. even the exceptions may be apparent rather than real as there is possibility of mistake in judging the condition of the parents or of the children themselves. moreover, with the feeble-minded one is not always sure of the paternity of a child, as is instanced by doctor goddard in a case quoted from doctor emerick in which of twelve children in a white family with both father and mother feeble-minded ten were feeble-minded and two were not, but these two were _mulatto_ children. in a paper by weeks (_the inheritance of epilepsy_), in part an extension of an earlier joint paper by davenport and weeks, is recorded among others a study of twenty-seven fraternities in which both parents were either epileptic or feeble-minded. of the progeny, lived long enough to reveal their mental state. of these were feeble-minded, epileptic and , from parents who developed epilepsy late in life, were what doctor weeks terms "tainted." in fraternities in which one parent was epileptic and the other feeble-minded he found there had been conceptions. of these were too young to classify and had died before fourteen years of age. of the remaining , were epileptic, feeble-minded, and insane. again, in families in which the parents were both feeble-minded, of the surviving offspring who were old enough to classify, were epileptic, feeble-minded, and drunkards. in families where one parent was insane and the other epileptic or feeble-minded, children died before the age of fourteen, the condition of was unknown, were epileptic, feeble-minded, insane, tainted, and seemingly normal. regarding the latter doctor weeks says they came from two families where in one case the father's insanity seemed to be traumatic and in the other alcoholic. in a few cases where the defect in one parent has apparently been of a type different from the defect of the other parent a "normal" child was produced. that is, presumably each parent carried normality in the trait defective in the other so that the child became simplex with reference to each defect. davenport points out that not infrequently two deaf-mutes whose defects are due to different causes may have normal children. in general, however, the reasonable expectation is that where two feeble-minded individuals marry, a very common occurrence, the children will all show mental deficiency. a mating between a feeble-minded person and one of perfectly normal stock will apparently result in normal children although they will be carriers. there is some evidence, however, that such carriers may occasionally show "taints" of abnormality in the form of migraine (nervous sick headache), alcoholism, queerness, violent temper, etc. thus according to the studies of doctor weeks, "in matings where at least one parent is migrainous, there were conceptions, of which number enough is known of to classify , or per cent., as epileptic; , or per cent., as feeble-minded, with the others tainted or normal. in the matings where at least one parent is alcoholic, there were conceptions. of the classified, , or per cent., were epileptic; , or per cent., feeble-minded, with the balance tainted or normal." marriage between two carriers will cause the defect to reappear in active form in approximately per cent. of the offspring and per cent. will continue to be carriers. =many apparently normal people really carriers of neuropathic defects.--=there is considerable evidence that many apparently normal individuals of our average population are in reality carriers of some form of neuropathic defect, some authorities placing the proportion provisionally at over thirty per cent. this being true, then it is easy to explain the apparently unaccountable appearance of epilepsy, feeble-mindedness, or similar defects among the children of what pass for normal stocks. the probabilities are that in many cases it means simply that the parents of the defective children have been carriers. as to the contention that in preventing the propagation of the feeble-minded we may be depriving the world of geniuses, doctor goddard remarks: "it is a significant fact that in our three hundred family histories totaling , individuals not a single genius has been found. not only are there no geniuses but the fact can not be too strongly emphasized that even the people who are considered normal ... are not as a rule people of average intelligence...." however, between insanity and genius he finds more kindred spirit. =tests for mental deficiency.--=as to tests for mental deficiency, the one commonly meted out to victims in the every-day world is the social-economic one of survival in the competitions of life. the mentally deficient fail. although often unrecognized as feeble-minded they drift through life social and economical derelicts who have to be supported by the community. of laboratory tests many have been devised. while all yet leave much to be desired, still through their application the majority of mental defectives can be detected. fairly accurate standards of normality have been established from which the relative degree of "backwardness" can be determined. we have just awakened to the importance of detecting defectives early in life, hence many of our tests have been planned with reference to children. they are based not so much on training or conscious learning as on fundamental processes which develop at certain ages in children. another impetus toward securing adequate criteria of mental deficiency has been the crying need of having some easily applied standard for detecting the very large numbers of defective immigrants who are continually seeking to enter the united states. most of the methods consist of "performance" tests which are planned to test the powers of perception, concentration, application, ingenuity and education of the subject. previous environment, education and the difficulties under which the subject may be laboring at the time of the test must, of course, be taken into account. it is particularly difficult to get adequate tests for the immigrant which will enable one to distinguish between ignorance, stupidity, fear and temporary psychic depression on the one hand, and congenital mental deficiency on the other. perhaps the most successful single set of tests for mental deficiency is that known as the binet-simon scale. from an examination of large numbers of french school children binet constructed a scale of tests of increasing complexity accurately graded to age and previous training of the average normal child. in the binet-simon system tests are given for each age from three years to thirteen. when a child successfully passes the tests for his age he is classed as normal. if he succeeds only in tests which normally are those given for a child a year younger then he is backward to the extent of one year. similarly he may show by these graded tests that he is backward to the extent of two years, three years and so on. if a child is more than three years backward according to the test he is regarded as mentally defective. various corrections and adjustments of the original scale have been worked out to allow for unevenness in mental development. on the whole the scheme works out satisfactorily when applied by one skilled in its use. the attitude of the examiner, however, is of so great importance that the tests are of less value in the hand of inexperienced workers. a revision of the scale to adapt it better to american children has recently been made by doctor goddard.[ ] besides the binet-simon tests various performance tests, standardized for children of different ages, such as seguin's form board, healy's pictorial completion test, fernald's construction puzzle, the rossolimo test, de sanctis test, etc., are used by different investigators. questions designed to reveal moral tone are also employed. doctor howard a. knox, assistant surgeon united states public health service, in a recent article[ ] gives an interesting account of the tests applied to determine the exact mentality of immigrants entering the united states together with a brief review of various tests. a full account and discussion of the various tests for the mentally subnormal will be found in a recent publication by doctor william healy,[ ] director of the juvenile psychopathic institute, chicago. =the backward child in school.--=it is only in recent times that we have come to realize the seriousness of the problem which the backward child presents in our schools. it is of the utmost importance to discover early in school life which of the backward children owe their condition to adenoids, defective sight or hearing, poor nutrition, imperfect circulation, or other remediable defects, and which are the victims of innate mental deficiency. the treatment of the individual must be very different in the two cases. in the one the condition can be cured by proper manipulations or other treatments; in the other it can only be ameliorated. all school children who are two or three years below grade should be rigidly inspected by the medical examiner. from a study of about two thousand children comprising the first five grades of an entire public school system goddard found that eighteen per cent. were definitely "backward." of these between two and three per cent. were actually feeble-minded, the condition in the remaining fifteen per cent. being presumably capable of correction. other similar surveys have given practically the same results. =the exceptionally able child likely to be neglected.--=however, while we must not forget that it is important to recognize backward children and to see that they are segregated into small groups which are not required to do the full amount of work in regular time, it is equally urgent to see that the unusually bright individual is also given opportunity to advance more rapidly than the rank and file. only too often the holding back of a child in school leads to lack of interest and habits of mental laziness, and sometimes to truancy and incorrigibility. the general attempt in our graded schools to keep all children close to the average is to be strongly condemned. =cost of caring for our mentally disordered.--=doctor charles l. dana, member of the national committee for mental hygiene, estimated in that the actual cost of caring for feeble-minded and insane in the united states amounted to sixty million dollars, to which should be added the corresponding loss in industrial activity on the part of the afflicted,--at least twenty million dollars more, and he figures that the amount was increasing at the rate of four per cent. per annum. many investigators concur in the opinion that our insane and feeble-minded alone cost us far above one hundred million dollars. adding to this economic burden the cost of our delinquents and criminals the total expense becomes stupendous. and when we consider still further the even greater burden of suffering of the unfortunates themselves and the sorrows of those to whom they are dear, a burden not measurable in money, the feeling that something must be done to relieve the situation becomes overpowering. =importance of rigid segregation of feeble-minded.--=as regards the really feeble-minded little can be done beyond making them as happy as possible and developing the limited gifts they have been given by nature. their teaching must be in the main concrete and simple. at the age of puberty it is imperative to see that the sexes are separated and kept under sufficient permanent supervision to prevent all possibility of procreation. there is neither economic nor common sense in even allowing the remotest chance of such occurrences as the following: "this is the case of a feeble-minded and epileptic woman who had six children by various persons while an inmate of a county poor house. one child at the age of eighteen died in the almshouse, two died in infancy, one was epileptic (the son of a man with a criminal record) and two who are now living in the almshouse are feeble-minded, one being the son of a negro." again, we find a superintendent of an english almshouse reporting that one hundred and two out of one hundred and five children born there in five years were feeble-minded. as conditions are to-day every institution for the feeble-minded has a long waiting list and the same is true of most asylums for the insane. instead of providing the prolonged care necessary for such patients, institutions are forced to discharge many prematurely in order to make room for more urgent cases. =importance of early diagnosis of insanity.--=in insanities, even when of hereditary origin, there is much hope in certain cases of greatly benefiting the individual, though a permanent cure, or at least the establishment of procreative fitness may be impossible. it is extremely important that the public realize how much can be done through early examination and advice in such mental afflictions. most of the insane who recover usually do so within a few months of their first alienation, hence the importance of losing no time in detecting the condition and securing early treatment. it is now well known that many cases of chronic insanity may be measurably improved under the care of a psychiatrist by systematic re-education, especially in industrial lines. but how little of this may be expected at the hands of the untrained custodians who "feed" the inmates of our county almshouses, to which in many states the chronic insane are entrusted, is obvious. =all insane should be passed upon by competent psychiatrists.--=the atrocious system of turning the chronic insane over to county poorhouses manned by supervisors whose chief qualification for the position has not infrequently been the lowness of their bid for boarding and caring for the inmates, can not be too strongly condemned. incredible as it may seem, in some states the court can on its own judgment send patients directly to these institutions without first submitting them to the study of expert physicians in the state hospital for the insane. the viciousness of such procedure is evident when one realizes that often careful scrutiny on the part of the very best experts, extending over a considerable period of time, is required before the true condition of the patient can be determined. recently a psychiatrist of high standing, who was gathering data on county asylums for a national organization, informed the writer that beyond the shadow of a doubt he had come across case after case in county asylums which would have been curable under proper treatment. here again the responsibility in last analysis must rest upon us as citizens, for it is largely through our intelligent demands as voters that conditions will be improved and competent experts be put in charge of county asylums as well as of the state hospitals for the acutely insane. =some insanities not of hereditary origin.--=some alienists believe that self-poisoning known as _auto-intoxication_, due to improper elimination of poisons generated through faulty digestion or metabolism, if of long standing, may be not only a contributory but a more or less direct cause of insanity. about twenty per cent. of insanities of men living in cities and about fifteen per cent. of those living in the country seem to be directly related to the intemperate use of alcohol. the corresponding figures for women are seven per cent. and one per cent. respectively. general paresis or softening of the brain is probably invariably preceded by syphilis. about twenty-two and five-tenths per cent. of the first admissions to hospitals for the insane from city-dwelling men, and eight per cent. from men living in the country in the state of new york are cases of this kind of insanity. the corresponding figures for women are five and five-tenths per cent. and two and five-tenths per cent. respectively. =importance of heredity in insanity not appreciated.--=we have already seen that heredity plays an important part in insanities. there can be little doubt that the tendency is to under-estimate rather than over-estimate its importance. many cases said to be "caused" by mental strain such as those occasioned by domestic infelicities, business reverses and the like should in all probability be fundamentally attributed to something far more deep-seated than the more obvious cause. in many such instances there is little doubt that an inherent weakness in mental make-up exists which predisposes the individual toward mental breakdown. this is more apparent when one recalls that there are thousands of other individuals who undergo equally great or greater calamities without loss of mental balance. there are well-recognized types of mental disposition which later contribute to corresponding forms of insanity. in many instances the final catastrophe may be averted if the "peculiar" individual can be kept in good health and guided into right habits of thought. undoubtedly certain infectious diseases, arterio sclerosis, various poisons in the blood, child-birth, and similar influences often enter as important contributory factors. in all cases of cure, however, we must face the fact that under existing conditions these mentally restored individuals are released into society without let or hindrance as regards their marital relations. chapter ix crime and delinquency =the relative importance of heredity and environment in this field uncertain.--=the whole question of crime and delinquency is a highly complex one. here, perhaps, more than in any other phase of race betterment we find the greatest difficulty in separating the effects of hereditary predisposition from the results of unfavorable environment. while there is no longer a reasonable doubt about such nervous disorders as epilepsy, feeble-mindedness and certain forms of insanity being rooted largely in ancestral taints, the degree to which crime or delinquency is based on heredity is far more questionable. every student of genetics knows that we may have dwarf plants because the constitution of the germ is of a nature to produce only such individuals, or we may have dwarfed plants because of adverse conditions of soil and lack of an opportunity to climb or rise to their full capacity. bateson pertinently remarks, "the stick will not make the dwarf pea climb, though without it the tall can never rise. education, sanitation, and the rest are but the giving or withholding of opportunity." the important sociological question for us to determine is which of these lowly peas of the human family are really dwarfs and which are dwarfed simply because the stick of opportunity on which to climb is lacking. beyond doubt a considerable portion of crime and degeneracy is due in large measure to innate inclination, but with just as little doubt much is the effect mainly of vicious habits acquired through an unwholesome environment. a normal appetite or impulse may be given a pathological trend by bad influences. and one has to reckon, moreover, with degrees of hereditary aptitude to crime. just what is the measure of normality? to what extent by developing to their highest point certain inhibitive or opposing tendencies, can we counteract certain inherent proclivities for wrong-doing? by what means shall we sift the congenital defectives from the victims of suppressed opportunities? these and kindred questions confront us at the very outset of our studies of crime and delinquency. it is obvious that although we may institute the strictest elimination of the socially unfit, unless we can provide a wholesome environment for the fit, lapses into unfitness are sure to recur. =feeble-mindedness often a factor.--=the conviction is steadily growing among students of human heredity that a considerable amount of crime, gross immorality and degeneracy is due at bottom to feeble-mindedness and that, therefore, if we can once eliminate feeble-mindedness, these vicious accompaniments will at the same time in equal measure disappear. goddard, for example, one of our authorities on the inheritance of feeble-mindedness, is convinced that a large proportion of the delinquent girls who fill our reformatories are actually feeble-minded. they are often the higher grade or moron type, and their mental condition remains unsuspected because they have never been thoroughly tested in this respect. =many delinquent girls mentally deficient.--=according to havelock ellis, , of some , women who passed through magdalen homes in england were definitely feeble-minded and were known to have added a thousand illegitimate children to the population. the preliminary reports of the so-called white slave investigations now in progress in new york city classes per cent. of these unfortunate women as mentally incapable of taking care of themselves. other investigations indicate that from to per cent. of this class of women are defectives. for example, from the report of the massachusetts "commission for the investigation of the white slave traffic, so-called," one reads: "of prostitutes, , or per cent., were feeble-minded. all doubtful cases were recorded as normal. the mental defect of these women was so pronounced and evident as to warrant the legal commitment of each one as a feeble-minded person or as a defective delinquent.... the women designated as normal, as a class were of distinctly inferior intelligence. more time for study of these women, more complete histories of their life in the community, and opportunity for more elaborate psychological tests might verify the belief of the examiners that many of them were also feeble-minded or insane." the data from some of our public reformatories, industrial schools and state homes for delinquent girls, are very instructive in this respect. reports from a number of such institutions show that many of their inmates are mentally subnormal. the proportions range from thirty-three per cent. in the new jersey reformatory at rahway to eighty-nine per cent. in the institution at geneva, illinois. =institutional figures misleading.--=however, significant as are these figures from institutions for delinquents, one should not be misled by them. they are undoubtedly not representative of offenders in general, but of a selected group of the most hopeless cases. in the first place the more capable individuals escape the dragnet which lands the defective delinquents in an institution, and furthermore, because of liberal systems of probation, only the more incorrigible or the very stupid make up the bulk of the population of such places. miss augusta f. bronner, assistant director of the psychopathic institute of the juvenile court of chicago, from a careful study of five hundred and five cases of delinquent boys and girls in the detention home, chosen with as little selection as possible, finds the proportion of mentally subnormal among them to be less than ten per cent. =many prisoners mentally subnormal.--=doctor walter s. fernald, of the massachusetts school for feeble-minded, estimates that "at least per cent. of the inmates of our penal institutions are mentally defective." among the various available estimates at hand this seems to be a fairly conservative approximation. hastings h. hart points out that this calculation of per cent. means that there are , adult defective delinquents in prison, and , youths in juvenile reformatories, or a total of , in custody in the united states. =the inhibitions necessary to social welfare not well established in all.--=but let us look at this matter of delinquency a little more in detail. in common with other living creatures mankind has two strongly predominating instincts without which there can be no prolonged individual or racial existence, namely, the self-preservative and the reproductive. says schiller: "while philosophers are disputing about the government of the world, hunger and love are performing the task." under self-preservative would be included everything pertaining to food, property and self-protection. in addition, however, man, together with certain other social animals, has developed a third set of activities or instincts--an impulsion toward the preservation of the community to which he belongs--and so far has this evolved in his case that it outranks in importance the other two. for the highest accomplishments and ideals of the race are in last analysis expressions of this social instinct. but with this system of mutual help comes the necessity of certain restraints, because for society to exist its members must impose upon themselves, or have imposed upon them, certain inhibitions of their self-preservative and reproductive instincts. being a late acquisition of the race and less firmly ingrained, the social instinct is not well established in all individuals. some have it sufficiently strong to exercise of their own accord the necessary inhibitions of other instincts. experience has shown that others, either through a lack or through a wrong cultivation of it, can not or will not do so unaided. for the latter, society has instituted certain conventions and the criminal law whereby through a system of restraints and punishments such an individual is held in check either by actual physical restraint of his property or person or through the powerfully inhibitive factors of shame or fear. man as a normal member of society must constantly take heed of the physical, intellectual or moral danger the exercise of a given feeling, action or procedure on his part will bring to humanity, and govern himself accordingly. but it is in just these very inhibitions that mental defectives are lacking. they are almost invariably anti-social types because they are unable to establish the personal abstentions which are necessary for the good of the community. while in the individual of innate normal mentality anti-social traits may have developed because of improper training or surroundings, in mentally defective types some factor or factors necessary to normality have been left out of their make-up and as a result they are often wholly lacking in social instincts or have these so feebly developed that education and exhortations toward social ideals are fruitless. we can not appeal successfully if there is nothing to appeal to; we can not develop something out of nothing. =the high-grade moron a difficult problem.--=one great difficulty in identifying the high-grade morons who are a bountiful source of our criminals is our almost universal failure to recognize that a memory test alone is not sufficient to determine the mental responsibility of an individual. not only memory, but judgment, will-power and perhaps, also, to a lesser degree, the powers of attention and concentration are all indispensable elements in the make-up of a normal individual. there are cases on record of imbeciles with prodigious memories, yet hopelessly incapable of caring for themselves or of respecting the rights of others. in fact certain types of morons, usually cunning, often prepossessing and superficially clever, are characterized by good memories and will _moralize_ volubly, although their wills are too weak to inhibit impulses when they face temptation. it is obvious that just in proportion as the intelligence of the high-grade degenerate approaches normality and yet remains abnormal, the more dangerous he may become to society. =degenerate strains.--=a number of family records are now available which show convincing evidence of the hereditary nature of a degeneracy which finds expression in pauperism, immorality and crime. as has already been pointed out, there is reason to believe that much of this is based in some degree on feeble-mindedness. one of the most remarkable of these is the recent study on degeneracy by goddard as set forth in his book called _the kallikak family_. the record is that of six generations of descendants from an original progenitor to whom the fictitious name of kallikak has been assigned. this individual, descended from good stock, before his marriage met a feeble-minded girl by whom he became the father of a feeble-minded son. later he married a normal woman by whom he had normal children. thus from one normal father have sprung two lines of progeny, one vitiated with feeble-mindedness, the other normal. the comparison may be readily made by drawing up in parallel columns the data as follows: line a line b in five generations direct in five generations descendants descendants from a normal father from the same normal father as in father and a feeble-minded line a and a normal mother have the mother have been accounted for following record: as follows: known to be feeble-minded. all but one of normal mentality. mental status unknown or two men known to be alcoholic. doubtful. illegitimate. one case of religious mania. sexually immoral, mostly among the rest have been found prostitutes. nothing but good representative citizenship, numbering doctors, confirmed alcoholics. lawyers, educators, judges, traders, etc. epileptics. no epileptics or criminals. died in infancy. only fifteen children died in infancy. criminals. keepers of disreputable houses. only ones known to ben ormal. certainly there is abundant food for thought in these two records. if we take still other families of criminal or degenerate antecedents the same multiplication of viciousness, as a rule, is in evidence. thus, _margaret, the mother of criminals_, has left a progeny of some paupers, prostitutes and criminals, some of the women bearing as many as twenty children. the famous jukes family, so often cited, with its professional paupers, deaths in infancy, physical wrecks from debauchery, prostitutes, habitual thieves, murderers, and other convicts out of a total , descendants who have been identified, has alone cost the state of new york $ , , in the care of its criminal, defective and immoral progeny. another family record, the zeros, reported by poellman, of bonn, starts with a female confirmed drunkard. in six generations of her descendants, totaling people, poellman found professional beggars, illegitimates, prostitutes, in almshouse, convicted of serious crime, of murder, and costing some $ , , . or we might cite the so-called _tribe of ishmael_, the progeny of a neurotic man and a half-breed woman. they have spread their ill-favored spawn over various of the central states in a veritable flood of imbecility and petty crime. and to these families may be added the records of _the hill folk_, _the pineys_, or others of the several recent studies of degenerate strains. all bear the same message of rapidly multiplying degeneracy. =intensification of defects by inbreeding.--=most of these regional surveys that are now in progress show that there is particular danger in a population becoming broken up into small communities and isolated. under such conditions there is a pronounced tendency to intermarry, and if deterioration is already present in the stock such communities become centers of marked degeneracy. the situation is well exemplified in the following excerpt from davenport: "i have been going over the records of one family in new york, the so-called nam family. there were per cent. consanguineous matings, marriage between cousins, in one generation, and, owing to the fact that the strain was already loaded with defects, we can see how these defects were concentrated by these cousin marriages, so that about per cent. of the strain is feeble-minded. there were fully per cent. of the men who are unable to resist the lure of liquor. one-fourth of the children are born illegitimates. infanticides, incest, murder, harlotry, are all over the chart. this is a highly inbred community, keeping a nearly pure strain of social defects, and the cost to the community has been a million and a half on a fair way of figuring, not directly in the care, but indirectly in the damage they have done. these constitute a rural community. out of this community we can trace those who have gone to the cities and become murderers, prostitutes and thieves. they are not confined to one state; they spread out over the country. one branch of the family came to the state of minnesota. we sent to one of doctor rogers' trained field workers to learn whether she had ever heard of this family, and received a reply that the family was well known to social workers in the state of minnesota. these strains of degenerates are not local matters at all; they are matters of national interest." concerning crime and delinquency, we find that all evidence tends to show that an alarming increase is in progress although satisfactory data are hard to obtain. it is certain that there is a tremendously disproportionate increase in the number of prisoners in recent years compared with general population, for while the total population has increased three and one-half fold, the prison element has increased fifteen fold. according to wier, in this country there are four and one-half times as many murders for every million of our population to-day as there were twenty years ago. it may be urged that this increase in prison population is not a disproportionate increase in the number of defectives or criminals, but only an increase in the number sent to prison, and this is probably a partial truth--but when we recall such pedigree as those of the nams, the defective line of kallikaks and other known unsound strains, he must be hopeful indeed who can find much consolation in this supposition. in any event, no such uncertainty exists regarding the number of murders and homicides, since these have in all probability been as fully recorded in the past as at present. =vicious surroundings not a sufficient explanation in degenerate stocks.--=it is sometimes urged that we are not dealing in such cases with degenerate strains, but merely with unfortunate individuals who have been subjected to pernicious surroundings from the beginning. and it can not be denied that parents who are mentally defective, dissipated or syphilitic afford most noxious developmental and environmental conditions for their children. but when one notes how intimately the moral degeneracy in such stocks is bound up with some degree of feeble-mindedness, he is strongly skeptical toward the sufficiency of such an interpretation, although environment undoubtedly intensifies the results. concerning this point davenport says: "we have certain methods of testing whether it is bad environment or bad breeding which produced these people. some of the children have been taken at an early age and 'placed out'. we have traced their subsequent history. in most cases they have turned out quite as bad as those who have remained at home. in a few cases they have turned out well, but it is also true that some of the children who remained at home in bad environment have turned out well." and to davenport's testimony may we add that of doctor wilmarth, who, speaking of children at the home for feeble-minded, says: "in no place is this subject of the power of heredity in relation to environment so easily studied as among our children. a group of many little children came to us from the state school, being untrainable there. they have had with us the same teaching and the same companionship. each one has lived, eaten and slept among the others, and, so far as we know, with but one exception, those of vicious parentage have turned instinctively to vicious traits by preference, while those of simple but honest stock do evil things only under strong temptation, and do not persist in them after the wrong is pointed out." =by no means all delinquents are defectives.--=one must not overlook the fact, however, that _delinquent_ and _defective_ are by no means synonymous terms, and that many delinquents are with little doubt the product of adverse social circumstances. the recent careful work of doctor william healy[ ] in connection with the juvenile delinquents of chicago shows convincingly that the underlying causations of delinquency are many. such factors as immorality or constant quarreling of parents, bad companions, lack of parental control, defective sense organs, debilitating habits, lack of healthy mental interests and a host of other environmental factors are not infrequently sufficient in themselves to develop delinquency in the absence of inherited deficiency. the present-day efforts of the student of heredity should not be misunderstood. they are not attempts to make all delinquents out defectives, but rather to determine what percentage of delinquents may be legitimately reckoned as defective and to make the facts known. since there is no longer any reasonable doubt that, to express it in the mildest terms, an amount of delinquency far from negligible is due in great measure to congenital omissions or propensities, then the sooner the public learns this the better, for we may then set about supplementing our present efforts at race betterment through external improvement by devising means of cleansing the fountain source as well. it can scarcely be doubted that the average man differs little if any in inherent personality and capacity from many a criminal who is such by occasion rather than by undue predisposition. who can truthfully answer how many individuals there are who are not potentially criminals to some extent, given sufficient evocative conditions of ignorance, vice, adverse economic pressure and undue temptation? "virtue itself turns vice, being misapplied." =no special inheritable crime-factor.--=the main difficulty in trying to find a hereditary basis for crime lies in the multiplicity of things crime may be. the individual impulsions which lead to certain offenses may be utterly different from those which conduce to others. undoubtedly many inborn tendencies which are perfectly normal or neutral in themselves may be warped by circumstances into the commission of what are classified as crimes. the moral man may have the same desire for a thing that the criminal does, but when he finds that this desire can only be gratified by injury to others, he inhibits it because of his repugnance to such injury. the criminal makes no such inhibition. in general, crime means an offense of some kind against person, property or state. but a biological analysis of it, could it be made, would require among other things knowledge of crime in terms of motive or lack of motive, whether the act was intended to benefit the perpetrator, some other person, or even the race or state; whether the offense was one of dishonesty, of cupidity, of lust, or of violence against another. as a matter of fact no satisfactory classification of crime can be made since so many factors enter and in such varying degrees. most classifications made in our legal codes are a hodge-podge based on a mixture of motive on the part of the participant, degree of turpitude involved, nature and extent of the injury inflicted, and the object against which the offense was perpetrated, whether an individual, society or the state. moreover, it must not be forgotten that in many instances what was crime in the past is no longer so, and vice versa many things which are regarded as criminal to-day were not considered so in the past. so the futility of seeking a specific inherent propensity for "crime" is manifest. how, for instance, in terms of hereditary determiners shall we draw the fine lines of distinction among those who bribe legislators and legal officials, those who are avaricious and dishonest in the world of trade, and those who are wilfully obtuse in providing proper safeguards for employees? =what is meant by a born criminal?--=all we can do is to fall back on the assurance that any act directly or indirectly injurious to society is an offense, and that those offenders who are congenitally unable to distinguish between what is generally accepted as right and wrong, or who if recognizing this are nevertheless uncontrollably impelled toward or are unable to refrain from anti-social acts because of some inherent condition of intellectual or volitional make-up, may be legitimately classed as individuals born with an aptitude for crime and social transgressions. in such individuals the natural mental make-up is lacking in some of its necessary elements so that memory, judgment, or will-power are not up to the minimum that is necessary for the establishment of proper conduct. in some cases, apparently, this lack finds expression in almost any kind of vice or crime into which circumstances happen to lead the individual. in others, however, there seem to be tendencies toward the commission of certain types of crime or vice. certain family strains are characterized by petty thieving, others by deeds of violence, and still others by sexual offenses. certain types of mental defect are closely associated with certain crimes. thus sufferers from incipient paresis seem particularly prone to commit assaults and larceny; epileptics, crimes of brutality and violence. =the epileptic criminal especially dangerous.--=one of the characteristics of epilepsy, indeed, emphasized by various psychiatrists, is that frequently it leads to loss of those forms of self-restraint which are absolutely indispensable to morality and the safety of society. cruelty, atrocious sexual offenses and other vicious crimes are the result. it is a noteworthy fact, moreover, that often in the milder forms of affliction, where instead of well-marked convulsions only momentary lapses of consciousness occur, the greatest amount of mental and moral deterioration and fluctuation is sometimes found. the situation as regards the epileptic is well presented by doctor william healy, director of the juvenile psycopathic institute of chicago, in an article entitled "epilepsy and crime; the cost", in the _illinois medical journal_, november, . he says: "in the work of our institute,[ ] which represents the most thoroughgoing research into the genetics of criminalism ever undertaken in this country, we have with the help of parents and others carefully studied nearly , young repeated offenders. we have found that no less than - / per cent. of these are ordinary epileptics, and we have reason to suspect others. this by no means represents the total number of epileptics seen in connection with juvenile court work, where, of course, first offenders as well as large numbers of dependents are seen. in addition to my above enumeration, other cases seen by the detention home physicians and myself amount up to many scores of cases. if one remembers that it is ordinarily calculated that one person in every is epileptic, the significance of this high criminal percentage is clear, and the practical bearing of it is still further accentuated by the fact that some of the worst repeaters are epileptics, and that many of the gravest crimes are committed by those unfortunates. the connection between epilepsy and crime has everywhere been recognized by students of the subject, but it apparently needs constant emphasis in order that common sense steps may be taken toward guardianship of these who suffer from a disease which wreaks such extravagant vengeance on society." =mental disorders most frequently associated with crime.--=doctor charles mercier, an english authority on crime and insanity, in enumerating the mental disorders most frequently associated with crime, places the insanity of drunkenness first. any one who will take the trouble to verify the facts in his own community will find that a large percentage, frequently considerably over half, of the arrests made by the police are for acts committed while the offender was more or less under the influence of alcohol. next to drunkenness among mental disorders which lead to crime doctor mercier places feeble-mindedness. next to feeble-mindedness comes epilepsy; then paranoia or systematized delusion; next paresis; and lastly melancholia. paranoics are peculiar in that they are particularly apt to attack persons of prominence. highly egotistical, they almost invariably believe themselves or some one or some cause dear to them, the subject of a plot, perhaps to rob them, to torture them, to steal their inventions or literary productions, or to persecute them in some way. two if not three of our murdered presidents owe their assassinations to paranoics. many rulers have been attacked and some killed by such insane individuals. most of the "cranks" who write threatening letters are lunatics of this type. of the kinds of mental unsoundness known to be inheritable which are of special significance from the standpoint of crime and delinquency undoubtedly feeble-mindedness ranks first. we have already seen that as our methods for detecting the higher grades of feeble-mindedness become more accurate we disclose in border-line cases a veritable hot-bed of mental incapacity suitable for the engendering of the criminal and the vicious. here in addition to some of the more pronounced criminal types belong hosts of our chronic petty offenders, our sexually vicious and our "won't-works". one interesting outcome of a recent investigation into the army of unemployed in england was the discovery of the general unfitness of these unemployed. in our own country the habitually unemployed are so not because of lack of work, but largely because it is unprofitable to employ them. =the bearing of immigration on crime and delinquency.--=perhaps in no field more than this of crime and delinquency, especially in so far as it is based on innate deficiency, does the gravity of the immigration question impress itself on us. how stupendous this problem[ ] has become may be realized from the fact that according to the census of , , , , or one out of seven of the inhabitants of the united states, were foreign born. and if we add to these the , , of whom one or both parents were of foreign birth, we reach the astonishing total of over , , , or more than one-third of our total population, who are foreign born, or who have one or both parents of foreign birth. during the decade from to , , , foreigners came to the united states, of whom , , remained to make a permanent home. this shows how rapidly our whole population might be radically changed. in recent years the source of our immigrants has shifted proportionately from northwestern europe to southern and eastern europe (italy, austria-hungary and russia), and whether for weal or woe this new blood must inevitably leave its impress upon us. does it not behoove us then to seek with anxious eyes some knowledge of these invading hordes with whom we are to mingle our life-blood? even the most superficial examination may well cause us grave concern. we find that in one year ( ) at ellis island alone, , paupers, , persons with contagious disease, insane, feeble-minded, criminals, prostitutes and idiots were denied entrance, and yet, according to the estimate of doctor f. k. sprague, of the united states public health service, probably only about per cent of the mentally deficient and per cent. of those who will become insane have been detected. when confronted by such data we can begin to realize what we are facing. others estimate that from to per cent. of the immigrants who are now arriving are feeble-minded. we learn further that recently while the foreign-born population of new york state was about per cent., the foreign-born population of the insane hospitals of the state was over per cent., and at one time approximately per cent. for new york city. in one year ( ) per cent. of the patients in bellevue hospital, new york city, were of foreign parentage. paresis, which probably always has syphilis as its antecedent, is proportionately twice as prevalent among foreigners as among natives in new york city. but from the standpoint of inheritance, however great the danger may be from classifiable defectives, it is probably far greater from that much larger class of aliens we are now receiving with open arms who are below the mental and physical average of their own countries. moreover, with our present system of inspection there is no way of detecting the grades of feeble-mindedness above idiocy and imbecility in the great numbers of foreign children under five when brought in, who are beginning to show up in alarming numbers in the schools of some of our larger cities. about thirty per cent. of the annual increment of our population is due to immigration and not to births; and once in our country the alien far outbreeds the native stock, with relatively little increase in death-rate, thus making a double contribution to the increase of population. when we take all these facts into consideration it certainly is high time that we arouse from our self-complacent attitude and consider the whole question of immigration most earnestly. in spite of the fact that many individuals are caught in the net of inspection at our portals, it is clear that still more rigid rejection[ ] is imperative. the inspectors at our various ports are doing the best they can under the circumstances, but there are at present too few of them and they are too restricted in their powers to meet the situation satisfactorily. moreover, when at one of our ports in one year ( ), of , immigrants certified by the inspecting surgeons as unfit to land because of serious mental or physical defects, , were landed anyway, it is evident that there is a strong and reprehensible pull somewhere to evade the obvious intent of the law. it remains for us as a people to decide whether we shall continue to let the large employers of cheap labor, the railroad and steamship agents and brokers, who care nothing about the innate fitness of the immigrants they bring, determine the character of our future population, or whether we shall insist on a proper regulation of this flood so that we may receive only an honest, intelligent, industrious and healthy stock. to continue to absorb these aliens with as little selection as we now do is nothing short of criminal carelessness. let us not be deceived by the promptings of a misguided sentiment, "the voice is jacob's voice, but the hands are the hands of esau." the voice is jacob's voice, nor should this voice of the easily persuaded, the sentimentalist, the interested organization to which the relatives of the defective alien belong, or any other pressure move us from our obvious duty of refusing to fasten upon this country an incubus of degeneracy for which we as a nation are in no way responsible. to render us safe we should not only have more carefully drawn laws and more rigid selection at our ports of entry, but we should if possible also know the stock from which our future citizens come. this is peculiarly desirable for such defects as feeble-mindedness and various other mental imperfections, some of which require prolonged observation for detection. davenport estimates that it is wholly within the realm of possibility and good business sense to maintain a corps of trained inspectors abroad in the chief centers from which our immigrants come who shall certify the desirable applicants. he makes the point that the national expense would be far less than the cost of maintaining the army of defectives we are now admitting to our own country, many of whom almost immediately become public charges, to say nothing of the hordes of carriers who though normal themselves, will transmit undesirable traits. =sexual vice.--=as to sexual vice, the skein is indeed a tangled one. since nine-tenths of the difficulty centers in a lack of self-restraint, and inasmuch as the mating instinct is one of the strongest that tugs at the flesh of humanity, it is obvious that those by nature deficient in volitional control will almost without exception give way to the call. so as might be expected the hordes of our feeble-minded and epileptic are always a source of grave danger in this respect. however, the mentally enfeebled are by no means the only offenders; indeed, they are probably not the majority. the true situation is finally dawning on society and the reformer's call for instruction in "sex-hygiene" resounds through the land. the whole matter is one of the most perplexing and momentous that confronts us to-day. =the question of school instruction in sex-hygiene.--=while the writer does not for an instant underestimate the gravity of the situation, and has only contempt for the nonsense that is palmed off on children about their origin, or the indelicate self-consciousness which puts under the ban the discussion of so serious a problem by adults, still he is not convinced that the universal teaching of the subject to children in schools by the average teacher, as advocated by some, is to be the solution of the matter or is even a wise attempt at solution. yet he freely admits that he is possibly overfearful of the effects of the undesirable features of such instruction. true it is that all children do learn, frequently at an astonishingly early age, about sex, and their knowledge is usually of an undesirable kind from unreliable and often vicious sources, and it is equally true that parents, either through ignorance or prudery, generally can not be depended on to give the child necessary instruction. but before entering on a wide-spread campaign of undiluted sex-instruction in schools might it not be more prudent to make an attempt toward reaching fathers and mothers and convincing them of the necessity of dealing more frankly and intelligently with their children regarding sex? even to the novice in psychology the powerful nature of suggestion is known, and with this knowledge before us, is it not wiser to strive in the main to keep the child's mind off of sex rather than specifically to focus it on it by special convocations and discourse? if our psychology means anything, then the worst possible thing we can do for a child is to make him unduly sex-conscious. something might be done profitably perhaps in schools in an unobtrusive way by specially gifted persons, but the self-conscious way in which most teachers go about topics of sex is certainly not reassuring to the thoughtful observer as regards the benefit derived from such instruction. the one evident method of accomplishing wholesome sex-instruction in schools, devoid of all possibility of undesirable suggestion and sex-consciousness, is in the form of biological work where plants and animals are studied in all their relations, the subject of propagation being taken up in as matter-of-fact a way as the functioning of any other organ system of plants or animals. in such a course, long before the subject of sex in higher animals need be approached the pupil will have developed an attitude of mind which will lead him to see nothing unusual or suggestive in the function of sex no matter where it may be found. incidentally, inasmuch as the manner in which germs affect living organisms should be studied in such a course anyway, it would be a simple matter to give all necessary information about the dangers of infection from venereal diseases. =mere knowledge not the crux of the sex problem.--=however, desirable as correct knowledge about sex is, knowledge alone is not the crux of the sex problem. the moral dangers and abuses that we are trying to circumvent lie rather in the realm of the emotions than that of the intellect. the problem must be solved from a broader foundation than mere information. the all-important consideration is the early establishment of general habits of self-control so that these may become incorporated in the nervous organization of the child and become inhibitory anchors against passions and temptation. children must be taught to suppress the present impulse, to sacrifice the immediate pleasure for the more distant or permanent good. they must be practised in calling up feelings that will counteract other promptings which if followed blindly are inimical to social welfare. their control must come from within not as a matter of external compulsion. that way character lies. so in viewing the problem of sexual hygiene the writer feels that our attempts toward damming the torrents in the adolescent by a belated effort at verbal instruction on sex-hygiene is at best only a palliative or an attempt to cure the symptoms of a more deeply-seated, organic, social malady. the treatment should have been in progress long before in the form of training in self-control, and in the inculcation of the sense of dignity and self-respect which springs from the individual's consciousness of being, not a slave to his desires, but his own master. this, together with the judicious schooling of boys in a greater chivalry and respect for womanhood, and of girls in the necessity of meriting such esteem, will, in my estimation, carry us further than formal courses in sex-hygiene. =early training in self-restraint an important preventive of crime and delinquency.--=as to crime and delinquency in general, it is evident that the same early training in self-restraint is a most important factor of prevention. a wise warden in charge of a large prison says, "most of these men are here because they have not learned sufficiently the lesson of self-control." this is the age of preventive medicine, why not also of preventive crime and delinquency? instead of confining our practise to punishing offenders, necessary as this may be under the present conditions, why not strive more to prevent the commission of offenses? as far as normal individuals are concerned much can be done by early cultivation in self-discipline and through the establishment of moral backbone by training in the overcoming of difficulties. much, very much, also remains to be done in the correction of wrong social conditions. =unpardonable to permit delinquent defectives to multiply their kind.--=as for our mental defectives and moral imbeciles, knowing now how strongly hereditary the underlying factors of these conditions are, and with no preventive or curative agents in sight, to let them produce progeny, is clearly unpardonable. chapter x race betterment through heredity most of us have heard in one form or another the fairy story of the youth on adventure bent, who was captured by the giant and under dire penalty in case of failure was set the task of sweeping out the giant's stable before sundown. the peculiarity of this stable, it will be recalled, was that, as fast as the refuse was swept out at the door an even greater quantity poured in through the windows so that the sweeper, just in proportion to his zeal, became more and more encumbered with his burden. =a questionable form of charity.--=though we smile at the childishness of this legend, are we not as a civilized people attempting through our charities a feat parallel to that of this unfortunate youth? we foster and favor our social wastage with the inevitable result that it runs riot under our sheltering hand and deluges us with an ever accumulating flood of its like. for are we not constantly building more asylums, sanitaria and prisons, to preserve more unfit, to produce more defectives, to require still greater numbers of asylums, sanitaria and prisons, to preserve more unfit, and so on in unending progression? at nearly every period of history there have been certain individuals who have seen the necessity of a state eliminating its supply of defectives. =past protests.--=for instance, we find the importance of this strongly urged by plato. after pointing out the fact that the shepherd, in order to maintain the standard of his flocks, bred only from the best individuals, as did likewise the huntsman with his dogs and horses, and the fancier with his various pets, plato went on to show the danger to the state of allowing the constantly increasing body of defectives and degenerates to multiply their kind. repeated expression of the same idea has occurred from time to time during the succeeding centuries. little heed was paid to these remonstrances, however, with the result that is known to us all. to-day, "the glory that was greece and the grandeur that was rome" is still sung by the poet, but the original nations themselves have long since passed into the night. =an increasing flood of defectives.--=strive to ignore the unpleasant facts as we may, we have to admit that the same problem of what the human harvest shall be is with us in grave form to-day. the alarming phase of the situation, however, lies in the fact that we are facing an ever increasing flood of social wastage. but _why_ this increase of defectives? it can not be attributed to oppression, to grinding poverty, or to decline in attention to our sick and needy, for never was prosperity greater, never were charities more flourishing, never such activity in the search for palliatives and cures. the simple fact is that we are breeding our defectives. the human harvest like the grain harvest is based fundamentally on heritage. and to get a better crop of human beings, we must, as with other crops, weed out bad strains. to whatever source of information we turn the facts are essentially the same. abroad we find that in england, for example, the ratio of defectives to normals more than doubled between and . at home, from the investigation of davenport and weeks we learn that in the state of new jersey the number of epileptics doubles every thirty years. and other investigators estimate that the fecundity of mental defectives in general is about twice as great as that of the average of our population. in a recent report of the new york state board of charities we read, "there are about thirty thousand feeble-minded persons in the state of new york, of whom four thousand are intermittently sequestered while twenty-six thousand who are a menace to society are at liberty and may produce the unfit." and a passage from the last massachusetts report reads as follows: "we have been obliged to refuse a very large number of applicants for the admission of feeble-minded women--many of whom have given birth to one or more children. the prolific progeny of these women almost without exception are public charges from the date of their birth." how fertile defective types may be is shown by a passage in one of doctor wilmarth's papers which runs as follows: "one feeble-minded woman, now removed from this state, had by different men eighteen children in nineteen years, she alleges." in a letter doctor wilmarth tells me that the birth of the twenty-third child of this woman has just been announced! in one english workhouse potts reports sixteen feeble-minded women who have produced one hundred sixteen mentally defective children, and branthwaite ninety-two female habitual drunkards who have had eight hundred fifty babies. if we include the two million individuals cared for annually in various institutional homes, hospitals and dispensaries as dependents, the estimated total of insane, feeble-minded, epileptic, deaf and dumb, criminals, juvenile delinquents, paupers and other dependents in the united states in was approximately three million, or one in every thirty of our population! with the higher fertility of certain of these classes and with only a small percentage under custodial care where will it all end? is it not time for us to waken from our lethargy and stem this tide of national deterioration? =natural elimination of defectives done away with.--=with our improved methods of sanitation and care of the sick, the pauper and the defective, these classes have been freed from the stress of an environment that under natural conditions would have resulted in their premature death and consequent infertility. or in the terminology of the biologist, we have done away with the factor of _natural selection_, the factor which in state of nature keeps all races purged of the unfit, the ill-adapted. with this restraining, and purifying influence removed, however, the weakling, the defective, may arrive at maturity and commingle his blood with that of the strong, with the inevitable result that the general vigor of the progeny from generation to generation is sapped and progressively undermined. thus we are confronted by the stubborn fact that through present humanitarian methods we are driving the race toward decadence. =why not prevent our social maladies?--=now there is no reasonable person, i think, who will not admit that the motives underlying our modern altruistic practises are the noblest fruitage of our slow upward struggle from the brute to man. as humane beings, we can not cast aside these principles and return to the painful and pitiless method of nature which would leave the sick and the defective alone to perish miserably; the sacrifice would be too great. is there then no escape from this dilemma? to this query the modern student of heredity answers yes; let us but add more wisdom to our charity and the enigma is solved. we need no sacrifice of pity but rather an expansion of it. let us but extend our vision from immediate suffering to the prospective suffering of the countless unborn descendants of our present unfit and ask ourselves the question, why should they be born? why not prevent our social maladies instead of waiting to cure them? this is the province of eugenics. =eugenics defined.--=the term eugenics was coined in by francis galton in his book entitled _inquiries into human faculties_, and we may therefore look to him for a satisfactory definition. he says, "eugenics is the study of the agencies under social control, that may improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either physically or mentally." and again, "i take eugenics very seriously, feeling that its principles ought to become one of the dominant motives in a civilized nation, much as if they were one of its religious tenets.... man is gifted with pity and other kindly feelings, but he also has the power of preventing many kinds of suffering. i conceive it to fall well within his province to replace natural selection by other processes that are more merciful and not less effective. this is precisely the aim of eugenics. its first object is to check the birth-rate of the unfit instead of allowing them to come into being, though doomed in large numbers to perish prematurely. the second object is the improvement of the race by furthering the productivity of the fit, by early marriages and the healthful rearing of their children." =improved environment alone will not cure racial degeneracy.--=while many an enthusiastic humanitarian is laboring under the assumption that if we can improve external conditions human deficiencies will disappear, the student of heredity realizes that this is in large part a delusion unless we can secure an accompanying improvement in intrinsic qualities of the human species itself through the suitable mating of individuals. just as the intelligent farmer to-day demands selected seed as well as good soil and proper cultivation, so one with the facts of heredity at hand would, as he views social problems, urge the fundamental importance of having selected stock with which to start. no shifts or shapings of environment will ever enable men to "gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles." =heredity and environment.--=to wrangle over the question of which is the more important, heredity or environment, is about as idle a proceeding as to argue which is the more important, the stomach or something to put in the stomach. man would soon come to grief without either. so, too, the question of human development is not one of heredity alone nor of environment alone; both are necessary and must work hand in hand. dormant capacities must have proper environment to call them forth, but on the other hand no kind of environment can evoke responses if some degree of aptitude is not present. professor thorndike undertook experiments with groups of school children of high and of low initial ability respectively to determine whether equal opportunity or equal special training would produce an equalizing effect in easily alterable traits such as rapidity in addition and the like. without exception he found that at the end of such experiments, although both groups had improved, the superior individuals were farther ahead than ever, that equality of opportunity and training had widened rather than narrowed the gap between the two classes. others who have made special studies on the causes of individual differences have come to the same conclusion; namely, that individuals differ widely by original nature and that similarity in conditions of nurture and training will not avail in deleting these differences. galton and others, from extensive studies based on english sources, have shown that notable achievements have run in certain families to a degree that is inexplicable on the basis of opportunity alone; it can be fully accounted for only by attributing much to superior inborn capacity. doctor woods has shown much the same thing for certain families in america. schuster and elderton have proved that there is a high degree of similarity in scholastic standing between fathers and sons in oxford. professor pearson's measurements of mental characters in brothers and sisters while at school show a high degree of innate resemblance in many cases and certain cases of decided contrast. where contrasts exist in certain families they remain unreduced in spite of the similarity of environment, thus proving that environment is less operative in the final intellectual establishment of such individuals than are their inborn aptitudes. even in twins, as both galton and thorndike have shown, there is no tendency for similar education, home life and the like to render those originally different any more similar with advancing years. professor karl pearson has done more perhaps than any other individual toward attempting actually to measure the relative strength of heredity and environment. numerous statistical measurements lead him to conclude that it is a conservative estimate to regard heredity as at least five or ten times as important as environment in the development of the individual. a vigorous defense by him of this position will be found in _biometrika_ for april, . =inter-racial marriage.--=some of the dangers of racial deterioration which threaten us because of our laxity regarding immigration have already been indicated. it is high time that we give this whole question the most serious consideration of which we are capable. from the rate at which immigrants are increasing it is obvious that our very life-blood is at stake. for our own protection we must face the question of what types or races should be ruled out. aside from the dangers which lie in the defective or unsuccessful types already discussed in chapter ix, many students of heredity feel that there is great hazard in the mongrelizing of distinctly unrelated races no matter how superior the original strains may be. unfortunately there is a great lack of reliable data on this point. the mulatto of our own country, the eurasians in india and the mixed races of south america are, according to the testimony of many observers, eloquent arguments against such hybridization. agassiz remarked on this point as follows: "let any one who doubts the evil of the mixture of races and who is inclined from mistaken philanthropy to break down all barriers between them come to brazil. he can not deny the deterioration consequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide-spread here than in any other country in the world, and which is rapidly effacing the best qualities of the white man, the indian, and the negro, leaving a mongrel nondescript type deficient in physical and mental energy." of the american mulatto one not infrequently meets with the assertion that he is on the average inferior mentally, morally and physically to either the white or the negro race. thus doctor j. b. taylor[ ] states that, "it is demonstrated by well-attested facts that these hybrids of black and white are vastly more susceptible to certain infections; their moral as well as physical stamina is lower than that of either original race." others would deny that conclusive evidence to this effect exists. however, it is certain that under existing social conditions in our own country only the most worthless and vicious of the white race will tend in any considerable numbers to mate with the negro and the result can not but mean deterioration on the whole for either race. there is certainly not one iota of evidence that the crossing of any two widely different human races will yield superior offspring in any respect and there are many indications that such intermixture lowers the average of the population. our evidence derived from plant and animal breeding is also against pronounced crosses. the inferiority of the mongrel is universally recognized. no sane farmer, for example, would seek to improve his jerseys or his herefords by crossing one with the other. it is true that in pure breeds of plants and animals we sometimes venture on a cross to introduce some new desirable character but we follow up such mixture by a rigid selection in which is eliminated all but the rare individuals having the desired characteristics, and we continue this elimination generation after generation to fix our characters again. it is obvious that no such selection as this would be possible among the progeny of human crosses. it clearly becomes our duty then to determine as accurately as possible the degree of non-relationship between races it is inadvisable to transcend in inter-racial marriages. we are certainly taking great risks in accepting in any considerable numbers those races we can not assimilate to advantage into our own stock. =war.--=the deteriorating effect of war on national physique and vigor has been so frequently cited by eugenists[ ] and is so obvious as scarcely to require further comment. it should be pointed out, however, that where, as is the case at present in great britain, armies are assembled from volunteers, instead of by conscription, there is the greatest danger from the eugenic standpoint, since not only physical but moral qualities are involved. for it is the brave, the generous, the individual with a high sense of duty who goes forward to the slaughter leaving the cowardly, the selfish or the indifferent to father the race. with the awful deadliness of modern warfare upon exhibition before our very eyes to-day, the extreme seriousness of such selective action must be evident to every thoughtful person. =human conservation.--=we talk much in recent years of _conservation_; but what are our forests and frontiers, our minerals and our waterways, compared with our national health and life-blood? no farmer would think of setting aside a diseased or physically defective _animal_ for breeding purposes, yet the same man together with the majority of mankind is wholly oblivious to similar faults when it comes to the mating of human beings. but is it not as important to look to fitness in man as in poland china hogs or holstein cows? certainly the various strains are as marked and breed as true in the human family as in our live stock. why face complacently in our own families what we would not tolerate in our piggery? from the expenditure of comparatively small sums in studying the inheritance of various qualities in wheat, corn and other grain, improvements based on the laws of genetics have been secured which are enormously increasing our agricultural output and thereby adding to our national wealth. but if it costs relatively little to discover and conserve millions of dollars' worth of hereditary qualities in our plants and animals, what are we to think of ourselves, an intelligent people who, knowing that "every good tree bringeth forth good fruit, but a corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit," still go on placidly permitting the production of defectives and delinquents? can we continue to drink the sluggish blood of the pauper and the imbecile into our veins and hope to escape unscathed? we are all familiar with the fate of babylon, assyria, persia, egypt and rome. why not america? certainly we have no pledge of special immunity from divine powers. if so, what then is the meaning of our hospitals for insane which cost us annually $ , , ; our institutions for feeble-minded costing us over $ , , ; our , prisons maintained at a cost of more than $ , , ; our , hospitals whose annual maintenance requires at least $ , , ; our schools or homes for deaf and dumb; our , almshouses with an annual expense account of $ , , and our , refuge homes costing annually several millions of dollars more? to say that we spend annually over $ , , on the custody of insane, feeble-minded, paupers, epileptics, deaf, blind and other charges is expressing the situation very conservatively. =kindness in the long run.--=there is no one i think who will not admit that the sympathy and charity of the human heart are its noblest virtues. but we must face the problem of what is kindness in the long run. havelock ellis well says, "the superficially sympathetic man flings a coin to the beggar; the more deeply sympathetic man builds an almshouse for him so that he need no longer beg; but perhaps the most radically sympathetic of all is the man who arranges that the beggar shall not be born." what shall we do? =the problem has two phases.--=for an intelligent consideration of the problem one must recognize at the outset that it has two distinct phases; namely, ( ) a selective union of the fittest, or in other words, a conscious attempt to breed a superior race; and ( ) the elimination of the obviously unfit by preventing their reproduction, with the purpose of purifying the present race. it is evident at a glance that these are two essentially distinct problems although the practise of either method could result in racial improvement. the first is sometimes spoken of as _positive_ or _constructive eugenics_, the second as _negative_ or _restrictive eugenics_. =constructive eugenics must be based on education.--=as to the first phase, direct selection for superiority, the campaign must, in the very nature of things, be one of education. with the necessary knowledge of the facts in mind, the awakening conscience of the individual together with an enlightened public opinion will form the safest guide. increasing popular comprehension of the inevitable nature of human inheritance must engender a sense of responsibility as to the positive eugenic fitness of a contemplated marriage. the growth of this sentiment will doubtless be slow, and properly so, for as yet we have but half-lights on what are the most desirable types of humanity. no one can say what the highest type of man should be, but almost any one can readily pick out types which certainly should _not_ be. =inferior increasing more rapidly than superior stocks.--=modern eugenists, although realizing that the constructive phase is of great importance, are making no attempt to map out any fixed mode of procedure for it beyond pointing out the desirability of larger families among the better classes. the need for individuals of superior physical, mental and moral qualities to multiply is so obvious as scarcely to require comment. yet the fact is that judging from all appearances these are the very ones who have the lowest birth-rate. eugenics is mainly concerned with the relative rates of increase of the various classes, not with mere fertility in itself. and the actual increase must be measured in terms of the extent to which birth-rate exceeds death-rate. if a high birth-rate is accompanied by a high death-rate then it is not especially significant in increasing a given class as a whole. all available evidence points to the fact that to-day the lower strata of society are far outbreeding the middle and higher, with an almost negligible difference in death-rate, and just in the measure that these lower strata are innately inferior just in that degree must the race deteriorate. the seriousness of the whole situation as it exists to-day hinges, therefore, on the extent to which the lower strata are inferior to those above them. =an unselected population may contain much valuable material.--=in evaluating these lower strata a matter of very great importance is whether the population is a selected or an unselected one. if the population has been long resident in a given region and has had fairly good opportunity for education then we will find in the lower reaches a larger percentage of sedimentation made up of the worthless and inferior stocks. if, however, a continual fomentation and geographical shifting of the population is in progress as in parts of america, or if adequate educational opportunities are lacking, as in some parts of russia, the poor and less well-to-do classes may contain, no one can tell how much, relatively valuable stock. forel remarks on this point as follows: "if we compare the nature of delinquents, abandoned children, vagabonds, etc., in a country where little or nothing has been done for the people (russia, galicia, vienna, etc.), with that of the same individuals in switzerland, for example, where much has already been done for the poor, we find this result: in switzerland, these individuals are nearly all tainted with alcoholism, or pathological heredity; they consist of alcoholics, incorrigibles, and congenital decadents, and education can do little for them because nearly all those who have a better hereditary foundation have been able to earn their living by honest work. in russia, galicia, and even in vienna, we are, on the contrary, astonished to see how many honest natures there are among the disinherited when they are provided with work and education." =the lack of criteria for judging fitness.--=barring the untold hordes of actual defectives who have gravitated into this lower stratum, there are few positive criteria by which we can measure the real fitness of the remainder. before we can set out on a campaign of positive eugenics we must have some standard by which to steer, and it would be a rash advocate indeed who would assert that class distinction alone, or even success as measured by public opinion to-day should be our whole criterion of fitness. shall we measure fitness in terms of how successfully one can acquire worldly goods, or in other words, by the property test, or what shall be our standard? =the college graduate.--=many of our modern critiques of the birth-rate situation make much of the fact that our college graduates as a group are scarcely reproducing themselves. according to davenport, bryn mawr college between and has graduated , bachelors of arts, but these women have produced up to january, , only girls to take their place in the next generation. he also points out that statistics on some of the graduate classes of harvard of twenty years ago or earlier show that they are little more than maintaining themselves; thus one class of graduates twenty years later had produced sons, and in another case a class of individuals had produced, twenty-five years later, sons. relatively similar statistics can be cited for other eastern colleges. all such cases of college graduates cited as especially deplorable declines in birth-rate are based on the assumption that these individuals are a particularly superior stock.[ ] but one might question this premise as a generalization. it may or may not be true. are they superior or have they had mainly a combination of luck and incentive, luck in that their parents had sufficient means, acquired possibly through their own superiority, possibly not, to send them to college, and incentive derived from a fortunate environment which awakened a desire in them--or in their parents for them--for college education? is the woolly-witted son of opulence, so abundant in our colleges to-day, who is boosted through by hook or by crook, of superior eugenical value to the alert eager boy--and his name is legion--destined for economic reasons to go to work at or before the completion of his high-school course, perhaps because of the very fact of an unlimited fecundity in his own family which necessitates his help for the general support? when one first learns of the declining birth-rate among college women and men he feels appalled, but immediately the question flashes up, if this is _the_ superior stock, and up to date it has died out or is dying out rapidly, whence then this ever augmenting rush of young folk who fairly deluge our universities and colleges to-day? does it not rather point to the fact that in our own country at least, the man who will and can take a college education successfully is not so much the product of breeding from college men, but of a prosperity which leaves a sufficient surplus in the family exchequer to enable sons and daughters to go to college, and is it not reasonable to suppose that there is yet an abundant stock back of these who similarly await but the golden touch of opportunity? when we consider such men as carlyle, lincoln and a host of others who were not the sons of collegians, although we may be university pedigreed ourselves we can not but feel doubtful of the validity of a premise which takes a college stock unqualifiedly as having any considerable monopoly of innate superiority. after all, college can mean little more than opportunity, and the obtaining of such opportunity in this world of economic maladjustments and accidents of social position is too largely a matter of chance, at least in america, to stamp the possessors of these advantages, on this criterion alone, as of inborn superiority. undoubtedly much that is intrinsically good now slumbers in the lower strata of society because of lack of favorable environment to call forth the latent possibilities. =native ability, independence and energy eugenically desirable.--=although we can not sift out with certainty the superior from the inferior in our normal population by the property test or the educational standard alone, it is undoubtedly true that, on the whole, native ability, independence and energy are present to a higher degree in our well-to-do and prosperous families than in the stocks which merely hold their own or which gradually decline, and there is no gainsaying the fact that in so far as the lower classes are where they are through actual deficiency--and there are enormous numbers in this category--they threaten our very existence as a race. it is imperative that the great middle class in particular establish in some way a selective birth-rate, by increased fertility on their own part, and diminished fecundity on the part of inferior stocks, which will offset or more than offset the disproportionate increase of the socially unfit. =four children to each marriage required to maintain a stock.--=it is estimated that under present conditions an average of at least four children should be born to each marriage if a stock is to maintain its numbers undiminished. some of our most valuable strains are falling far short of this average. in a statistical table on the relative fertility of different stocks, prepared by pearson, we find the mentally defective, criminal, deaf-mute and degenerate stocks heading the list with averages ranging from five to seven children per family, while the american graduate (based on harvard statistics) and the english intellectual types average less than two children per marriage. while the death-rate is higher in the undesirable classes mentioned, it is by no means enough higher to compensate for the difference in birth-rates. thus while certain very desirable types are not maintaining themselves genetically, other extremely undesirable ones are rapidly more than replacing themselves. investigations made by heron in london show that this condition as regards english desirables did not exist sixty years ago; then the richer a community was in professional men and well-to-do families, the higher was the birth-rate. =factors contributing to low birth-rate in desirable strains.--=most students of the subject believe that the fecundity of much of the best blood in our country has reached such a low ebb as to threaten the whole fabric of our commonwealth. how to correct this is the pressing problem to which no one has found a solution. however much one may deplore it the fact remains that always in the history of the civilized world with the rise of material conditions in any class of a population there has come an accompanying limitation of child-birth. explain this as we may in modern times--whether as an awakened individualism which looks only to the immediate interest of the individual as against the ultimate interest of the race, or a desire for luxuries or for a better opportunity for smaller numbers of children, or as a determined effort of the wage earner to better his conditions, or to the feminist movement with its accompaniment of a greater personal freedom of married women and the recognition of the fact that marriage and child-bearing are often bars to employment, or to general increasing pressure of economic burdens--in brief whatever the cause or causes, there is no denying the fact of a diminishing birth-rate among our abler men and women. moreover, no amount of coaxing, cajoling or dire prophecy seems to avail in altering the conditions. various partial remedies, many of them of questionable practicability, have been proposed, but so far there has been no far-reaching effort made to put any of them into effect. it has been suggested that society return to the simple life so that our young folk may marry earlier and live more easily on limited means, but so far few volunteers have appeared to lead the procession. while there is no doubt that present economic conditions tend to penalize parenthood, the simple life will not return for the mere asking. it has been pointed out that the father is in unfair competition with the bachelor and is also unfairly taxed in comparison, and some would therefore tax unmarried men more heavily. others would pay a direct bounty on reproduction, but it is probable that such rewards would merely stimulate families of the lower types to increased fruitfulness. and so one panacea after another may be weighed and found wanting. =the educated public must be made to realize the situation.--=it seems probable that the most success will be met with through the slow and unspectacular methods of education. the necessity of the situation must be driven home so that it becomes part and parcel of the collective intelligence of the educated public. different ideals of life will have to be established in the young. if knowledge of the facts of heredity is thoroughly disseminated among the people and ideals regarding parenthood are fostered, then much will have been accomplished by the psychic power of suggestion alone toward the end desired. =utilization of family pride as a basis for constructive eugenics.--=there are few more powerful incentives to make the best of one's abilities, or few greater deterrents from vice than family pride; and there is no reason why this same sentiment may not be aroused in behalf of unborn generations. the sentiment of caste or aristocracy in some form is well nigh universal in mankind. the family of mr. a came over in the mayflower and is therefore worlds above the family of mr. b, who arrived fifty years later. mr. x's income is $ , a year, mr. y's only $ , . the poor family in the front suite of the tenement regards itself as far superior to the one in the rear. among criminals the professional house-breaker feels himself to be of higher caste than the sneak-thief, and in turn is surpassed by the bank-burglar. even in the insane asylum the feeling is rampant. with such a wide-spread tendency for a foundation the creation of a sentiment of eugenic aristocracy is by no means a visionary undertaking. =the tendency for like to marry like.--=even now there is a decided though unconscious tendency for like to marry like and thus create particular strains. we have lines, for instance, which produce notably families of scholars, others which yield mainly statesmen, and still other strains of inventors, of financiers, of naval men, of soldiers, and of actors respectively. and there is little doubt that people, with the facts of inheritance of ability once before them, will be led to act more or less in accordance with their knowledge. on the other hand, due apparently to the same unconscious tendency for like to marry like, we find produced criminalistic, feeble-minded, deaf-mute and tubercular stocks. the first type of family is often termed _aristogenic_ and the second or defective type, _cacogenic_. =public opinion as an incentive to action.--=much of our social conduct is the result of the pressure of public opinion, yet so accustomed are we to this that we ordinarily do not feel it as a hardship. there is little doubt that similarly the more wholesome attitude toward parenthood advocated by the eugenist would be taken as a matter of course, once the idea became prevalent. it would come to be one of those socially preconceived ideas which are as much actualities and which become unconscious guides to action no less certainly than do the more obvious personal habits of the individual. and just in the degree that we as a race get the "feeling" that intellect, morals and skill are highly desirable attributes in marriage selection, just in that degree will one's affections in their earlier stages gravitate toward individuals who possess such qualities in high degree. in the main, those stocks which have shown by ancestral as well as personal achievement their superiority will tend to insure most certainly a continuation of this superiority in offspring. =choosing a marriage mate means choosing a parent.--=although marriages, as all young folks know, are made in heaven, it is interesting to see what a vast number of these foreordained matches coincide with propinquity in college, in church, or in the same social set. moreover, children are born here on earth. the one thing of all things that the eugenist desires is for these young folk to get a clear-eyed vision of the fact that in choosing a marriage mate they are also choosing the future father or mother of their children with all that this implies. =the best eugenic marriage also a love match.--=a few recent writers, who show an utter misconception of what the aim of modern eugenics is, have raised the cry of give us the old-fashioned love match instead of the eugenic marriage, as if the eugenist's ideal of moral cleanliness, freedom from transmissible physical taints or mental enfeeblement, and an attitude of special approval toward marriages which bring together individuals of more than average mental or spiritual endowment, had anything in it that was inimical to love. no one better than he realizes the sordid depths to which marital relations devoid of mutual affection and regard must reach. certainly there is nothing in the eugenic ideal when its full import is understood that can shock the sensibilities of the most delicate-minded. indeed it is people of fine susceptibilities who will be the first to feel repugnance toward a marriage which means mental or physical deterioration of their own blood. =good traits no less than bad ones inherited.--=an inspection of such charts as those shown in figs. , and , pp. , , --and an abundance of such encouraging records may now be found--reassures us in our convictions that good traits are no less inheritable than bad ones. and what any healthy, mentally well-endowed person may be depriving the world of if he or she declines to enter into a fruitful marriage can not be better exemplified than in the following excerpt from davenport: "many a man at the opening of his life work vows, as judge john lowell of the middle of the eighteenth century did, as he was being graduated from harvard college, that he will never marry. but nature was too strong for john lowell and he married three times, and among his descendants was the director of a great astronomical observatory, the president of harvard college, a principal founder and promoter of the massachusetts general hospital and the boston atheneum; the founder of the city of lowell and its cotton mills; the founder of the lowell institute at boston; the beloved general charles russell lowell and his brother, james, both of whom fell in the civil war, and james russell lowell, poet, professor and ambassador; besides brilliant lawyers and men entrusted with large interests as executors of estates. do you think john lowell would have taken that vow could he have foreseen the future?" [illustration: fig. pedigree of family with artistic (dark upper section), literary (dark right section) and musical (dark left section) ability (from davenport).] =the elimination of the grossly unfit urgent.--=but even if, under present conditions of partial knowledge and lack of an adequate standard, the constructive phase of eugenics must be left in the main to the awakening conscience of the individual as humanity improves in general enlightenment, the second phase, the elimination of the grossly unfit is one of the greatest social obligations that confronts us to-day. for if there is an alarming amount of mental impairment in civilized nations, and if the problems of pauperism, inebriety, prostitution and criminality are closely interwoven with the problems of mental unsoundness, as we have every reason to believe from available data, then any means which will operate toward securing normally functioning brains will at the same time operate toward diminishing, defects and delinquencies. and inasmuch as a considerable proportion of defects, both mental and physical, are inheritable, it is obvious that if we can diminish the number of children born into the world with defective brains or bodies we have made a long stride in the right direction. [illustration: fig. inheritance of ability (from kellicott after whetham).] =suggested remedies.--=but how go about it? various schemes have been proposed, of which the chief are as follows: . laws restricting marriage. . systems of mating with the purpose of covering up and gradually diluting out defective traits. . segregation during the reproductive period. . sterilization. . education in the principles of eugenics. =inefficacy of laws which forbid marriage of mental defectives.--=the utter inefficacy of the first proposition, namely the enactment of laws restricting marriage, at least as regards the socially unfit whose condition is based on impaired mentality, has been demonstrated time and again. if they are forbidden marriage, they merely have children without getting married. most states have laws to prevent the marriage of such individuals but these laws are almost wholly ineffective in preventing procreation on their part. we might as well recognize once for all that in such cases nothing short of close custodial care or sterilization will accomplish the end desired. as to the second proposition, systems of mating with the purpose of covering up and gradually diluting out defective traits, this has been shown to be possible with certain types of defectives. whether it is desirable or not is a different question. [illustration: fig. inheritance of ability (chart condensed and incomplete) in three markedly able families (from kellicott after whetham): , charles darwin; , his cousin, francis galton, founder of the modern eugenic movement.] =systems of mating impracticable in the main.--=by systems of mating, it should be said, is not meant the arbitrary marrying of two individuals willy-nilly, but rather it is the prevention from marriage of two individuals having similar defects. in general the facts at our command indicate that in the majority of cases the offspring from a marriage of an insane, feeble-minded or epileptic person with a normal individual free from all neuropathic taints are normal or at most show but slight effects of the taint. but what normal individual would knowingly marry into such a stock? with few exceptions such traits where inheritable are apparently negative, that is, not represented by some positive abnormal factor but due to the lack of some element or elements necessary to the proper working of the normal brain. in the offspring of such a union the necessary missing factors are supplied by the normal parent. or in mendelian phraseology, the defective traits are recessive and are dominated by the normality of the other parent. such offspring, however, while apparently normal of body are not normal of germ-plasm, inasmuch as half of their germ-cells will carry the abnormality of the defective parent as earlier explained (page ) under mendelism. we have already seen (page ) how by continually marrying into strong strains the liability to recessive defect can be diluted out until the descendants are no more likely to have defective children than are members of our ordinary population. if, however, as is estimated in bulletin no. of the _eugenics record office_, about thirty per cent. of our general population already carry recessive neuropathic taints, it certainly is a hazardous proceeding to attempt thus to breed out nervous defects unless one is absolutely sure of the normality of the strain into which it is proposed to marry. the great difficulty is in determining whether or not there is a defective ancestry in a given stock. we have at present no criteria for identifying normal individuals who have defective germ-plasm. as a practical test, however, if no defect has appeared in the stock for three or four generations back, the marriage would be relatively as safe as are the marriages of our average population to-day. =corrective mating presupposes knowledge of eugenics.--=but such a scheme of corrective mating presupposes a relatively high degree of intelligence and judgment on the part of the participants, and this is just what we do not have and in the nature of things can not get, in the types of feeble-minded, epileptic and degenerate strains we are striving to eliminate. all our evidence shows that when unrestricted there is a marked tendency for feeble-minded to mate with feeble-minded, degenerate with degenerate. about sixteen per cent. of the feeble-minded, in fact, come from consanguineous marriages. if we try to legislate them into specific types of marriage then we encounter the same futility pointed out under our discussion of restrictive legislation, they will produce offspring without the formality of marriage. in certain cases of insanity and in other than neuropathic defects one can see how the system might be inaugurated with greater prospects of success, but even then a knowledge of the principles of eugenics would be necessary to the participants, or in other words we could only accomplish our end through our fifth proposition, education. =segregation has many advocates.--=as to the third proposition, segregation during the reproductive period, this seems to have a larger number of advocates than any other coercive measure. while on theoretical grounds it is plausible enough, when we face the actual putting of the method into practise we are confronted by the fact that tremendous sums of money would be required to sequestrate and maintain colonies or industrial refuges. when one realizes that no state now provides for more than a small minority of its defectives, and knowing also of the pressure that must be brought to bear on legislatures to secure sufficient funds to provide for these cases of extremest urgency, one can not be overly optimistic about the practicability of extensive sequestration. e. r. johnstone, the superintendent of a large training school for feeble-minded in new jersey, points out that no state in the union is providing for many more than one-tenth of her feeble-minded and epileptics. if his estimate is true, to place in institutions, treat and train all its feeble-minded and epileptics would even now almost swamp any state treasury. but what _will_ it be in the future if we permit this unrestricted nine-tenths to go on and multiply their kind? leaving out of account the enormous sums spent in private charities even now from one-fifth to one-seventh the total public expenditures of almost any one of our states is going to maintain its defectives, dependents and criminals. from the report of the secretary of state, in the state of wisconsin, for instance, i learn that of the total expenses for , sixteen per cent. was for charitable and penal institutions. the situation is even worse in some other states. think of it! think what a large total of expense it becomes! and the expense is far secondary from the humanitarian standpoint to the misery involved. in the _survey_ of may , , we find mr. hastings h. hart, director of the department of child helping of the russell sage foundation, proposing very specifically "a working program for the extinction of the defective delinquent," which involves segregation during the reproductive period. he gives the number of feeble-minded under public care as , in institutions for the feeble-minded, , in almshouses, , in hospitals for the insane, and , in prisons and reformatories, or a total of , already under custodial care. and he asserts that as nearly as can be judged, this is one-third of the feeble-minded persons in the united states. between this estimate that one-third of our feeble-minded are in institutions and doctor johnstone's that we are not providing for many more than one-tenth of our feeble-minded and epileptic, there is a wide discrepancy, but i know of no accurate data[ ] whereby the matter can be settled definitely. one point of difference may be that doctor johnstone specifically includes epileptics and another may be one of definition of feeble-minded. however, supposing that we could get them all into institutions, institutional care at present by no means also implies prevention of propagation. it is not an unusual history of feeble-minded women in our county poor-houses that they alternate between periods of housework in some family and periods of residence in the almshouse, the return to the latter being only too often to bear an additional child. not a few students of the problem, however, advocate a rigid segregation as the only reasonable preventive measure, no matter what the expense. they point out that the cost is mounting up higher each year and that we are only increasing it ultimately by procrastination. they urge, moreover, that when counting the cost of the segregation of the feeble-minded we should bear in mind also that we are reducing the expenses of our other charity and penal institutions, since much of degeneracy, pauperism and petty criminality centers in mental enfeeblement. some believe that colonies can be established which are in considerable measure self-supporting. doctor johnstone, for instance, although his estimates of the number of feeble-minded and epileptic is one of the highest, sketches out in a recent paper (in _pediatrics_, august, ) a plan which he considers feasible. but what assurance have we that we can prevent the production of defectives by segregation? in reply may be cited a recent experiment on an extensive scale. cretinism is a condition due to disease of the thyroid glands. it is characterized by goiter, marked deformities and imbecility. it is hereditary and has been very prevalent in certain valleys of southern switzerland and northern italy. cretin mated with cretin and consequently a large new supply was constantly produced. in recent years in certain communities the sexes have been segregated (see _eugenic review_, , jordan) with the result that in such places cretinism has about disappeared. coming now to the fourth solution proposed, namely, sterilization,[ ] let us consider some of its alleged advantages and disadvantages. =sterilization.--=first of all, since there is some considerable popular misunderstanding on the subject, it should be made plain that by sterilization is not necessarily, nor in fact generally, meant asexualization, or the removal of the reproductive glands. on the contrary, in the male, sterilization is ordinarily accomplished by an operation known as _vasectomy_, in which a small piece of each sperm duct is removed. such reports on it as i have found indicate that it is a comparatively simple minor operation which involves no special inconvenience or hardship on the subject beyond the deprivation of offspring. in fact, according to doctor sharp's report, in the majority of cases where it has been put into practise the patient has usually submitted voluntarily after having the details of the situation explained to him and has often advised fellow delinquents to do likewise. even should later developments show that a mistake had been made, in all probability the matter could be remedied by a second operation in which the cut ends of the ducts can be reunited. this has been accomplished experimentally in dogs, and furthermore, in men rendered sterile by occlusion of the duct through inflammatory diseases, the sterility has been remedied by removing the blocked area and reuniting the ends of the duct on either side. in women the corresponding operation--a section of the oviduct--is termed _salpingectomy_. here, however, the operation is a more serious one as it usually involves opening the abdominal cavity and the accompanying hazard of infection, a danger sufficiently great that it is safe to say that the operation will be resorted to more rarely than vasectomy in man. =as a eugenic measure.--=sterilization as a eugenic measure has many advocates and perhaps more opponents; and among the latter, it must be said, are many competent and thoughtful students of the subject who recognize existing conditions and deplore their continuance as much as any one. they maintain that while we may have to come to it as a last resort, we are yet too ignorant of the actual effects of the operation, or are too little informed on the inheritability of the specific traits we are trying to eradicate, to launch forth on so radical a program. we must not forget that when we put sterilization into effect we are going to have to deal with individual cases, not general averages. =to what conditions applicable.--=and just here, it seems to me, is the crux of the situation. when confronted by the defective individual, in a practical case, just what criteria are we going to use to determine whether this particular individual should be sterilized or not? nearly all of the twelve states which have sterilization laws specify insanity, feeble-mindedness, epilepsy and criminality. =in insanity.--=when it comes to insanity i strongly suspect that those who have the selection of the examining board will have difficulty in finding an alienist who is willing to take the responsibility of deciding on just which insane individuals shall be operated on and which not. for among the insane there are so many kinds and degrees of mental unsoundness, and these are of such varying and as yet unknown eugenical significance, that a positive decision is frequently out of the question. of the twenty-seven or more recognized forms of insanity who knows with any considerable degree of certainty which are heritable, which not? shall we treat all manic-depressives alike? shall we treat them as, for instance, we would those suffering from dementia precox? who will take the responsibility of answering positively? again, what shall we do in cases of paresis, or general paralysis of the insane, an affliction which probably invariably has syphilis as its antecedent? yet it constitutes one of the commonest forms of insanity found in asylums. doctor george h. kirby, director of clinical psychiatry, manhattan state hospital, says that with one exception there are more admissions of paretics to manhattan state hospital than sufferers from any other form of mental disorder. he continues, "we find that when either the father or the mother suffers from paresis that many other members of the family may be infected with syphilis, and furthermore, we find that a surprisingly large number of children in these families are feeble-minded, nervous, or in other ways abnormal." but here, it is clear, the patient has done the damage before he reached the hospital, nor was it paresis as such that did the harm but the syphilitic infection of which paresis itself was but the outcome. certainly the one fact which stands out conspicuously when we face most concrete cases, is that at present we need more urgently than sterilization laws for the insane, exhaustive studies of the inheritability of specific mental infirmities that we may know with some degree of certainty which warrant sterilization. yet on the other hand one of the most disquieting facts that confronts us to-day is the large number of patients who are on parole from our hospitals for the insane, subject to recall. what shall we do with them? shall we submit them to the tremendous hardship of still remaining under custodial care although to all intents and purposes sane, or shall we make their release contingent upon their submission to vasectomy or salpingectomy? in a few cases such as huntington's chorea (figs. , , pp. , ) we can proceed with a fair degree of assurance, for we know that this dreadful malady is transmitted as a positive trait and that in all probability half of the children of an afflicted individual will inherit the defect. such patients, if they ever rally sufficiently temporarily to leave the hospital, or where encountered outside the hospital should certainly be restrained from procreation. it is questionable if even their children, though apparently normal, should be allowed to have offspring, for usually the disorder does not manifest itself until middle life and then it is too late to try to prevent its transmission since the affected individual has already probably married and had children. but huntington's chorea is a comparatively rare form of insanity, and one of only a few about which our knowledge as regards its transmissibility is fairly satisfactory. =in feeble-mindedness.--=when we come to institutions for the feeble-minded, however, there seems to be much more unanimity of opinion among physicians in charge of such institutions that sterilization would be an effective and satisfactory disposition to make of many cases, if we are to release the patients in question from custody. unquestionably in cases of imbecility it is easier than in insanities to pass conclusive judgment on the inheritability of the condition in a large class of cases. practically all are agreed that either permanent custodial care through the reproductive period or sterilization should be enforced. some maintain that such individuals should remain permanently in institutions anyway and that therefore to sterilize them is needless, while others urge that if sterilized many capable of making their own living could be freed and allowed to do so. according to goddard the feeble-minded woman is about three times as likely to find a mate as a feeble-minded man, hence it would seem to be of much greater importance to sterilize the woman than the man. again it might be urged with much justification, that even though sterilized, the feeble-minded individual because of lack of self-control will transgress sexually and will thus certainly become a menace to society in the spread of venereal diseases. if mr. hart's estimate is anywhere near correct, that there are , feeble-minded women in the united states of child-bearing age, and that , are already in custody, then the task of getting all women of this class into custody is not so insurmountable as would at first appear. =in cases of epilepsy.--=as to epilepsy, i find a very decided difference of opinion among physicians. some consider it, on account of its apparently strong inheritability, together with the shocking crimes perpetrated by epileptic criminal types, one of the most serious menaces, while others point out that we know nothing of the real cause of epilepsy, that there are all degrees and shades, that it is probably referable to different causes in different cases and that no one is able to say what the offspring of any given epileptic will be. as to criminal types, here again we face the difficulty of deciding any particular case. let us suppose that twenty-five per cent. of criminals are mental defectives, how shall we sift them out from the seventy-five per cent. who are supposed to be eugenically normal? doubtless in many of the twenty-five per cent. class, the indications of defective mentality are sufficiently evident to prevent mistakes, but a considerable number of uncertain status must also remain near the border-line. =sterilization laws.--=although twelve of our states already have sterilization laws, only two, indiana and california, seem to have made any active attempt to enforce them. the situation is too new yet in wisconsin, michigan and pennsylvania for these states to have shown what they intend to do. although the indiana law says, "it shall be compulsory for each and every institution" to maintain the practise, it has fallen into disuse since , presumably because the governor believed the law unconstitutional. it is of interest to see the motive underlying the law in various states. in the majority it is purely eugenic. in connecticut it is mainly eugenic though partly therapeutic. in california it is apparently in part therapeutic, since it is stated as being for the physical, mental or moral benefit of inmates of various state institutions, and in part punitive and eugenic, since individuals twice committed for sexual offenses or three times for other crimes are subject to the operation. in washington and nevada the object is purely punitive, the persons specified being habitual criminals and persons adjudged guilty of carnal abuse of female persons under ten years of age, or of rape. in these states also the court orders the operation instead of leaving it to the decision of a board of medical experts. =social dangers in vasectomy.--=it has been urged against vasectomy that it will work untold harm because it relieves of the responsibility of a probable parentage. this argument does not appeal to one as very weighty as far as the imbecile or other degenerate is concerned, because one of the very traits characteristic of such individuals is lack of any sense of responsibility. by this same token, however, we have a very good argument for sequestration as against sterilization, for the degenerate, even though sterilized, will not be restrained sexually and will be likely to disseminate venereal diseases or commit rape. furthermore, there will be the temptation to sterilize and liberate certain types that would otherwise have been kept permanently in custody. =our present knowledge insufficient.--=when all is said and done, after we take into account the meagerness of our present knowledge on the subject, it is not to be wondered at that many thoughtful students of a conservative turn of mind, feel that any considerable practise of sterilization is premature. the problem has so many phases, and despite occasional bits of positive knowledge, we are yet in such a sea of ignorance regarding it, that in no field is the good friar laurence's admonition of "wisely and slow; they stumble that run fast," needed more at present than it is here. there is little doubt that in theory the feeble-minded and similar defectives should be sent to institutions and kept there, but the important practical question is, can this be done? we can have no final answer until it is tried. while the initial expense would undoubtedly be great, if we could keep our defectives from propagation for a single generation we could very materially lessen their numbers and in succeeding generations the expenses of their care would rapidly diminish. the one crying need that stands out most prominently in this whole field is that of careful investigation of individual cases and specific types of malady, together with an accurate census of conditions as a whole. our knowledge of individual malign heredities is too meager to carry us very far at present. when we have found after adequate investigation in just which specific types of defects heredity is an important factor--and we shall undoubtedly find it to be one in many cases--then we can proceed confidently with sterilization, if it will prove to be more practical and desirable than sequestration. =sterilization laws on trial.--=it will be of great interest and instruction to see how extensively, in the various states which have recently passed sterilization laws, the experts selected will find it expedient to carry on sterilization, and what criteria they will use in deciding on individual cases. that sterilization can be put into effect is indisputable, as may be seen from the fact that several hundred operations have been performed in indiana. if the board on whom the decision depends happens to be one which feels that many people are likely to distress themselves unduly over the border-line cases, and overlook the fact that there is always a goodly residue with which to proceed without great risk of mistake, then we may expect to see a vigorous campaign inaugurated, and those of us who are still undecided in the matter will have an opportunity of learning more certainly the merits or the failings of the scheme. certain married degenerate types would seem to be the ones most urgently demanding attention. having already begotten several defective children and with nothing else in prospect but the production of the same kind, it is difficult to see from any standpoint why a vasectomy on the male would not be a merciful act. there are not a few such families where the father is periodically in the hands of the law and yet not in permanent restraint. once in custody his release could be made contingent on vasectomy. =an educated public sentiment the most valuable eugenic agent.--=coming now to the last proposition, education of the public in the principles of eugenics, this is the method calculated to be of more far-reaching service than any other, in the negative as well as in the positive phases of eugenics. education is necessary before we can have effective restrictive measures for the mentally incompetent established and enforced, and it is also a prerequisite to intelligent procedure on the part of normal individuals in considering their own fitness for marriage. of greatest importance in preventing undesirable marriages, as far as people of normal intelligence is concerned, will be the sentiment of disapproval which will arise on the part of society itself when it becomes really convinced that certain marriages are inimical to social welfare. public opinion is, in fact, one of the most potent influences in marital affairs, simply because refusal to abide by the dictates of the community means social ostracism. that social disapproval of certain unions can become a very real factor in preventing such marriage is evinced on all sides by the numerous barriers to marriage already in existence based on race, religious sect or social status. even in our much vaunted democracies one is looked down on who marries "beneath" his or her social set. this sentiment of taboo, so readily and often so senselessly cultivated in our present human society, will inevitably spring up in consequence of a wide-spread knowledge of the facts of human heredity. it is to such a growth, to the establishment of a disapproval which is the product of its own sentiments rather than to legislative enactments, that society must look for the greatest furtherance of the eugenic program. necessary as legal restraint is in certain cases, it must obviously be restricted to only the most glaring defects. moreover, legislation can not run far in advance of public opinion. =the question of personal liberty.--=it must be admitted that there is a reluctance on the part of many even thoughtful individuals to the application of methods which savor in any way of restraint. an objection not infrequently urged by such persons against the application of certain eugenic principles is that they demand an unwarranted curtailment of personal liberty. to those who hoist the flag of personal liberty, it may fairly be asked, how much personal liberty does the syphilitic accord his doomed and suffering wife and children, or how much personal liberty is the portion of the offspring of feeble-minded parents? or, what quota of personal liberty will accrue to the ill-fated descendants of the epileptic, the habitual drunkard or criminal, the gross moral pervert, the congenially deaf and dumb, or to even the progeny which may result from the union of two well-established tubercular strains? we do not hesitate to send the pick of our stalwart healthy manhood to war to be slaughtered by the thousands and tens of thousands when an affront is offered to an abstraction which we term our national honor, and, sublimely unconscious of the irony of it all, we throw ourselves into a well-nigh hysterical frenzy of protest when it is proposed to stop the breeding of defectives by infringing to a certain extent on their personal liberties. society has already found it necessary to suppress certain individuals and yet we hear little complaint about loss of personal liberty in such cases. but if it is necessary to restrain the man who would steal a purse or a horse, is it not still more urgent to restrain one who would poison the blood of a whole family or even of an entire stock for generations? surely there can be but one answer; society owes it to itself as a matter of self-preservation to enforce the restraint of persons infected with certain types of disease and of individuals possessing highly undesirable inheritable traits, so that perpetuation of such defects is impossible. =education of women in eugenics needed.--=one of the most crying needs of the present is the awakening and educating of women to the significance of the known facts. for they are perhaps the greatest sufferers, and once informed, as a mere matter of safety if for no other reason, they will see the necessity of demanding a clean bill of health on the part of their prospective mates. furthermore in the last analysis woman is the decisive factor in race betterment, for it is she who says the final yea or nay which decides marriage and thus determines in large measure the qualities which will be possessed by her children. above all, young women must come to realize that the fast or dissipated young man, no matter how interestingly or romantically he may be depicted by the writer of fiction, is in reality unsound physically, and is an actual and serious danger to his future wife and children. =much yet to be done.--=but plain as is our duty regarding the application of facts already known, when we consider that the student of heredity has made only a beginning, it is equally evident that he must be urged on in his quest for new facts, and the establishment of new principles. there is imperative need to carry on proper experiments with plants and animals, to collect necessary data regarding man, and for what is scarcely less important, the publication of the facts already acquired so that the public may be guided aright. just at present it is of the utmost importance to secure more trustworthy statistics in order that we may intelligently go about instituting suitable restrictive measures for undesirable human strains. we must know the exact number and kinds of feeble-minded, epileptic and insane in our population, and we must have more insight into the personal status and pedigrees of our delinquents and criminals. for purposes of rational procedure such information is indispensable. much can be done by hospitals, "homes" and penal institutions by determining and recording more accurately all obtainable facts regarding the ancestry of their charges. moreover, in such states as wisconsin, where the state hospitals for the insane have each an "after-care-agent," the duties of such officers might well include the collection of more adequate data regarding the hereditary aspects of their patient's condition. and lastly, if in every census, whether state or national, it were made an important part of the work to secure accurate vital statistics, particularly as they pertain to human heredity, the contribution toward enabling us ultimately to purge the blood of our nation of certain forms of suffering, degeneracy and crime would be inestimably great. =a working program.--=and now after reviewing at some length various aspects of man's hereditary and congenital endowment, the important question arises as to whether it is possible, with the knowledge at present available, to go ahead with a practical program which will insure to the child of the future its right of rights, that of _being well-born_. when one considers the matter it is evident that much can be done at once. most of the needs set forth in the preceding paragraph can clearly be met in a fair degree by instituting the procedures indicated. one of the obvious duties in a restrictive way that confronts us right at the start is the care and control of the feeble-minded and of the defective delinquent in such a way as to prevent procreation. much help can be given also through intelligent agitation for the establishment of colonies for epileptics and the higher grades of feeble-minded which can be made in considerable measure self-supporting. a given colony must, of course, be for one sex alone. much can be done, furthermore, by putting into operation, both in and out of institutions, effective systems of registering births and deaths together with accompanying facts which may prove of eugenical significance. again, we should more surely identify and exclude undesirable immigrants and also undertake thoroughgoing investigations to determine which races we can not profitably assimilate into our own blood. physicians should pay more attention to the hereditary and congenital aspects of their cases and make it more a matter of conscience than they do at present to advise patients with regard to marriage. prenuptial medical inspection should become the custom, if not by law at least as a voluntary procedure. every parent must come to realize the grave risk to which he is subjecting his daughter if a guarantee of physical fitness, even more than assurance of financial standing or social position, is not forthcoming from her prospective mate. wholly apart from the field of heredity though in a realm intimately concerned with the birthright of the child, much practical good can be accomplished by pondering the facts and the fictions of prenatal influence and in the light of the knowledge thus gained, seeing that while foolish and unnecessary worries are abolished, the conditions of health, nutrition and occupation surrounding the expectant mother are the best obtainable. it is the sacred duty of every individual, moreover, to see that the maximal possibilities of his own germ-plasm are not lowered by vicious or unwholesome living. as individuals we can cultivate a greater sense of responsibility regarding marriage and parenthood in those for whose training we are responsible. we can study this whole subject conscientiously, keep pace with new knowledge and see that other people are likewise informed. in showing an enlightened interest in the ideals of eugenics and a sympathetic approval of wholesome marriages, a sentiment toward parenthood will gradually arise which will make it seem more desirable to many worthy people than it does at present. if we are of good stock ourselves we should recognize that it is highly desirable that we give to the race at least four children. on the other hand, if we come from a strain which is eugenically undesirable we should with equal conscientiousness refrain from contributing to human misery. for where serious obstacles to a union exist, renunciation is certainly a higher manifestation of love than is consummation of a marriage which will result in untold misery to the object of the affections. as a matter of fact, with adequate preliminary knowledge as to what actually constitutes a serious drawback to marriage, where such really exists and is recognized by the associated individuals, love of the kind that leads to marriage is not likely to arise. as has been suggested by various students of eugenics, it is even at present perhaps not infeasible for earnest individuals to start in a quiet way local centers for the keeping and filing of accurate records of their family traits for the future use of their descendants. such groups, voluntary though they be, would soon acquire a degree of distinction that would make other people of good endowments wish to join in and go on record as eugenically desirable. lastly, it should not be forgotten that good traits are inherited as certainly as bad ones. moreover, in the realm of human conduct, even though the fundamental features of behavior are based on an inherited organization, man is not always driven by an inexorable linkage of inherited neutral units into only one line of conduct, since more or less capacity for alternative action is also inherited. it is the personal duty of every member of society to aid in affording the opportunity and providing the proper stimuli to insure that out of the many possibilities of behavior which exist in the young at birth, those forms are realized which are best worth while to the individual and to society. and while we recognize that improved environment alone can not correct human deficiencies we must nevertheless not relax our efforts to get cleaner foods, cleaner surroundings, cleaner politics and cleaner hearts. why go on alleviating various kinds of misery that might equally well be prevented? when one squarely faces the issue, surely the absurdity of our present practises can not but be evident to even the most thoughtless. =which shall it be?--=as a matter of social evolution, human homes originated in the necessity of an abiding place for the nurture and training of the young past their first period of helplessness. well in the foreground of the mental picture which arises when we hear the very word _home_, are children. what shall the home of the future be with regard to its most important assets, the children? shall we as a people continue to be confronted at every turn by the dull countenance of the imbecile, the inevitable product of a bad parental mating; or the feeble body and the clouded intellect of the child sprung from a parentage of polluted blood; or the furtive cunning of the born criminal, the will-less mind of the bred degenerate, or the shiftless spawn of the pauper? or shall it be a type with laughing face, with bounding muscles, with unclouded brain, overflowing with health and happiness--in short, _the well-born child_? the answer is in our own hands. the fate of many future generations is ours to determine and we are false to our trusteeship if we evade the responsibility clearly laid before us. how conscientiously we heed known facts, how actively we acquaint ourselves with new facts, and how effectively we execute the obvious duties demanded by these facts, will give us the answer. the end glossary acquired characters, traits developed in the body through changes in environment or function, in contra-distinction to those which have their specific causes in the germ-cells. adaptation (l. _ad_, to; _aptus_, fit), fitness to environment. albinism (l. _albus_, white), a condition of deficiency in pigment. allelomorph (gr. _allelon_, of one another; _morphe_, form), one of a pair of alternate mendelian characters. ameba (gr. _amoibe_, change), a primitive single-celled animal. amphibian (gr. _amphi_, both; _bios_, life), capable of living both on land and in water. anthropoid (gr. _anthropos_, man; _eidos_, form), man-like. aristogenic (gr. _aristos_, best; _genesis_, origin), pertaining to the genetically most desirable human strains. association areas, those regions of the brain in which presumably the higher mental processes are effected. atavism (l. _ad_, before; _avus_, grandfather), a return in one or more characters to an ancestral type. see p. for restricted modern usage. atrophy (gr. _a_, negative; _trophe_, nourishment), a wasting away of a part of a living organism. axon (gr. _axon_, axis), the process from a nerve cell which becomes a nerve fiber. binet-simon scale, a series of tests graded to age and previous training of the average normal child, much used in measuring mental deficiency. biology (gr. _bios_, life; _logos_, discourse), the study of life and of living things. biometry (gr. _bios_, life; _metron_, measure), the study of biological problems by means of statistical methods. blastomere (gr. _blastos_, germ; _meros_, part), one of the early cells formed by the division of the ovum. blastophthoria (gr. _blastos_, germ; _phtheiro_, destroy), deterioration of the germ as the result of direct pathogenic or other disturbing agents. blending inheritance, inheritance in which the characters of the parents seem to blend in the offspring. cacogenic (gr. _kakos_, bad; _genesis_, origin), pertaining to genetically undesirable human strains. cell, the fundamental unit of structure in plants and animals. centrosome (gr. _kentron_, center; _soma_, body), a small body which functions in indirect cell-division. character, any distinguishing feature, trait or property of an organism. chemotropism (chemical and tropism), defined, p. . chromatin (gr. _chroma_, color), deeply staining substance of the cell-nucleus. chromosomes (gr. _chroma_, color; _soma_, body), characteristic deeply staining bodies, typically constant in number and appearance in each species of animal or plant, which appear in the cell during indirect division. chromotropism (gr. _chroma_, color; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . cleavage, the division of the egg-cell into many cells. congenital (l. _con_, together; _gigno_, bear), present at birth. conjugation (l. _con_, together; _jugum_, yolk), the union of germ-cells or unicellular individuals for reproduction. constructive (or positive) eugenics, a system of securing a superior race through propagation of the fittest individuals. cortex (l. _cortex_, bark), the outer or investing layer of the brain. cytoplasm (gr. _kytos_, cell; _plasso_, form), the protoplasm of the cell outside of the nucleus. daltonism, the commonest form of color-blindness in which the affected individual is unable to discriminate between red and green. dendrites (gr. _dendron_, tree), branching processes which spring from nerve-cells. determiner (l. _determinare_, to determine), the distinctive cause or unit in a germ-cell which determines the development of a particular character in the individual derived from that cell. the terms _gene_ and _factor_ are sometimes used as synonyms of determiner. dihybrids (l. _di_, two; _hybrida_, mongrel), the offspring of parents differing in two characters. diploid (gr. _diploos_, double; _eidos_, form), the dual or somatic number of chromosomes. dominant character (l. _dominare_, to be a master), a character from one parent which manifests itself in offspring to the exclusion of a contrasted character from the other parent. drosophila, a genus of fruit-flies of which there are several species. duplex (l. _duo_, two; _plico_, fold), the condition in which a character is represented by two determiners, one from each parent. electrotropism (gr. _electron_, amber; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . embryo (gr. _embryon_), the young organism in its earliest stages of development. embryogeny (gr. _embryon_; _genesis_, generation), the development of the embryo. eugenics (gr. _eugenes_, well-born), the science relating to improvement of the human race through good breeding. factor, the determiner of a particular hereditary character. feeble-mindedness, deficiency in mental development. for grades, see p. . fertilization, union of the sexual cells. fetus (l. _feuere_, to bring forth), the unborn young animal in its later (after the second month in man) stages of development. flagellum (l. _flagellum_, little whip), a vibratile, thread-like organ of locomotion. gamete (gr. _gamos_, marriage), a mature germ-cell. genetics (gr. _genesis_, origin), the science which deals with heredity and the origin of individuals in general. genotype (gr. _genea_, race; _typto_, strike), the germinal constitution of an organism. geotropism (gr. _ge_, earth; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . germ-cell, a reproductive cell. germinal variations, variations which owe their origin to some modification in the germ-cells. germ-plasm, the material basis of inheritance. gonad (gr. _gonos_, generation), a germ-gland. haploid (gr. _haploos_, single; _eidos_, form), the single or reduced number of chromosomes as found, for instance, in the mature germ-cells. heliotropism (gr. _helios_, sun; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . heredity (l. _heres_, heir), resemblance of individuals to their progenitors based on community of origin. heritage (l. _heres_, heir), all that is inherited by an individual. heterozygote (gr. _heteros_, other; _zygon_, yolk), an individual produced through the union of germ-cells which are unlike in one or more determiners. adjective, _heterozygous_. homozygote (gr. _homos_, same; _zygon_, yolk), an individual produced through the union of germ-cells which are alike in determiners. adjective, _homozygous_. hybrid (l. _hybrida_, mongrel), the offspring of parents which differ in one or more characters. identical twins, twins which show identical inborn characters, both having come presumably from the same ovum. idiot (gr. _idios_, peculiar, private), defined, p. . imbecile (l. _imbecillis_, weak), defined, p. . inheritance (l. _in_, in; _heres_, heir), the sum of all characters which are transmitted by the germ-cells from generation to generation. inhibitor (l. _in_, in; _habeo_, hold, have), that which checks or restrains. instinct (l. _in_, in; _stingno_, prick), defined, p. . intra-uterine (l. _intra_, within; _uterus_, the womb), within the womb. irritability (l. _irrito_, excite), the property of responding to stimuli. linin (l. _linum_, flax), filaments of the cell-nucleus not readily stained by dyes. luetin test (l. _lues_, pest), a test for syphilis; see p. . mammals (l. _mamma_, breast), warm-blooded, hairy animals which suckle their young. maturation (l. _maturus_, ripe), the final stages in the development of the sex-cells characterized by two divisions in one of which the number of chromosomes is reduced by one-half. mendelian, mendelism, referring to mendel, the founder of a theory of heredity. see p. . metazoa (gr. _meta_, over; _zoon_, animal), all animals higher than the protozoa. mitosis (gr. _mitos_, thread), indirect nuclear division, characterized by the appearance of a fibrous spindle and a definite number of chromosomes. the latter split to form daughter chromosomes which diverge to the poles of the spindle to form parts of the new nuclei. mongolian, a type of feeble-minded individual, see p. . monohybrid (gr. _monos_, single; l. _hybrida_, mongrel), the offspring of parents, differing in one character. moron (gr. _moros_, foolish), defined, p. . mutations (l. _mutare_, to change), abrupt, inheritable germinal variations. frequently though not necessarily they are changes of considerable extent. neural (gr. _neuron_, nerve), pertaining to the nervous system. neuron (gr. _neuron_, nerve), a nerve-unit consisting of a nerve-cell with branching processes called dendrites and an axon or axis cylinder process which gives rise to a nerve fiber. neuropathic (gr. _neuron_, nerve; _pathos_, suffering), relating to disease of the nervous system. nucleolus (l. dim. of nucleus), a well-defined body found within the nucleus of a cell. nucleus (l. _nux_, a nut), the central organ of a cell. nulliplex (l. _nullus_, not any; _plico_, fold), the condition in which no determiners of a given character exist in a particular individual. oÃ�cyte (gr. _oon_, egg; _kytos_, cell), the ovarian egg in one stage of development. oÃ�genesis (gr. _oon_, egg; _genesis_, origin), the development of ova from primitive sex-cells. oÃ�gonium (gr. _oon_, egg; _gonos_, generation), a primordial egg-cell. ovary (l. _ovum_, egg), the organ in which the egg-cells multiply and are nourished. ovum (l. _ovum_, an egg), the female sex cell. parthenogenesis (gr. _parthenos_, virgin; _genesis_, origin), development of an egg which has not united with a male gamete. phenotype (gr. _phaino_, show; _typto_, strike), the existing type of individual irrespective of hereditary possibilities which may reside in it undeveloped. phototropism (gr. _phos_, light; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . placenta (l. _placenta_, a flat cake), the organ by which the fetus of the higher mammals is attached to the uterine wall of the mother for purposes of nourishment, respiration and excretion. in it the maternal and fetal blood, although not intermingling, are brought into such close proximity that an interchange of dissolved substances is possible. polar bodies, the minute cells which are separated from the egg in its maturation divisions. primate (l. _primus_, first), the highest order of animals, including monkeys, apes and man. pronucleus, the nucleus of the mature ovum or sperm-cell. protoplasm (gr. _protos_, first; _plasma_, form), the essential living substance. protozoa (gr. _protos_, first; _zoon_, animal), single-celled animals or animals composed of cells not separable into different tissues. psychical (gr. _psyche_, the soul), pertaining to the mind. recessive character (l. _recessus_, a going back), a character from one parent which remains undeveloped in offspring when associated with the corresponding dominant character from the other parent. reduction division, a division of the maturing germ-cells in which the dual or somatic (diploid) number of chromosomes is reduced to the single (haploid) number. reflex action (l. _re_, back; _flectere_, bend), an automatic response of the nervous and motor mechanism of the body. restrictive (or negative) eugenics, a system of improving the human race by preventing reproduction of the unfit. reversion (l. _re_, back; _verto_, turn), the reappearance of ancestral traits which have for some generations been in abeyance. rheotropism (gr. _rheo_, to flow; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . salpingectomy (gr. _salpinx_, trumpet; _ectome_, cutting out), removal of part or all of a fallopian tube (oviduct). segregation (l. _se_, aside; _grex_, flock), separation. sex chromosome, a special chromosome which is supposed to be concerned in the determination of sex. sex-linked characters, defined, p. . simian (l. _simia_, ape), ape-like. simplex (l. _sim_, same; _plico_, fold), the condition in which a character is represented by a determiner from only one of the two parents. soma (gr. _soma_, body), the body considered apart from the germ-cells. spermatid (gr. _sperma_, seed), a cell resulting from the last division of the germ-cell in spermatogenesis. it transforms into the spermatozoon. spermatocytes (gr. _sperma_, seed; _kytos_, cell), cells concerned in the maturation divisions of the male germ-cells. spermatogenesis (gr. _sperma_, seed; _genesis_, origin), the development of spermatozoa from primitive sex-cells. spermatogonium (gr. _sperma_, seed; _gonos_, generation), a primordial sperm-cell. spermatozoon (gr. _sperma_, seed; _zoon_, animal), the functional male sex-cell. spindle, a fibrous organ formed in indirect cell-division. spireme (l. _spira_, coil), a characteristic stage preliminary to indirect cell-division in which the chromatin material of the nucleus appears in the form of a skein of filaments. stereotropism (gr. _stereos_, solid; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . sterilization (l. _sterilis_, barren), deprivation of reproductive power. for methods, see p. . synapse (gr. _syn_, together; _hapto_, unite), the coming in contact of the processes of one nerve cell with the processes or body of another. synapsis (gr. _syn_, together; _hapto_, unite), union of the chromosomes in pairs preliminary to the reduction division. telegony (gr. _telegonos_, born far away), the supposed influence of an earlier sire on offspring born later of the same mother to a different sire. thermotropism (gr. _thero_, heat; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . thigmotropism (gr. _thigmo_, touch; _trope_, turning), defined, p. . toxin (gr. _toxicon_, poison), poisonous compounds of animal, vegetable, or bacterial origin. tropism (gr. _trope_, turning), the automatic directing of an organism toward or away from a source of stimulus. unit-character, a character which behaves as an indivisible unit in heredity. vasectomy (l. _vas_, vessel; _ektome_, cutting out), removal of a portion of the vas deferens (duct for conveying spermatozoa). vestigeal (l. _vestigium_, footstep), representing organs which existed once in a more developed condition. volvox (l. _volvo_, roll), a small fresh-water organism occurring in spherical colonies. wasserman reaction, a test for syphilis, see p. . x-element, same as sex-chromosome. zygote (gr. _zygon_, yolk), the product of the union of two gametes. references for further reading and study bateson, w., . _mendel's principles of heredity._ cambridge, the university press. the best technical account of mendelism. it contains also a translation of the original papers of mendel. castle, william e., . _heredity._ new york, d. appleton and company. castle, william e.; coulter, john m.; davenport, charles b.; east, edward m.; tower, william l., . _heredity and eugenics._ chicago, the university of chicago press. conklin, edwin grant, . _heredity and environment in the development of men._ princeton, princeton university press. davenport, charles b., . _heredity in relation to eugenics._ new york, henry holt and company. doncaster, l., . _heredity in the light of recent research._ cambridge, the university press. doncaster, l., . _the determination of sex._ cambridge, the university press. ellis, havelock, . _the task of social hygiene._ new york, houghton mifflin company. galton, francis, . _hereditary genius: an inquiry into its laws and consequences._ london, macmillan and company. galton, francis, . _natural inheritance._ new york, the macmillan company. galton, francis, . _english men of science; their nature and nurture._ new york, d. appleton and company. galton, francis, and schuster, edgar, . _noteworthy families_ (modern science). london, j. murray. goddard, henry herbert, . _the kallikak family; a study in the heredity of feeble-mindedness._ new york, the macmillan company. goddard, henry herbert, . _feeble-mindedness; its causes and consequences._ new york, the macmillan company. healy, william, . _the individual delinquent._ boston, little, brown and company. kellicott, william e., . _the social direction of human evolution; an outline of the science of eugenics._ new york, d. appleton and company. morgan, thomas hunt, . _heredity and sex._ new york, columbia university press. punnett, r. c., . _mendelism._ new york, the macmillan company. the best popular account of mendelism. saleeby, caleb william, . _parenthood and race culture; an outline of eugenics._ london, cassell and company. schuster, edgar, . _eugenics._ london, collins clear-type press. thomson, j. arthur, . _heredity._ london, john murray. walter, herbert eugene, . _genetics._ new york, the macmillan company. whetham, w. c. d. and c. d., . _the family and the nation._ london, longmans, green and company. woods, frederick adams, . _mental and moral heredity in royalty._ new york, henry holt and company. various authors, . _eugenics; twelve university lectures._ new york, dodd, mead and company. journals: _the journal of heredity._ the organ of the american genetic association, washington, d. c. _the eugenics review._ issued at the university of london. _memoirs and bulletins_ published by the eugenics record office, cold spring harbor, long island, n. y. every one interested in eugenics should be acquainted with the work of this office. in its own words its functions are: . to serve eugenical interests in the capacity of repository and clearing house. . to build up an analytical index of the traits of american families. . to train field workers to gather data of eugenical import. . to maintain a field force actually engaged in gathering such data. . to cooperate with other institutions and with persons concerned with eugenical study. . to investigate the manner of inheritance of specific human traits. . to advise concerning the eugenical fitness of proposed marriages. . to publish results of researches. to such persons as will undertake to fill them out it furnishes free in duplicate (one copy to be retained by the applicant) the following blank schedules: . _record of family traits._ . _index to germ-plasm--a parallel family record for prospective marriage mates._ . _musical talent._ . _mathematical talent._ . _tuberculosis._ . _special trait chart._ . _harelip and cleft-palate._ _publications of the volta bureau_ of washington, d. c., an institution given over entirely to data regarding deaf mutes. _studies in national deterioration._ the university of london. _memoirs and lectures_, from the biometric laboratory, university of london. _treasury of human inheritance_, a series of studies being issued from the eugenics laboratory, university college, london. index ability: ; calculating, literary, musical, . able child likely to be neglected, . achondroplasy, . acquired characters, inheritance of, . adami, . adaptations, establishment of, . adaptive responses, . agassiz, . albinism, in man, . alcohol: and crime, ; and degeneracy, , ; and germinal tissue, ; a poison, . alcoholism: , , ; factors in, ; in lower animals, - ; views regarding inheritance of, , , , , , . alkaptonuria, . allelomorph, . alpine plants, non-inheritance of acquired characters, . alternative action in behavior, . altruism, possible origin of, . ambystoma, . ameba, , . ancestors, number of, . ancestry: a network, ; dual, ; in royalty, ; pride of, as a eugenic agent, . backward child, . backwardness, importance of early determination, , . bardeen, . barker, . barr, , , . barrington, . bateson, , . bees, inheritance in, , . behavior: lower animals, ; modifiability of, , - , , , , , ; not wholly established by heredity, , ; rational, , ; various forms of, possible, , . bell, . bezzola, . billings, . binet-simon test, . biometry, . birthmarks, , . birth-rate: significance of, ; too low in desirable stocks, , , , . blastomeres, . blastophthoria, . blended inheritance, , , . blends, mistakes for, . blindness, infantile, . blistering, . body: how built up from germ, ; duality of, . brachydactylism, . brain: in higher animals, ; mechanism, maladjustments of, . branthwaite, , . breeding, experiments, method of, , . brewer, . brieux, . bronner, . brown sequard, , . cabot, . cacogenic strains, . cajal, . cancer, , . capsella, . castle, . cataract, presenile, . cattle: horn characters, ; roan, . cell: a unit of structure, ; diagram of, ; structure of, , . cell-division: ; indirect (mitosis), ; meaning of indirect, . cell-theory, . cellular basis of heredity, . ceni, . centrosome, . cerebral cortex, not functionally homogeneous, . character: defined, ; dominant, ; recessive, . characters: contrasted, ; determiners of, , ; independence of, ; inheritable and non-inheritable, , ; more than two pairs of, ; new combinations of, , , ; separable, ; symbols for, ; two pairs of, . chauvin, . chemotropism, . childbirths, intervals between, . children of the future: ours to determine quality of, , ; and home, . cholera, . chorea: ; huntington's, - , , . chromatin, . chromosome, . chromosomes: individuality of, , ; determiners in, ; in germ and body cells, ; mendelian factors and, ; number and appearance, , ; pairs of, , , ; significance of, in heredity, , , , , , . chromotropism, . church, . cleavage, . cleft-palate, . cole, . college graduates and birth-rate, . coloboma, . color-blindness, - . conceptual thought, origin of, . conduct: importance to young of practise, , ; hereditary predisposition and, , ; responsibility for, . congenital traits, . conjugation, . consciousness, . conservation: of superior strains, ; human, , . constructive eugenics, . corneal opacity, . correns, . cortex of brain, , . cost, of caring for our disordered and delinquent, , . cretins, effects of segregating the sexes, . crime: and delinquency, , ; and feeble-mindedness, - ; bearings of immigration on, ; classifications of, ; defined, ; heredity vs. environment in, ; increase in, ; mental disorders most frequently associated with, ; no specific hereditary factor for, . criminal: the born, ; the epileptic, . criminality, . criss-cross inheritance, . criteria for judging reproductive fitness, , . cytoplasm: ; in heredity, . daltonism, . dana, . darwin, pedigree of, . davenport, , , , , , , , , , , . davis, . deaf-mutism, , . death, natural, . decline of nations, , . defective delinquent, should prevent procreation of, . defectives: increase due to breeding, , ; natural elimination done away with among, ; unpardonable to let multiply, . defects: breeding out, , ; mental and nervous, . degenerate strains: ; not a product of surroundings, . degenerates, sterilization of married, . delinquency, causes of, , . delinquents not all defectives, . delinquent women and girls, many mentally defective, , . dendrite, . de sanctis, . determiners: , ; different producing the same character, , ; segregation of, . development: in higher organisms, ; suppressed, . de vries, . diabetes, . difficulty, educational value of, , . digital malformations, . dihybrids, . diploid number of chromosomes, , . disease: defined, ; inheritance of, , ; predisposition to, ; reappearance of not necessarily inheritance, . dominance: ; delayed, ; incomplete, , ; in human genealogies, ; in man, , . don carlos, number of ancestors, . drosophila, . duplex character, , . dwarfing, by starvation, . dwarfs, true, . east, . education: actual practise in carrying out projects important, ; affording opportunity for development of good traits, ; effects of not inherited, , ; establishing pathways through the nervous system, ; importance of difficulty in, , ; non-transference of skill acquired in one line to other lines, ; providing proper stimuli, ; training in motive necessary, ; value of interest in, . egg, a cell, . egg-cell and sperm-cell contrasted, . elderton, , . electrotropism, . ellis, , . embryo, relation to mother, . embryogeny, . emerick, . environment: direct action on germ cells, , ; effects of faulty, ; in crime and delinquency, , , , . epidermolysis, . epilepsy: , , , , , , ; in guinea-pigs, ; relation to feeble-mindedness, . epileptic, the criminal type, - . epileptics, number of, , , . eugenic agent, educated public sentiment, . eugenics: and education, ; and personal liberty, ; a working program of, ; constructive, based on education, ; defined, ; desirable traits, ; education of women in, ; influence of public opinion on, ; much yet to be done, , ; positive and negative, . ewart, , . exceptional child likely to be neglected, . experimental breeding, method of, . external conditions, influences of, . eye-color: , ; inheritance of, . eye-defects, , . family pride and eugenics, . farabee, . fay, . feeble-minded: prevention of procreation in, , ; results of non-restraint, . feeble-mindedness: , ; and crime, - , ; grades of, ; inheritance of, ; not insanity, ; relation of alcohol to, - . fernald, , . fertilization, , , , . fetus: poisoning of, ; relation to mother, . fiber-tracts in man, . fitness, criteria for judging, , . flexner, . forel, , , . fowl, andalusian, , , . frederick the great, number of ancestors, . friedreich's disease, . fruit-fly, . galton, , . gamete, , . gametes in dihybrids, . gametic matings in man, . geddes, . genealogies, imperfect, . genotype, . geotropism, . germ and body distinct, , . germ: control of possibilities in, ; singleness of, . german emperor, number of ancestors, . germ-cells: affected by poisons, ; changes in, , ; early set apart, ; question of effects of body on, , ; effects of external influences on, ; in miastor, , ; metabolic changes in, ; origin of, , ; possibilities of development, ; two classes of, , . germinal continuity, . germinal variation and the origin of new characters: ; cases analyzed, ; sexual reproduction in relation to, . germ-plasm and bad environment, . gifted persons, . glaucoma, . goddard, , , , , , , , , , , , , . gonads, transplantation of, . gonorrhoea: seriousness of, ; prevalence, . gorst, . gout, , . guinea-pigs: alcoholism in, ; mendelism in, . guyer, . habit, . habits, modification of in lower animals, . hair-color, . hair shape, . hamburger, . handwriting, . haploid number of chromosomes, , . harelip, . hart, , , . healy, , , . hearing, hardness of, . heart disease, . hegner, , . heliotropism, . helm, , . hemophilia, . hereditary character defined, . hereditary mingling, mosaic rather than blend, . hereditary transmission, laws of, . heredity: and environment, ; dual ancestry in, ; defined, ; false, ; human, uncertainty of records, ; in protozoa, , ; in insanity, importance of, ; in sexually reproducing forms, ; in unicellular forms, , ; methods of study, , ; new discoveries in, ; not a blend, ; race betterment through, . heritage, blood, . heron, . heterozygote: ; detection of, . hill-folk, the, . hodge, . holmes, . home, for children, . homozygote, . huntington's chorea, - , , . huxley, , . hybrids: ; whites and negroes, , . hypotrichosis, . hysteria, . ichthyosis, . ideals, importance of establishing in children, . idiots, . imbeciles, . immigrants, duty of excluding undesirable, . immigration: and mental unsoundness, , ; bearing on crime and delinquency, ; bearing on venereal diseases, ; importance of restricting, , . immortality: of protozoa, ; of the race, . immunity, artificial, not inherited, . inbreeding, in defectives, . individual, and race, . inebriate women, offspring of, . inebriety, constitutional, . infant mortality, . infection, prenatal, . inheritance: and disease, ; blended, , ; of tendencies, . inhibitions, . inhibitors, . insane, increase in numbers of, , . insanity: ; certain forms recessive, ; eugenical significance of, , , ; importance of early diagnosis, ; some forms not hereditary, ; types of, ; prevalence in the united states, , . insect colors, effect of temperature, . instincts: ; adjustable, ; not inherited acquirements, ; origin of intelligent behavior from, , . institutional figures misleading, . intelligence, , . intelligent behavior, opening up possibilities of, . ireland, . irritability, characteristics of living protoplasm, . jennings, , . johnson, . johnstone, , , , . jolly, . jordan, , . jukes, . kallikak family, , . kellicott, , . kellogg, . keratosis, . kidney diseases, . kirby, , . knox, . kraeplin, . laitinen, . language, as mental aid, , . lapsed intelligence, theory of, . larval stages, susceptibility of, . laws, sterilization, , , . lead-poisoning: ; experiments on rabbits, . lederbaur, . legal restraint of defectives limited, . lens: displaced, ; cataract, . leprosy, . leptinotarsa, production of variations in, . linden, countess von, . linin, . little's disease, . locomotor ataxia, . loeb, , . longevity, . lord morton's mare, . lorenz, , , . low birth-rate, . lowell, judge john, . luetin test, . lunborg, . macdougal, . margaret, mother of criminals, . marriage: barriers to, ; inter-racial, ; medical inspection before, . mast, . maternal impressions, - . maturation: , , , ; parallel between egg and sperm-cell, , . mechanical skill, . mechanism of heredity, , , , , , , , , - , , . melancholia and crime, . memory: , ; not a complete test of normality, , . mendel: ; work on peas, . mendelian factors and chromosomes: ; inheritance and man, ; principles, rediscovery of, ; ratio, cause of, . mendelism, , . mental and nervous defects, . mental defective: defined, ; disproportionate increase in, ; numbers married, , ; inefficiency of marriage laws concerning, . mental deficiency: not always inherited, ; tests for, , . mental organization of lower vertebrates, . mental process as neural process, . mental unsoundness, . mentality, inheritance of, . mentally disordered, cost of caring for, , . mercier, . merriere's disease, . metazoa, . metz, . mice, . michigan, state report on mentally defective, . migraine, . mind, relation to brain, . mitosis: , ; meaning of, , . mjöen, . modifiability of behavior, , , , , , , , , . mongolians, . moral responsibility, . morgan, c. lloyd, , . morgan, t. h., , . moron, , . morons and crime, . mosaic, heredity a, . motherhood, safeguarding, . motive, training in, . mott, . mulattoes, . multiple sclerosis, , . muscular atrophy: ; gower's, . musical ability, . mutations: artificial production of, ; germinal, . mutilations, non-inheritance of, . myopia, . naegeli, . nam family, . natural selection partly done away with in human society, . near-sightedness, . nervous and mental diseases, . nervous organization, inheritable, . nervous response, in lower organisms, . nervous system: mainly inherited, , ; establishment of pathways in, ; maladjustments of, ; special developments in man, , , ; units of, . nervous systems of anthropoids, . neural pathways, not all established at birth, . neuritis optica, . neurons, . neuron theory, . neuropathic constitution, expression of, . neuropathic defects, carriers of, . neuter insects, heredity in, , . new characters, origin of, . newman, . nicloux, . night-blindness, . nilsson-ehle, , . noguchi, . nucleolus, . nucleus, structure of, . nulliplex character, , . obesity, , . offspring: from one parent only, ; different from either parent, . oöcyte, primary, secondary, . oögenesis, . oögonia, . optic nerve, atrophy of, . organs, formation of, . origin of sex cells, , . ovaries, transplantation of, . ovum, , . paralysis, general, . paranoia, . parent-body and germ distinct, . parenthood, cultivation of wholesome sentiment toward, . paresis: ; and crime, . parthenogenesis, . patterson, . paul, . pearson, , , , , . peas, , . performance tests, . peron, . personality determined by heredity, , . peterson, . phenotype, . phillips, , . phototropism, . pinard, . pineys, the, . plato, . poellman, . polar bodies, , . polydactyly, . potato-beetle, production of variations in, . potts, . predisposition to disease, . pregnancy, neglect of mothers during, . prenatal care: ; infection, ; influence, , , . prenuptial medical inspection desirable, . presence and absence theory: ; formulæ for man, . primrose, experiments on, . principles, mendelian, . prisoners, many mentally subnormal, . pronucleus, . protective coloration, not of somatic origin, , . protoplasm, germinal, . psychical development, , , , , , . pyramidal tracts, . quagga hybrid, . race amalgamation: , ; deterioration, in a selected population, . racial degeneracy, not curable by improved environment alone, . ratio: the : : , ; the : , ; the : : : , ; the : : : : : : : , ; the : , ; the : , . rational behavior, , . reason, . recessiveness: ; in man, . records of family traits desirable, . reduction division, , . reflexes, . regression, law of, . renault, . rentoul, . reproduction: asexual, , ; sexual, ; sexual and variation, . reproductive cells, , , . responsibility for conduct, . rest, importance of, in pregnancy, . reversion: , ; and atavism, ; in guinea-chicken hybrids, . rheotropism, . rheumatism, . ritter, . rogers, , . romanes, . rosanoff, . rossolimo, . rudin, . salpingectomy, . sanford, . st. vitus' dance, . schulze, . schuster, . sclerosis, multiple, , . segregation: in dihybrids, ; mendelian, , , ; of defectives, . seguin, . self-control, importance of, , , , , , . sex: and chromosomes, ; and heredity, ; cells of volvox, ; chromosome, , ; determination, ; differentiation and x-element, ; evolution of, - ; hygiene, question of school instruction in, ; in certain insects, ; linked characters, , ; not a necessary factor in heredity, ; problem, knowledge alone not sufficient, . sexual vice, . sharp, . simplex character, , . skill, non-transference in brain, , . skin, color of, . smallpox, . social maladies, prevention of, . softening of the brain, . soma, . spermatid, . spermatocyte, primary, secondary, . spermatogenesis, . spermatogonium, . spermatazoon: , ; a cell, ; formation of, ; structure of, . spindle, in cell-division, . spottedness of hair-coat, . sprague, , . starfish, training a, . statistical methods, . statistics, trustworthy needed, . stature, inheritance of, . stereotropism, . sterility, . sterilization: ; in epilepsy, ; laws, ; laws, on trial, ; laws, states having, . stevens, . stockard, - . strength, muscular, . stripes, reversionary, . stutzman, . sullivan, . superior strains, conservation of, . synapse, . synapsis, , . syndactyly, , , . syphilis: - ; and prostitutes, ; cerebro-spinal form, - ; prenuptial inspection for, - ; prevalence, ; stages of, ; tests for, . syphilitics: children of, , ; married, . tabes dorsalis, . taints, . talent, inheritance of, . taylor, . telegony, alleged cases of, . temperament, inheritance of, . thermotropism, . thigmotropism, . third generation, segregation in, . thomsen's disease, . thomson, . thorndike, . tower, . training of children: and heredity, ; faults in, , . transmission, not necessarily inheritance, . tredgold, . treponema pallidum, . tribe of ishmael, . tropic responses: often purposeful, ; uncertainties in, . tropisms: ; complications in, ; in plants and animals, ; relations to reflex actions and instincts, . tschermak, . tuberculosis, , - , . twins: identical, ; sex of, . typhoid, . unemployed, frequently morons, . unfit, elimination of, urgent, . unit-character: ; inheritance of, . unicellular organisms: ; inheritance in, , . use and disuse, . van ingen, . vasectomy, . venereal disease, . virchow, . voison, . volitions as tropisms, . volvox, , , . war, eugenical effects of, . wasserman, provocative, . wasserman test, , . webbed digits, . weeks, , , , . west, . wheat, , , . whetham, , . whitman, . wilmarth, , , , . wilson, , , , . woods, . x-element, , . zebra hybrids, . zeros, the, . zygote: , ; chromosomes of, . footnotes: [ ] the reader desiring more detailed information will find fuller discussions in the following: wilson, e. b.: _recent researches on the determination and heredity of sex_. science, january , . wilson, e. b.: _the chromosomes in relation to the determination of sex_. science progress, april, . guyer, m. f.: _recent progress in some lines of cytology_. transactions of the american microscopical society, april, . morgan, t. h.: _heredity and sex_. columbia university press, . [ ] a translation of mendel's original papers will be found in _mendel's principles of heredity_, by w. bateson. [ ] _heredity of skin color in negro and white crosses_: publication no. , of the _carnegie institution of washington_. [ ] whitman, c. o.: _animal behavior, biological lectures_, marine biological laboratory, . [ ] _the fight against tuberculosis and the death rate from phthisis_, london, dulau & co., . [ ] forel, august: _the sexual question_, p. . [ ] loc. cit. p. . [ ] in this connection it is instructive to note from a michigan state report, just off the press, that, among , insane individuals concerning whom satisfactory information was obtained, . per cent. "had among their ancestors or family such hereditary influences as insanity, apoplexy or paralysis, psychopathic abnormalities or alcoholism." see _report of the commission to investigate the extent of feeble-mindedness, epilepsy, insanity and other conditions of mental defectiveness in michigan_. wynkoop hollenbeck crawford co., state printers, lansing, michigan, . [ ] _feeble-mindedness; its causes and consequences_, by henry h. goddard, the macmillan company, . [ ] _the binet-simon measuring scale for intelligence_, by henry h. goddard, . the training school, vineland, n. j. price cents. [ ] "tests for mental defects," by howard a. knox, _journal of heredity_, march, . see also knox: _journal of the american medical association_, . [ ] _the individual delinquent_, by william healy, m. d. little, brown & co., boston. [ ] _the individual delinquent_, by william healy, m. d. little, brown & co., boston. [ ] the psycopathic laboratory in connection with the juvenile court of chicago. [ ] see "the foreign born in the united states." _the national geographic magazine_, september, . [ ] see first report of the committee of the eugenic section of the american breeders' association, "on immigration", _american breeders' magazine_, vol. iii, no. , . also second report of same, _the journal of heredity_, july, . [ ] "the negro and his health problems," _medical record_, september , . [ ] see d. s. jordan, _the human harvest_, or v. l. kellogg, _eugenics and militarism_. [ ] for arguments indicating the superior eugenical fitness of college graduates see "wellesley's birth-rate," by roswell h. johnson and bertha stutzman, _the journal of heredity_, june, . see also, "education and race suicide," by robert j. sprague, _ibid._, april, . [ ] since the present manuscript went to press an excellent government report (_insane and feeble-minded in institutions in _, department of commerce, bureau of the census, , washington, d. c.) has appeared. in it one finds the estimate that not over one-tenth of our feeble-minded are being cared for in special institutions. [ ] for summaries of existing sterilization laws and statements of the issues involved see ( ) _the legal, legislative, and administrative aspects of sterilisation_, bulletin b, february , , eugenics record office, cold spring harbor, n. y.; ( ) _sterilisation of criminals_, report of committee h of the american institute of criminal law and criminology, bulletin no. xv, september, . transcriber's notes: passages in italics are indicated by _italics_. passages in bold are indicated by =bold=. superscripted characters are indicated by ^{superscript}. subscripted characters are indicated by _{subscript}. the original text contains a few letters with diacritical marks that are not represented in this text version. the original text contains male and female symbols. these are represented as [male] and [female]. +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | | | transcriber's note: in this plain text version, italics have been | | rendered using underscores; both bold and small-caps using | | all-caps (these never occur near each other, so no confusion | | should arise); and the surnames of the subjects, which were in | | bold sans-serif in the original, have been rendered in all-caps | | with the # symbol on either side. the underscores have been | | removed from a few italicized abbreviations where they were felt | | to be a distraction. | | | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ noteworthy families (modern science) an index to kinships in near degrees between persons whose achievements are honourable, and have been publicly recorded by francis galton, d.c.l., f.r.s., hon. d.sc (camb.) and edgar schuster galton research fellow in national eugenics vol i of the publications of the eugenics record office of the university of london london john murray, albemarle street contents page i. introductory note vii preface ix chapter general remarks ix ii. noteworthiness xi iii. highest order of ability xiv iv. proportion of noteworthies to the generality xviii v. noteworthiness as a statistical measure of ability xx vi. nomenclature of kinships xxvi vii. number of kinsfolk in each degree xxviii viii. number of noteworthy kinsmen in each degree xxxiii ix. marked and unmarked noteworthiness xxxv x. conclusions xxxix noteworthy families: of sixty-six f.r.s.'s who were living in appendix: fathers of some of the sixty-six f.r.s.'s classified by their occupations index introductory note the brief biographical notices of sixty-six noteworthy families printed in this book are compiled from replies to a circular issued by me in the spring of to all living fellows of the royal society. those that first arrived were discussed in "nature," august , . on mr. schuster's appointment by the university of london, in october, , to the research fellowship in national eugenics, all my materials were placed in his hand. he was to select from them those families that contained at least three noteworthy kinsmen, to compile lists of their achievements on the model of the above-mentioned memoir, to verify statements as far as possible, and to send what he wrote for final approval by the authors of the several replies. this was done by mr. schuster. the results were then submitted by him as an appendix to his report to the senate last summer. after preliminary arrangements, it was determined by the senate that the list of noteworthy families should be published according to the title-page of this book, i having agreed to contribute the preface, mr. schuster's time being fully occupied with work in another branch of eugenics. so the list of "noteworthy families" in this volume is entirely the work of mr. schuster, except in respect to some slight alterations and additions for which i am responsible, as well as for all the rest. francis galton. preface chapter i.--general remarks. this volume is the first instalment of a work that admits of wide extension. its object is to serve as an index to the achievements of those families which, having been exceptionally productive of noteworthy persons, seem especially suitable for biographical investigation. the facts that are given here are avowedly bald and imperfect; nevertheless, they lead to certain important conclusions. they show, for example, that a considerable proportion of the noteworthy members in a population spring from comparatively few families. the material upon which this book is based is mainly derived from the answers made to a circular sent to all the fellows of the royal society whose names appear in its year book for . the questions were not unreasonably numerous, nor were they inquisitorial; nevertheless, it proved that not one-half of those who were addressed cared to answer them. it was, of course, desirable to know a great deal more than could have been asked for or published with propriety, such as the proneness of particular families to grave constitutional disease. indeed, the secret history of a family is quite as important in its eugenic aspect as its public history; but one cannot expect persons to freely unlock their dark closets and drag forth family skeletons into the light of day. it was necessary in such a work as this to submit to considerable limitations, while turning to the fullest account whatever could be stated openly without giving the smallest offence to any of the persons concerned. one limitation against which i still chafe in vain is the impracticability of ascertaining so apparently simple a matter as the number of kinsfolk of each person in each specific degree of near kinship, without troublesome solicitations. it was specially asked for in the circular, but by no means generally answered, even by those who replied freely to other questions. the reason must in some cases have been mere oversight or pure inertia, but to a large extent it was due to ignorance, for i was astonished to find many to whom the number of even their near kinsfolk was avowedly unknown. emigration, foreign service, feuds between near connections, differences of social position, faintness of family interest, each produced their several effects, with the result, as i have reason to believe, that hardly one-half of the persons addressed were able, without first making inquiry of others, to reckon the number of their uncles, adult nephews, and first cousins. the isolation of some few from even their nearest relatives was occasionally so complete that the number of their brothers was unknown. it will be seen that this deficiency of information admits of being supplied indirectly, to a considerable degree. the collection of even the comparatively small amount of material now in hand proved much more troublesome than was anticipated, but as the object and limitations of inquiries like this become generally understood, and as experience accumulates, the difficulty of similar work in the future will presumably lessen. chapter ii.--noteworthiness. the fellowship of the royal society is a distinction highly appreciated by all members of the scientific world. fifteen men are annually selected by its council out of some sixty candidates, each candidate being proposed by six, and usually by more, fellows in a certificate containing his qualifications. the candidates themselves are representatives of a multitude of persons to whom the title would be not only an honour but a material advantage. the addition of the letters "f.r.s." to the names of applicants to any post, however remotely connected with science, is a valuable testimonial and a recognised aid towards success, so the number of those who desire it is very large. experience shows that no special education, other than self-instruction, is really required to attain this honour. access to laboratories, good tuition, and so forth, are doubtless helpful, so far that many have obtained the distinction through such aid who could not otherwise have done so, but they are far from being all-important factors of success. the facts that lie patent before the eyes of every medical man, engineer, and the members of most professions, afford ample material for researches that would command the attention of the scientific world if viewed with intelligence and combined by a capable mind. it is so difficult to compare the number of those who might have succeeded with the number of those who do, that the following illustration may perhaps be useful: by adding to the registration counties in england, the in wales, the in scotland and the in ireland, an aggregate of is obtained. the english counties, and the others in a lesser degree, have to be ransacked in order to supply the fifteen annually-elected fellows; so it requires more than eight of these counties to yield an annual supply of a single fellow to the royal society. it is therefore contended that the fellows of the royal society have sufficient status to be reckoned "noteworthy," and, such being the case, they are a very convenient body for inquiries like these. they are trained to, and have sympathy with, scientific investigations; biographical notices are published of them during their lifetime, notably in the convenient compendium "who's who," to which there will be frequent occasion to refer; and they are more or less known to one another, either directly or through friends, making it comparatively easy to satisfy the occasional doubts which may arise from their communications. it was easier and statistically safer to limit the inquiry to those fellows who were living when the circulars were issued--that is, to those whose names and addresses appear in the "royal society's year book" of . some of them have since died, full of honours, having done their duty to their generation; others have since been elected; so the restriction given here to the term "modern science" must be kept in mind. another and a strong motive for selecting the f.r.s. as subjects of inquiry was that so long ago as - i had investigated the antecedents of of those who were then living, who were further distinguished by one or other of certain specified and recognised honours. my conclusions were briefly described in a friday evening lecture, february , , before the royal institution. these, together with the data on which they were founded, were published in the same year in my book "english men of science." readers who desire fuller information as to the antecedents conducive to success that are too briefly described further on should refer to the above book. the epithet "noteworthy" is applied to achievements in all branches of effort that rank among the members of any profession or calling as equal, at least, to that which an f.r.s. holds among scientific men. this affords a convenient and sufficiently definite standard of merit. i could think of none more appropriate when addressing scientific men, and it seems to have been generally understood in the desired sense. it includes more than a half of those whose names appear in the modern editions of "who's who," which are become less discriminate than the earlier ones. "noteworthiness" is ascribed, without exception, to all whose names appear in the "dictionary of national biography," but all of these were dead before the date of the publication of that work and its supplement. noteworthiness is also ascribed to those whose biographies appear in the "encyclopædia britannica" (which includes many who are now alive), and, in other works, of equivalent authority. as those persons were considered by editors of the last named publications to be worthy of note, i have accepted them, on their authority, as noteworthy. chapter iii.--highest order of ability. no attempt is made in this book to deal with the transmission of ability of the very highest order, as the data in hand do not furnish the required material, nor will the conclusions be re-examined at length that i published many years ago in "hereditary genius." still, some explanation is desirable to show the complexity of the conditions that are concerned with the hereditary transmission of the highest ability, which, for the moment, will be considered as the same thing as the highest fame. it has often been remarked that the men who have attained pinnacles of celebrity failed to leave worthy successors, if any. many concurrent causes aid in producing this result. an obvious one is that such persons are apt to be so immersed in their pursuit, and so wedded to it, that they do not care to be distracted by a wife. another is the probable connection between severe mental strain and fertility. women who study hard have, as a class--at least, according to observant caricaturists--fewer of the more obvious feminine characteristics; but whether this should be considered a cause or a consequence, or both, it is difficult to say. a third, and i think the most important, reason why the children of very distinguished persons fall sometimes lamentably short of their parents in ability is that the highest order of mind results from a fortunate mixture of incongruous constituents, and not of such as naturally harmonize. those constituents are _negatively_ correlated, and therefore the compound is unstable in heredity. this is eminently the case in the typical artistic temperament, which certainly harmonizes with bohemianism and passion, and is opposed to the useful qualities of regularity, foresight, and level common sense. where these and certain other incongruous faculties go together in well-adjusted proportions, they are capable of achieving the highest success; but their heritage is most unlikely to be transmitted in its entirety, and ill-balanced compounds of the same constituents are usually of little avail, and sometimes extraordinarily bad. a fourth reason is that the highest imaginative power is dangerously near lunacy. if one of the sanest of poets, wordsworth, had, as he said, not unfrequently to exert strength, as by shaking a gate-post, to gain assurance that the world around him was a reality, his mind could not at those times have been wholly sane. sanity is difficult to define, except negatively; but, even though we may be convinced of the truths of the mystic, that nothing is what it seems to be, the above-mentioned conduct suggests temporary insanity. it is sufficient to conclude, as any philistine would, that whoever has to shake a gate-post to convince himself that it is not a vision is dangerously near madness. mad people do such things; those who carry on the work of the world as useful and law-abiding citizens do not. i may add that i myself had the privilege of hearing at first hand the narrator's own account of this incident, which was much emphasized by his gestures and tones. wordsworth's unexpected sally was in reply to a timid question by the late professor bonamy price, then a young man, concerning the exact meaning of the lines in his famous "ode to immortality," "not for these i raise the song of praise; but for those obstinate _questionings of sense and outward things_," etc. i cannot speak from the present returns, but only from my own private knowledge of the somewhat abnormal frequency with which eccentricity, or other mental unsoundness, occurs in the families of very able scientific men. lombroso, as is well known, strongly asserted the truth of this fact, but more strongly, as it seems to myself, than the evidence warrants. it is, therefore, not in the highest examples of human genius that heredity can be most profitably studied, men of high, but not of the highest, ability being more suitable. the only objection to their use is that their names are, for the most part, unfamiliar to the public. the vastness of the social world is very imperfectly grasped by its several members, the large majority of the numerous persons who have been eminent above their far more numerous fellows, each in his own special department, being unknown to the generality. the merits of such men can be justly appreciated only by reference to records of their achievements. let no reader be so conceited as to believe his present ignorance of a particular person to be a proof that the person in question does not merit the title of noteworthy. i said what i have to say about the modern use of the word "genius" in the preface to the second edition of my "hereditary genius." it has only latterly lost its old and usual meaning, which is preserved in the term of an "ingenious" artisan, and has come to be applied to something akin to inspiration. this simply means, as i suppose, though some may think differently, that the powers of unconscious work possessed by the brain are abnormally developed in them. the heredity of these powers has not, i believe, been as yet especially studied. it is strange that more attention has not been given until recently to unconscious brain-work, because it is by far the most potent factor in mental operations. few people, when in rapid conversation, have the slightest idea of the particular form which a sentence will assume into which they have hurriedly plunged, yet through the guidance of unconscious cerebration it develops itself grammatically and harmoniously. i write on good authority in asserting that the best speaking and writing is that which seems to flow automatically shaped out of a full mind. chapter iv.--proportion of noteworthies to the generality. the materials on which the subject of this chapter depends are too various to lead to a single definite and trustworthy answer. men who have won their way to the front out of uncongenial environments owe their success principally, i believe, to their untiring energy, and to an exceptionally strong inclination in youth towards the pursuits in which they afterwards distinguished themselves. they do not seem often to be characterized by an ability that continues pre-eminent on a wider stage, because after they have fully won a position for themselves, and become engaged in work along with others who had no early difficulties to contend with, they do not, as a rule, show greatly higher natural ability than their colleagues. this is noticeable in committees and in other assemblies or societies where intellects are pitted against one another. the bulk of existing noteworthies seem to have had but little more than a fair education as small boys, during which their eagerness and aptitude for study led to their receiving favour and facilities. if, in such cases, the aptitudes are scholastic, a moderate sum suffices to give the boy a better education, enabling him to win scholarships and to enter a university. if they lie in other directions, the boy attracts notice from some more congenial source, and is helped onwards in life by other means. the demand for exceptional ability, when combined with energy and good character, is so great that a lad who is gifted with them is hardly more likely to remain overlooked than a bird's nest in the playground of a school. but, by whatever means noteworthiness is achieved, it is usually after a course of repeated and half-unconscious testings of intelligence, energy, and character, which build up repute brick by brick. if we compare the number of those who achieved noteworthiness through their own exertions with the numbers of the greatly more numerous persons whose names are registered in legal, clerical, medical, official, military, and naval directories, or in those of the titled classes[a] and landed gentry, or lastly, of those of the immense commercial world, the proportion of one noteworthy person to one hundred of the generality who were equally well circumstanced as himself does not seem to be an over-estimate. [a] by a rough count of the entries in burke's "peerage, baronetage and knightage," i find that upwards of , ladies are of sufficient rank to be included by name in his table of precedence. chapter v.--noteworthiness as a measure of ability. success is the joint result of the natural powers of mind and body, and of favourable circumstances. those of the latter which fall into definite groups will be distinguished as "environment," while the others, which evade classification, will be called "accidental." the superstitions of old times cling so tenaciously to modern thought that the words "accident" and "chance" commonly connote some mysterious agency. nothing of the kind is implied here. the word "accident" and the like is used in these pages simply to express the effect of unknown or unnoted causes, without the slightest implication that they are unknowable. in most cases their neglect has been partly due to their individual insignificance, though their combined effect may be very powerful when a multitude work in the same direction. moreover, a trifling pressure at the right spot suffices to release a hair-trigger and thereby to cause an explosion; similarly, with personal and social events, a trifling accident will sometimes determine a career. noteworthiness and success may be regarded statistically as the outcome of ability and environment and of nothing else, because the effects of chance tend to be eliminated by statistical treatment. the question then becomes, how far may noteworthiness be accepted as a statistical measure of ability? ability and environment are each composed of many elements that differ greatly in character. ability may be especially strong in particular directions as in administration, art, scholarship, or science; it is, nevertheless, so adaptive that an able man has often found his way to the front under more than one great change of circumstance. the force that impels towards noteworthy deeds is an innate disposition in some men, depending less on circumstances than in others. they are like ships that carry an auxiliary steam-power, capable of moving in a dead calm and against adverse winds. others are like the ordinary sailing ships of the present day--they are stationary in a calm, but can make some way towards their destination under almost any wind. without a stimulus of some kind these men are idle, but almost any kind of stimulus suffices to set them in action. others, again, are like arab dhows, that do little more than drift before the monsoon or other wind; but then they go fast. environment is a more difficult topic to deal with, because conditions that are helpful to success in one pursuit may be detrimental in another. high social rank and wealth conduce to success in political life, but their distractions and claims clash with quiet investigation. successes are of the most varied descriptions, but those registered in this book are confined to such as are reputed honourable, and are not obviously due to favour. in attacking the problem it therefore becomes necessary to fix the attention, in the first instance, upon the members of some one large, special profession, as upon artists, leaders in commerce, investigators, scholars, warriors, and so forth, then to divide these into subclasses, until more appears to be lost through paucity of material than is gained through its increasing homogeneity. whatever group be selected, both ability and environment must be rated according to the requirements of that group. it then becomes possible, and it is not difficult, to roughly array individuals under each of these two heads successively, and to label every person with letters signifying his place in either class. for purposes of the following explanation, each quality will be distributed into three grades, determined not by value, but by class place--namely, the highest third, the medium third, and the lowest third. in respect to ability, these classes will be called a, b, and c. in respect to environment, the grades will refer to its helpfulness towards the particular success achieved, and the classes will be called e, f, g. it must be clearly understood that the differences between the grades do not profess to be equal, merely that a is higher than b, and b than c; similarly as to e, f, and g. the a, b, c may be quite independent of e, f, g, or they may be correlated. both cases will be considered. ability and environment being mutually helpful towards success, the successes statistically associated with ae will be reckoned higher than those associated with af. again, for simplicity of explanation only, it will here be assumed that ability and environment are equally potent in securing success. any other reasonable relation between their influences may be substituted for the purpose of experiment, but the ultimate conclusion will be much the same. table i.--combinations of ability and environment. +-------------+-------------+-------------+ | ae. i. | af. i. | ag. ii. | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ | be. i. | bf. ii. | bg. iii. | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ | ce. ii. | cf. iii. | cg. iii. | +-------------+-------------+-------------+ first, suppose ability and environment to be entirely independent, a being as frequently associated with e as it is with f or with g; similarly as regards b and c, then the nine combinations shown in table i. will be equally frequent. these tabular entries fall into three equal groups. the three that lie in and about the upper left-hand corner contain the highest constituents--namely, either _high_ combined with _high_, or one _high_ with one _medium_. they produce successes of grade i. the three in the middle diagonal band running between the lower left and the upper right corners are either one _high_ and one _low_, or both are _medium_; they will produce successes of grade ii. the three in and about the right-hand corner are either one _medium_ with one _low_, or both are _low_; they will produce successes of grade iii. this is still more clearly seen by sorting the results into table ii., from which it is clear that a high grade of success is statistically associated with a high, but less, grade of ability, a medium with a medium, and a low grade of success with a low, but less low, grade of ability. table ii.--ability independent of environment. _____________________________________________________________________ | | | | | grades of | | | | success. | contributory combinations. | corresponding abilities. | |___________|_____________________________|___________________________| | | | | | | | | | i. | ae | af | be | of a | of b | -- | | ii. | ag | bf | ce | of a | of b | of c | | iii. | cg | bg | cf | -- | of b | of c | |___________|_________|_________|_________|_________|________|________| secondly, suppose a, b, c to be correlated with e, f, g, so that a is more likely to be associated with e than it is with f, and much more likely than with g. similarly, c is most likely to be associated with g, less likely with f, and least likely with e. the general effect of these preferences will be well represented by divorcing the couples which differ by two grades--namely, ag and ce, by re-mating their constituents as ae and cg, and by re-sorting them, as in table iii. the couples that differ by no more than one grade are left undisturbed. the results now fall into five grades of success, in four of which each grade contains two-ninths of the whole number, and one, the medium grade , contains only one-ninth. as remarked previously, the grades are not supposed to be separated by equal steps. they are numbered in ordinary numerals to distinguish them from those in table ii. table iii.--ability correlated with environment. _____________________________________________________________________ | | | | | grades of success. | contributory | corresponding abilities. | | | combinations. | | |____________________|_______________|________________________________| | | | | | | | | | ae | ae | of a | -- | -- | | | af | be | of a | of b | -- | | | bf | -- | -- | of b | -- | | | bg | cf | -- | of b | of c | | | cg | cg | -- | -- | of c | |____________________|_______|_______|__________|__________|__________| it clearly appears from this table that the effect of correlation between ability and environment is to increase, and not to diminish, the closeness of association between success and ability. indeed, if the correlation were perfect, success would become an equal measure _both_ of ability and of favourableness of environment. these arguments are true for each and every branch of success, and are therefore true for all: ability being construed as appropriate ability, and environment as appropriate environment. the general conclusion is that success is, statistically speaking, a magnified, but otherwise trustworthy, sign of ability, high success being associated with high, but not an equally high, grade of ability, and low with low, but not an equally low. a few instances to the contrary no more contradict this important general conclusion than a few cases of death at very early or at very late ages contradict the tables of expectation of life of a newly-born infant. chapter vi.--nomenclature of kinship. specific kinships are such as "paternal uncle" or "maternal uncle," as distinguished from the general term "uncle." the phrase "first cousin" covers no less than eight specific kinships (four male and four female), not taking the issue of mixed marriages into account. specific kinships are briefly expressed by a nomenclature in which _fa_, _me_, _bro_, _si_, _son_, _da_, _hu_, _wi_, stand respectively for _father_, _mother_, _brother_, _sister_, _son_, _daughter_, _husband_, _wife_. each of these syllables is supposed to have the possessive _'s_ added to it whenever it is followed by another syllable of the set, or by the word _is_ when it is not. _example_: let the person from whom the kinships are reckoned be called _p_, and let _q_ and _r_ be two of _p_'s kinsfolk, described respectively as _fa bro_ and _me si son_. that means that _p's father's brother_ is _q_, and that _p's mother's sister's son_ is _r_. it is a simple and easily intelligible nomenclature, and replaces intolerable verbiage in the description of distant kinships. my correspondents used it freely, and none of them spoke of any difficulty in understanding it. its somewhat babyish sound is soon disregarded. table iv.--abbreviations. ______________________________________________________________________ | | | | males. | females. | |_________________________________|____________________________________| | | | | grandfather, paternal _fa fa_ | grandmother, paternal _fa me_ | | " maternal _me fa_ | " maternal _me me_ | | father _fa_ | mother _me_ | | uncle, paternal _fa bro_ | aunt, paternal _fa si_ | | " maternal _me bro_ | " maternal _me si_ | | | | | brother _bro_ | sister _si_ | | | | | son _son_ | daughter _da_ | | nephew, brother's son _bro son_ | niece, brother's daughter _bro da_ | | nephew, sister's son _si son_ | niece, sister's daughter _si da_ | | | | | male first cousins: | female first cousins: | | . son of paternal | . dau. of paternal | | uncle _fa bro son_ | uncle _fa bro da_ | | . son of maternal | . dau. of maternal | | uncle _me bro son_ | uncle _me bro da_ | | . son of paternal | . dau. of paternal | | aunt _fa si son_ | aunt _fa si da_ | | . son of maternal | . dau. of maternal | | aunt _me si son_ | aunt _me si da_ | |_________________________________|____________________________________| those relationships that are expressed by different combinations of these letters differ _specifically_; therefore, in saying, in the next chapter, that each person has "roughly, on the average, one fertile relative in each and every form of specific kinship," it means in each and every combination of the above syllables that is practically possible. relationship may also be expressed conveniently for some purposes in degrees of remoteness, the number of the degree being that of the number of syllables used to express the specific kinship. chapter vii.--number of kinsfolk in each degree. the population may be likened to counters spread upon a table, each corresponding to a different individual. the counters are linked together by bands of various widths, down to mere threads, the widths being proportional to the closeness of the several kinships. those in the first degree (_father_, _mother_, _brother_, _sister_, _son_, _daughter_) are comparatively broad; those in the second degree (_grandparent_, _uncle_, _aunt_, _nephew_, _niece_, _grandchild_) are considerably narrower; those in the third degree are very narrow indeed. proceeding outwards, the connections soon become thinner than gossamer. the person represented by any one of these counters may be taken as the subject of a pedigree, and all the counters connected with it may be noted up to any specified width of band. in this book one of the counters is supposed to represent a fellow of the royal society, whose name appears in the "year-book" of that society for , and the linkage proceeds outwards from him to the third degree inclusive. usually it stops there, but a few distant kinships have been occasionally inserted chiefly to testify to a prolonged heritage of family traits. the intensity with which any specified quality occurs in each or any degree of kinship is measured by the proportion between the numbers of those who possess the quality in question and the total number of persons in that same degree. particular inquiries were made on the latter point, but, as already stated, the answers were incomplete. there is, however, enough information to justify three conclusions of primary importance to the present inquiry--namely, the _average_ number ( ) of brothers of the subject, ( ) of brothers of his father, and ( ) of brothers of his mother. the number of fellows to whom circulars were addressed was . the number of those who gave useful replies was , a little more than one-half of whom sent complete returns of the numbers of their brothers and uncles; some few of these had, however, placed a query here or there, or other sign of hesitation. as the number of completely available returns scarcely exceeded , i have confined the following tables to that number exactly, taking the best of the slightly doubtful cases. it would have been possible, by utilizing partial returns and making due allowances, to have obtained nearly half as many again, but the gain in numbers did not seem likely to be compensated by the somewhat inferior quality of the additional data. the first three lines of table v. show that there is no significant difference between the average numbers of brothers and sisters, nor between those of fathers' brothers and fathers' sisters, nor again between those of mothers' brothers and mothers' sisters; nor is there any large difference between those of male and female cousins, but it is apparently a fact that the group of "brothers" is a trifle smaller than that of uncles on either side. it seems, therefore, that the generation of the subjects contains a somewhat smaller number of individuals than that of either of their parents, being to that extent significant of a lessening population so far as their class is concerned. table v.--number of kinsfolk in one hundred families who survived childhood. ______________________________________________________________________ | | | | | | | generic | specific | number of | specific | number of | | kinships. | kinships. | persons. | kinships. | persons. | |_______________|_______________|___________|______________|___________| | | | | | | |brothers and | _bro_ | | _si_ | | | sisters | | | | | |_______________|_______________|___________|______________|___________| | | | | | | |uncles and | _fa bro_ | | _fa si_ | | | aunts | _me bro_ | | _me si_ | | |_______________|_______________|___________|______________|___________| | | | | | | | | mean | | mean | | |_______________|_______________|___________|______________|___________| | | | | | | |first cousins, | _fa bro son_ | | _fa bro da_ | | | male and | _fa si son_ | | _fa si da_ | | | female | _me bro son_ | | _me bro da_ | | | | _me si son_ | | _me si da_ | | |_______________|_______________|___________|______________|___________| it may seem at first sight surprising that a brother and a sister should each have the same average number of brothers. it puzzled me until i had thought the matter out, and when the results were published in "nature," it also seems to have puzzled an able mathematician, and gave rise to some newspaper controversy, which need not be recapitulated. the essence of the problem is that the sex of one child is supposed to give no clue of any practical importance to that of any other child in the same family. therefore, if one child be selected out of a family of brothers and sisters, the proportion of males to females in those that remain will be, _on the average_, identical with that of males to females in the population at large. it makes no difference whether the selected child be a boy or a girl. of course, if the conditions were "given a family of three boys and three girls," each boy would have only two brothers and three sisters, and each girl would have three brothers and two sisters, but that is not the problem. subject to this explanation, the general accuracy of the observed figures which attest the truth of the above conclusion cannot be gainsaid on theoretical grounds, nor can the conclusions be ignored to which they lead. they enable us to make calculations concerning the average number of kinsfolk in each and every specified degree in a stationary population, or, if desired, in one that increases or decreases at a specified rate. it will here be supposed for convenience that the average number of males and females are equal, but any other proportion may be substituted. the calculations only regard its fertile members; they show that every person has, on the average, about one male fertile relative in each and every form of specific kinship. kinsfolk may be divided into direct ancestry, collaterals of all kinds, and direct descendants. as regards the direct ancestry, each person has one and only one ancestor in each specific degree, one _fa_, one _fa fa_, one _me fa_, and so on, although in each _generic_ degree it is otherwise; he has two grandfathers, four great-grandfathers, etc. with collaterals and descendants the average number of _fertile_ relatives in each specified degree must be stationary in a stationary population, and calculation shows that number is approximately _one_. the calculation takes no cognizance of infertile relatives, and so its results are unaffected by the detail whether the population is kept stationary by an increased birth-rate of children or other infertiles, accompanied by an increased death-rate among them, or contrariwise. the exact conclusions were ("nature," september , , p. ), that if _d_ be the number of children in a family, half of them _on the average_ being male, and if the population be stationary, the number of fertile males in each specific ancestral kinship would be _one_, in each collateral it would be _d_-½, in each descending kinship _d_. if _d_ = (which is a common size of family), one of these on the average would be a fertile son, one a fertile daughter, and the three that remained would leave no issue. they would either die as boys or girls or they would remain unmarried, or, if married, would have no children. the reasonable and approximate assumption i now propose to make is that the number of fertile individuals is not grossly different to that of those who live long enough to have an opportunity of distinguishing themselves. consequently, the calculations that apply to fertile persons will be held to apply very roughly to those who were in a position, so far as age is concerned, to achieve noteworthiness, whether they did so or not. thus, if a group of men had between them noteworthy paternal uncles, it will be assumed that the total number of their paternal uncles who reached mature age was about , making the intensity of success as to , or as to . this method of roughly evading the serious difficulty arising from ignorance of the true values in the individual cases is quite legitimate, and close enough for present purposes. chapter viii.--number of noteworthy kinsmen in each degree. the materials with which i am dealing do not admit of adequately discussing noteworthiness in women, whose opportunities of achieving distinction are far fewer than those of men, and whose energies are more severely taxed by domestic and social duties. women have sometimes been accredited in these returns by a member of their own family circle, as being gifted with powers at least equal to those of their distinguished brothers, but definite facts in corroboration of such estimates were rarely supplied. the same absence of solid evidence is more or less true of gifted youths whose scholastic successes, unless of the highest order, are a doubtful indication of future power and performance, these depending much on the length of time during which their minds will continue to develop. only a few of the subjects of the pedigrees in the following pages have sons in the full maturity of their powers, so it seemed safer to exclude all relatives who were of a lower generation than themselves from the statistical inquiry. this will therefore be confined to the successes of fathers, brothers, grandfathers, uncles, great-uncles, great-grandfathers, and male first cousins. only persons out of the who were addressed sent serviceable replies, and these cannot be considered a fair sample of the whole. abstention might have been due to dislike of publicity, to inertia, or to pure ignorance, none of which would have much affected the values as a sample; but an unquestionably common motive does so seriously--namely, when the person addressed had no noteworthy kinsfolk to write about. on the latter ground the who did not reply would, as a whole, be poorer in noteworthy kinsmen than the who did. the true percentages for the lie between two limits: the upper limit supposes the richness of the to be shared by the ; the lower limit supposes it to be concentrated in the , the remaining being utterly barren of it. consequently, the upper limit is found by multiplying the number of observations by and dividing by , the lower by multiplying by and dividing by . these limits are unreasonably wide; i cannot guess which is the more remote from the truth, but it cannot be far removed from their mean values, and this may be accepted as roughly approximate. the observations and conclusions from them are given in table vii., p. xl. chapter ix.--marked and unmarked degrees of noteworthiness. persons who are technically "noteworthy" are by no means of equal eminence, some being of the highest distinction, while others barely deserve the title. it is therefore important to ascertain the amount of error to which a statistical discussion is liable that treats everyone who ranks as noteworthy at all on equal terms. the problem resembles a familiar one that relates to methods for electing parliamentary representatives, such as have been proposed at various times, whether it should be by the coarse method of one man one vote, or through some elaborate arrangement which seems highly preferable at first sight, but may be found on further consideration to lead to much the same results. in order to test the question, i marked each noteworthy person whose name occurs in the list of sixty-six families at the end of this book with , , or , according to what i considered his deserts, and soon found that it was easy to mark them with fair consistency. it is not necessary to give the rules which guided me, as they were very often modified by considerations, each obvious enough in itself, but difficult to summarize as a whole. various provisional trials were made; i then began afresh by rejecting a few names as undeserving any mark at all, and, having marked the remainder individually, found that a total of marks had been awarded to persons; of them had received marks; , marks; , mark; so the three subdivisions were approximately equal in number. the marks being too few to justify detailed treatment, i have grouped the kinsmen into first, second, and third degrees, and into first cousins, the latter requiring a group to themselves. the first degree contains father and brothers; the second, grandfathers and uncles; the third, great-grandparents and great-uncles. the results are shown in table vi. the marks assigned to each of the groups are given in the first line (total ), and the number of the noteworthy persons in each group who received any mark at all is shown in the third line (total ). in order to compare the first and third lines of entries on equal terms, those in the first were multiplied by and divided by , and then entered in the second line. the closeness of resemblance between the second and third lines emphatically answers the question to be solved. there is no significant difference between the results of the marked and the unmarked observations. the reason probably is that the distribution of triple, double, and single marks separately is much the same in each of the groups, and therefore remains alike when the three sets of marks are in use at the same time. it is thus made clear that trouble taken in carefully marking names for different degrees of noteworthiness would be wasted in such a rough inquiry as this. table vi.--comparison of results with and without marks in the sixty-five families. ___________________________________________________________________ | | | | | | | | | first | second | third | first | total | | | degree.| degree.| degree.| cousins.| | |______________________|________|________|________|_________|_______| | | | | | | | |number of marks | | | | | | | assigned | | | | | | |______________________|________|________|________|_________|_______| | | | | | | | |number of marks | | | | | | | reduced | | | | | | | proportionately | | | | | | |number of individuals | | | | | | | unmarked | | | | | | |______________________|________|________|________|_________|_______| | | | | | | | | mean | | | | | | |______________________|________|________|________|_________|_______| table vii., in the next chapter, affords an interesting illustration of the character of the ignorance concerning the noteworthiness of kinsmen in distant degrees, showing that it is much lessened when they bear the same surname as their father, or even as the maiden surname of their mother. the argument is this: table v. has already shown that _me bros_ are, speaking roughly, as frequently noteworthy as _fa bros_--fifty-two of the one to forty-five of the other--so noteworthiness is so far an equal characteristic of the maternal and paternal lines, resembling in that respect nearly all the qualities that are transmitted purely through heredity. there ought, therefore, to be as many persons recorded as noteworthy in each of the four different kinds of great-grandparents. the same should be the case in each of the four kinds of great-uncles. but this is not so in either case. the noteworthy great-grandfathers, _fa fa fa_, who bear the same name as the subject are twice as numerous as the _me fa fa_ who bear the maiden surname of the mother, and more than five times as numerous as either of the other two, the _fa me fa_ and _me me fa_, whose surnames differ from both, unless it be through some accident, whether of a cross marriage or a chance similarity of names. it is just the same with the great-uncles. now, the figures for great-grandfathers and great-uncles run so closely alike that they may fairly be grouped together, in order to obtain a more impressive whole--namely, two sorts of these kinsmen, bearing the same name as the subject, contain between them noteworthies, or . each; two sorts having the mother's maiden surname contain together noteworthies, or . each; four sorts containing between them names, or an average of . each. these figures are self-consistent, being each the sum of two practically equal constituents, and they are sufficiently numerous to be significant. the remarkable differences in their numbers, . , . , . , when they ought to have been equal, has therefore to be accounted for, and the explanation given above seems both reasonable and sufficient. chapter x.--conclusions. the most casual glance at table vii. leaves no doubt as to the rapid diminution in the frequency of noteworthiness as the distance of kinship to the f.r.s. increases, and it would presumably do the same to any other class of noteworthy persons. in drawing more exact conclusions, the returns must be deemed to refer not to a group of f.r.s., because they are not a fair sample of the whole body of , and, for reasons already given, they are too rich in noteworthiness for the one and too poor for the other. they will, therefore, be referred to the number that is the mean of these two limits--namely, to . i am aware of no obvious guidance to any better hypothesis. the value of the expectation that noteworthiness would be found in any specified kinsman of an f.r.s., of whom nothing else is known, may be easily calculated from table vii. on the two hypotheses already mentioned and justified: ( ) that the figures should be taken to refer to , and not to ; ( ) that per cent. of the generality are noteworthy--that is to say, there are . noteworthies to every persons of the generality. table vii.--number of noteworthy kinsmen recorded in returns. __________________________________________________________ | | || | | | kinship. | numbers || kinship. | numbers | | | recorded.|| | recorded. | |_________________|__________||________________| __________| | | || | | | _fa_ | || --- | --- | | _bro_ | || --- | --- | | | || | | | _fa fa_ | || _fa fa fa_ | | | _me fa_ | || _fa me fa_ | | | _fa bro_ | || _me fa fa_ | | | _me bro_ | || _me me fa_ | | | | || | | | _fa bro son_ | || _fa fa bro_ | | | _me bro son_ | || _fa me bro_ | | | _fa si son_ | || _me fa bro_ | | | _me si son_ | || _me me bro_ | | |_________________|__________||________________|___________| thus, for the fathers of f.r.s., are recorded as noteworthy, against . of fathers of the generality--that is, they are . times as numerous. for the first cousins of f.r.s. there are noteworthies, divided amongst four kinds of male first-cousins, or . on an average to each kind, against the . of the generality--that is, they are . times as numerous. on this principle the expectation of noteworthiness in a kinsman of an f.r.s. (or of other noteworthy person) is greater in the following proportion than in one who has no such kinsman: if he be a father, times as great; if a brother, times; if a grandfather, times; if an uncle, times; if a male first cousin, times; if a great-great-grandfather on the paternal line, ½ times. the reader may work out results for himself on other hypotheses as to the percentage of noteworthiness among the generality. a considerably larger proportion would be noteworthy in the higher classes of society, but a far smaller one in the lower; it is to the bulk, say, to three-quarters of them, that the per cent. estimate applies, the extreme variations from it tending to balance one another. the figures on which the above calculations depend may each or all of them be changed to any reasonable amount, without shaking the truth of the great fact upon which eugenics is based, that able fathers produce able children in a much larger proportion than the generality. * * * * * the parents of the fellows of the royal society occupy a wide variety of social positions. a list is given in the appendix of the more or less noteworthy parents of those fellows whose names occur in the list of sixty-six families. the parents are classified according to their pursuits. many parents of the other fellows in the families were not noteworthy in the technical sense of the word, but were reported to be able. it was also often said in the replies that the general level of ability among the members of the family of the f.r.s. was high. other parents were in no way remarkable, so the future fellow was simply a "sport," to use the language of horticulturists and breeders, in respect to his taste and ability. it is to be remembered that "sports" are transmissible by heredity, and have been, through careful selection, the origin of most of the valuable varieties of domesticated plants and animals. sports have been conspicuous in the human race, especially in some individuals of the highest eminence in music, painting, and in art generally, but this is not the place to enter further into so large a subject. it has been treated at length by many writers, especially by bateson and de vries, also by myself in the third chapter of "natural inheritance" and in the preface to the second edition of "hereditary genius." noteworthy families of fellows of the royal society living in . #avebury#, lord. see lubbock. #balfour#, right hon. arthur james (b. ), p.c., etc., f.r.s., leader of the house of commons, ; prime minister, ; president of the british association, ; author of "the foundations of belief." [for fuller references, see "who's who" and numerous other biographies.] _bro_, francis maitland balfour ( - ), f.r.s., professor of animal morphology at cambridge; brilliant investigator in embryology; gold medal, royal society, ; killed by a fall in the alps. _bro_, right hon. gerald w. balfour (b. ), p.c., fellow of trinity college, cambridge; president of the board of trade, . _si_, eleanor mildred (mrs. henry sidgwick), principal of newnham college, cambridge. _si_, evelyn, wife of lord rayleigh, f.r.s., and mother of hon. robert john strutt, f.r.s. (q.v.). _me bro_, rd marquis of salisbury, robert a.t. gascoigne-cecil ( - ), k.g., p.c., etc., f.r.s.; eminent statesman; prime minister, - , , - ; chancellor of the university of oxford; president of the british association, ; in earlier life essayist and critic; also an experimenter in electricity. it is difficult to distinguish those in the able family of the cecils whose achievements were due to sheer ability from those who were largely helped by social influence. a second _me bro_ and five _me bro sons_ are recorded in "who's who." sir robert stawell #ball#, ll.d., f.r.s. (b. ), lowndean prof. of astronomy and geometry, cambridge; fellow of king's college, cambridge; member of the council of the senate; director of the cambridge observatory since ; royal astronomer of ireland, - ; ex-president of royal astronomical soc., mathematical assoc., and of royal zoological soc. of ireland; author of many works on astronomical, mathematical, and physical subjects.--["who's who."] _fa_, robert ball ( - ), hon. ll.d., trinity coll., distinguished naturalist; secretary of royal zoological soc. of ireland; president of geological soc. of ireland; director of trinity coll. museum, .--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, valentine ball, ll.d., c.b., f.r.s. ( - ); on staff of geological survey of india, - ; prof. of geology and mineralogy in the university of dublin, - ; director and organizer of national museum, dublin, - ; author of "jungle life in india," of an elaborate treatise on the economic geology of india, and of "diamonds and gold of india."--["obit. notice, p.r.s.," .] _bro_, sir charles bent ball, m.d., m.ch., f.r.c.s.i., hon. f.r.c.s., england; regius professor of surgery, univ. of dublin; surgeon to sir patrick dun's hospital, and honorary surgeon to the king in ireland; author of various surgical works.--["who's who."] _me bro son_, ames hellicar, the successful manager of the leading bank in sydney, n.s.w. thomas george #baring#, first earl of northbrook ( - ), p.c., d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s.; under-secretary of state for india, home department, and for war; viceroy of india, - ; first lord of the admiralty, - .--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa fa fa_, sir francis baring ( - ), chairman of east india company, - ; created baronet .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, alexander baring, first baron ashburton ( - ), financier and statesman; head for many years of baring brothers and co.; member of sir robert peel's cabinet of ; raised to peerage ; commissioner to u.s.a., , for settlement "ashburton treaty" of boundary dispute.--["dict. n. biog."] _me me_, hon. lady grey, née whitbread ( - ), prominent in every work of christian philanthropy during twenty-four years in the commissioner's house in plymouth, afterwards in ireland.--["record" newspaper, may , .] _fa_, francis thornhill baring ( - ), first baron northbrook, double first at oxford, ; first lord of the admiralty.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, thomas baring ( - ), financier; refused chancellorship of exchequer, also a peerage; head for many years of baring brothers and co.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, charles baring ( - ), double first at oxford, ; bishop of gloucester and bristol, , of durham, .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro son_, evelyn baring (b. ), first earl cromer, p.c., son of h. baring, m.p.; passed first into staff college from royal artillery; made successively baron, viscount, and earl, for services in egypt.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa fa si son_, henry labouchere ( - ), first baron taunton, first-class "greats" at oxford; cabinet minister under lord melbourne and lord john russell; raised to peerage .--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, sir george grey ( - ), home secretary - , - , - ; carried the bill that abolished transportation. _me fa bro_, charles grey ( - ), second earl grey, prime minister; carried the reform bill.--["dict. n. biog."] _me si son_, sir edward jenkinson (b. ), k.c.b., private secretary to lord spencer when lord lieutenant of ireland.--["who's who."] descended from _fa fa fa bro_, rev. s. baring-gould (b. ), author of numerous novels and works on theology and history.--["who's who."] william thomas #blanford#, ll.d., f.r.s.; ( - ), on staff of geological survey of india, - ; accompanied abyssinian expedition and persian boundary commission; sometime president of geological society and of asiatic soc. of bengal, also of geological section british assoc.; author of works dealing with the geology and zoology of abyssinia, persia, and india.--["who's who."] _fa_, william blanford, established a manufacturing business in london, and was a founder, and for many years chairman, of the thames plate glass company. _me bro_, alfred simpson, established a large and successful manufacturing business in adelaide, s. australia. _bro_, henry francis blanford, f.r.s., for many years at the head of the indian meteorological department, which he originally organized. right hon. charles #booth# (b. ), p.c., f.r.s., economist and statistician; president of the royal statistical soc., - ; originated and carried through a co-operative inquiry in minute detail into the houses and occupations of the inhabitants of london, which resulted in the volumes "life and labour of the people of london"; author of memoirs on allied subjects. ["ency. brit.," xxvi. ; "who's who."] _fa fa_, thomas booth, successful merchant and shipowner at liverpool. _fa bro_, henry booth ( - ), railway projector; co-operated with stephenson in applying steam to locomotion, published much relating to railways, and invented mechanical contrivances still in use on railways; secretary and then railway director.--["dict. n. biog.," v. .] _fa bro_, james booth ( - ), c.b., parliamentary draughtsman; became permanent secretary to the board of trade. _me si son_, charles crompton, fourth wrangler, q.c., and for some years m.p. for the leek division of staffordshire. _me si son_, henry crompton, a leader in the positivist community; authority on trades union law, and author of "industrial conciliation." _me si son_, sir henry enfield roscoe, f.r.s. (q.v.) robert holford macdowall #bosanquet#, f.r.s. (b. ). fellow of st. john's coll., oxford; author of many mathematical and physical memoirs, chiefly in the "philosophical magazine." _fa fa bro_, sir john bernard bosanquet ( - ), judge of common pleas, ; lord commissioner of great seal, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, bernard bosanquet (b. ), prof. of moral philosophy, st. andrews, since ; formerly fellow of university coll., oxford; worked in connection with charity organization society; author of many books on philosophy.--["who's who."] _bro_, vice-admiral day hort bosanquet (b. ), commander-in-chief west indian station since ; previously commander-in-chief east indian.--["who's who."] _fa son_, charles bertie pulleine bosanquet (b. ), a founder and the first secretary of the charity organization society. _me fa bro_, hay macdowall (d. ), commander-in-chief of madras presidency. _fa son son_, robert carr bosanquet (b. ), archæologist, director of british school of archæology at athens. _me si son_, ralph dundas, head of large and influential firm of dundas and wilson, writers to the signet, edinburgh. his relatives on his father's side include his-- _fa_, john dundas, worked up the business of dundas and wilson into its present position. _fa fa son_, sir david dundas ( - ), judge-advocate-general and privy councillor, .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa son_, george dundas, judge in scotch courts under the title of lord manor. _fa fa son son_, david dundas, k.c. (b. ), judge in scotch courts under the title of lord dundas; solicitor-general for scotland, .--["who's who."] james thomson #bottomley# (hon. ll.d., glasgow), d.sc., f.r.s., electrical engineer ( - ); arnott and thomson, demonstrator in the university of glasgow.--["who's who."] _me fa_, james thomson. _me bro_, william thomson, lord kelvin, f.r.s. _me bro_, james thomson, f.r.s. see thomson for the above. sir dietrich #brandis# (b. ), k.c.i.e., f.r.s., superintendent of forests, british burmah, - ; inspector-general of forests to the government of india, - .--["who's who."] _fa fa_, joachim dietrich brandis, born at hildesheim, where his ancestors had governed the town as burgemeister for centuries; practised medicine at brunswick, driburg, and pyrmont; professor of pathology at kiel; ultimately physician to the queen of denmark. _fa_, christian august brandis, secretary of the prussian legation in rome, ; afterwards professor of philosophy at bonn; went to athens, - , as confidential adviser to king otho, partly with regard to the organization of schools and colleges in greece; author of a "history of greek philosophy." _me bro_, friedrich hausmann, professor of mineralogy and geology at göttingen; author of a "handbook of mineralogy." _bro_, johannes brandis, for many years kabinetsrath of h.m. empress augusta, queen of prussia. _me si son_, julius von hartmann, commanded a cavalry division in the franco-german war; after the war was governor of strasburg. alexander crum #brown# (b. ), m.d., d.sc., ll.d., f.r.s., professor of chemistry at edinburgh university since ; president of the chemical soc., london, - .--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, john brown ( - ), of haddington, biblical commentator; as a herd boy taught himself latin, greek, and learned hebrew with the aid of a teacher, at one time a pedlar; served as a soldier in the edinburgh garrison, ; minister to the burgher congregation at haddington, - ; acted as professor of divinity to burgher students after .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa_, john brown ( - ), scottish divine; minister of burgher church at whitburn, - ; wrote memoirs of james hervey, , and many religious treatises.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, john brown ( - ), minister of burgher church at biggor, ; of secession church at edinburgh, ; d.d., ; professor of exegetics secession coll., , and in united presbyterian coll. ; author of many exegetical commentaries.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, walter crum, f.r.s., manufacturer at thornliebank, near glasgow; a successful man of business and a very able chemist. _fa son_, john brown ( - ), m.d., practised in edinburgh with success; author of "horæ subsecivæ," "rab and his friends."--["dict. n. biog."] _fa si son_, robert johnstone (b. ), d.d., ll.b., professor of new testament literature and exegesis in the united free church coll., aberdeen; has published works on the new testament.--["who's who."] _si son_, charles stewart-wilson, postmaster-general, punjab, since .--["india list."] _me bro son_, alexander crum, managing director of the "thornliebank co.," for some time m.p. for renfrewshire. sir james crichton #browne# (b. ), m.d., ll.d., f.r.s., lord chancellor's visitor in lunacy since ; vice-president and treasurer royal institution since ; author of various works on mental and nervous diseases.--["who's who."] _me fa_, andrew balfour, successful printer in edinburgh; collaborated with sir david brewster in production of the "edinburgh encyclopædia," the forerunner of the "ency. brit."; one of the leaders of the free church disruption. _fa_, william alexander francis browne, f.r.s.e., physician; largely instrumental in introducing humane methods for the treatment of the insane into scotland; was appointed first scotch commissioner in lunacy; author of works on mental diseases. _me bro_, john hutton balfour ( - ), m.d., ll.d., f.r.s. and f.r.s.e., professor of botany at glasgow, ; and at edinburgh, ; wrote botanical text-books.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, john hutton balfour-browne, k.c. (b. ), leader of the parliamentary bar; registrar and secretary to railway comm., ; author of numerous legal works.--["who's who."] _me bro son_, isaac bayley balfour, m.d., d.sc., ll.d., f.r.s. (b. ), king's botanist in scotland; regius keeper of royal botanic garden, edinburgh; professor of botany at glasgow and at oxford, and since at edinburgh.--["who's who."] sir john scott #burdon-sanderson#, bart., cr. , m.d., d.c.l., ll.d., d.sc., f.r.s.; held a succession of important offices, beginning with inspector med. dep. privy council, - ; superintendent brown institution, - ; professor of physiology university coll., london, - ; in oxford, - ; president brit. assoc., ; regius professor of medicine at oxford, - ; served on three royal commissions; author of many physiological memoirs.--["ency. brit.," xxvi. ; "who's who."] _fa fa_, sir thomas burdon, kt., several times mayor of newcastle, knighted for his services in quelling a riot. _me fa_, sir james sanderson, bart., m.p., lord mayor of london; a successful merchant. _fa_, richard burdon-sanderson, graduated first class and gained newdigate prize; fellow of oriel coll., oxford; was secretary to lord chancellor eldon. _bro_, richard burdon-sanderson, the first promoter of the "conciliation board" of coal-owners and colliers at newcastle-on-tyne, and of the first reformatory in northumberland. _si son_, rt. hon. richard burdon haldane (b. ), p.c., m.p., high honours at edinburgh and three other scotch universities; author of "life of adam smith" and of "memoirs on education."--["who's who."] _si son_, john scott haldane (b. ), q.v., m.d., f.r.s., university lecturer on physiology at oxford; joint editor and founder of "journal of hygiene."--["who's who."] _si da_, elizabeth sanderson haldane (q.v.). _more distant kinsmen and connections:_ _fa me bro_, john scott, first earl of eldon ( - ), famous lord chancellor of england.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa me bro_, william scott ( - ), first baron stowell, eminent maritime and international lawyer; judge of high court of admiralty, ( - ).--["dict. n. biog."] _wife's bro_, farrer, first lord herschell, lord chancellor of england. charles #chree#, sc.d. (camb.), ll.d. (aberdeen), f.r.s. ( ), superintendent observatory department, national physical lab.; graduated aberdeen, , obtaining gold medal awarded to the most distinguished graduate in arts of the year; sixth wrangler, cambridge, ; first division math. tripos, part iii.; first class natural sciences tripos, part ii.; and fellow of king's college, ; re-elected as research fellow, .--["who's who."] _fa_, charles chree, hon. d.d. aberdeen university; for many years clerk to presbytery of meigle, and convener of committee for examining divinity students in st. andrew's university. had considerable reputation in church of scotland for general scholarship, and especially for knowledge of hebrew. _bro_, william chree, after graduating with first class mathematical honours at aberdeen university, obtained a "fullerton" mathematical scholarship. in addition to prizes in mathematics and physics at aberdeen, obtained also prizes in latin, natural history, and moral philosophy. at edinburgh university was awarded either first or second prizes in scots law, conveyancing, civil law, public law, and constitutional history. practises as advocate at scotch bar. _bro_, alexander bain chree, died young, having graduated at aberdeen university with first class honours in mathematics, obtaining prizes in mathematics, physics, latin, greek, moral philosophy, and natural history. _si_, jessie search chree, obtained two prizes and honours in at least four subjects (french, logic, latin, physics) in the edinburgh university local examinations. arthur herbert #church# (b. ), f.r.s., d.sc., professor of chemistry at royal academy of arts since ; discoverer of turacin, also of churchite and other new minerals; president of the mineralogical society, - ; author of various works on english pottery and porcelain, on precious stones, on food, and on the chemistry of paints and painting.--["who's who."] _bro_, henry francis church ( - ), solicitor, chief clerk in chancery, and master of the high court of judicature. _bro_, alfred john church (rev.), (b. ), headmaster of henley and of retford grammar schools; professor of latin at univ. coll., london, - ; prize poem, oxford, ; author of various works dealing with classical subjects.--["who's who."] _fa si da son_, sir john r. seeley, k.c.m.g. ( - ), professor first of latin at univ. coll., london, and afterwards of modern history at cambridge; published in "ecce homo," a work which attracted immediate attention and provoked a storm of controversy; also works on history and political science.--["dict. n. biog."] sydney monckton #copeman#, f.r.s., m.d. (camb.), medical inspector local government board; member of council of epidemiological society; research scholar and special commissioner british medical association; recipient of many gold medals and prizes of importance.--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, peter copeman, founder, with his brother robert, of copeman's bank, aylsham, norfolk (now incorporated with barclay's); successful merchant. _fa_, arthur charles copeman, m.b., london; gold medallist in anatomy and physiology, university of london; entered army medical service on the nomination of the chancellor of the university; subsequently entered the church, and became hon. canon of norwich cathedral; for many years chairman of norfolk and norwich hospital, and of norwich school board and board of guardians. _fa bro_, edward copeman, m.d., aberdeen; president british medical association; consulting physician to norfolk and norwich hospital; author and inventor of gynæcological instruments and of special methods of operation. james henry #cotterill#, f.r.s. (b. ), lecturer and subsequently vice-principal of the royal school of naval architecture, south kensington; professor of applied mechanics at the royal naval coll., greenwich, - .--["who's who."] _fa bro_, thomas cotterill, eminent clergyman at sheffield; a.b., cambridge, .--["grad. cant."] _bro_, joseph morthland cotterill, d.d. (hon. causa), st. andrew's university. _fa son_, henry cotterill, senior wrangler, ; second classic, fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge; bishop of edinburgh.--["grad. cant."] _bro son_, joseph m. cotterill (b. ), surgeon to edinburgh royal infirmary, lecturer at edinburgh school of medicine.--["who's who."] _bro son_, arthur cotterill, head of permanent way department egyptian railway administration. _fa bro son_, thomas cotterill, third wrangler, ; fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge; one of the earliest members of the london mathematical soc., to which he contributed many papers of importance.--["grad. cant."] george howard #darwin# (b. ), f.r.s., second wrangler, ; plumian professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, cambridge; author of many papers in the "philosophical transactions" relating to tides, physical astronomy, and cognate subjects; president of british association in at cape town.--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, erasmus darwin, m.d., f.r.s. ( - ), physician, poet, and philosopher; author of "botanic garden," "zoonomia," and other works, in which he maintained a view of evolution subsequently expounded by lamarck.--["life," by ch. r. darwin, and "dict. n. biog."] _fa fa_, robert waring darwin ( - ), m.d., f.r.s., sagacious and distinguished physician; described by his son, charles r. darwin, as "the wisest man i ever knew."--["life and letters of charles r. darwin," i. - .] _fa fa bro_, charles darwin ( - ), of extraordinary promise, gained first gold medal of Æsculapian society for experimental research; died from a dissection wound, aged twenty; many obituary notices.--["life and letters of charles r. darwin," i. .] _fa bro_, erasmus darwin. (see carlyle's inexact description, and the appreciations of him by his brother and others, in "life and letters of charles r. darwin," i. - .) _fa_, charles robert darwin ( - ), f.r.s., the celebrated naturalist. the dates of his works are "voyage of the _beagle_," ; "origin of species," ; followed by a succession of eight important volumes ranging from to , each of which confirmed and extended his theory of descent. among the very numerous biographical memoirs it must suffice here to mention "life and letters," by francis darwin, and "dict. n. biog." _me me fa_, josiah wedgwood, f.r.s. ( - ), the famous founder of the pottery works.--["dict. n. biog."] _me me bro_, thomas wedgwood ( - ), an experimenter in early life, and in one sense the first to create photography; a martyr to ill-health later. sydney smith knew "no man who appeared to have made such an impression on his friends," his friends including many of the leading intellects of the day.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa fa_ (she was her husband's _fa bro dau_), josiah wedgwood, f.r.s.; see above. _me bro_, hensleigh wedgwood ( - ), author of "etymological dictionary" and of other works, partly mathematical.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro dau_, julia wedgwood, essayist. _bro_, francis darwin (b. ), f.r.s., botanist; biographer of his father; reader in botany at cambridge, - ; foreign sec. royal society. author of botanical works and memoirs.--["who's who."] _bro_, major leonard darwin (b. ), late r.e., second in the examination of his year for woolwich; served on several scientific expeditions, including transit of venus of and ; staff intelligence dep. war office, - ; m.p. for lichfield, - . author of "bimetallism," "municipal trade."--["who's who."] _bro_, horace darwin (b. ), f.r.s., engineer and mechanician; joint founder of the cambridge scientific instrument company and its proprietor. it is now a limited company, of which he is chairman.--["who's who."] _more distant relation:_ _fa fa si son_, francis galton, f.r.s. (q.v.). sir john #evans# (b. ), k.c.b., d.c.l., ll.d., sc.d., f.r.s., president of the royal numismatic society since ; trustee of the british museum; treasurer and vice-president of the royal society during twenty years; has been president of numerous learned societies; author of works on the coins of the ancient britons, and on their stone and bronze implements.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa fa_, lewis evans ( - ), f.r.s., f.a.s., mathematician; first mathematical master of r.m.a., woolwich.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, arthur benoni evans ( - ), d.d., miscellaneous writer; professor of classics and history, r.m.c., - ; headmaster of market bosworth grammar school, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_ and _wi fa_, john dickinson ( - ), f.r.s., inventor of paper-making machine. _bro_, sebastian evans, ll.d., poet, artist, and author. _si_, anne evans ( - ), poet and musician, composer.--["dict. n. biog."] _son_, arthur john evans (b. ), d.litt. (oxon), hon. d.litt. (dublin), hon. ll.d. (edinburgh), f.r.s., keeper of ashmolean museum, oxford, since ; in started investigations in crete, which resulted in the discovery of the pre-phoenician script; in - excavated the prehistoric palace of knossos.--["who's who."] _me bro son_ and _wi bro_, john dickinson ( - ), writer on india, and founder of indian reform society, .--["dict. n. biog."] right hon. sir edward #fry# (b. ), d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s., judge of high court, chancery division, - ; lord justice of appeal, - ; president of the royal com. on the irish land acts, - ; chairman of the court of arbitration under the metropolitan water act, ; member of the permanent court of international arbitration at the hague; author of a "treatise on the specific performance of contracts," of "british mosses," and "the mycetozoa."--["who's who."] _fa bro_, francis fry ( - ), member of the firm of j.s. fry and co., bristol; a great authority on bibliography.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, right hon. lewis fry (b. ), m.p. for bristol, - ; n. bristol, - , and - .--["who's who."] _bro_, joseph storrs fry, has maintained and extended a large manufacturing business, and taken an active part in philanthropic work. _fa fa fa_, joseph fry ( - ), practised medicine in bristol, afterwards manufactured cocoa and chocolate; started type-founding business with william pine, .--["dic. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, edmund fry ( - ), m.d. of edinburgh; devoted his life to the business of type-founding, and to the philological studies connected with it.--["dic. n. biog."] _wife_, mariabella, née hodgkin, _dau_ of the historian. francis #galton# (b. ), d.c.l., hon. sc.d. (camb.), f.r.s., traveller, anthropologist and biometrician; author of many works and memoirs on these and analogous subjects, including meteorology, heredity, identification by fingerprints; latterly a promoter of the study of eugenics. gold medal r. geog. soc., , for travels in damaraland, s. africa; royal medal, , and darwin medal, , of the royal soc., for applications of measurement to human faculty; huxley medal of the anthropol. institute, .--["ency. brit.," and "who's who."] _fa si_, schimmelpenninck ( - ), mrs. mary anne, author of various works, mostly theological, and on the port royalists and moravians.--["dic. n. biog."] _fa fa fa_, samuel galton ( - ), cultured quaker philanthropist, contractor and banker.--[see life of above m.a.s., and the "annual register."] _fa me ½ bro_, robert barclay allardice ( - ), commonly known as capt. barclay of ury, pedestrian, noted for his walking feats, agriculturist.--["dic. n. biog."] _me fa_, erasmus darwin, m.d., f.r.s.--see darwin. _me ½ bro son_, charles robert darwin, f.r.s., the naturalist.--see darwin. _si son_, edward g. wheler (b. ), a founder and president of the land agents' society; commissioner and estate agent during sixteen years for , acres of various descriptions of property. _fa bro son_, sir douglas galton ( - ), k.c.b., d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s., passed from woolwich to royal engineers with the best examination then on record, obtaining first prize in every subject, ; inspector of railways, and secretary of railway dept., board of trade, ; assistant inspector-general of fortifications, ; designed and constructed the herbert hospital at woolwich; director of public works and building in h.m. works, - ; general secretary of british assoc., - ; president of it, ; authority on hospital construction, and on the sanitation, ventilation, etc., of public buildings.--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. ii.] _his kindred by his mother's side are:_ _me fa fa_, jedediah strutt ( - ), hosiery manufacturer and cotton spinner; inventor of machine for making ribbed stockings; partner of sir richard arkwright.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa_, joseph strutt ( - ), first mayor of derby, , and donor of the arboretum; great friend of the poet thomas moore.--["dict. n. biog.," and "life and letters" of t. moore.] _me fa bro_, william strutt ( - ), ingenious mechanician and inventor; friend of erasmus darwin, r.l. edgeworth, robert owen, joseph lancaster, samuel bentham dalton, etc.; originator and designer of the first derby infirmary.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa bro son_, edward strutt ( - ), created baron belper, ; m.p., f.r.s.; a philosophical radical, intimate with bentham, the mills, and macaulay; chancellor of the duchy of lancaster, - ; president of university coll., london, .--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa bro son_, anthony strutt ( - ), ingenious mechanician. _me me si son_, sir charles fox ( - ), constructing engineer of london and birmingham railway; knighted after designing exhibition buildings in hyde park, ; made first narrow-gauge line in india; built berlin waterworks.--["dict. n. biog."] sir archibald #geikie# (b. ), f.r.s., and many foreign distinctions; director-general geological survey of united kingdom, and director museum practical geology in jermyn street, - ; medallist of the royal and other societies; secretary of the royal society; author of numerous works on geology, also of biographies of david forbes, sir r. murchison, and sir a. ramsay.--["who's who," "ency. brit."] _fa_, james stewart geikie ( - ), musician and musical critic; author of much psalmody, and of several well-known scottish melodies, such as "my heather hills." _fa bro_, walter geikie ( - ). r.s.a., painter and draughtsman; author of "etchings illustrative of scottish character and scenery."--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, william thoms, master mariner; subsequently teacher of navigation in new york; author of an elaborate treatise on navigation. _bro_, james geikie (b. ), ll.d., d.c.l., f.r.s.; professor of geology and mineralogy since , and dean of the faculty of science edinburgh; author of many works on geology, and of "songs and lyrics by heinrich heine."--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa bro son_, cunningham geikie (b. ), ll.d., d.d., a clergyman; author of many religious works.--["who's who."] _fa bro son_, walter bayne geikie, professor of anatomy, and dean of medical faculty, trinity coll., toronto. lieutenant-colonel henry haversham #godwin-austen# (b. ), f.r.s., geologist; topographical assistant to the trigonometric survey of india; surveyed the high country and glaciers of kashmir and by ladak, also between darjeeling and punakha; numerous scientific memoirs.--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, robert austen, archæologist and coin collector; he was one of the few in his time who understood the value of local maps; a good surveyor of his own property and neighbourhood. _fa fa_, sir henry e. austen, interested in forestry, and planted largely on his estate; he also knew the value of maps, and had excellent ones of his property. _fa_, robert alfred c. godwin-austen ( - ), f.r.s., geologist, took additional surname of godwin; wrote important papers on the geology of devonshire, southern england, and parts of france. --["dict. n. biog."] _me fa_, major-general sir thomas h. godwin ( - ), k.c.b., served in hanover and the peninsula, commander-in-chief in second burmese war.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, harold godwin-austen, assistant-commissioner to the andaman islands for thirteen years; was selected by ney elias to accompany him on a mission to yarkand and kashmir; is now a deputy commissioner in s. india. _me_, maria elizabeth godwin-austen, was certainly above the average of women of her time; interested in natural history; drew well in pen and pencil; was an accomplished musician. _si son_, bertram h.m. hewett, civil engineer; surveyed the great glaciers of the mustakh range, kashmir, and elsewhere; is now in sole charge of main shaft of tunnel under the river in new york. francis #gotch# (b. ), d.sc, f.r.s., waynflete professor of physiology at oxford; formerly holt professor of physiology at university coll., liverpool; author of many scientific papers.--["who's who."] _me fa_, ebenezer foster, founder of well-known banking firm of messrs. foster, cambridge. _fa_, fredrick william gotch, ll.d., late president of baptist college, bristol; hebrew scholar; member of committee for the authorized version of the old testament. _fa bro son_, thomas cooper gotch (b. ), well-known painter.--["who's who."] _wi bro_, sir victor horsley (q.v.) right hon. sir mountstuart elphinstone #grant duff# (b. ), g.c.s.i., p.c., f.r.s., sometime under-secretary of state for india and the colonies, and governor of madras; has been lord rector of aberdeen university, and president of many learned societies; king's trustee of british museum since ; author of political, literary, and biographical works.--["who's who."] _fa_, james grant duff ( - ), while still a lieutenant, aged twenty-eight, reduced the sattara state to order after the overthrow of the peishwa, and restored it to the descendant of its ancient princes, whom he guided as resident till his health broke down at the age of thirty-three. returning to this country, he wrote the "history of the mahrattas."--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa_, sir whitelaw ainslie ( - ), surgeon in the east india company's service, - ; published "materia medica of hindoostan," and other works.--["dict. n. biog."] _son_, arthur cuninghame grant duff (b. ), lately first secretary to h.m.'s legation, mexico. _son_, evelyn mountstuart grant duff (b. ), first secretary to h.m.'s legation, persia. _son_, adrian grant duff (b. ), staff-captain (intelligence dept.) army headquarters. john scott #haldane# (b. ), f.r.s., university lecturer in physiology, oxford; joint editor and founder of "journal of hygiene"; has served on several departmental committees, and carried out special inquiries for government departments; author of "blue books on the cause of death in colliery explosions," ; "ankylostomiasis in mines," - , etc.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, james alexander haldane ( - ), in the east india company's naval service till ; then devoted himself to itinerary evangelization in scotland; author of several theological treatises.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, robert haldane ( - ), in the royal navy till ; sold his estate in stirlingshire to devote the proceeds to missions in india, but was prevented by the government from carrying out this scheme. carried on evangelistic work in geneva and the south of france, and co-operated in scotland with his brother, endowing places of worship and training young ministers. wrote several theological treatises.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, daniel rutherford haldane ( - ), m.d., ll.d., president of edinburgh college of physicians.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, sir john burdon-sanderson, bart, m.d., f.r.s., etc.--(q.v.) _bro_, rt. hon. richard burdon haldane, p.c., m.p., ll.d., a distinguished politician; author of books on philosophy.--["who's who."] _si_, elizabeth sanderson haldane, authoress of "life of ferrier," translator of hegel's "history of philosophy"; promoter of education and of reforms in scotland. _fa bro son_, alexander chinnery haldane, ll.d., bishop of argyll and the isles. _fa bro son_, lieutenant-colonel james aylmer lowthorpe haldane (b. ), d.s.o., served with distinction in chitral, tirah, and south africa, and has won rapid promotion; author of "how we escaped from pretoria."--["who's who."] _me fa me bro_, john scott, first earl of eldon ( - ), famous lord chancellor of england.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa me bro_, william scott, first baron stowell ( - ), judge of high court of admiralty.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa me bro_, adam duncan ( - ), cr. viscount duncan of camperdown , after the battle of camperdown, in which he defeated the dutch admiral, de winter.--["dict. n. biog.," and "life," by his great-grandson, the present earl of camperdown.] _fa me me bro_, sir ralph abercromby ( - ), general; served with distinction in flanders, ; commanded expedition against french in west indies, ; commanded troops in mediterranean, ; defeated french at alexandria, where he died of his wounds.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa me me bro_, sir robert abercromby ( - ), general; governor and commander-in-chief, bombay, ; reduced tippoo sultan, ; conducted second rohilla war.--["dict. n. biog."] william abbott #herdman# (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s., p.l.s., general secretary of british association, professor of natural history, university of liverpool, since ; has worked particularly at marine biology; was one of the founders of the port erin biological station, and of the seafish hatchery at piel; was sent to ceylon - to investigate the pearl oyster fishery for the government (results published by the royal society, - ); author of numerous zoological works.--["who's who."] _fa me_, sophia herdman, great ability and strength of character shown by the way she brought up her four sons, after having been left a widow early in life. _fa_, robert herdman ( - ), r.s.a., well known in scotland as a portrait and historical painter; also a good greek scholar, an antiquary, and student of shakespearian literature.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, william herdman, presbyterian minister at rattray; an antiquary, good botanist, and geologist. _fa bro_, james chalmers herdman, d.d. (hon.), presbyterian minister of melrose; a popular preacher and convener of foreign missions. _fa bro son_, james chalmers herdman, d.d. (hon.), occupies a leading position in the scottish church in canada. sydney john #hickson# (b. ), f.r.s., d.sc., professor of zoology, owens coll., manchester, since ; author of "a naturalist in north celebes," "the fauna of the deep sea," "the story of life in the seas," and many scientific memoirs.--["who's who."] _fa bro_, william edward hickson ( - ), educational writer; author of "time and faith," etc.; editor of "westminster review," - .--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, sir sydney hedley waterlow (b. ), k.c.v.o., first bart., lord mayor of london, - ; m.p. for co. dumfries, - ; maidstone, - ; gravesend, - ; very active philanthropist.--["who's who."] _me bro son_, sir ernest waterlow (b. ), r.a., president royal society painters in water-colours.--["who's who."] _fa si da_ and _me bro da_, mrs. ruth homan, educationalist; member of london school board; co-opt. member education committee l.c.c. leonard #hill#, f.r.s. (b. ), hunterian professor royal college surgeons, previously demonstrator of physiology, oxford, and assistant-professor of physiology, university coll., london; author of books and memoirs on physiology.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, arthur hill, headmaster of bruce castle school; reformer of education. _fa_, g. birkbeck hill, author of many books on eighteenth-century literature. _fa bro_, edward bernard lewin hill (b. ), c.b., retired as senior assistant-secretary-general post office.--["who's who."] _fa bro_, sir john edward gray hill (b. ), president of the incorporated law society, and of the international law association, - ; author of "with the beduins" and papers on various subjects connected with maritime law, etc.--["who's who."] _me bro_, sir john scott (b. ), k.c.b., judge in the high court, bombay; appointed to reform administration of criminal law in egypt.--["who's who."] _bro_, norman hill, secretary to the shipping association; a distinguished liverpool lawyer, and writer and authority on the economics of shipping. _fa fa fa_, thomas wright hill ( - ), school-master and stenographer.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, sir rowland hill ( - ), inventor of penny postage; as chairman of the brighton railway introduced express and excursion trains, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, edwin hill ( - ), inventor and author; supervisor of stamps at somerset house; with mr. de la rue invented machine for folding envelopes; exhibited .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, matthew davenport hill ( - ), first recorder of birmingham; reformer of criminal law and of the treatment of criminals.--["dict. n. biog."] sir joseph dalton #hooker# (b. ), g.c.s.i., f.r.s., president royal society, - , eminent botanist and traveller; director of the royal gardens, kew, - ; naturalist to h.m.s. "erebus" in antarctic expedition, - ; botanical travels in the himalaya, - ; morocco and atlas in ; california and rocky mountains, ; many botanical publications, including "genera plantarum."--["ency. brit.," xxix., ; "who's who."] _me fa_, dawson turner, f.r.s. ( - ).--see palgrave. _fa_, sir william jackson hooker ( - ), f.r.s., eminent botanist; director of the royal gardens, kew, which he greatly extended and threw open to the public, and where he founded the museum of economic botany; regius professor of botany, glasgow, ; knighted ; many botanical publications.--["dict. n. biog."] _me si sons_, the four brothers palgrave.--see palgrave. sir victor a. haden #horsley#, f.r.s., m.d. (b. ), eminent surgeon and operator; professor-superintendent of brown institution, - ; professor of pathology university college, - . _fa fa_, william horsley ( - ), mus. bac. oxford, musical composer, especially of glees, and writer on musical topics. --["dict. n. biog.," and grove's "dict. of music."] _me fa_, charles thomas haden, a rising london physician, who initiated a treatment for gout, much noted at the time (d. young in ).--[unpublished information.] _fa_, john callcott horsley, r.a., distinguished painter.--["who's who."] _fa bro_, charles edward horsley ( - ), composer of oratorios; best known in america; author of "text-book of harmony."--["dict. n. biog.," and grove's "dict. of music."] _me bro_, sir f. seymour haden (b. ), surgeon. founder and president of the royal society of painter-etchers. a well-known sanitarian, especially in respect to the disposal of the dead. grand prix, paris, and ; many publications.--["who's who."] _fa si son_, isambard brunel, chancellor to the diocese of ely; ecclesiastical barrister. _ancestors in more remote degrees:_ _fa me fa_, john wall callcott ( - ), composer, mainly of glees and catches; published "musical grammar," .--["dict. n. biog.," and grove's "dict. of music."] _fa me fa bro_, sir augustus wall callcott, r.a. ( - ), distinguished painter, mainly of landscapes; knighted, .--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa fa_, thomas haden, the principal doctor and three times mayor of derby.--[unpublished information.] _wife_, née bramwell. _wife's fa_, sir frederick bramwell, bart. ( - ), f.r.s., eminent engineer; president british association, ; pres. institution of civil engineers, - ; hon. sec. royal institution.--["who's who."] _wife's fa bro_, lord bramwell ( - ), judge, ; lord justice, - ; raised to peerage, .--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. i.] john #joly# (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s., professor of geology and mineralogy in the university of dublin since ; has published many contributions to the royal soc., royal dublin soc., etc.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, henry edward joly, divine and physician; is credited with scientific medical views in advance of his time. _me fa_, frederick, comte de lusi, statesman, author and linguist; resident minister of the king of prussia in london, st. petersburg, greece, etc.; made one of the earliest ascents of mont blanc, in . _fa_, john plunket joly (rev.), accomplished as a painter of bird, insect, and plant life; left a remarkable collection of pictures behind him; died early. _me bro_, frederick, comte de lusi, soldier; distinguished himself in the german-danish war of ; decorated for valour in saving the life of general halkett. _fa bro_, jasper robert joly, remarkable precosity as a boy; obtained distinguished college successes in classics in his thirteenth year at trinity coll., dublin. devoted his life to the collection of hogarth and bewick, upon whom he was an authority. _fa si_, mary joly, died young; left a remarkable collection of minutely accurate paintings of birds and flowers. _me fa fa_, spiridion, comte de lusi, the founder of the de lusi family, ennobled by frederick the great for statesmanship.--["percy anecdotes."] #kelvin#, lord.--see william thompson. alfred bray #kempe# (b. ), f.r.s., chancellor of the dioceses of newcastle, southwell, and st. albans; treasurer and vice-president of the royal society from ; has published works on mathematics.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, alfred john kempe ( - ), distinguished antiquary; published works on holwood hill, kent, and st. martin-le-grand church, london.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, john edward kempe (b. ), late rector of st. james's, piccadilly; hon. chaplain to the king since .--["who's who."] _bro_, john arrow kempe, c.b. (b. ), comptroller and auditor-general.--["who's who."] _bro_, harry robert kempe (b. ), principal technical officer of the postal telegraph department; author of "handbook of electrical testing," and other works which have gone through many editions; for many years editor of "electrical review."--["who's who."] _bro son_, edward kempe, captain and gold medallist, radley school; scholar of lincoln coll., oxford; editor of "the huia," new zealand. _fa fa si_, anna eliza bray, née kempe ( - ), historical novelist; completed "monumental effigies of great britain," commenced by her first husband, charles alfred stothard.--["dict. n. biog."] [for further particulars see "a history of the kempe and kemp families."] edwin ray #lankester# (b. ), ll.d., f.r.s., celebrated zoologist; director of natural history departments, british museum, since ; fullerian professor of physiology and comparative anatomy, royal inst., - ; linacre professor of comparative anatomy, oxford, - ; numerous other distinctions.--["who's who."] _fa_, edwin lankester ( - ), m.d., f.r.s., professor of natural history, new coll., london, ; medical officer of health for parish of st. james's, westminster, and coroner for central middlesex; joint editor of "q.j.m.s.," etc.--["dict. n. biog."] _me_, phebe lankester ( - ), authoress of "wild flowers worth notice"; the popular portion of sowerby's "british botany," and many other publications; also wrote weekly in a newspaper for many years under the signature of "penelope." _me bro_, samuel pope, q.c., successful leader of the parliamentary bar. _bro_, e. forbes lankester, first class in "greats," oxford, ; successful barrister.--["oxf. reg."] _bro_, s. rushton lankester, h.m. consul, batavia. _si_, fay lankester, secretary of national health society. _si_, marion vatcher, wife of rev. sydney vatcher, vicar of st. philip's, stepney. both well known in connection with east london organization of help to the poor. _si_, nina lankester, superintendent of female clerks in money order department of post office. joseph #lister# (b. ), created baronet, ; baron #lister#, ; f.r.s., p.c., o.m., and numerous other distinctions; president royal soc., - ; professor of surgery, glasgow, - , edinburgh university, - , king's coll., london, - ; famous for discovery of antiseptic treatment in surgery.--["ency. brit.," and "who's who."] _fa_, joseph jackson lister ( - ), f.r.s., optical investigator, especially in connection with the principles of the achromatic microscope, also author of contributions to zoology, phil. trans.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, arthur lister (b. ), f.r.s.; botanist; author of monograph on the mycetozoa.--["who's who."] _bro son_, joseph jackson lister, f.r.s., biologist; fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge.--["who's who."] _bro son_, arthur hugh lister, ass. phys., aberdeen infirmary; obtained "three stars" at university examination, aberdeen. _bro da_, gulielma lister, contributed papers to "linnæan journal," and, in connection with her brother, to "journal of botany." sir oliver #lodge# (b. ), f.r.s., d.sc., london, oxon, and vict., ll.d., st. andrews and glasgow; principal of the university of birmingham since ; professor of physics, university coll., liverpool, - ; author of various works on physics, and of articles in the "hibbert journal."--["who's who."] _fa bro_, robert j. lodge, for many years secretary of the marine insurance company, and reckoned a man of considerable ability in the city. _bro_, richard lodge (b. ), professor of history, edinburgh, since ; first professor of history, glasgow university; author of "student's modern europe," "richelieu" (in foreign statesmen series), and "the close of the middle ages."--["who's who."] _bro_, alfred lodge, professor of pure mathematics at cooper's hill. _si_, eleanor constance lodge, sub-head and lecturer on history in lady margaret hall, oxford. _fa bro son_, george e. lodge, well-known animal painter and engraver. right hon. sir john #lubbock# (b. ), created baron #avebury#, , p.c., d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s., banker, head of robarts, lubbock and co., well known for the part he has taken in public affairs; has been a member of many royal commissions; for. sec. r.a., german order of merit, commander legion of honour. biologist, president at various times of many learned societies; author of over memoirs in the transactions of the royal soc., and of numerous literary, scientific, and popular scientific works.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa fa_, sir john lubbock, a leading banker and governor of the royal exchange assurance corporation. _fa_, sir john william lubbock ( - ), f.r.s., astronomer and mathematician; treasurer and vice-president of the royal soc.; first vice-chancellor of the london university; deputy governor of royal exchange ass. corp.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, sir neville lubbock, k.c.m.g., chairman west india committee; governor of the royal exchange ass. corp.; chairman of new colonial company, etc.--["who's who."] _bro_, edgar lubbock, ll.b., director of the bank of england; law scholar of university of london; passed first, and obtained clifford's inn prize in law soc. exam.--["who's who."] sir francis leopold #mcclintock# (b. ), k.c.b., d.c.l., ll.d., f.r.s.; admiral retired; elder brother of trinity house; served in four arctic voyages; discovered fate of franklin's expedition, ; author of "the fate of sir john franklin" and "the voyage of the _fox_."--["who's who."] _fa me_, patience mcclintock, née foster, came of a family which showed in most of its branches a high level of ability, and had several distinguished members. thus, reckoning relationships from her, we find her: _fa_, john william foster, m.p. _fa bro_, anthony foster (d. ), m.p., chief baron of exchequer, ireland. _fa bro son_, john foster, baron oriel ( - ); speaker of irish house of commons up to the time of the union.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro son_, william foster (d. ), d.d., bishop successively of cork, kilmore, and clogher. _fa bro son son_, john leslie foster (d. ), f.r.s., irish judge; m.p. for dublin university, etc.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro son son_, sir augustus john foster ( - ), bart., p.c., m.p.; minister to united states, denmark, and turin.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro son son son_, vere henry lewis foster ( - ), philanthropist and educationalist.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, alfred henry mcclintock (d. ), m.d., ll.d., president royal college of physicians, ireland. _fa bro son_, john mcclintock, m.p. for co. louth for many years; created baron rathondell for long political services. _me fa_, ven. george l. fleury, archdeacon of waterford. _me bro_, rev. charles marley fleury, a celebrated preacher in dublin. _son_, henry foster mcclintock, assistant private secretary to lord stanley, postmaster-general; served with army post-office corps in south africa, and was mentioned in despatches. _son_, john william leopold mcclintock, commander royal navy; passed second into the "britannia." _son_, robert singleton mcclintock, brevet-major r.e.; scholar at charterhouse; served on sir g. willcocks' staff in the relief of coomassie, , and was mentioned in despatches. sir clements r. #markham# (b. ), k.c.b., f.r.s., president for many years of the royal geograph. soc.; served in arctic expedition, - ; travelled in peru, - , bringing thence cinchona-bearing trees for cultivation in india; geographer to the abyssinian expedition; author and editor of numerous geographical works.--["ency. brit.," xxx. ; "who's who."] _fa fa_, william markham ( - ), scholar; secretary to warren hastings in india. _fa bro son_, lieutenant-general sir edwin markham (b. ), k.c.b., r.e., constant active service.--["who's who."] _fa bro son_, admiral sir albert markham (b. ), k.c.b., commander of the "alert" in arctic expedition, - ; various high naval appointments, besides unprofessional work when unemployed on naval duties.--["who's who."] _me bro son_, right hon. sir frederick milner, bart. (b. ), p.c., politician.--["who's who."] _me si son_, right hon. francis foljambe (b. ), p.c., politician.--["who's who."] _me si son_, right hon. sir edwin egerton (b. ), p.c., g.c.m.g., ambassador at madrid, then at rome.--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, william markham ( - ), p.c., archbishop of york; one of the best scholars of the day; headmaster of westminster school, - ; dean of christ church; preceptor to the royal princes, ; archbishop and lord high almoner, .--["dict. n. biog.," xxxvi. .] _fa fa bro_, admiral john markham ( - ); many services at sea; twice on admiralty board; m.p. for portsmouth during seventeen years; proposed and carried appointment of commission on dockyard abuses, .--["dict. n. biog.," xxxvi. .] _fa fa bro_, george markham ( - ), dean of york; scholar and numismatist. mervyn herbert nevil story #maskelyne# (b. ), f.r.s., hon. d.sc., oxon. distinguished mineralogist; formerly keeper of minerals in british museum; professor of mineralogy at oxford, - ; m.p. for cricklade, - ; for north wilts, - .--["who's who."] _me fa_, nevil maskelyne ( - ), d.d., f.r.s., astronomer royal for forty-seven years; was the first man to weigh the earth; the originator of the nautical almanac.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, anthony mervyn reeve story, f.r.s., gained a double first-class in lit. hum. and mathematics, when nineteen years of age, at oxford, in .--["oxf. reg."] _si son_, john story masterman, gained a first-class in lit. hum., ; fellow of brasenose, oxford.--["oxf. reg."] _si son_, herbert warington smyth, secretary, mining dept., transvaal; secretary, siamese legation, - ; order white elephant of siam, ; author of "five years in siam," etc.--["who's who."] _si son_, major nevill maskelyne smyth, obtained v.c. at battle of khartoum.--["who's who."] _wife_, née dillwyn llewelyn. _wi fa fa_, lewis weston dillwyn ( - ), f.r.s., well known as a botanist; established cambrian pottery works at swansea; m.p. for glamorganshire, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _wi fa_, john dillwyn llewelyn, f.r.s., early experimenter in photography. _wi fa si son_, traherne moggridge, author of "flora of mentone," "harvesting ants," and "trapdoor spiders." _wi me bro_, christopher rice mansel talbot, first-class mathematics, oxford, ; lord-lieutenant of glamorganshire, m.p., "father of the house of commons."--["oxf. reg."] _wi me me si son_, william henry fox talbot ( - ), f.r.s., independent inventor of photography, his (wet) processes, talbotype, etc., being those which have survived in various forms. he also discovered the direct method of printing by the autotype process. a distinguished mathematician, he furthermore was one of the earliest interpreters of cuneiform writing; m.p. for chippenham, - .--["dict. n. biog."] raphael #meldola# (b. ), f.r.s., professor of chemistry in finsbury technical coll.; discoverer of many new products and processes in the manufacture of coal-tar dyes; also well known as a naturalist; has been president of the entomological soc. and of the essex field club.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, raphael meldola ( - ), invited to london, in , on account of his fame as a theologian, to preside as high rabbi over the london congregation of british jews belonging to the spanish and portuguese community; author of many theological works.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, david meldola, succeeded his father as chief of the community, though not given the same high rank; author of theological works. _me bro_, joseph abraham, founded a large and successful firm in bristol; took a prominent part in municipal affairs, and became the first jewish mayor of bristol. _fa si son_, abram de sola, professor of oriental literature in mcgill coll., montreal; the only jewish divine ever invited to open congress by the u.s. government; erudite scholar, and author of theological works. _me bro son_, harry abraham, a man of business, and councillor and mayor of southampton. louis c. #miall# (b. ), f.r.s., professor of biology, university, leeds; fullerian professor of physiology, royal inst.; president zool. sec. british assoc., ; author of memoirs and books on natural history.--["who's who."] _fa_, james goodeve miall (rev.), chairman of congregational union. _fa bro_, edward miall ( - ), independent minister at leicester, ; established and edited the "nonconformist," ; m.p., rochdale, - , bradford, - ; strove for disestablishment of church.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, charles mackenzie, a well-known haymarket actor (stage-name, henry compton). _me bro son_, sir morell mackenzie ( - ), celebrated physician; specialist on diseases of the throat.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro son_, sir stephen mackenzie (b. ), senior physician, london hospital; consulting physician, poplar hospital, etc.--["who's who."] _son_, stephen miall, first in solicitors' examination, clement's inn, and "daniel reardon" prizeman, ; first-class honours, ll.b. and ll.d., london. henry alexander #miers# (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s., waynflete professor of mineralogy, oxford, since ; author of many scientific papers, "mineralogy," etc.--["who's who."] _fa me fa_, francis place ( - ), radical reformer and writer; started life as leather-breeches maker; succeeded in getting the laws against combinations of workmen repealed.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa_, john miers ( - ), f.r.s., engineer and botanist; accompanied lord cochrane to chile, ; made collections of birds, insects, and plants; author of many scientific papers.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, francis charles miers, engineer and successful man of business. _bro_, edward john miers, zoologist; author of a volume on brachyura in "challenger reports," etc. alfred #newton# (b. ), f.r.s., professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, cambridge; has been very active in promoting the protection of wild birds; has been vice-president of the royal and zoological societies; gold medal of the royal and of the linnæan societies; author of many works dealing principally with birds.--["who's who."] _me fa_, richard slater milnes, m.p. for york; took a prominent part in county business. _fa_, william newton, m.p. for ipswich. _me bro_, robert pemberton milnes, m.p. for pontefract; prominent in county business. _bro_, general william samuel newton. _bro_, robert milnes newton, recorder of cambridge; metropolitan police magistrate. _bro_, lieutenant-general horace parker newton, first of his year in r.m.a., woolwich. _bro_, sir edward newton, k.c.m.g., colonial secretary of mauritius; lieutenant-governor of jamaica; author of several zoological papers in scientific journals. _bro son_, arthur william newton, h.m. inspector of schools. _bro son_, francis james newton (b. ), c.m.g.; treasurer of southern rhodesia, ; some time administrator of british bechuanaland, and colonial secretary british honduras and barbadoes.--["who's who."] _me bro son_, richard monckton milnes ( - ), first baron houghton; m.p. for pontefract, ; distinguished in literary society; author of poems and critical essays. did much to secure copyright act; assisted in the preparation of the "tribune," ; established the "philobiblon soc.," .--["dict. n. biog.," and "life" by wemyss reid.] _me bro son son_, robert offley ashburton crewe-milnes, first earl of crewe, son of lord houghton; lord-lieutenant of ireland, - .--["who's who."] #northbrook#, earl.--see baring. robert harris inglis #palgrave# (b. ), f.r.s., economist and statistician; editor of the "economist"; also of "dictionary of political economy."--["who's who."] _me fa_, dawson turner ( - ), f.r.s., botanist and antiquary.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa bro_, joseph turner, senior wrangler, . _fa_, sir francis palgrave ( - ) (son of meyer cohen, adopted the name palgrave in ), historian; deputy-keeper, and assisted in the publication, of h.m. records. author of the "rise and progress of the english commonwealth," ; "history of england and normandy," ; and other works; greatly promoted study of mediæval history; knighted, .--["dict. n. biog."] _me_, elizabeth, née dawson turner, assisted her husband in his literary work.--[unpublished information.] _me bro_, dawson william turner ( - ), d.c.l., philanthropist and educational writer; demy of magdalen coll., oxford. _bro_, francis turner palgrave ( - ), poet and art critic; first-class lit. hum.; professor of poetry at oxford; editor of "golden treasury"; author of many critical essays and other publications.--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. iii.] _bro_, w. gifford palgrave ( - ), traveller and diplomatist; at twenty years of age gained first-class lit. hum. and second-class math.; became roman catholic, and travelled as jesuit missionary in syria and arabia, disguised for the purpose. author of "a year's journey through eastern and central arabia." severed his connection with the jesuits in , and thenceforward served as english diplomatist in various distant countries.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, sir reginald f.d. palgrave ( - ), k.c.b., clerk of the house of commons. author of "oliver cromwell the protector," etc.--["who's who."] _me si son_, sir joseph dalton hooker, f.r.s. (q.v.). lawrence #parsons# (b. ), fourth earl of rosse, d.c.l., ll.d., camb. and dublin, f.r.s.; chancellor of university of dublin; author of "memoirs of heat of moon and stars" (based on experiments with the famous reflecting telescope made by his father), and on other subjects.--["who's who."] _fa_, william parsons ( - ), third earl of rosse, pres. r.s.; constructor of the great reflecting telescope at parsonstown, and first discoverer by its means of nebulæ and other celestial phenomena.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, charles algernon parsons (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s.; notable in the development of turbine navigation; proprietor and director of electrical and engineering works. william matthew flinders #petrie# (b. ), d.c.l., lit.d., ll.d., ph.d., f.r.s.; edwards professor of egyptology, university coll., london, since . principal discoveries: greek settlements at naucratis and daphnæ; prehistoric egyptian at koptos and naqada; inscription of israelite war at thebes; kings of the earliest dynasties at abydos; has published much on these subjects.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa fa fa_, martin petrie, commissary-general; good administrator. _fa fa_, william petrie, commissary-general. _me fa_, matthew flinders ( - ), naval captain; assisted george bass to survey the coast of new south wales and van dieman's land, - ; in command of the "investigator," and afterwards of the "porpoise" and "cumberland"; made the first survey of a large part of the australian coast, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, william petrie, civil engineer; first exhibitor of electric light on a large scale, ; inventor of various apparatus for that and chemical industries. _me_, ann flinders petrie, writer of some books and articles popularizing mineralogy, about ; learned both hebrew and greek without a teacher. percival spencer umfreville #pickering# (b. ), f.r.s., director of the woburn experimental fruit farm; investigator in chemical physics; editor of "memoirs of anna maria pickering," and author of papers on chemical and physical subjects.--["who's who."] _me fa_, john spencer stanhope, f.r.s., and membre de l'institut at twenty-eight years of age; a man of considerable classical attainments, and author of "platæa and olympia" and other topographical studies in greece. _me me_, elizabeth, née coke, a woman of considerable artistic ability. _me me fa_, thomas william coke ( - ), of holkham, was created earl of leicester; m.p. for norfolk, - , and - ; favoured protection and parliamentary reform; introduced modern methods into agriculture; a famous improver of stock.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, percival andrée pickering, q.c., fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge; judge of passage court; attorney-general for county palatine; author of classical essays and works on parliamentary law. _me_, anna maria wilhelmina, née spencer stanhope, of decided literary and classical ability; author of "memoirs" recently published. _fa bro_, edward hayes pickering, captain of montem, eton; fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge; died young. _me bro_, sir walter thomas william spencer stanhope (b. ), k.c.b., first-class in mathematics, oxford, ; m.p. west riding of yorkshire, s. division, - , and - .--["who's who."] _me bro_, john roddam spencer stanhope, artist. _si_, mary evelyn de morgan artist. _si_, anna maria diana wilhelmina stirling, author of novels and tales under the name of percival pickering. sir william #ramsay# (b. ), k.c.b., ll.d., d.sc., ph.d., f.r.s., f.c.s.; professor of chemistry, university coll., london, since ; sometime professor of chemistry and principal of university coll., bristol; has published numerous important scientific papers.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, william ramsay, manufacturing chemist; first made acetic acid from wood; discovered bi-chrome; president of the first chemical society, glasgow, , which was merged in the glasgow philosophical society, . _fa bro_, sir andrew crombie ramsay ( - ), f.r.s., professor of geology, university coll., london, ; director-general of the geological survey, .--["dict. n. biog."] _mo bro_, robert robertson, editor of a daily london paper (about ). #rayleigh#, lord.--see strutt. clement #reid#, f.r.s., district geologist on survey of england and wales; author of many works on geology.--["who's who."] _si_, margery anna reid, b.sc., london; science mistress at ladies' coll., cheltenham; very successful as a teacher. _me bro son_, harold leslie barnard, surgeon, and inventor of apparatus for testing blood-pressure. _me me bro_, michael faraday ( - ), f.r.s., fullerian professor royal institution; famous chemist and electrician; started his scientific career as assistant to sir humphry davy.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa bro_, george barnard, landscape artist and author of many books on drawing and painting. _me fa bro son_, frederick barnard ( - ), artist and caricaturist; illustrator of dickens, contributor to "punch," etc.--["dict. n. biog."] sir henry enfield #roscoe#, ph.d., ll.d., d.c.l., f.r.s., professor of chemistry owens college, manchester, - ; president society of chemical industry, ; of chemical society, ; knighted, ; m.p. for s. division of manchester, - ; president of brit. assoc., ; vice-chancellor of the university of london, - ; author of many memoirs and works on chemistry.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, william roscoe ( - ), historian, poet, and philanthropist; author of "lives of lorenzo de' medici," of "leo x.," and of several volumes of verse; m.p. for liverpool, - ; promoter and first president of its royal institution.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, henry roscoe ( - ), biographer, including life of his father.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, thomas roscoe ( - ), miscellaneous writer and translator.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, william stanley roscoe, poet.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, robert roscoe, poet, wrote "king alfred." _me_, maria, née fletcher, artist and authoress, wrote "life of vittoria colonna." _me si_, harriet fletcher, authoress of "tales for children." _fa bro son_, william caldwell roscoe ( - ), poet and essayist.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa si son_, william stanley jevons ( - ), f.r.s., economist and logician; professor of logic and political economy at owens coll., - ; at university coll., london, - ; influential writer.--["dict. n. biog."] _me si son_, rt. hon. charles booth, p.c., f.r.s. (q.v.). _me si son_, charles crompton.--see booth. _me si son_, henry crompton.--see booth. #rosse#, fourth earl of.--see parsons. edward john #routh# (b. ), sc.d., camb., sc.d. (hon.), dublin, ll.d. (hon.) glasgow, f.r.s., senior wrangler and smith's prize, ; adams prize, ; has had twenty-seven senior wranglers and more than forty smith's prizemen for pupils. author of several books on theoretical dynamics and of many mathematical papers.--["who's who."] _fa_, sir randolph isham routh ( - ), k.c.b., ; commissary-general; saw much foreign service, and was senior commissariat officer at waterloo.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, hon. jean thos. taschereau, judge of king's bench in canada. _me bro_, his eminence elzear alexandre taschereau (b. ), son of the above; cardinal-priest of the roman catholic church, and archbishop of quebec. _me bro son_, hon. sir henri thomas taschereau (b. ), judge of the supreme court of canada. _me bro son_, hon. henri elzear taschereau (b. ), judge of the supreme court of canada; author of many works on law. (for the taschereau family see "canadian men and women of the time.") _fa son ½ bro_, c.h.f. routh, eminent london physician. _fa son son_, amand j. mcc. routh, m.d., f.r.c.p., obstetric physician to charing cross hospital, consulting obstetric physician to three other hospitals; author of numerous papers and articles on midwifery and gynæcology.--["who's who."] _wife's fa_, sir george b. airy ( - ), k.c.b., f.r.s., eminent mathematician and astronomer; senior wrangler, ; astronomer royal, - . dukinfield henry #scott# (b. ), f.r.s., hon. keeper jodrell lab., royal gardens, kew; botanical sec. of the linnæan soc.; president of the royal microscopical soc.; author of "an introduction to structural botany," "studies in fossil botany," and various papers in "phil. trans.," etc.--["who's who."] _fa fa fa_, thomas scott ( - ), chaplain of lock hosp., london, afterwards rector of aston sandford; produced a commentary on the bible in weekly parts from - ; author of many religious writings.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa_, thomas scott ( - ), queen's coll., cambridge; author of many religious works.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, sir george gilbert scott ( - ), r.a., restoring architect to ely, hereford, lichfield, salisbury, and ripon cathedrals; architect of indian, home and colonial offices, the nicolaikirche at hamburg, st. mary's cathedral, edinburgh, etc.; president royal inst. brit. architects, - ; professor of architecture.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, ven. melville h. scott, archdeacon of stafford. _bro_, george gilbert scott, architect of roman catholic cathedral, norwich; first in moral science tripos, cambridge; burney prize essay; author of "history of english church architecture."--["who's who."] _bro son_, giles gilbert scott, architect of new liverpool cathedral, by competition at the age of twenty-two. _bro son_, henry george scott, director of mines and geology to the siamese government at the age of twenty-four. _fa bro son_, canon thomas scott (b. ), whewell university prizeman; first in first-class moral science trip., .--["who's who."] _fa bro son_, ven. edwin a. scott, archdeacon of christchurch, new zealand. robert henry #scott# (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s., classical scholar trin. coll., dublin, ; first senior mod. exp. physics, ; superintendent meteorological office - .--["who's who."] _fa fa_, john pendred scott, resident at the court of oude. _me fa_, charles brodrick, archbishop of cashel, ireland. _fa_, james smyth scott, gold medallist trin. coll., dublin. _me bro_, william john brodrick, seventh viscount midleton, dean of wells. _bro_, charles brodrick scott, senior classic, cambridge, ; headmaster of westminster school. _bro_, james george scott, archdeacon of dublin, chancellor of st. patrick's, dublin. _bro_, edward ashley scott, fellow of trinity coll., cambridge. _bro son_, george digby scott, first-class classical tripos, cambridge. _bro son_, charles william scott, engineer to irish lights board. _fa bro son_, edward william scott, general bengal artillery; for many years secretary to the military board, bengal. _me bro son_, george c. brodrick (d. ), d.c.l., warden of merton coll., oxford; brilliant college career; connected with the "times," - ; author of "political studies" ( ), "memorials of merton college" ( ), "memoirs and impressions" ( ).--["who's who."] _me si son_, charles brodrick bernard, bishop of tuam, ireland. _me bro son son_, william st. john brodrick, p.c., secretary of state for war, - ; subsequently for india.--["who's who."] thomas roscoe rede #stebbing# (b. ) (rev.), f.r.s., naturalist; authority on crustacea; prepared the report on the amphipoda of the "challenger" expedition; author of many works on natural history.--["who's who."] _fa_, henry stebbing ( - ), d.d., f.r.s., poet, preacher, and historian; editor of the "athenæum" almost from its commencement, ; published a continuation to hume and smollet's history, "lives of the italian poets," etc.--["dict. n. biog."] _me bro_, william griffin, vice-admiral. _bro_, william stebbing, scholar of lincoln coll., scholar and fellow of worcester coll., oxford, first-class mods., ; first-class lit. hum., , first-class law and history, ; for nearly thirty years on the staff of the "times" as leader writer, and second to the late mr. delane in the editorship.--["who's who."] g. johnstone #stoney# (b. ), d.sc. f.r.s.; professor of natural philosophy in late queen's university, ireland; memoirs on the "physical constitution of the sun and stars," on the "internal motion of gases," etc.--["who's who."] _me bro_, william bindon blood, professor of engineering; author of professional papers. _me bro son_, sir bindon blood (b. ), k.c.b., commander of the forces in punjab; distinguished in chitral expedition and in boer war.--["who's who."] _bro_, bindon blood stoney, ll.d., f.r.s., engineer, especially marine; numerous engineering works and publications of great originality.--["who's who."] _si son_, maurice fitzgerald, professor of engineering, queen's coll., belfast. _si son_, george francis fitzgerald ( - ), f.r.s., professor of nat. and exper. philosophy; principal of school of engineering, dublin university. his scientific writings have been edited since his death by dr. larmor. _son_, gerald stoney, one of the principal engineers in the work of the parson's steam turbine company. lieutenant-general sir richard #strachey# (retired ), g.c.s.i., r.e., ll.d., f.r.s., cambridge. secretary of government central provinces of india during mutiny, - ; public-works secretary to government of india, ; legislative member of governor-general's council, - ; member of council of india, - ; acting financial member of governor-general's council, ; chairman of east indian railway from ; chairman of meteorological council from ; president of royal geographical soc., - ; royal medal of royal soc., . publications: "lectures on geography"; "finances and public works of india" (jointly with his brother, sir john s.); various scientific memoirs.--["ency. brit.," and "who's who."] _fa fa_, sir henry strachey ( - ), bart., private secretary to lord clive in india; joint under-secretary of state for the home department, ; cr. baronet, .--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. iii.] _me fa_, lieutenant-general kirkpatrick, w. ( - ), orientalist; military secretary to marquess wellesley; resident at poona; translated persian works; expert in oriental tongues and in indian manners, customs, and laws.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, edward strachey ( - ), chief examiner of correspondence to the india house, the other two being peacock and james mill (secretaries' work, writing despatches, etc.). _fa bro_, sir henry strachey, bart. ( - ), distinguished indian civilian, described by james mill ("hist. brit. india," vol. vi., chap, vii.) as "the most intelligent of the company's servants." _fa bro_, richard strachey, resident at lucknow and gwalior. _me si_, isabella barbara buller, a well-known centre of literary and political society. _bro_, sir john strachey, g.c.s.i., eminent indian statesman; lieutenant-governor of the n.w. provinces; financial member of governor-general's council; member of council of india. publications: "finance and public works of india," (jointly with his brother, sir richard s.); "hastings and the rohilla war," ; "india," , third edition, .--["ency. brit.," and "who's who," .] _bro_, colonel henry strachey, tibetan explorer, gold medal of royal geographical soc., . _bro_, sir edward strachey (d. ), bart., author of "hebrew politics in the time of sargon and sennacherib." _bro_, george strachey ( - ), chargé d'affaires and minister resident at dresden. _bro son_, sir arthur strachey ( - ) [son of sir john s. and of katherine, daughter of george batten], chief justice allahabad, æt. thirty-nine; d. æt. forty-three. _bro son_, john st. loe strachey (b. ) [son of sir edward s. and mary, sister of john addington symonds, writer and critic], editor of the "spectator."--["who's who."] _me si son_, charles buller ( - ), distinguished politician, sent as secretary with lord durham to canada, ; chief poor-law commissioner.--["dict. n. biog."] _me si son_, sir arthur buller, judge of the supreme court, calcutta. _fa fa bro_, john strachey, ll.d. cambridge, archdeacon of suffolk, prebendary of llandaff, preacher at the rolls. _fa fa fa fa_, john strachey ( - ), f.r.s., geologist, said to have first suggested theory of stratification in his "observations on different strata of earths and minerals," .--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. iii.] _wife and her kinsfolk:_ _wi_, jane maria, née grant, second wife, authoress of "lay texts," "poets on poets," "memoirs of a highland lady," etc.--["who's who," .] _wi fa fa_, sir j.p. grant ( - ), chief justice of supreme court, calcutta.--["dict. n. biog.," xxii. .] _wi fa_, sir j.p. grant, g.c.m.g., k.c.b. ( - ), indian and colonial governor; member of council; lieutenant-governor of central provinces of india; lieutenant-governor of bengal; governor of jamaica ( - ).--["dict. n. biog.," suppl. iii. .] _wife's me bro son_, sir trevor chichele plowden, k.c.s.i., resident at kashmir, hyderabad, and baghdad. _wife's me bro son_, sir henry meredith plowden, senior judge of chief court, punjab ( - ).--["who's who," .] _son_, giles lytton strachey, scholarship at trinity coll., cambridge; chancellor's medal for english verse. _son_, oliver strachey, eton scholarship. _son_, james beaumont strachey, scholarship at st. paul's school. _da_, joan pernel strachey, lecturer on old french at royal holloway college. _da_, marjorie colvile strachey, prize offered in by the british ambassador in paris to male and female undergraduates of all colleges in great britain, for examination in french; scholarship at royal holloway college, . aubrey #strahan# (b. ), f.r.s., district geologist on the geological survey of england and wales; author of geological memoirs on chester, rhyl, flint, isle of purbeck, weymouth, south wales coalfield, etc., and contributions to scientific journals.--["who's who."] _me fa_, sir george fisher, general of royal artillery; commandant of woolwich arsenal. _bro_, george strahan, second for pollock medal at addiscombe; dep. surveyor-general of the trigonometrical survey of india, ; colonel of bengal engineers. _bro_, charles strahan, lieutenant-general of bengal engineers; surveyor-general of india, . _fa bro son_, herbert kynaston (b. ), d.d., camden medallist and browne medallist, ; bracketed senior classic, ; fellow of st. john's coll., cambridge, ; principal of cheltenham coll., - ; professor of greek and classical literature, university of durham, .--["who's who."] john william #strutt# (b. ), third baron #rayleigh#, d.c.l. (hon. oxon.), ll.d., o.m., f.r.s., hon. sc.d. (cambridge and dublin), professor of natural philosophy, royal inst., since ; senior wrangler and smith's prizeman, ; professor of experimental physics, cambridge, - ; secretary roy. soc., ; author of "theory of sound," and many scientific papers.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _bro_, hon. edward gerald strutt, successful land-agent and surveyor. _me si son_, ronald montague burrows (b. ), professor of greek in the university coll. of s. wales and monmouthshire.--["who's who."] _son_, hon. robert john strutt (b. ), f.r.s., fellow of trinity coll., cambridge; author of papers on radium, etc.--["who's who."] _me fa bro_, major-general edward vicars, r.e., distinguished himself under lord john hay on north coast of spain; brevet majority and spanish orders for gallantry before san sebastian in ; selected for special duty with the fleet in , but taken ill on the way out, and retired on full pay. _wife_, see balfour. william #thomson# (b. ), baron #kelvin# ( ), p.c., o.m., f.r.s., and numerous other distinctions; eminent mathematical physicist; inventor of mirror galvanometer, of siphon recorder in connection with submarine telegraphy, of a new form of mariner's compass, etc.; acted as electrical engineer for many submarine cables; president of british assoc., , of royal soc., - , and four times of royal soc., edinburgh; author of numerous mathematical and physical memoirs.--["who's who," and "ency. brit."] _fa_, james thomson ( - ), son of a small farmer in co. down; commenced the study of mathematics on his own initiative; became professor of mathematics at belfast, , then at university of glasgow, ; also a good classical scholar and astronomer; wrote the authorized mathematical text-books of the commissioners of national education in ireland.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, james thomson ( - ), f.r.s., hon. ll.d., glasgow and dublin, professor of civil engineering, first at queen's coll., belfast, - , then at glasgow, - . invented the "vortex water-wheel," ; numerous memoirs on physical investigations.--["dict. n. biog.," and "ency. brit."] _bro_, john thomson, died young, having contracted hospital fever during medical study at glasgow. considered as able as his brothers. _si son_, james thomson bottomley, f.r.s. (q.v.). _si son_, george king, actuary and mathematician; author of many original papers, and of an authoritative work on actuarial subjects. sir john isaac #thornycroft# (b. ), ll.d., f.r.s., vice-president of inst. of naval architecture, etc.; founded shipbuilding works at chiswick, ; introduced improvements in naval architecture and marine engineering, which have promoted high speeds at sea.--["who's who."] _me fa_, john francis ( - ), sculptor, pupil of chantrey; exhibited at the royal academy, - ; his works include busts of miss horatio nelson, queen victoria, prince albert, and the duke of wellington.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, thomas thornycroft ( - ), sculptor; executed the group of commerce on the albert memorial, and other statues.--["dict. n. biog."] _me_, mary thornycroft ( - ), sculptor.--["dict. n. biog."] _bro_, william hamo thornycroft (b. ), r.a., sculptor. his works include national monument to general gordon in trafalgar square and in melbourne; john bright in rochdale; lord granville in houses of parliament; and very many others.--["who's who."] charles sissmore #tomes# (b. ), f.r.s., late lecturer on dental anatomy at dental hosp. of london; crown nominee on general medical council, , etc.; author of a "manual of dental anatomy, human and comparative," and of many memoirs on odontology in "phil. trans.," etc.--["who's who."] _fa_, sir john tomes ( - ), f.r.s., dental surgeon; invented dental forceps; memoirs on histology of bone and teeth; delivered lectures at middlesex hosp., which marked new era in dentistry; induced royal coll. of surgeons to grant license in dental surgery; one of the chief founders of the odontological soc., , and of the dental hosp., ; secured passing of dentists act, ; wrote well-known treatise on "dental surgery," and other works.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, robert fisher tomes ( - ), authority on insectivora and chiroptera; edited bell's "british quadrupeds"; wrote natural history sections for his own and neighbouring county histories. _me bro_, george sibley, c.e.i., went out to india as a civil engineer, and without influence rose to be chief engineer of the east indian railways, and did much important work in bridge-building. james william helenus #trail# (b. ), f.r.s., regius professor of botany, university of aberdeen, since ; naturalist of an exploring expedition in n. brazil, - ; has been largely occupied in the administrative work of the university and of other educational bodies in n. scotland; has published numerous botanical and zoological papers in scientific journals.--["who's who."] _fa_, samuel trail, ll.d., d.d. (both hon.), obtained hutton scholarship in aberdeen as the most distinguished graduate of his year, ; professor of systematic theology, university of aberdeen, ; moderator of church of scotland, . _me bro_, hercules scott, ll.d., professor of moral philosophy in the king's coll. and university, old aberdeen, - ; said to have taken a large part in the administration of the university. _bro_, john arbuthnot trail, ll.d., writer to the signet in edinburgh; prominent in administration connected with the university of edinburgh, the church of scotland, and other public bodies. _me si son_, david brown, general; formerly commissioner of lower burmah. john #venn# (b. ), d.sc., f.r.s., fellow of caius coll., cambridge; president, ; for many years lecturer on moral philosophy at cambridge; author of many works on logic, and of "a biographical history of gonville and caius coll."--["who's who."] _fa fa_, john venn ( - ), scientific and mechanical interests; one of the first to adopt vaccination, applying it to his own children, and recommending it in the parish of clapham, where he was rector in ; the principal founder of the church missionary soc., , the rules of which he sketched out much as they are still retained.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, henry venn ( - ), wrangler and fellow of queens' coll., cambridge; for many years secretary and practically manager of the church missionary soc., the income of which increased under his guidance to over £ , per annum; vicar of drypool, , and of st. john's, holloway, london, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, john venn ( - ), wrangler and fellow of queens' coll., cambridge; much practical skill and success in philanthropic schemes in his parish of st. peter's at hereford; he started a steam corn-mill, which was so successful that it led to many other developments in the way of aiding the industrious--e.g., a loan department, which, by , had advanced some £ , to various poor and struggling persons, and an extensive experimental garden for teaching garden allotment and small farm work, etc. _fa si son_, sir james fitzjames stephen ( - ), distinguished judge; in earlier life journalist, essayist, and reviewer; then legal member of the council of the governor-general of india; author of legal works.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa si son_, sir leslie stephen ( - ), k.c.b., litt.d., at one time famous as a mountaineer; eminent literary editor and critic; president of the ethical soc.; editor of the earlier volumes of the "dictionary of national biography"; author of many works, including a biography of his brother. _fa fa fa_, henry venn ( - ), an evangelical divine, a man of remarkable energy and force of character; fellow of queens' coll., cambridge, - ; curate of clapham, ; vicar of huddersfield, ; rector of yelling, - ; author of the "complete duty of man."--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa fa fa_, richard venn ( - ), a learned divine; rector of st. antholin's, london, - . he acquired some prominence by publicly objecting to the appointment of dr. rundle, a latitudinarian, to the bishopric of gloucester, on the ground of unorthodox views.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa si da_, emelia batten, afterwards mrs. russell gurney; distinguished by her artistic taste and accomplishments; author of "dante's pilgrims' progress."--["letters," with a brief biography, by ellen gurney, .] _me fa bro_, daniel sykes ( - ), f.r.s., fellow of trinity coll., cambridge; recorder and m.p. for hull; prominent as an early supporter of the reform movement. _me fa fa_, joseph sykes ( - ), large and successful merchant in hull, where he was the principal founder of the trade in swedish iron; mayor and sheriff of hull, and d.l. of the e. riding. for further particulars of the venn family, see "venn family annals," by dr. john venn (macmillan and co., ). robert #warington# (b. ), f.r.s., examiner in agricultural science to the board of education since ; professor of rural economy, oxford, - ; author of twenty-six papers in the "transactions" of the chemical soc., "the chemistry of the farm" (seventeenth edition), "lectures on the rothamsted experiments," and "lectures on the physical properties of the soil."--["who's who."] _fa_, robert warington ( - ), f.r.s., chemist, pharmacist, and naturalist; founded in , and was for ten years secretary of the chemical soc.; originator of the aquarium; the author of many papers on chemical and natural history subjects.--["dict. n. biog."] _me fa_, george jackson ( - ), medical practitioner and inventor; society of arts medal for improvements in an apparatus for obtaining light; invented a dividing machine for ruling micrometers, which is still in use; introduced several improvements into the microscope; and was president of the royal microscopical soc. _bro_, george warington, b.a., first-class natural science tripos, cambridge; died at the age of thirty-three, but had already made a considerable reputation as an author, critic, teacher, and speaker. _fa si son_, john brown, c.m.g.; engineer-in-chief to cape government railways. general sir charles #warren# (b. ), k.c.b., g.c.m.g., r.e., f.r.s. conducted excavations at jerusalem, and reconnaissance of palestine for the pal. expl. fund, - ; administrator and commander-in-chief, griqualand west; commanded troops northern border expedition, ; bechuanaland expedition, - ; suakim, ; commissioner metropolitan police, - ; commanded troops straits settlements, - ; lieutenant-general in command of th div. south african field force, - . author of works concerning the archæology of jerusalem; also of "on veldt in the seventies," and of "the ancient cubit and our weights and measures."--["who's who."] _fa fa_, john warren ( - ), dean of bangor, n.w. _fa fa bro_, frederick warren ( - ), vice-admiral; defeated danish gunboat flotilla in the belt, ; commander-in-chief at the cape, - ; admiral-superintendent at plymouth, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa fa bro_, pelham warren ( - ), m.d., f.r.s., physician at st. george's hosp.; harveian orator, ; physician to the king.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, sir charles warren ( - ), k.c.b., major-general; served in india, - ; in china, - ; in the crimea, - .--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, john warren ( - ), f.r.s., mathematician; fellow and tutor of jesus coll., cambridge; chancellor of bangor.--["dict. n. biog."] _son_, richard warren (b. ), first-class honours, natural science, oxford; scholarship in anatomy and physiology, london hosp.; radcliffe travelling fellow, oxford; house physician, house surgeon, and senior resident accoucheur, london hosp. _fa fa fa_, richard warren ( - ), m.d., f.r.s., fellow of jesus coll., cambridge; physician to george iii., and to george, prince of wales.--["dict. n. biog."] bertram coghill alan #windle# (b. ), f.r.s., president of queen's coll., cork; m.d., d.sc., dublin; late dean of the medical faculty and professor of anatomy and anthropology, university of birmingham; author of scientific papers, books on anatomy, anthropology, and literature, "tyson's pygmies of the ancients," "life in early britain," etc.--["who's who."] _me bro_, colonel kendal coghill (b. ), c.b., served in burmah, - ; adjutant of nd european bengal fusiliers during indian mutiny, - ; commanded th hussars in egyptian campaign, .--["who's who."] _me fa_, admiral sir j. coghill. _me me fa_, charles kendal bushe ( - ), solicitor-general for ireland, - ; chief justice of king's bench, - . --["dict. n. biog."] _me bro son_, seymour coghill hort bushe (b. ), k.c., senior moderator and berkeley gold medallist; gold medallist in oratory, dublin; senior crown prosecutor for county and city of dublin, .--["who's who."] _me si son_, herbert wilson greene, well-known fellow and lecturer, magdalen coll., oxford; author of version of "rubayat" of omar khayum, etc. _me si son_, boyle somerville, commander, r.n., author of papers on the ethnology of the polynesian race in the "anthropological journal." _me si da_, edith oenone somerville, m.f.h., author of "reminiscences of an irish r.m.," "all on the irish shore," and other novels. horace bolingbroke #woodward# (b. ), f.r.s., assistant director geological survey of england and wales; author of "geology of england and wales," and other works.--["who's who."] _fa fa_, samuel woodward ( - ), geologist and antiquary; clerk in gurney's bank, norwich, - ; studied history and archæology; formed collection of fossils and antiquities, and published works relating to norfolk.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa_, samuel pickworth woodward ( - ), professor of geology and natural history at royal agricultural coll., cirencester, ; first-class assistant in department of geology and mineralogy, british museum, - ; author of "manual of the mollusca" ( - ).--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, bernard bolingbroke woodward ( - ), librarian in ordinary to queen victoria at windsor.--["dict. n. biog."] _fa bro_, henry woodward (b. ), ll.d., f.r.s., president of palæontographical soc. since ; vice-president of royal microscopical soc.; late keeper geological department, british museum (natural history); author of many works on palæontology, zoology, etc.--["who's who."] _bro_, bernard henry woodward, director of museum at perth, w. australia. _bro_, herbert willoughby woodward, archdeacon of magila, zanzibar. _fa bro son_, harry page woodward (b. ), government geologist for w. australia, - . _fa bro son_, martin fountain woodward, demonstrator of biology, royal coll. of science (obituary in "nature"). appendix noteworthy fathers of f.r.s. (taken from the printed list of families, and classified by occupations) astronomy. sir j.w. #lubbock#, f.r.s., treasurer and vice-president of the royal soc. _son_, lord avebury, f.r.s. (lubbock). third earl of #rosse#, president royal soc. ( - ), constructor of the great reflecting telescope. _son_, fourth earl of rosse, f.r.s. _son_, c.a. parsons, f.r.s. geology. professor #ball#, dublin ( - ). _son_, sir robert ball, f.r.s. _son_, valentine ball, f.r.s. sir j. #evans#, f.r.s., president of geological and many other societies; treasurer of the royal soc. for many years. _son_, arthur evans, f.r.s. #godwin-austen#, f.r.s. ( - ). _son_, h.h. godwin-austen, f.r.s. professor #woodward#, cirencester ( - ). _son_, h.b. woodward, f.r.s. physics and mathematics. j.j. #lister#, f.r.s. (----), optical investigator. _son_, lord lister, o.m., president royal soc. _son_, arthur lister, f.r.s. lord #rayleigh#, f.r.s., o.m. _son_, hon. r. strutt, f.r.s. professor james #thomson#, belfast ( - ). _son_, lord kelvin, o.m., president royal soc. _son_, james thomson, f.r.s. chemistry. r. #warington#, f.r.s. ( - ), ten years secretary of the chemical soc. _son_, robert warington, f.r.s. engineer. w. #petrie#, inventor of various apparatus for electric and chemical industries. _son_, w.m. flinders-petrie, f.r.s. biology. charles #darwin#, f.r.s. ( - ), the great naturalist. _son_, professor g. darwin, f.r.s. _son_, francis darwin, f.r.s. _son_, horace darwin, f.r.s. edwin #lankester#, f.r.s. ( - ), professor of natural history, new coll., london. _son_, e. ray lankester, f.r.s. botany. sir william #hooker#, f.r.s. ( - ), director of kew gardens. _son_, sir joseph hooker, f.r.s. medicine. w.a.f. #browne#, f.r.s.e. (----), first commissioner in lunacy for scotland. _son_, sir j. crichton browne, f.r.s. sir j. #tomes#, f.r.s., eminent in dental surgery. _son_, c.s. tomes, f.r.s. divinity. j. #brown# ( - ), professor of exegetics, secession coll., and after in the united presbyterian coll. _son_, a. crum brown, f.r.s. j.e. #kempe#, late rector of st. james, piccadilly; hon. chaplain to the king. _son_, a.b. kempe, f.r.s. j.g. #miall#, chairman of the congregational union. _son_, l.c. miall, f.r.s. s. #trail# (----), professor systematic theology, university, aberdeen. _son_, j.w.h. trail, f.r.s. h. #venn# ( - ), for many years secretary and practically manager of the church missionary soc. _son_, j. venn, f.r.s. philosophy. c.a. #brandis#, professor of philosophy at bonn. _son_, sir d. brandis, f.r.s. law. p.a. #pickering#, q.c., judge passage court, attorney-general, county palatine. _son_, p.s.u. pickering, f.r.s. public services. e. #strachey# ( - ), chief examiner of correspondence at india house (secretary's work, writing despatches). _son_, sir richard strachey, f.r.s. historians and biographers. j. #grant duff# ( - ), "history of the mahrattas," written after a brief but brilliant career in india. _son_, sir mountstuart grant duff, f.r.s. sir francis #palgrave# ( - ), "rise and progress of the english commonwealth." _son_, r.h.i. palgrave, f.r.s. henry #roscoe#, biographer. _son_, sir h.e. roscoe, f.r.s. henry #stebbing#, d.d., f.r.s. ( - ), "continuation to hume and smollet's history," "lives of the italian poets," etc. _son_, t.r.r. stebbing, f.r.s. painters. robert #herdman# ( - ), portrait and historical painter. _son_, w.a. herdman, f.r.s. j. calcott #horsley#, r.a. _son_, sir victor a.h. horsley, f.r.s. sculptor. t. #thornycroft# ( - ). _son_, sir j.i. thornycroft, f.r.s. architect. sir g. gilbert #scott#, r.a. ( - ), president royal institute british architects, professor of architecture. _son_, dukinfield h. scott, f.r.s. * * * * * summary of the occupations of the fathers | physical science: astronomy, ; geology, ; | physics and mathematics, ; chemistry, ; | engineer, . | | biology: biology, ; botany, ; medicine, . | | divinity and philosophy: divinity, ; philosophy, . | | law and public service: law, ; public service, . | | historians: historians, . | | artists: painters, ; sculptor, ; architect, . ---| | i gather from this that about of the sons have followed the same pursuits as their parents, and that the remaining have followed different ones; but the distinction is not always clear, so other persons may form slightly different estimates. anyhow, it appears that the two characteristics of ( ) general ability and ( ) a passion for a particular pursuit are transmitted more or less independently. index ability, highest order of, xiv how far can noteworthiness be accepted as a statistical measure of, xxi; nature of, xxi; relation between this and environment in producing noteworthiness, xxi-xxv abercromby, sir ralph, sir robert, abraham, harry, joseph, abstention in replying to circular, suggested reasons for, xxxiv abydos, kings of earliest dynasties at, abyssinian expedition, , accident, definition of, xx achromatic microscope, "adam smith, life of," adelaide, south australia, ainslie, sir whitelaw, airy, sir george b., albert, bust of prince, memorial, "alert," alexandria, defeat of french at, allardice, robert barclay, "all on the irish shore," ancestry, direct, xxxii "ancient cubit and our weights and measures," "ankylostomiasis in mines," "antiseptic treatment in surgery," ashburton, first baron, "ashburton treaty," "arabia, a year's journey through eastern and central," archæology, british school of, at athens, arctic voyages, - arkwright, sir richard, artistic temperament and bohemianism, xv "athenæum," augusta, h.m. empress, austen, sir henry e, robert, autotype process, avebury, lord, , balfour, andrew, isaac bayley, john hutton, right hon. a.j., professor f.m., right hon. gerald, balfour-browne, john hutton, ball, sir charles b., sir robert s., , robert, , valentine, , bangor, dean of, barclay, capt., of ury, barnard, frederick, george, harold l., baring brothers and co., alexander, charles, evelyn, sir francis, francis thornhill, thomas, thomas george, baring-gould, rev. s., bass, george, batten, emelia, george, bateson, xlii "_beagle_, voyage of," "beduins, with the," belper, lord, bell's "british quadrupeds," bentham, samuel, berlin waterworks, bernard, charles b., bishop of tuam, bewick, "biography, dictionary of national," xiv blanford, h.f., william, w.t., blood, professor w. bindon, general sir bindon, bohemianism and artistic temperament, xv bonamy price, professor, xvi booth, right hon. charles, , henry, james, thomas, bosanquet, bernard, c.b.p., vice-admiral day hort, sir john bernard, robert c., r.h.m., "botanic garden," bottomley, james thomson, , bramwell, lord, sir frederick, brandis, c.a., , sir dietrich, , joachim d., johannes, bray, anna eliza, brewster, sir david, bright, statue of john, britons, ancient, brodrick, charles, archbishop of cashel, george c. (warden of merton), right hon. william st. j., w.j., seventh viscount midleton, brodrick scott, charles, brothers, average number of, for any person, xxxi brown, professor a. crum, , general david, john, of haddington ( - ), john, of whitburn ( - ), john, of biggor ( - ), , john, m.d., john (engineer), browne, sir j. crichton, , w.a.f., , brunel, isambard, buller, sir arthur, charles, isabella b., burdon, sir thomas, burdon-sanderson, sir john s., , richard, burke's "peerage," xix burrows, professor r.m., bushe, charles kendal, seymour coghill hort, calcott, sir augustus wall, john wall, cambrian pottery works, camperdown, earl of, viscount duncan of, "canadian men and women of the time," candidates for fellowship of royal society, number of, xi caricaturists on women who study hard, xv cashel, archbishop of, cecil, family of, "celebes, naturalist in north," celebrity, reasons why men who have attained to the highest, fail to leave worthy successors, if any, xv cerebration, unconscious, xviii ceylon pearl fisheries, chance, xx chantrey, "challenger reports," , charity organization society, "charles r. darwin, life and letters of," , chree, alex. b., charles, d.d., charles, f.r.s., jessie s., william, christchurch, new zealand, archdeacon of, church, professor a.h., rev. a.j., h.f., "church architecture, history of english," church missionary society, , cinchona-bearing trees, circular sent to fellows of royal society, ix, xxviii clive, lord, clogher, bishop of, cochrane, lord, coghill, admiral sir j., colonel kendal, cohen, meyer (sir f. palgrave), coke, elizabeth, thomas w., collaterals, xxxii "colliery explosions, cause of death in," colonial office, comparison of results with and without marks in the sixty-five families, xxxvii compton, henry, conclusions, xxxix constituents, incongruous, in highest order of mind, xv constitutional disease, proneness of particular families to, x "contracts, specific performance of," conversation, rapid, xviii coomassie, relief of, copeman, a.c., edward, peter, s.m., copyright act, cork, bishop of, correlation, negative, between constituents of highest order of mind, xv cotterill, arthur, henry (senior wrangler), professor j.h., joseph m. (surgeon), joseph m., d.d., rev. thomas, thomas (mathematician), counties in england, wales, scotland, and ireland, number required to provide one f.r.s. annually, xii cousins, first, of f.r.s., xl crewe, first earl of, crewe-milnes, r.o.a., first earl of, crete, cromer, first earl, crompton, charles, , henry, , "cromwell, oliver, the protector," crum, alexander, walter, cuneiform writing, dalton, danish gunboat flotilla, defeat of, in the belt, daphnæ, greek settlements at, darjeeling, darwin, charles (medical student), charles r. (author of "origin of species," etc.), , , erasmus (author of "zoonomia," etc.), , erasmus (grandson of the author of "zoonomia") professor francis, , professor g.h. (now sir george), , horace, , major leonard, robert w., davy, sir humphry, degrees of eminence in "noteworthy" persons, xxxv of remoteness of kinship, xxviii de la rue, delane, denmark, queen of, "dental anatomy, manual of," "dental surgery," dentists act, descendants, direct, xxxii de vries, xlii devonshire, geology of, de winter, admiral, dickens, illustrations to, dickinson, john, f.r.s., john, "dictionary of national biography," xiv dillwyn, lewis weston, diminution of frequency of noteworthiness with increase of distance of kinship, xxxix dundas and wilson, sir david, david, george, john, lord, ralph, duff, _vide_ grant duff duncan, adam, viscount duncan of camperdown, durham, bishop of, lord, "ecce homo," eccentricity in families of able scientific men, xvi "economist," edgeworth, r.l., "edinburgh encyclopædia," "education, memoirs on," egerton, right hon. sir edwin, egypt, elias, ney, eldon, first earl of, , "electrical testing, handbook of," "electrical review," eminence, degrees of, in "noteworthy" persons, xxxv "encyclopædia britannica," xiv energy as a factor in success, xviii "england and normandy, history of," number of counties of, xii "english men of science," xiii "environment," xx nature of, xxi; relation between this and ability in producing noteworthiness, xxi-xxv "etymological dictionary," eugenics, vii, xli, evans, anne, arthur benoni, arthur j., , sir john, , lewis, sebastian, excursion trains, exhibition buildings in hyde park, expectations of noteworthiness, xxxix express trains, faraday, michael, "farm, the chemistry of the," farrer, lord herschell, fathers of f.r.s., xl "fauna of the deep sea," f.r.s., reasons for selecting, as subject for inquiry, xiii; circulars sent to, xxviii; number of replies sent to circulars, xxix fellowship of royal society, distinction of, xi; material value of, xi; number of candidates for, xi "ferrier, life of," fertile relatives, number of in each degree, xxxii fertility, connection between, and severe mental strain, xv finger-prints, identification by, fisher, sir george, fitzgerald, professor g. francis, professor maurice, fletcher, harriet, maria, fleury, rev. charles m., ven. george l., flinders, matthew, foljambe, right hon. francis, forbes, david, biography of, foster, anthony, sir augustus j., ebenezer, john, baron oriel, john leslie, john william, m.p., vere h.l., william, d.d., "fossil botany, studies in," "foundations of belief," "_fox_, the voyage of the," fox, sir charles, france, geology of, francis, john, franco-german war, "franklin, the fate of sir john," fry, edmund, right hon. sir edward, francis, joseph, joseph storrs, j.s. and co., right hon. lewis, galton, sir douglas, francis, , samuel, geikie, sir a., cunningham, james, james stewart, walter, walter bayne, "genius, hereditary," xiv, xvii genius, definition of, xvii; heredity of, xvii "genera plantarum," "geography, lectures on," "geology of england and wales," gloucester and bristol, c. baring, bishop of, godwin, major-general sir thomas h., godwin-austen, harold, lieutenant-colonel h.h., , maria e., r.a.c., , "gonville and caius coll., a biographical history of," "golden treasury," gordon, statue of general, gotch, professor f., fredrick w., thomas cooper, grant, jane maria, sir j.p. (indian judge), sir j.p. (indian and colonial governor), grant duff, adrian, arthur c., evelyn m., james, , right hon. sir m.e., , granville, statue of lord, greene, h.w., grey, second earl, hon. lady, charles, sir george, griffin, vice-admiral william, gurney, ellen, mrs. russell, haden, dr. charles t., sir f. seymour, dr. thomas, hague, court of international arbitration at the, haldane, alex. chinnery, daniel r., elizabeth sanderson, , james a., lieutenant-colonel j.a.l., j.s., , robert, right hon. r.b., , halkett, general, "harmony, textbook of," hartmann, julius von, "harvesting ants," "hastings and the rohilla war," hastings, warren, hausmann, friedrich, "heather hills, my," "hebrew politics in the time of sargon and sennacherib," hegel's "history of philosophy," "heine, heinrich, songs and lyrics by," hellicar, ames, herbert hospital at woolwich, "hereditary genius," xiv, xvii, xlii herdman, j.c. (senior), j.c. (junior), robert, , sophia, william, professor w.a., , herschell, first lord, hewett, bertram h.m., "hibbert journal," hickson, professor s.j., w.e., highest order of ability, xiv "highland lady, memoirs of a," hill, arthur, edward b.l., edwin, g. birkbeck, sir john e.g., professor leonard, matthew davenport, norman, sir rowland, thomas w., "hindoostan, materia medica of," hodgkin, maiden name of lady fry, hogarth, homan, mrs. ruth, home office, hooker, sir joseph d., , sir william j., , horsley, charles e., john callcott, , sir v., , , william, houghton, lord, "huia, the," ignorance concerning noteworthiness of kinsmen in distant degree, xxxviii imaginative power near to lunacy, xv "immortality, ode to," xvi incongruous constituents in highest order of mind, xv "india," "india, finances and public works of," india office, indian meteorological department, "industrial conciliation," intensity of any specified quality in each or any degree of kinship, how measured, xxix "internal motion of gases," ireland, number of counties of, xii "italian poets, lives of," jackson, george, jenkinson, sir edward, jevons, w. stanley, jerusalem, archæology of, johnstone, professor robert, joly, henry edward, jasper robert, john, rev. john p., mary, "journal of hygiene," , kashmir, , "kempe and kemp families, a history of the," kempe, alfred bray, , alfred john, edward, harry robert, john arrow, john e., , kelvin, lord, khartoum, battle of, kilmore, bishop of, "king alfred," king, george, kinsfolk, noteworthy, number of in each degree, xxxiii number of in each degree, xxviii number of in families, who survived childhood, xxx of each person, difficulty of obtaining number of, x; reasons for difficulty, x kinsmen, number of noteworthy, recorded in returns, xl kinship, nomenclature of, xxvi kirkpatrick, lieutenant-general, knossos, palace of, koptos, prehistoric egyptian at, kynaston, professor herbert, labouchere, henry, lamarck, lancaster, joseph, lankester, edwin, , e. forbes, professor e. ray, , fay, nina, phebe, s. rushton, larmor, dr., "lay texts," leicester, earl of, "leo x.," "life in early britain," liverpool cathedral, lister, lord, , arthur, , arthur h., gulielma, j.j. (biologist), j.j. (optical investigator), , llewelyn, john dillwyn, lodge, alfred, eleanor c., george e., sir oliver, richard, robert j., lombroso, xvi "london, life and labour of people of," "lorenzo de' medici, life of," lubbock, edgar, sir john, , right hon. sir john, sir john william, , sir neville, lunacy and imaginative power, xvi lusi, frederick, comte de (soldier), frederick, comte de (statesman), spiridion, comte de, macaulay, mcclintock, alfred h., sir francis l., h.f., john, lord rathdonell, j.w.l., patience, r.s., macdowall, hay, mackenzie, charles, sir morell, sir stephen, "mahrattas, history of the," manor, lord, mariner's compass, markham, admiral sir albert, sir clements r., lieutenant-general sir edwin, george, admiral john, william (archbishop of york), william, marks applied to degree of noteworthiness, xxxvi maskelyne, m.h.n. story, nevil, masterman, j. story, material on which book is based, ix melbourne, lord, meldola, david, raphael f.r.s., raphael (high rabbi), "mentone, flora of," merit, standard of, xiii "merton coll., memorials of," miall, edward, rev. j.g., , lewis c., , stephen, micrometers, machine for ruling, miers, edward j., francis charles, professor h.a., john, "middle ages, close of," midleton, seventh viscount, mill, james, milner, right hon. sir frederick, milnes, r. monckton, lord houghton, r. pemberton, r.s., "mineralogy," "modern science," restriction to term as used on title-page, xiii moggridge, traherne, "mollusca, manual of," "monumental effigies of great britain," "moon and stars, memoirs of heat of," moore, thomas, ; "life and letters of," morgan, m.e. de, "mosses, british," murchison, sir r., biography of, "musical grammar," "mycetozoa," monograph on, naqada, prehistoric egyptians at, "national biography, dictionary of," xiv "nature," xxxi, xxxii naucratis, greek settlements at, nautical almanac, nebulæ, discovery of, nelson, bust of miss horatio, newton, professor alfred, a.w., sir edward, f.j., lieutenant-general h.p., r. milnes, william, general w.s., new york, tunnel under river in, nomenclature of kinship, xxvi "nonconformist," northbrook, first baron, first earl of, norwich, roman catholic cathedral at, noteworthy kinsfolk, number of in each degree, xxxiii noteworthy, use of term in present work, xiii, xiv noteworthies, proportion of to the generality, xviii noteworthiness, xi marked and unmarked degrees of, xxxv as a measure of ability, xx noteworthiness as achieved, xix; statistically the outcome of ability and environment, xxi; in women, xxxiii; diminution of frequency of, with increase of distance of kinship, xxxix; expectation of, xxxix number of kinsfolk in each degree, xxviii of kinsfolk in families who survived childhood, xxx of noteworthy kinsfolk in each degree, xxxiii number of noteworthy kinsmen recorded in returns, xl "ode to immortality," xvi oriel, lord, "origin of species," otho, king, owen, robert, palestine, reconnaissance of, palgrave, elizabeth (née dawson turner), sir francis, , francis turner, sir reginald f.d., r.h.i., , w. giffard, parliamentary representatives, methods for electing, xxxv parsons, charles a., , lawrence, fourth earl of rosse, , william, third earl of rosse, , peacock, peel, sir robert's, cabinet, "penelope," penny postage, percy anecdotes, persian boundary commission, petrie, anne flinders, martin, matthew, william, , professor w.m. flinders, , "philobiblon society," pickering, anne maria, edward hayes, percival, percival andrée, , p.s.u., , piel seafish hatchery, pine, william, place, francis, "platæa and olympia," plowden, sir henry meredith, sir trevor chichele, plymouth, "poets on poets," "political economy, dictionary of," political life, factors conducive to noteworthiness in, xxi "political studies," polynesian race, pope, samuel, port erin biological station, positivist community, price, professor bonamy, xvi proportion of noteworthies to the generality, xviii prussia, queen of, punakha, "punch," "q.j.m.s.," radium, ramsay, sir andrew c., sir william, william, rathdonell, lord, rayleigh, third baron, , lady, reform bill, movement, reid, clement, margery a., "reminiscences of an irish r.m." remoteness of kinship, degrees of, xxviii repute, built up by repeated testings of intelligence, energy, and character, xix "richelieu," "rise and progress of english commonwealth," robarts, lubbock and co., robertson, robert, roscoe, henry, , sir henry e., , , robert, thomas, william, w. caldwell, william stanley, rosse, third earl of, , fourth earl of, , "rothamsted experiments, lectures on the," routh, dr. amand j. mcc., dr. c.h.f., edward j., sir randolph i., royal exchange assurance corporation, , royal institution, francis galton's lecture before, in , xiii "royal society's year book," xiii, xxviii russell, lord john, "rubayat" of omar khayum, salisbury, third marquis of, sanderson, sir james, sattara state, schimmelpenninck, scholastic successes, a doubtful indication of future performance, xxxiv scotland, number of counties of, xii scott, charles brodrick, charles william, dukinfield henry, , edward ashley, general edward william, ven. edwin a., archdeacon of christchurch, new zealand, professor hercules, george digby, sir george gilbert, , george gilbert, giles gilbert, henry george, james george, archdeacon of dublin, james smyth, john, lord eldon, , sir john, john pendred, ven. melville h., archdeacon of stafford, robert henry, canon thomas, thomas (biblical commentator), thomas (of queen's college, cambridge), william, lord stowell, , "scottish character and scenery, etchings illustrative of," secret history of family, importance of, x seeley, sir john r., sex of one child no clue of importance to that of any other child in same family, xxxi sibley, george, sidgwick, mrs. henry, simpson, alfred, siphon recorder, sisters, average number of, for any person, xxxi social rank, effects of, in producing noteworthiness, xxi world, vastness of, xvii "soil, physical properties of the," sola, abram de, somerville, comm. boyle, e.o., "sound, theory of," smyth, h. warington, major n. maskelyne, specific kinship, forms of, xxvi; abbreviation for, xxvi "spectator," spencer, lord, spencer stanhope, a.m.w., john, john r., sir walter, sports, xlii stafford, archdeacon of, standard of merit used, xiii stanhope, john spencer, stanley, lord, stebbing, rev. henry, , rev. t.r.r., , william, stephen, sir james fitzjames, sir leslie, stephenson, stewart-wilson, charles, stirling, anna m.d.w., stoney, bindon blood, gerald, g. johnstone, story, a.m.r., stothard, charles a., stowell, first baron, , strachey, sir arthur, edward, sir edward, , george, giles lytton, colonel henry, sir henry (first bart.), sir henry (second bart.), sir john, joan pernel, john, f.r.s. (geologist), john, archdeacon of suffolk, john, st. loe, j. beaumont, marjorie colvile, oliver, lieut.-general sir richard, , richard, strahan, aubrey, charles, george, strain, severe mental, connection between this and fertility, xv stratification, theory of, "structural botany, introduction to," strutt, edward, baron belper, hon. e.g., jedediah, joseph, william, strutt, john w., lord rayleigh, , hon. robert j., , "student's modern europe," success in obtaining fellowships of royal society, xii; how achieved, xviii, xix; factors producing, xx "sun and stars, physical constitution of," surnames as affecting knowledge of distant kinsmen, xxxviii sykes, daniel, joseph, symonds, john addington, tables: i. combinations of ability and environment, xxiii ii. ability independent of environment, xxiv iii. ability correlated with environment, xxv iv. abbreviations, xxvii v. number of kinsfolk in one hundred families who survived childhood, xxx vi. comparison of results with and without marks in the sixty-five families, xxxvii vii. number of noteworthy kinsmen recorded in returns, xl "tales for children," talbot, c.r.m., w.h.f., talbotype process, taschereau, cardinal e.a., hon. h.e., hon. j.t., hon. sir henri t., taunton, first baron, telescope, reflecting, at parsonstown, thames plate glass company, thebes, israelite war at, thoms, william, thomson, professor james (civil engineer), , , professor james (mathematician), , , john, william, lord kelvin, , "thornliebank co.," thornycroft, mary, sir john i., , thomas, , w. hamo, "time and faith," "times," , tippoo sultan, reduction of, tomes, charles s., , sir john, , robert fisher, trail, john arbuthnot, professor james w.h., , samuel, , transportation, bill abolishing, "trapdoor spiders," "tribune," tuam, bishop of, "tyson's pygmies of the ancients," unconscious brain-work, abnormally developed powers of genius, xvii vatcher, marion, rev. sydney, "veldt in the seventies, on the," "venn, family annals," venn, henry ( - ), henry ( - ), , john ( - ), john ( - ), john (b. ), , richard, vicars, major-general edward, victoria, bust of, "vittoria colonna, life of," "vortex water-wheel," wales, number of counties of, xii warington, george, robert, , professor robert, , warren, major-general sir charles ( - ), general sir charles (b. ), vice-admiral frederick, john (dean of bangor), john (mathematician), dr. pelham, dr. richard ( - ), dr. richard (b. ), waterford, archdeacon of, waterloo, battle of, waterlow, sir ernest, sir sydney h., wealth, effects of, in producing noteworthiness, xxi wedgwood, hensleigh, josiah, , julia, thomas, wellesley, wellington, bust of duke of, wells, dean of, "westminster review," wheler, edward g., whitbread, maiden name of the hon. lady grey, "who's who," xii, xiv "wild flowers worth notice," willcocks, sir g., windle, professor b.c.a., women who study hard, characteristics of, xv; noteworthiness in, xxxiii woodward, bernard bolingbroke, bernard henry, henry, h.b., , h.p., h.w., m.f., samuel, samuel pickworth, , wordsworth, xvi work, possibility of extension of, ix; object of, ix yarkand, york, archbishop of, dean of, "zoonomia," the end billing and sons, ltd., printers, guildford the chemistry of proteids. by s.b. schryver, d.sc., lecturer in physiological chemistry to university college, london. with diagrams. demy vo. human blood. an introduction to the normal and pathological morphology of human blood. eight lectures delivered in the pathological laboratory of the university of london. by g.a. buckmaster, m.a., d.m. 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[transcriber's note: this table of contents does not appear in the original book. it has been added to this document for ease of navigation.] knowledge is safety, page the beginning of life, page health a duty, page value of reputation, page influence of associates, page self-control, page habit, page a good name, page the mother's influence, page home power, page to young women, page influence of female character, page personal purity, page how to write all kinds of letters, page how to write a love letter, page forms of social letters, page letter writing, page forms of love letters, page hints and helps on good behavior at all times and at all places, page a complete etiquette in a few practical rules, page etiquette of calls, page etiquette in your speech, page etiquette of dress and habits, page etiquette on the street, page etiquette between sexes, page practical rules on table manners, page social duties, page politeness, page influence of good character, page family government, page conversation, page the toilet or the care of the person, page a young man's personal appearance, page dress, page beauty, page sensible helps to beauty, page how to keep the bloom and grace of youth, page form and deformity, page how to determine a perfect human figure, page the history, mystery, benefits and injuries of the corset, page tight-lacing, page the care of the hair, page how to cure pimples or other facial eruptions, page black-heads and flesh worms, page love, page the power and peculiarities of love, page amativeness or connubial love, page love and common sense, page what women love in men, page what men love in women, page history of marriage, page marriage, page the advantages of wedlock, page the disadvantages of celibacy, page old maids, page when and whom to marry, page choose intellectually--love afterward, page love-spats, page a broken heart, page former customs and peculiarities among men, page sensible hints in choosing a partner, page safe hints, page marriage securities, page women who make the best wives, page adaptation, conjugal affection, and fatal errors, page first love, desertion and divorce, page flirting and its dangers, page a word to maidens, page popping the question, page the wedding, page advice to newly married couples, page sexual proprieties and improprieties, page how to perpetuate the honey-moon, page how to be a good wife, page how to be a good husband, page cause of family troubles, page jealousy--its cause and cure, page the improvement of offspring, page too many children, page small families and the improvement of the race, page the generative organs, page the female sexual organs, page the mysteries of the formation of life, page conception--its limitations, page prenatal influences, page vaginal cleanliness, page impotence and sterility, page producing boys or girls at will, page abortion or miscarriage, page the murder of innocents, page the unwelcome child, page health and disease, page preparation for maternity, page impregnation, page signs and symptoms of pregnancy, page diseases of pregnancy, page morning sickness, page relation of husband and wife during pregnancy, page a private word to the expectant mother, page shall pregnant women work?, page words for young mothers, page how to have beautiful children, page education of the child in the womb, page how to calculate the time of expected labor, page the signs and symptoms of labor, page special safeguards in confinement, page where did the baby come from?, page child bearing without pain, page solemn lessons for parents, page ten health rules for babies cut death rate in two, page the care of new-born infants, page nursing, page infantile convulsions, page feeding infants, page pains and ills in nursing, page home lessons in nursing sick children, page a table for feeding a baby on modified milk, page nursing [intervals table], page schedule for feeding healthy infants during first year [table], page how to keep a baby well, page how to preserve the health and life of your infant during hot weather, page infant teething, page home treatments for the diseases of infants and children, page diseases of women, page falling of the womb, page menstruation, page celebrated prescriptions for all diseases and how to use them, page how to cure apoplexy, bad breath and quinsy, page sensible rules for the nurse, page longevity, page how to apply and use hot water in all diseases, page practical rules for bathing, page all the different kinds of baths and how to prepare them, page digestibility of food, page how to cook for the sick, page save the girls, page save the boys, page the inhumanities of parents, page chastity and purity of chracter, page exciting the passions in children, page puberty, virility, and hygenic laws, page our secret sins, page physical and moral degeneracy, page immorality, disease, and death, page poisonous literature and bad pictures, page startling sins, page the prostitution of men, page the road to shame, page the curse of manhood, page a private talk to young men, page remedies for the social evil, page the selfish slaves of doses of disease and death, page object lessons of the effects of alcohol and smoking, page the destructive effects of cigarette smoking, page the dangerous vices, page nocturnal emissions, page lost manhood restored, page manhood wrecked and rescued, page the curse and consequence of secret diseases, page animal magnetism, page how to read character, page twilight sleep, page painless childbirth, page the diseases of women, page remedies for diseases of women, page alphabetical index, page * * * * * he stumbleth not, because he seeth the light. [illustration: "search me. oh thou great creator."] * * * * * knowledge is safety. . the old maxim, that "knowledge is power," is a true one, but there is still a greater truth: "knowledge is safety." safety amid physical ills that beset mankind, and safety amid the moral pitfalls that surround so many young people, is the great crying demand of the age. . criticism.--this work, though plain and to some extent startling, is chaste, practical and to the point, and will be a boon and a blessing to thousands who consult its pages. the world is full of ignorance, and the ignorant will always criticise, because they live to suffer ills, for they know no better. new light is fast falling upon the dark corners, and the eyes of many are being opened. . researches of science.--the researches of science in the past few years have thrown light on many facts relating to the physiology of man and woman, and the diseases to which they are subject, and consequently many reformations have taken place in the treatment and prevention of diseases peculiar to the sexes. . lock and key.--any information bearing upon the diseases of mankind should not be kept under lock and key. the physician is frequently called upon to speak in plain language to his patients upon some private and startling disease contracted on account of ignorance. the better plan, however, is to so educate and enlighten old and young upon the important subjects of health, so that the necessity to call a physician may occur less frequently. . progression.--a large, respectable, though diminishing class in every community, maintain that nothing that relates exclusively to either sex should become the subject of popular medical instruction. but such an opinion is radically wrong; ignorance is no more the mother of purity than it is of religion. enlightenment can never work injustice to him who investigates. . an example.--the men and women who study and practice medicine are not the worse, but the better for such knowledge; so it would be to the community in general if all would be properly instructed on the laws of health which relate to the sexes. . crime and degradation.--had every person a sound understanding on the relation of the sexes, one of the most fertile sources of crime and degradation would be removed. physicians know too well what sad consequences are constantly occurring from a lack of proper knowledge on these important subjects. . a consistent consideration.--let the reader of this work study its pages carefully and be able to give safe counsel and advice to others, and remember that purity of purpose and purity of character are the brightest jewels in the crown of immortality. [illustration: beginning right.] * * * * * the beginning of life. . the beginning.--there is a charm in opening manhood which has commended itself to the imagination in every age. the undefined hopes and promises of the future--the dawning strength of intellect--the vigorous flow of passion--the very exchange of home ties and protected joys for free and manly pleasures, give to this period an interest and excitement unfelt, perhaps, at any other. . the growth of independence.--hitherto life has been to boys, as to girls, a dependent existence--a sucker from the parent growth--a home discipline of authority and guidance and communicated impulse. but henceforth it is a transplanted growth of its own--a new and free power of activity in which the mainspring is no longer authority or law from without, but principle or opinion within. the shoot which has been nourished under the shelter of the parent stem, and bent according to its inclination, is transferred to the open world, where of its own impulse and character it must take root, and grow into strength, or sink into weakness and vice. . home ties.--the thought of home must excite a pang even in the first moments of freedom. its glad shelter--its kindly guidance--its very restraints, how dear and tender must they seem in parting! how brightly must they shine in the retrospect as the youth turns from them to the hardened and unfamiliar face of the world! with what a sweet sadly-cheering pathos they must linger in the memory! and then what chance and hazard is there in his newly-gotten freedom! what instincts of warning in its very novelty and dim inexperience! what possibilities of failure as well as of success in the unknown future as it stretches before him! . vice or virtue.--certainly there is a grave importance as well as a pleasant charm in the beginning of life. there is awe as well as excitement in it when rightly viewed. the possibilities that lie in it of noble or ignoble work--of happy self-sacrifice or ruinous self-indulgence--the capacities in the right use of which it may rise to heights of beautiful virtue, in the abuse of which it may sink to the depths of debasing vice--make the crisis one of fear as well as of hope, of sadness as well as of joy. . success or failure.--it is wistful as well as pleasing to think of the young passing year by year into the world, and engaging with its duties, its interests, and temptations. of the throng that struggle at the gates of entrance, how many may reach their anticipated goal? carry the mind forward a few years, and some have climbed the hills of difficulty and gained the eminence on which they wished to stand--some, although they may not have done this, have kept their truth unhurt, their integrity unspoiled; but others have turned back, or have perished by the way, or fallen in weakness of will, no more to rise again; victims or their own sin. . warning.--as we place ourselves with the young at the opening gates of life, and think of the end from the beginning, it is a deep concern more than anything else that fills us. words of earnest argument and warning counsel rather than of congratulation rise to our lips. . mistakes are often fatal.--begin well and the habit of doing well will become quite as easy as the habit of doing badly. "well begun is half ended," says the proverb: "and a good beginning is half the battle." many promising young men have irretrievably injured themselves by a first false step at the commencement of life; while others of much less promising talents, have succeeded simply by beginning well, and going onward. the good, practical beginning is to a certain extent, a pledge, a promise, and an assurance of the ultimate prosperous issue. there is many a poor creature, now crawling through life, miserable himself and the cause of sorrow to others, who might have lifted up his head and prospered, if, instead of merely satisfying himself with resolutions of well-doing, he had actually gone to work and made a good, practical beginning. . begin at the right place.--too many are, however, impatient of results. they are not satisfied to begin where their fathers did, but where they left off. they think to enjoy the fruits of industry without working for them. they cannot wait for the results of labor and application, but forestall them by too early indulgence. * * * * * health a duty. perhaps nothing will so much hasten the time when body and mind will both be adequately cared for, as a diffusion of the belief that the preservation of health is a duty. few seem conscious that there is such a thing as physical morality. men's habitual words and acts imply that they are at liberty to treat their bodies as they please. disorder entailed by disobedience to nature's dictates they regard as grievances, not as the effects of a conduct more or less flagitious. though the evil consequences inflicted on their descendents and on future generations are often as great as those caused by crime, they do not think themselves in any degree criminal. it is true that in the case of drunkenness the viciousness of a bodily transgression is recognized; but none appear to infer that if this bodily transgression is vicious, so too is every bodily transgression. the fact is, all breaches of the law of health are physical sins. when this is generally seen, then, and perhaps not till then, will the physical training of the young receive all the attention it deserves. purity of life and thought should be taught in the home. it is the only safeguard of the young. let parents wake up on this important subject. [illustration: gladstone.] * * * * * value of reputation. . who shall estimate the cost.--who shall estimate the cost of a priceless reputation--that impress which gives this human dross its currency--without which we stand despised, debased, depreciated? who shall repair it injured? who can redeem it lost? oh, well and truly does the great philosopher of poetry esteem the world's wealth as "trash" in the comparison. without it gold has no value; birth, no distinction; station, no dignity; beauty, no charm; age, no reverence; without it every treasure impoverishes, every grace deforms, every dignity degrades, and all the arts, the decorations and accomplishments of life stand, like the beacon-blaze upon a rock, warning the world that its approach is dangerous; that its contact is death. . the wretch without it.--the wretch without it is under eternal quarantine; no friend to greet; no home to harbor him, the voyage of his life becomes a joyless peril, and in the midst of all ambition can achieve, or avarice amass, or rapacity plunder, he tosses on the surge, a buoyant pestilence. but let me not degrade into selfishness of individual safety or individual exposure this individual principle; it testifies a higher, a more ennobling origin. . its divinity.--oh, divine, oh, delightful legacy of a spotless reputation: rich is the inheritance it leaves; pious the example it testifies; pure, precious and imperishable, the hope which it inspires; can there be conceived a more atrocious injury than to filch from its possessor this inestimable benefit to rob society of its charm, and solitude of its solace; not only to out-law life, but attain death, converting the very grave, the refuge of the sufferer, into the gate of infamy and of shame. . lost character.--we can conceive few crimes beyond it. he who plunders my property takes from me that which can be repaired by time; but what period can repair a ruined reputation? he who maims my person effects that which medicine may remedy; but what herb has sovereignty over the wounds of slander? he who ridicules my poverty or reproaches my profession, upbraids me with that which industry may retrieve, and integrity may purify; but what riches shall redeem the bankrupt fame? what power shall blanch the sullied show of character? there can be no injury more deadly. there can be no crime more cruel. it is without remedy. it is without antidote. it is without evasion. [illustration: gathering wild flowers.] * * * * * influence of associates. if you always live with those who are lame, you will learn to limp.--from the latin. if men wish to be held in esteem, they must associate with those who are estimable.--la bruyere. . by what men are known.--an author is known by his writings, a mother by her daughter, a fool by his words, and all men by their companions. . formation of a good character.--intercourse with persons of decided virtue and excellence is of great importance in the formation of a good character. the force of example is powerful; we are creatures of imitation, and, by a necessary influence, our tempers and habits are very much formed on the model of those with whom we familiarly associate. better be alone than in bad company. evil communications corrupt good manners. ill qualities are catching as well as diseases; and the mind is at least as much, if not a great deal more, liable to infection, than the body. go with mean people, and you think life is mean. . good example.--how natural is it for a child to look up to those around him for an example of imitation, and how readily does he copy all that he sees done, good or bad. the importance of a good example on which the young may exercise this powerful and active element of their nature, is a matter of the utmost moment. . a true maxim.--it is a trite, but true maxim, that "a man is known by the company he keeps." he naturally assimilates by the force of imitation, to the habits and manners of those by whom he is surrounded. we know persons who walk much with the lame, who have learned to walk with a hitch or limp like their lame friends. vice stalks in the streets unabashed, and children copy it. . live with the culpable.--live with the culpable, and you will be very likely to die with the criminal. bad company is like a nail driven into a post, which after the first or second blow, may be drawn out with little difficulty; but being once driven in up to the head, the pinchers cannot take hold to draw it out, which can only be done by the destruction of the wood. you may be ever so pure, you cannot associate with bad companions without falling into bad odor. . society of the vulgar.--do you love the society of the vulgar? then you are already debased in your sentiments. do you seek to be with the profane? in your heart you are like them. are jesters and buffoons your choice friends? he who loves to laugh at folly is himself a fool. do you love and seek the society of the wise and good? is this your habit? had you rather take the lowest seat among these than the highest seat among others? then you have already learned to be good. you may not make very much progress, but even a good beginning is not to be despised. . sinks of pollution.--strive for mental excellence, and strict integrity, and you never will be found in the sinks of pollution, and on the benches of retailers and gamblers. once habituate yourself to a virtuous course, once secure a love of good society, and no punishment would be greater than by accident to be obliged for half a day to associate with the low and vulgar. try to frequent the company of your betters. . procure no friend in haste.--nor, if once secured, in haste abandon them. be slow in choosing an associate, and slower to change him; slight no man for poverty, nor esteem any one for his wealth. good friends should not be easily forgotten, nor used as suits of apparel, which, when we have worn them threadbare, we cast them off, and call for new. when once you profess yourself a friend, endeaver to be always such. he can never have any true friends that will be often changing them. . have the courage to cut the most agreeable acquaintance.--do this when you are convinced that he lacks principle; a friend should bear with a friend's infirmities, but not with his vices. he that does a base thing in zeal for his friend, burns the golden thread that ties their hearts together. * * * * * self-control. "honor and profit do not always lie in the same sack."--george herbert. "the government of one's self is the only true freedom for the individual."--frederick perthes. "it is length of patience, and endurance, and forbearance that so much of what is called good in mankind and womankind is shown."--arthur helps. . essence of character.--self-control is only courage under another form. it may also be regarded as the primary essence of character. it is in virtue of this quality that shakespeare defines man as a being "looking before and after." it forms the chief distinction between man and the mere animal; and, indeed, there can be no true manhood without it. [illustration: result of bad company.] . root of all the virtues.--self-control is at the root of all the virtues. let a man give the reins to his impulses and passions, and from that moment he yields up his moral freedom. he is carried along the current of life, and becomes the slave of his strongest desire for the time being. . resist instinctive impulse.--to be morally free--to be more than an animal--man must be able to resist instinctive impulse, and this can only be done by exercise of self-control. thus it is this power which constitutes the real distinction between a physical and a moral life, and that forms the primary basis of individual character. . a strong man ruleth his own spirit.--in the bible praise is given, not to a strong man who "taketh a city," but to the stronger man who "ruleth his own spirit." this stronger man is he who, by discipline, exercises a constant control over his thoughts, his speech, and his acts. nine-tenths of the vicious desires that degrade society, and which, when indulged, swell into the crimes that disgrace it, would shrink into insignificance before the advance of valiant self-discipline, self-respect, and self-control. by the watchful exercise of these virtues, purity of heart and mind become habitual, and the character is built up in chastity, virtue, and temperance. . the best support.--the best support of character will always be found in habit, which, according as the will is directed rightly or wrongly, as the case may be, will prove either a benignant ruler, or a cruel despot. we may be its willing subject on the one hand, or its servile slave on the other. it may help us on the road to good, or it may hurry us on the road to ruin. . the ideal man.--"in the supremacy of self-control," says herbert spencer, "consists one of the perfections of the ideal man. not to be impulsive, not to be spurred hither and thither by each desire that in turn comes upper-most, but to be self-restrained, self-balanced, governed by the joint decision of the feelings in council assembled, before whom every action shall have been fully debated, and calmly determined--that it is which education, moral education at least, strives to produce." . the best regulated home.--the best regulated home is always that in which the discipline is the most perfect, and yet where it is the least felt. moral discipline acts with the force of a law of nature. those subject to it yield themselves to it unconsciously; and though it shapes and forms the whole character, until the life becomes crystallized in habit, the influence thus exercised is for the most part unseen and almost unfelt. . practice self-denial.--if a man would get through life honorably and peaceably, he must necessarily learn to practice self-denial in small things as well as in great. men have to bear as well as to forbear. the temper has to be held in subjection to the judgment; and the little demons of ill-humor, petulance, and sarcasm, kept resolutely at a distance. if once they find an entrance to the mind, they are apt to return, and to establish for themselves a permanent occupation there. . power of words.--it is necessary to one's personal happiness, to exercise control over one's words as well as acts: for there are words that strike even harder than blows; and men may "speak daggers," though they use none. the stinging repartee that rises to the lips, and which, if uttered, might cover an adversary with confusion, how difficult it is to resist saying it! "heaven, keep us," says miss bremer, in her 'home', "from the destroying power of words! there are words that sever hearts more than sharp swords do; there are words the point of which sting the heart through the course of a whole life." . character exhibits itself.--character exhibits itself in self-control of speech as much as in anything else. the wise and forbearant man will restrain his desire to say a smart or severe thing at the expense of another's feeling; while the fool blurts out what he thinks, and will sacrifice his friend rather than his joke. "the mouth of a wise man," said solomon, "is in his heart; the heart of a fool is in his mouth." . burns.--no one knew the value of self-control better than the poet burns, and no one could teach it more eloquently to others, but when it came to practice, burns was as weak as the weakest. he could not deny himself the pleasure of uttering a harsh and clever sarcasm at another's expense. one of his biographers observed of him, that it was no extravagant arithmetic to say that for every ten jokes he made himself a hundred enemies. but this was not all. poor burns exercised no control over his appetites, but freely gave them the rein: "thus thoughtless follies laid him low, and stained his name." . sow pollution.--nor had he the self-denial to resist giving publicity to compositions originally intended for the delight of the tap-room, but which continued secretly to sow pollution broadcast in the minds of youth. indeed, notwithstanding the many exquisite poems of this writer, it is not saying too much that his immoral writings have done far more harm than his purer writings have done good; and it would be better that all his writings should be destroyed and forgotten, provided his indecent songs could be destroyed with them. . moral principle.--many of our young men lack moral principle. they cannot look upon a beautiful girl with a pure heart and pure thoughts. they have not manifested or practiced that self-control which develops true manhood and brings into subordination evil thoughts, evil passions, and evil practices. men who have no self-control will find life a failure, both in a social and in a business sense. the world despises an insignificant person who lacks backbone and character. stand upon your manhood and womanhood; honor your convictions, and dare to do right. . strong drink.--there is the habit of strong drink. it is only the lack of self-control that brings men into the depths of degradation; on account of the cup, the habit of taking drink occasionally in its milder forms--of playing with a small appetite that only needs sufficient playing with to make you a demon or a dolt. you think you are safe; i know you are not safe, if you drink at all; and when you get offended with the good friends that warn you of your danger, you are a fool. i know that the grave swallows daily, by scores, drunkards, every one of whom thought he was safe while he was forming his appetite. but this is old talk. a young man in this age who forms the habit of drinking, or puts himself in danger of forming the habit, is usually so weak that he does not realize the consequences. [illustration: lost self-control.] * * * * * habit. it is almost as difficult to make a man unlearn his errors as his knowledge.--colton. there are habits contracted by bad example, or bad management, before we have judgment to discern their approaches, or because the eye of reason is laid asleep, or has not compass of view sufficient to look around on every quarter.--tucker. . habit.--our real strength in life depends upon habits formed in early life. the young man who sows his wild oats and indulges in the social cup, is fastening chains upon himself that never can be broken. the innocent youth by solitary practice of self-abuse will fasten upon himself a habit which will wreck his physical constitution and bring suffering and misery and ruin. young man and young woman, beware of bad habits formed in early life. . a bundle of habits.--man, it has been said, is a bundle of habits; and habit is second nature. metastasio entertained so strong an opinion as to the power of repetition in act and thought, that he said, "all is habit in mankind, even virtue itself." evil habits must be conquered, or they will conquer us and destroy our peace and happiness. . vicious habits.--vicious habits, when opposed, offer the most vigorous resistence on the first attack. at each successive encounter this resistence grows fainter and fainter, until finally it ceases altogether and the victory is achieved. habit is man's best friend and worst enemy; it can exalt him to the highest pinnacle of virtue, honor and happiness, or sink him to the lowest depths of vice, shame and misery. . honesty, or knavery.--we may form habits of honesty, or knavery; truth, or falsehood; of industry, or idleness; frugality, or extravagance; of patience, or impatience; self-denial, or self-indulgence; of kindness, cruelty, politeness, rudeness, prudence, perseverance, circumspection. in short, there, is not a virtue, nor a vice; not an act of body, nor of mind, to which we may not be chained down by this despotic power. . begin well.--it is a great point for young men to begin well; for it is the beginning of life that that system of conduct is adopted which soon assumes the force of habit. begin well, and the habit of doing well will become quite easy, as easy as the habit of doing badly. pitch upon that course of life which is the most excellent, and habit will render it the most delightful. * * * * * a good name. . the longing for a good name.--the longing for a good name is one of those laws of nature that were passed for the soul and written down within to urge toward a life of action, and away from small or wicked action. so large is this passion that it is set forth in poetic thought, as having a temple grand as that of jupiter or minerva, and up whose marble steps all noble minds struggle--the temple of fame. . civilization.--civilization is the ocean of which the millions of individuals are the rivers and torrents. these rivers and torrents swell with those rains of money and home and fame and happiness, and then fall and run almost dry, but the ocean of civilization has gathered up all these waters, and holds them in sparkling beauty for all subsequent use. civilization is a fertile delta made by the drifting souls of men. . fame.--the word "fame" never signifies simply notoriety. the meaning of the direct term may be seen from its negation or opposite, for only the meanest of men are called infamous. they are utterly without fame, utterly nameless; but if fame implied only notoriety, then infamous would possess no marked significance. fame is an undertaker that pays but little attention to the living, but who bedizens the dead, furnishes out their funerals and follows them to the grave. . life-motive.--so in studying that life-motive which is called a "good name," we must ask the large human race to tell us the high merit of this spiritual longing. we must read the words of the sage, who said long centuries ago that "a good name was rather chosen than great riches." other sages have said as much. solon said that "he that will sell his good name will sell the state." socrates said, "fame is the perfume of heroic deeds." our shakespeare said, "he lives in fame who died in virtue's cause." . influences of our age.--our age is deeply influenced by the motives called property and home and pleasure, but it is a question whether the generation in action today and the generation on the threshold of this intense life are conscious fully of the worth of an honorable name. . beauty of character.--we do not know whether with us all a good name is less sweet than it was with our fathers, but this is painfully evident that our times do not sufficiently behold the beauty of character--their sense does not detect quickly enough or love deeply enough this aroma of heroic deeds. . selling out their reputation.--it is amazing what multitudes there are who are willing to sell out their reputation, and amazing at what a low price they will make the painful exchange. some king remarked that he would not tell a lie for any reward less than an empire. it is not uncommon in our world for a man to sell out all his honor and hopes for a score or a half score of dollars. . prisons overflowing.--our prisons are all full to overflowing of those who took no thought of honor. they have not waited for an empire to be offered them before they would violate the sacred rights of man, but many of them have even murdered for a cause that would not have justified even an exchange of words. . integrity the pride of the government.--if integrity were made the pride of the government, the love of it would soon spring up among the people. if all fraudulent men should go straight to jail, pitilessly, and if all the most rigid characters were sought out for all political and commercial offices, there would soon come a popular honesty just as there has come a love of reading or of art. it is with character as with any new article--the difficulty lies in its first introduction. . a new virtue.--may a new virtue come into favor, all our high rewards, those from the ballot-box, those from employers, the rewards of society, the rewards of the press, should be offered only to the worthy. a few years of rewarding the worthy would result in a wonderful zeal in the young to build up, not physical property, but mental and spiritual worth. . blessing the family group.--no young man or young woman can by industry and care reach an eminence in study or art or character, without blessing the entire family group. we have all seen that the father and mother feel that all life's care and labor were at last perfectly rewarded in the success of their child. but had the child been reckless or indolent, all this domestic joy--the joy of a large group--would have been blighted forever. . an honored child.--there have been triumphs at old rome, where victors marched along with many a chariot, many an elephant, and many spoils of the east; and in all times money has been lavished in the efforts of states to tell their pleasure in the name of some general; but more numerous and wide-spread and beyond expression, by chariot or cannon or drum, have been those triumphal hours, when some son or daughter has returned to the parental hearth beautiful in the wreaths of some confessed excellence, bearing a good name. . rich criminals.--we looked at the utter wretchedness of the men who threw away reputation, and would rather be rich criminals in exile than be loved friends and persons at home. . an empty, or an evil name.--young and old cannot afford to bear the burden of an empty or an evil name. a good name is a motive of life. it is a reason for that great encampment we call an existence. while you are building the home of to-morrow, build up also that kind of soul that can sleep sweetly on home's pillow, and can feel that god is not near as an avenger of wrong, but as the father not only of the verdure and the seasons, but of you. [illustration: an egyptian dancer.] * * * * * the mother's influence. mother, o mother, my heart calls for you, many a summer the grass has grown green, blossomed and faded, our faces between; yet with strong yearning and passionate pain, long i to-night for your presence again. --_elizabeth akers allen._ a mother is a mother still, the holiest thing alive. --_coleridge._ there is none, in all this cold and hollow world, no fount of deep, strong, deathless love, save that within a mother's heart. --_mrs. hemans._ and all my mother came into mine eyes, and gave me up to tears. --_shakespeare._ . her influence.--it is true to nature, although it be expressed in a figurative form, that a mother is both the morning and the evening star of life. the light of her eye is always the first to rise, and often the last to set upon man's day of trial. she wields a power more decisive far than syllogisms in argument or courts of last appeal in authority. . her love.--mother! ecstatic sound so twined round our hearts that they must cease to throb ere we forget it; 'tis our first love; 'tis part of religion. nature has set the mother upon such a pinnacle that our infant eyes and arms are first uplifted to it; we cling to it in manhood; we almost worship it in old age. . her tenderness.--alas! how little do we appreciate a mother's tenderness while living. how heedless are we in youth of all her anxieties and kindness! but when she is dead and gone, when the cares and coldness of the world come withering to our hearts, when we experience for ourselves how hard it is to find true sympathy, how few to love us, how few will befriend us in misfortune, then it is that we think of the mother we have lost. . her controlling power.--the mother can take man's whole nature under her control. she becomes what she has been called "the divinity of infancy." her smile is its sunshine, her word its mildest law, until sin and the world have steeled the heart. [illustration: a prayerful and devoted mother.] . the last tie.--the young man who has forsaken the advice and influence of his mother has broken the last cable and severed the last tie that binds him to an honorable and upright life. he has forsaken his best friend, and every hope for his future welfare may be abandoned, for he is lost forever, if he is faithless to mother, he will have but little respect for wife and children. . home ties.--the young man or young woman who love their home and love their mother can be safely trusted under almost any and all circumstances, and their life will not be a blank, for they seek what is good. their hearts will be ennobled, and god will bless them. [illustration: home amusements.] * * * * * home power. "the mill-streams that turn the clappers of the world arise in solitary places."--helps. "lord! with what care hast thou begirt us round! parents first season us. then schoolmasters deliver us to laws. they send us bound to rules of reason."--george herbert. . school of character.--home is the first and most important school of character. it is there that every human being receives his best moral training, or his worst, for it is there that he imbibes those principles of conduct which endure through manhood, and cease only with life. . home makes the man.--it is a common saying, "manners make the man;" and there is a second, that "mind makes the man;" but truer than either is a third, that "home makes the man." for the home-training includes not only manners and mind, but character. it is mainly in the home that the heart is opened, the habits are formed, the intellect is awakened, and character moulded for good or for evil. . govern society.--from that source, be it pure or impure, issue the principles and maxims that govern society. law itself is but the reflex of homes. the tiniest bits of opinion sown in the minds of children in private life afterwards issue forth to the world, and become its public opinion; for nations are gathered out of nurseries, and they who hold the leading-strings of children may even exercise a greater power than those who wield the reins of government. . the child is father of the man.--the child's character is the nucleus of the man's; all after-education is but superposition; the form of the crystal remains the same. thus the saying of the poet holds true in a large degree, "the child is father of the man;" or as milton puts it, "the childhood shows the man, as morning shows the day." those impulses to conduct which last the longest and are rooted the deepest, always have their origin near our birth. it is then that the germs of virtues or vices, of feelings or sentiments, are first implanted which determine the character of life. . nurseries.--thus homes, which are nurseries of children who grow up into men and women, will be good or bad according to the power that governs them. where the spirit of love and duty pervades the home, where head and heart bear rule wisely there, where the daily life is honest and virtuous, where the government is sensible, kind, and loving, then may we expect from such a home an issue of healthy, useful, and happy beings, capable as they gain the requisite strength, of following the footsteps of their parents, of walking uprightly, governing themselves wisely, and contributing to the welfare of those about them. . ignorance, coarseness, and selfishness.--on the other hand, if surrounded by ignorance, coarseness, and selfishness, they will unconsciously assume the same character, and grow up to adult years rude, uncultivated, and all the more dangerous to society if placed amidst the manifold temptations of what is called civilized life. "give your child to be educated by a slave," said an ancient greek "and, instead of one slave, you will then have two." . maternal love.--maternal love is the visible providence of our race. its influence is constant and universal. it begins with the education of the human being at the outstart of life, and is prolonged by virtue of the powerful influence which every good mother exercises over her children through life. when launched into the world, each to take part in its labors, anxieties, and trials, they still turn to their mother for consolation, if not for counsel, in their time of trouble and difficulty. the pure and good thoughts she has implanted in their minds when children continue to grow up into good acts long after she is dead; and when there is nothing but a memory of her left, her children rise up and call her blessed. . woman, above all other educators, educates humanly. man is the brain, but woman is the heart of humanity; he its judgment, she its feeling; he its strength, she its grace, ornament and solace. even the understanding of the best woman seems to work mainly through her affections. and thus, though man may direct the intellect, woman cultivates the feelings, which mainly determine the character. while he fills the memory, she occupies the heart. she makes us love what he can make us only believe, and it is chiefly through her that we are enabled to arrive at virtue. . the poorest dwelling, presided over by a virtuous, thrifty, cheerful, and cleanly woman may thus be the abode of comfort, virtue and happiness; it may be the scene of every enobling relation in family life; it may be endeared to man by many delightful associations; furnishing a sanctuary for the heart, a refuge from the storms of life, a sweet resting-place after labor, a consolation in misfortune, a pride in prosperity and a joy at all times. . the good home is thus the best of schools, not only in youth but in age. there young and old best learn cheerfulness, patience, self-control, and the spirit of service and of duty. the home is the true school of courtesy, of which woman is always the best practical instructor. "without woman," says the provencal proverb, "men were but ill-licked cubs." philanthropy radiates from the home as from a center. "to love the little platoon we belong to in society," said burke, "is the germ of all public affections." the wisest and best have not been ashamed to own it to be their greatest joy and happiness to sit "behind the heads of children" in the inviolable circle of home. [illustration] [illustration: day dreaming.] * * * * * to young women. . to be a woman, in the truest and highest sense of the word is to be the best thing beneath the skies. to be a woman is something more than to live eighteen or twenty years; something more than to grow to the physical stature of women; something more than to wear flounces, exhibit dry goods, sport jewelry, catch the gaze of lewd-eyed men; something more than to be a belle, a wife, or a mother. put all these qualifications together and they do but little toward making a true woman. . beauty and style are not the surest passports to womanhood--some of the noblest specimens of womanhood that the world has ever seen have presented the plainest and most unprepossessing appearance. a woman's worth is to be estimated by the real goodness of her heart, the greatness of her soul, and the purity and sweetness of her character; and a woman with a kindly disposition and well-balanced temper is both lovely and attractive, be her face ever so plain, and her figure ever so homely; she makes the best of wives and the truest of mothers. . beauty is a dangerous gift.--it is even so. like wealth, it has ruined its thousands. thousands of the most beautiful women are destitute of common sense and common humanity. no gift from heaven is so general and so widely abused by woman as the gift of beauty. in about nine cases in ten it makes her silly, senseless, thoughtless, giddy, vain, proud, frivolous, selfish, low and mean. i think i have seen more girls spoiled by beauty than by any other one thing, "she is beautiful, and she knows it," is as much as to say that she is spoiled. a beautiful girl is very likely to believe she was made to be looked at; and so she sets herself up for a show at every window, in every door, on every corner of the street, in every company at which opportunity offers for an exhibition of herself. . beware of beautiful women.--these facts have long since taught sensible men to beware of beautiful women--to sound them carefully before they give them their confidence. beauty is shallow--only skin deep; fleeting--only for a few years' reign; dangerous--tempting to vanity and lightness of mind; deceitful--dazzling of ten to bewilder; weak--reigning only to ruin; gross--leading often to sensual pleasure. and yet we say it need not be so. beauty is lovely and ought to be innocently possessed. it has charms which ought to be used for good purposes. it is a delightful gift, which ought to be received with gratitude and worn with grace and meekness. it should always minister to inward beauty. every woman of beautiful form and features should cultivate a beautiful mind and heart. . rival the boys.--we want the girls to rival the boys in all that is good, and refined, and ennobling. we want them to rival the boys, as they well can, in learning, in understanding, in virtues; in all noble qualities of mind and heart, but not in any of those things that have caused them, justly or unjustly, to be described as savages. we want the girls to be gentle--not weak, but gentle, and kind and affectionate. we want to be sure, that wherever a girl is, there should be a sweet, subduing and harmonizing influence of purity, and truth, and love, pervading and hallowing, from center to circumference, the entire circle in which she moves. if the boys are savages, we want her to be their civilizer. we want her to tame them, to subdue their ferocity, to soften their manners, and to teach them all needful lessons of order, sobriety, and meekness, and patience and goodness. . kindness.--kindness is the ornament of man--it is the chief glory of woman--it is, indeed, woman's true prerogative--her sceptre and her crown. it is the sword with which she conquers, and the charm with which she captivates. . admired and beloved.--young lady, would you be admired and beloved? would you be an ornament to your sex, and a blessing to your race? cultivate this heavenly virtue. wealth may surround you with its blandishments, and beauty, and learning, or talents, may give you admirers, but love and kindness alone can captivate the heart. whether you live in a cottage or a palace, these graces can surround you with perpetual sunshine, making you, and all around you, happy. . inward grace.--seek ye then, fair daughters, the possession of that inward grace, whose essence shall permeate and vitalize the affections, adorn the countenance make mellifluous the voice, and impart a hallowed beauty even to your motions. not merely that you may be loved, would i urge this, but that you may, in truth, be lovely--that loveliness which fades not with time, nor is marred or alienated by disease, but which neither chance nor change can in any way despoil. . silken enticements of the stranger.--we urge you, gentle maiden, to beware of the silken enticements of the stranger, until your love is confirmed by protracted acquaintance. shun the idler, though his coffers overflow with pelf. avoid the irreverent--the scoffer of hallowed things; and him who "looks upon the wine while it is red;" him too, "who hath a high look and a proud heart," and who "privily slandereth his neighbor." do not heed the specious prattle about "first love," and so place, irrevocably, the seal upon your future destiny, before you have sounded, in silence and secrecy, the deep fountains of your own heart. wait, rather, until your own character and that of him who would woo you, is more fully developed. surely, if this "first love" cannot endure a short probation, fortified by "the pleasures of hope," how can it be expected to survive years of intimacy, scenes of trial, distracting cares, wasting sickness, and all the homely routine of practical life? yet it is these that constitute life, and the love that cannot abide them is false and must die. [illustration: roman ladies.] * * * * * influence of female character. . moral effect.--it is in its moral effect on the mind and the heart of man, that the influence of woman is most powerful and important. in the diversity of tastes, habits, inclinations, and pursuits of the two sexes, is found a most beneficent provision for controlling the force and extravagance of human passion. the objects which most strongly seize and stimulate the mind of man, rarely act at the same time and with equal power on the mind of woman. she is naturally better, purer, and more chaste in thought and language. . female character.--but the influence of female character on the virtue of men, is not seen merely in restraining and softening the violence of human passion. to her is mainly committed the task of pouring into the opening mind of infancy its first impressions of duty, and of stamping on its susceptible heart the first image of its god. who will not confess the influence of a mother in forming the heart of a child? what man is there who can not trace the origin of many of the best maxims of his life to the lips of her who gave him birth? how wide, how lasting, how sacred is that part of a woman's influence. . virtue of a community.--there is yet another mode by which woman may exert a powerful influence on the virtue of a community. it rests with her in a pre-eminent degree, to give tone and elevation to the moral character of the age, by deciding the degree of virtue that shall be necessary to afford a passport to her society. if all the favor of woman were given only to the good, if it were known that the charms and attractions of beauty and wisdom, and wit, were reserved only for the pure; if, in one word, something of a similar rigor were exerted to exclude the profligate and abandoned of society, as is shown to those, who have fallen from virtue,--how much would be done to re-enforce the motives to moral purity among us, and impress on the minds of all a reverence for the sanctity and obligations of virtue. . the influence of woman on the moral sentiments.--the influence of woman on the moral sentiments of society is intimately connected with her influence on its religious character; for religion and a pure and elevated morality must ever stand in the relation to each other of effect and cause. the heart of a woman is formed for the abode of sacred truth; and for the reasons alike honorable to her character and to that of society. from the nature of humanity this must be so, or the race would soon degenerate and moral contagion eat out the heart of society. the purity of home is the safeguard to american manhood. [illustration] * * * * * personal purity. "self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control, these three alone lead life to sovereign power."--tennyson . words of the great teacher.--mark the words of the great teacher: "if thy right hand or foot cause thee to fall, cut it off and cast it from thee. if thy right eye cause thee to fall, pluck it out. it is better for thee to enter into life maimed and halt, than having two eyes to be cast into hell-fire, where the worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched." . a melancholy fact.--it is a melancholy fact in human experience, that the noblest gifts which men possess are constantly prostituted to other purposes than those for which they are designed. the most valuable and useful organs of the body are those which are capable of the greatest dishonor, abuse, and corruption. what a snare the wonderful organism of the eye may become, when used to read corrupt books, or to look upon licentious pictures, or vulgar theater scenes, or when used to meet the fascinating gaze of the harlot! what an instrument for depraving the whole man may be found in the matchless powers of the brain, the hand, the mouth, or the tongue! what potent instruments may these become in accomplishing the ruin of the whole being, for time and eternity! . abstinence.--some can testify with thankfulness that they never knew the sins of gambling, drunkenness, fornication, or adultery. in all these cases abstinence has been, and continues to be, liberty. restraint is the noblest freedom. no man can affirm that self-denial ever injured him; on the contrary, self-restraint has been liberty, strength and blessing. solemnly ask young men to remember this when temptation and passion strive as a floodtide to move them from the anchorage and peace of self-restraint. beware of the deceitful stream of temporary gratification, whose eddying current drifts towards license, shame, disease and death. remember how quickly moral power declines, how rapidly the edge of the fatal maelstrom is reached, how near the vortex, how terrible the penalty, how fearful the sentence of everlasting punishment! . frank discussion.--the time has arrived for a full and frank discussion of those things which affect the personal purity. thousands are suffering to-day from various weaknesses, the causes of which they have never learned. manly vigor is not increasing with that rapidity which a christian age demands. means of dissipation are on the increase. it is high time, therefore, that every lover of the race should call a halt, and inquire into the condition of things. excessive modesty on this subject is not virtue. timidity in presenting unpleasant but important truths has permitted untold damage in every age. . man is a careless being.--he is very much inclined to sinful things. he more often does that which is wrong than that which is right, because it is easier, and, for the moment, perhaps, more satisfying to the flesh. the creator is often blamed for man's weaknesses and inconsistencies. this is wrong. god did not intend that we should be mere machines, but free moral agents. we are privileged to choose between good and evil. hence, if we perseveringly choose the latter, and make a miserable failure of life, we should blame only ourselves. . the pulpit.--would that every pulpit in the land might join hands with the medical profession and cry out with no uncertain sound against the mighty evils herein stigmatized! it would work a revolution for which coming society could never cease to be grateful. . strive to attain a higher life.--strive to attain unto a higher and better life. beware of all excesses, of whatever nature, and guard your personal purity with sacred determination. let every aspiration be upward, and be strong in every good, resolution. seek the light, for in light there is life, while in darkness there is decay and death. [illustration: the first love letter.] [illustration] * * * * * how to write all kinds of letters. . from the president in his cabinet to the laborer in the street; from the lady in her parlor to the servant in her kitchen; from the millionaire to the beggar; from the emigrant to the settler; from every country and under every combination of circumstances, letter writing in all its forms and varieties is most important to the advancement, welfare and happiness of the human family. . education.--the art of conveying thought through the medium of written language is so valuable and so necessary, a thorough knowledge of the practice must be desirable to every one. for merely to write a good letter requires the exercise of much of the education and talent of any writer. . a good letter.--a good letter must be correct in every mechanical detail, finished in style, interesting in substance, and intelligible in construction. few there are who do not need write them; yet a letter perfect in detail is rarer than any other specimen of composition. . penmanship.--it is folly to suppose that the faculty for writing a good hand is confined to any particular persons. there is no one who can write at all, but what can write well, if only the necessary pains are practiced. practice makes perfect. secure a few copy books and write an hour each day. you will soon write a good hand. . write plainly.--every word of even the most trifling document should be written in such clear characters that it would be impossible to mistake it for another word, or the writer may find himself in the position of the eastern merchant who, writing to the indies for five thousand mangoes, received by the next vessel five hundred monkies, with a promise of more in the next cargo. . haste.--hurry is no excuse for bad writing, because any one of sense knows that everything hurried is liable to be ruined. dispatch may be acquired, but hurry will ruin everything. if, however, you must write slowly to write well, then be careful not to hurry at all, for the few moments you will gain by rapid writing will never compensate you for the disgrace of sending an ill-written letter. . neatness.--neatness is also of great importance. a fair white sheet with handsomely written words will be more welcome to any reader than a blotted, bedaubed page covered with erasures and dirt, even if the matter in each be of equal value and interest. erasures, blots, interlineations always spoil the beauty of any letter. . bad spelling.--when those who from faulty education, or forgetfulness are doubtful about the correct spelling of any word, it is best to keep a dictionary at hand, and refer to it upon such occasions. it is far better to spend a few moments in seeking for a doubtful word, than to dispatch an ill-spelled letter, and the search will probably impress the spelling upon the mind for a future occasion. . carelessness.--incorrect spelling will expose the most important or interesting letter to the severest sarcasm and ridicule. however perfect in all other respects, no epistle that is badly spelled will be regarded as the work of an educated gentleman or lady. carelessness will never be considered, and to be ignorant of spelling is to expose an imperfect education at once. . an excellent practice.--after writing a letter, read it over carefully, correct all the errors and re-write it. if you desire to become a good letter writer, improve your penmanship, improve your language and grammar, re-writing once or twice every letter that you have occasion to write, whether on social or business subjects. . punctuation.--a good rule for punctuation is to punctuate where the sense requires it, after writing a letter and reading it over carefully you will see where the punctuation marks are required, you can readily determine where the sense requires it, so that your letter will convey the desired meaning. [illustration] . correspondence.--there is no better school or better source for self-improvement than a pleasant correspondence between friends. it is not at all difficult to secure a good list of correspondents if desired. the young people who take advantage of such opportunities for self-improvement will be much more popular in the community and in society. letter writing cultivates the habit of study; it cultivates the mind, the heart, and stimulates self-improvement in general. . folding.--another bad practice with those unaccustomed to corresponding is to fold the sheet of writing in such a fantastic manner as to cause the receiver much annoyance in opening it. to the sender it may appear a very ingenious performance, but to the receiver it is only a source of vexation and annoyance, and may prevent the communication receiving the attention it would otherwise merit. . simple style.--the style of letter writing should be simple and unaffected, not raised on stilts and indulging in pedantic displays which are mostly regarded as cloaks of ignorance. repeated literary quotations, involved sentences, long-sounding words and scraps of latin, french and other languages are, generally speaking, out of place, and should not be indulged in. . the result.--a well written letter has opened the way to prosperity for many a one, has led to many a happy marriage and constant friendship, and has secured many a good service in time of need; for it is in some measure a photograph of the writer, and may inspire love or hatred, regard or aversion in the reader, just as the glimpse of a portrait often determine us, in our estimate, of the worth of the person represented. therefore, one of the roads to fortune runs through the ink bottle, and if we want to attain a certain end in love, friendship or business, we must trace out the route correctly with the pen in our hand. [illustration] * * * * * how to write a love letter. . love.--there is no greater or more profound reality than love. why that reality should be obscured by mere sentimentalism, with all its train of absurdities is incomprehensible. there is no nobler possession than the love of another. there is no higher gift from one human being to another than love. the gift and the possession are true sanctifiers of life, and should be worn as precious jewels, without affectation and without bashfulness. for this reason there is nothing to be ashamed of in a love letter, provided it be sincere. . forfeits.--no man need consider that he forfeits dignity if he speaks with his whole heart: no woman need fear she forfeits her womanly attributes if she responds as her heart bids her respond. "perfect love casteth out fear" is as true now as when the maxim was first given to the world. . telling their love.--the generality of the sex is, love to be loved; how are they to know the fact that they are loved unless they are told? to write a sensible love letter requires more talent than to solve, with your pen, a profound problem in philosophy. lovers must not then expect much from each other's epistles. . confidential.--ladies and gentlemen who correspond with each other should never be guilty of exposing any of the contents of any letters written expressing confidence, attachment or love. the man who confides in a lady and honors her with his confidence should be treated with perfect security and respect, and those who delight in showing their confidential letters to others are unworthy, heartless and unsafe companions. . return of letters.--if letters were written under circumstances which no longer exist and all confidential relations are at an end, then all letters should be promptly returned. . how to begin a love letter.--how to begin a love letter has been no doubt the problem of lovers and suitors of all ages and nations. fancy the youth of young america with lifted pen, thinking how he shall address his beloved. much depends upon this letter. what shall he say, and how shall he say it, is the great question. perseverance, however, will solve the problem and determine results. . forms of beginning a love letter.--never say, "my dearest nellie," "my adored nellie," or "my darling nellie," until nellie has first called you "my dear," or has given you to understand that such familiar terms are permissible. as a rule a gentleman will never err if he says "dear miss nellie," and if the letters are cordially reciprocated the "miss" may in time be omitted, or other familiar terms used instead. in addressing a widow "dear madam," or, "my dear madam," will be a proper form until sufficient intimacy will justify the use of other terms. . respect.--a lady must always be treated with respectful delicacy, and a gentleman should never use the term "dear" or "my dear" under any circumstances unless he knows it is perfectly acceptable or a long and friendly acquaintance justifies it. . how to finish a letter.--a letter will be suggested by the remarks on how to begin one. "yours respectfully," "yours truly," "yours sincerely," "yours affectionately," "yours ever affectionately," "yours most affectionately," "ever yours," "ever your own," or "yours," are all appropriate, each depending upon the beginning of the letter. it is difficult to see any phrase which could be added to them which would carry more meaning than they contain. people can sign themselves "adorers" and such like, but they do so at the peril of good taste. it is not good that men or women "worship" each other--if they succeed in preserving reciprocal love and esteem they will have cause for great contentment. . permission.--no young man should ever write to a young lady any letter, formal or informal, unless he has first sought her permission to do so. . special forms.--we give various forms or models of love letters to be _studied, not copied._ we have given no replies to the forms given, as every letter written will naturally suggest an answer. a careful study will be a great help to many who have not enjoyed the advantages of a literary education. [illustration] * * * * * forms of social letters. _ .--from a young lady to a clergyman asking a recommendation._ nantwich, may th, reverend and dear sir: having seen an advertisment for a school mistress in the daily times, i have been recommended to offer myself as a candidate. will you kindly favor me with a testimonial as to my character, ability and conduct while at boston normal school? should you consider that i am fitted for the position, you would confer a great favor on me if you would interest yourself in my behalf. i remain, reverend sir, your most obedient and humble servant, laura b. nichols. _ .--applying for a position as a teacher of music._ scotland, conn., january st, madam, seeing your advertisement in the clarion of to-day, i write to offer my services as a teacher of music in your family. i am a graduate of the peabody institute, of baltimore, where i was thoroughly instructed in instrumental and vocal music. i refer by permission to mrs. a.j. davis, walnut street; mrs. franklin hill, spring garden street, and mrs. william murray, spruce street, in whose families i have given lessons. hoping that you may see fit to employ me, i am, very respectfully yours, nellie reynolds. _ .--applying for a situation as a cook._ charlton place, september th, . madam: having seen your advertisement for a cook in to-day's times, i beg to offer myself for your place. i am a thorough cook. i can make clear soups, entrees, jellies, and all kinds of made dishes. i can bake, and am also used to a dairy. my wages are $ per week, and i can give good reference from my last place, in which i lived for two years. i am thirty-three years of age. i remain, madam, yours very respectfully, mary mooney. _ .--recommending a school teacher._ ottawa, ill., february th, . col. geo. h. haight, president board of trustees, etc. dear sir: i take pleasure in recommending to your favorable consideration the application of miss hannah alexander for the position of teacher in the public school at weymouth. miss alexander is a graduate of the davidson seminary, and for the past year has taught a school in this place. my children have been among her pupils, and their progress has been entirely satisfactory to me. miss alexander is a strict disciplinarian, an excellent teacher, and is thoroughly competent to conduct the school for which she applies. trusting that you may see fit to bestow upon her the appointment she seeks, i am. yours very respectfully, alice miller. _ .--a business introduction._ j.w. brown, earlville, ill. chicago, ill., may st, my dear sir: this will introduce to you mr. william channing, of this city, who visits earlville on a matter of business, which he will explain to you in person. you can rely upon his statements, as he is a gentleman of high character, and should you be able to render him any assistance, it would be greatly appreciated by yours truly, haight larabee. _ .--introducing one lady to another._ dundee, tenn., may th, . dear mary: allow me to introduce to you my ever dear friend, miss nellie reynolds, the bearer of this letter. you have heard me speak of her so often that you will know at once who she is. as i am sure you will be mutually pleased with each other, i have asked her to inform you of her presence in your city. any attention you may show her will be highly appreciated by yours affectionately, lizzie eicher. _ .--to a lady, apologizing for a broken engagement._ albany, n.y., may th, . my dear miss lee: permit me to explain my failure to keep my appointment with you this evening. i was on my way to your house, with the assurance of a pleasant evening, when unfortunately i was very unexpectedly called from home on very important business. i regret my disappointment, but hope that the future may afford us many pleasant meetings. sincerely your friend, irving goodrich. _ .--form of an excuse for a pupil._ thursday morning, april th mr. bunnel: you will please excuse william for non-attendance at school yesterday, as i was compelled to keep him at home to attend to a matter of business. mrs. a. smith. _ .--form of letter accompanying a present._ louisville, july , my dearest nelly: many happy returns of the day. so fearful was i that it would escape your memory, that i thought i would send you this little trinket by way of reminder, i beg you to accept it and wear it for the sake of the giver. with love and best wishes. believe me ever, your sincere friend, caroline collins. _ .--returning thanks for the present._ louisville, july , . dear mrs. collins: i am very much obliged to you for the handsome bracelet you have sent me. how kind and thoughtful it was of you to remember me on my birthday. i am sure i have every cause to bless the day, and did i forget it, i have many kind friends to remind me of it. again thanking you for your present, which is far too beautiful for me, and also for your kind wishes. believe me, your most grateful, bertha smith. _ .--congratulating a friend upon his marriage._ menton, n.y., may th, . my dear everett: i have, to-day received the invitation to your wedding, and as i cannot be present at that happy event to offer my congratulations in person, i write. i am heartily glad you are going to be married, and congratulate you upon the wisdom of your choice. you have won a noble as well as a beautiful woman, and one whose love will make you a happy man to your life's end. may god grant that trouble may not come near you but should it be your lot, you will have a wife to whom you can look with confidence for comfort, and whose good sense and devotion to you will be your sure and unfailing support. that you may both be very happy, and that your happiness may increase with your years, is the prayer of your friend, frank howard. * * * * * letter writing. any extravagant flattery should be avoided, both as tending to disgust those to whom it is addressed, as well as to degrade the writers, and to create suspicion as to their sincerity. the sentiments should spring from the tenderness of the heart, and, when faithfully and delicately expressed, will never be read without exciting sympathy or emotion in all hearts not absolutely deadened by insensibility. declaration of affection. dear nellie: will you allow me, in a few plain and simple words, respectfully to express the sincere esteem and affection i entertain for you, and to ask whether i may venture to hope that these sentiments are returned? i love you truly and earnestly and knowing you admire frankness and candor in all things, i cannot think that you will take offense at this letter. perhaps it is self-flattery to suppose i have any place in your regard. should this be so, the error will carry with it its own punishment, for my happy dream will be over. i will try to think otherwise, however, and shall await your answer with hope. trusting soon to hear from you, i remain, dear nellie. sincerely yours, j.l. master to miss nellie reynolds, hartford, conn. [illustration] * * * * * forms of love letters. _ .--an ardent declaration._ naperville, ill., june th, my dearest laura: i can no longer restrain myself from writing to you, dearest and best of girls, what i have often been on the point of saying to you. i love you so much that i cannot find words in which to express my feelings. i have loved you from the very first day we met, and always shall. do you blame me because i write so freely? i should be unworthy of you if i did not tell you the whole truth. oh, laura, can you love me in return? i am sure i shall not be able to bear it if your answer is unfavorable. i will study your every wish if you will give me the right to do so. may i hope? send just one kind word to your sincere friend. harry smith. _ .--a lover's good-bye before starting on a journey._ pearl st., new york, march th, . my dearest nellie: i am off to-morrow, and yet not altogether, for i leave my heart behind in your gentle keeping. you need not place a guard over it, however, for it is as impossible that it should stay away, as for a bit of steel to rush from a magnet. the simile is eminently correct for you, my dear girl, are a magnet, and my heart is as true to you as steel. i shall make my absence as brief as possible. not a day, not an hour, not a minute, shall i waste either in going or returning. oh, this business; but i wont complain, for we must have something for our hive besides honey--something that rhymes with it--and that we must have it, i must bestir myself. you will find me a faithful correspondent. like the spider, i shall drop a line by (almost) every post; and mind, you must give me letter for letter. i can't give you credit. your returns must be prompt and punctual. passionately yours, lewis shuman. to miss nellie carter, no. -- fifth avenue, new york. _ .--from an absent lover._ chicago, ill., sept. , my dearest kate: this sheet of paper, though i should cover it with loving words, could never tell you truly how i long to see you again. time does not run on with me now at the same pace as with other people; the hours seem days, the days weeks, while i am absent from you, and i have no faith in the accuracy of clocks and almanacs. ah! if there were truth in clairvoyance, wouldn't i be with you at this moment! i wonder if you are as impatient to see me as i am to fly to you? sometimes it seems as if i must leave business and every thing else to the fates, and take the first train to dawson. however, the hours do move, though they don't appear to, and in a few more weeks we shall meet again. let me hear from you as frequently as possible in the meantime. tell me of your health, your amusements and your affections. remember that every word you write will be a comfort to me. unchangeably yours, william miller. to miss kate martin, dawson, n.d. _ .--a declaration of love at first sight._ waterford, maine, may th, dear miss searles: although i have been in your society but once the impression you have made upon me is so deep and powerful that i cannot forbear writing to you, in defiance of all rules of etiquette. affection is sometimes of slow growth but sometimes it springs up in a moment. in half an hour after i was introduced to you my heart was no longer my own, i have not the assurance to suppose that i have been fortunate enough to create any interest in yours; but will you allow me to cultivate your acquaintance in the hope or being able to win your regard in the course of time? petitioning for a few lines in reply. i remain, dear miss searles, yours devotedly, e.c. nicks. miss e. searles, waterford, maine. _ .--proposing marriage._ wednesday, october th, dearest etta: the delightful hours i have passed in your society have left an impression on my mind that is altogether indelible, and cannot be effaced even by time itself. the frequent opportunities i have possessed, of observing the thousand acts of amiability and kindness which mark the daily tenor of your life, have ripened my feelings of affectionate regard into a passion at once ardent and sincere until i have at length associated my hopes of future happiness with the idea of you as a life partner, in them. believe me, dearest etta, this is no puerile fancy, but the matured results of a long and warmly cherished admiration of your many charms of person and mind. it is love--pure devoted love, and i feel confident that your knowledge of my character will lead you to ascribe my motives to their true source. may i then implore you to consult your own heart, and should this avowal of my fervent and honorable passion for you be crowned with your acceptance and approval, to grant me permission to refer the matter to your parents. anxiously awaiting your answer, i am, dearest etta, your sincere and faithful lover, geo. courtright. to miss etta jay, malden, ill. _ .--from a gentleman to a widow._ philadelphia, may th, my dear mrs. freeman: i am sure you are too clear-sighted not to have observed the profound impression which your amiable qualities, intelligence and personal attractions have made upon my heart, and as you nave not repelled my attentions nor manifested displeasure when i ventured to hint at the deep interest i felt in your welfare and happiness, i cannot help hoping that you will receive an explicit expression of my attachments, kindly and favorably. i wish it were in my power to clothe the feelings i entertain for you in such words as should make my pleadings irresistible; but, after all, what could i say, more than you are very dear to me, and that the most earnest desire of my soul is to have the privilege of calling you my wife? do you, can you love me? you will not, i am certain, keep me in suspense, for you are too good and kind to trifle for a moment with sincerity like mine. awaiting your answer, i remain with respectful affection, ever yours, henry murray. mrs. julia freeman, philadelphia. _ .--from a lady to an inconstant lover._ dear harry: it is with great reluctance that i enter upon a subject which has given me great pain, and upon which silence has become impossible if i would preserve my self-respects. you cannot but be aware that i have just reason for saying that you have much displeased me. you have apparently forgotten what is due to me, circumstanced as we are, thus far at least. you cannot suppose that i can tamely see you disregard my feelings, by conduct toward other ladies from which i should naturally have the right to expect you to abstain. i am not so vulgar a person as to be jealous. when there is cause to infer changed feelings, or unfaithfulness to promises of constancy, jealousy is not the remedy. what the remedy is i need not say--we both of us have it in our hands. i am sure you will agree with me that we must come to some understanding by which the future shall be governed. neither you nor i can bear a divided allegiance. believe me that i write more in sorrow than in anger. you have made me very unhappy, and perhaps thoughtlessly. but it will take much to reassure me of your unaltered regard. yours truly, emma. [illustration: healthful outdoor exercise.] [illustration: the human face, like a flower, speaks for itself.] * * * * * hints and helps on good behavior at all times and at all places. . it takes acquaintance to found a noble esteem, but politeness prepares the way. indeed, as ontaigne [transcriber's note: montaigne?] says, courtesy begets esteem at sight. urbanity is half of affability, and affability is a charm worth possessing. . a pleasing demeanor is often the scales by which the pagan weighs the christian. it is not virtue, but virtue inspires it. there are circumstances in which it takes a great and strong soul to pass under the little yoke of courtesy, but it is a passport to a greater soul standard. . matthew arnold says, "conduct is three-fourths of character," and christian benignity draws the line for conduct. a high sense of rectitude, a lowly soul, with a pure and kind heart are elements of nobility which will work out in the life of a human being at home--everywhere. "private refinement makes public gentility." . if you would conciliate the favor of men, rule your resentment. remember that if you permit revenge or malice to occupy your soul, you are ruined. . cultivate a happy temper; banish the blues; a cheerful saguine spirit begets cheer and hope. . be trustworthy and be trustful. . do not place a light estimate upon the arts of good reading and good expression; they will yield perpetual interest. . study to keep versed in world events as well as in local occurrences, but abhor gossip, and above all scandal. . banish a self-conscience spirit--the source of much awkwardness--with a constant aim to make others happy. remember that it is incumbent upon gentlemen and ladies alike to be neat in habits. . the following is said to be a correct posture for walking: head erect--not too rigid--chin in, shoulders back. permit no unnecessary motion about the thighs. do not lean over to one side in walking, standing or sitting; the practice is not only ungraceful, but it is deforming and therefore unhealthful. . beware of affectation and of beau brummel airs. . if the hands are allowed to swing in walking, the are should be limited, and the lady will manage them much more gracefully, if they almost touch the clothing. . a lady should not stand with her hands behind her. we could almost say, forget the hands except to keep them clean, including the nails, cordial and helpful. one hand may rest easily in the other. study repose of attitude here as well as in the rest of the body. . gestures are for emphasis in public speaking; do not point elsewhere, as a rule. . greet your acquaintances as you meet them with a slight bow and smile, as you speak. . look the person to whom you speak in the eye. never under any circumstances wink at another or communicate by furtive looks. . should you chance to be the rejected suitor of a lady, bear in mind your own self-respect, as well as the inexorable laws of society, and bow politely when you meet her. reflect that you do not stand before all woman-kind as you do at her bar. do not resent the bitterness of flirtation. no lady or gentleman will flirt. remember ever that painful prediscovery is better than later disappointment. let such experience spur you to higher exertion. . discretion should be exercised in introducing persons. of two gentlemen who are introduced, if one is superior in rank or age, he is the one to whom the introduction should be made. of two social equals, if one be a stranger in the place his name should be mentioned first. . in general the simpler the introduction the better. . before introducing a gentleman to a lady, remember that she is entitled to hold you responsible for the acquaintance. the lady is the one to whom the gentleman is presented, which may be done thus: "miss a, permit me to introduce to you my friend, mr. b."; or, "miss a., allow me to introduce mr. b." if mutual and near friends of yours, say simply, "miss a. mr. b." . receive the introduction with a slight bow and the acknowledgment, "miss a., i am happy to make your acquaintance"; or, "mr. b., i am pleased to meet you." there is no reason why such stereotyped expressions should always be used, but something similar is expected. do not extend the hand usually. . a true lady will avoid familiarity in her deportment towards gentlemen. a young lady should not permit her gentlemen friends to address her by her home name, and the reverse is true. use the title miss and mr. respectively. . ladies should be frank and cordial towards their lady friends, but never gushing. . should you meet a friend twice or oftener, at short intervals, it is polite to bow slightly each time after the first. . a lady on meeting a gentleman with whom she has slight acquaintance will make a medium bow--neither too decided nor too slight or stiff. . for a gentleman to take a young lady's arm, is to intimate that she is feeble, and young ladies resent the mode. . if a young lady desires to visit any public place where she expects to meet a gentleman acquaintance, she should have a chaperon to accompany her, a person of mature years when possible, and never a giddy girl. . a lady should not ask a gentleman to walk with her. [illustration] * * * * * a complete etiquette in a few practical rules. _ . if you desire to be respected, keep clean. the finest attire and decorations will add nothing to the appearance or beauty of an untidy person._ _ . clean clothing, clean skin, clean hands, including the nails, and clean, white teeth, are a requisite passport for good society._ _ . a bad breath should be carefully remedied, whether it proceeds from the stomach or from decayed teeth._ _ . to pick the nose, finger about the ears, or scratch the head or any other part of the person, in company, is decidedly vulgar._ _ . when you call at any private residence, do not neglect to clean your shoes thoroughly._ _ . a gentleman should always remove his hat in the presence of ladies, except out of doors, and then he should lift or touch his hat in salutation. on meeting a lady a well-bred gentleman will always lift his hat._ _ . an invitation to a lecture, concert, or other entertainment, may be either verbal or written, but should always be made at least twenty-four hours before the time._ _ . on entering a hall or church the gentleman should precede the lady in walking up the aisle, or walk by her side, if the aisle is broad enough._ _ . a gentleman should always precede a lady upstairs, and follow her downstairs._ _ . visitors should always observe the customs of the church with reference to standing, sitting, or kneeling during the services._ _ . on leaving a hall or church at the close of entertainment or services, the gentleman should precede the lady._ _ . a gentleman walking with a lady should carry the parcels, and never allow the lady to be burdened with anything of the kind._ _ . a gentleman meeting a lady on the street and wishing to speak to her, should never detain her, but may turn around and walk in the same direction she is going, until the conversation is completed._ _ . if a lady is traveling with a gentleman, simply as a friend, she should place the amount of her expenses in his hands, or insist on paying the bills herself._ _ . never offer a lady costly gifts unless you are engaged to her, for it looks as if you were trying to purchase her good-will; and when you make a present to a lady use no ceremony whatever._ _ . never carry on a private conversation in company. if secrecy is necessary, withdraw from the company._ _ . never sit with your back to another without asking to be excused._ _ . it is as unbecoming for a gentleman to sit with legs crossed as it is for a lady._ _ . never thrum with your fingers, rub your hands, yawn or sigh aloud in company._ _ . loud laughter, loud talking, or other boisterous manifestations should be checked in the society of others, especially on the street and in public places._ _ . when you are asked to sing or play in company, do so without being urged, or refuse in a way that shall be final; and when music is being rendered in company, show politeness to the musician by giving attention. it is very impolite to keep up a conversation. if you do not enjoy the music keep silent._ _ . contentions, contradictions, etc. in society should be carefully avoided._ _ . pulling out your watch in company, unless asked the time of day, is a mark of the demi-bred. it looks as if you were tired of the company and the time dragged heavily._ _ . you should never decline to be introduced to any one or all of the guests present at a party to which you have been invited._ _ . a gentleman who escorts a lady to a party, or who has a lady placed under his care, is under particular obligations to attend to her wants and see that she has proper attention. he should introduce her to others, and endeavor to make the evening pleasant. he should escort her to the supper table and provide for her wants._ _ . to take small children or dogs with you on a visit of ceremony is altogether vulgar, though in visiting familiar friends, children are not objectionable._ [illustration: children should early be taught the lesson of propriety and good manners.] [illustration: an egyptian bride's wedding outfit.] [illustration] * * * * * etiquette of calls. in the matter of making calls it is the correct thing: for the caller who arrived first to leave first. to return a first call within a week and in person. to call promptly and in person after a first invitation. for the mother or chaperon to invite a gentleman to call. to call within a week after any entertainment to which one has been invited. you should call upon an acquaintance who has recently returned from a prolonged absence. it as proper to make the first call upon people in a higher social position, if one is asked to do so. it is proper to call, after an engagement has been announced, or a marriage has taken place, in the family. for the older residents in the city or street to call upon the newcomers to their neighborhood is a long recognized custom. it is proper, after a removal from one part of the city to another, to send out cards with one's new address upon them. to ascertain what are the prescribed hours for calling in the place where one is living, or making a visit, and to adhere to those hours is a duty that must not be overlooked. a gentleman should ask for the lady of the house as well as the young ladies, and leave cards for her as well as for the head of the family. [illustration: _improve your speech by reading._] * * * * * etiquette in your speech. don't say miss or mister without the person's name. don't say pants for trousers. don't say gents for gentlemen. don't say female for woman. don't say elegant to mean everything that pleases you. don't say genteel for well-bred. don't say ain't for isn't. don't say i done it for i did it. don't say he is older than me; say older than i. don't say she does not see any; say she does not see at all. don't say not as i know; say not that i know. don't say he calculates to get off; say he expects to get off. don't say he don't; say he doesn't. don't say she is some better; say she is somewhat better. don't say where are you stopping? say where are you staying? don't say you was; say you were. don't say i say, says i, but simply say i said. don't sign your letters yours etc., but yours truly. don't say lay for lie; lay expresses action; lie expresses rest. don't say them bonnets; say those bonnets. don't say party for person. don't say it looks beautifully, but say it looks beautiful. don't say feller, winder, to-morrer, for fellow, window, to-morrow. don't use slangy words; they are vulgar. don't use profane words; they are sinful and foolish. don't say it was her, when you mean it was she. don't say not at once for at once. don't say he gave me a recommend, but say he gave me a recommendation. don't say the two first for the first two. don't say he learnt me french; say he taught me french. don't say lit the fire; say lighted the fire. don't say the man which you saw; say the man whom you saw. don't say who done it; say who did it don't say if i was rich i would buy a carriage; say if i were rich. don't say if i am not mistaken you are in the wrong; say if i mistake not. don't say who may you be; say who are you? don't say go lay down; say go lie down. don't say he is taller than me; say taller than i. don't say i shall call upon him; say i shall call on him. don't say i bought a new pair of shoes; say i bought a pair of new shoes. don't say i had rather not; say i would rather not. don't say two spoonsful; say two spoonfuls. * * * * * etiquette of dress and habits. don't let one day pass without a thorough cleansing of your person. don't sit down to your evening meal before a complete toilet if you have company. don't cleanse your nails, your nose or your ears in public. don't use hair dye, hair oil or pomades. don't wear evening dress in daytime. don't wear jewelry of a gaudy character; genuine jewelry modestly worn is not out of place. don't overdress yourself or walk affectedly. don't wear slippers or dressing-gown or smoking-jacket out of your own house. don't sink your hands in your trousers' pockets. don't whistle in public places, nor inside of houses either. don't use your fingers or fists to beat a tattoo upon floor desk or window panes. don't examine other people's papers or letters scattered on their desk. don't bring a smell of spirits or tobacco into the presence of ladies. never use either in the presence of ladies. don't drink spirits; millions have tried it to their sorrow. * * * * * etiquette on the street. . your conduct on the street should always be modest and dignified. ladies should carefully avoid all loud and boisterous conversation or laughter and all undue liveliness in public. . when walking on the street do not permit yourself to be absent-minded, as to fail to recognize a friend; do not go along reading a book or newspaper. . in walking with a lady on the street give her the inner side of the walk, unless the outside if the safer part; in which case she is entitled to it. . your arm should not be given to any lady except your wife or a near relative, or a very old lady, during the day, unless her comfort or safety requires it. at night the arm should always be offered; also in ascending the steps of a public building. . in crossing the street a lady should gracefully raise her dress a little above her ankle with one hand. to raise the dress with both hands is vulgar, except in places where the mud is very deep. . a gentleman meeting a lady acquaintance on the street should not presume to join her in her walk without first asking her permission. . if you have anything to say to a lady whom you may happen to meet in the street, however intimate you may be, do not stop her, but turn round and walk in company with her; you can take leave at the end of the street. . a lady should not venture out upon the street alone after dark. by so doing she compromises her dignity, and exposes herself to indignity at the hands of the rougher class. . never offer to shake hands with a lady in the street if you have on dark or soiled gloves, as you may soil hers. . a lady does not form acquaintances upon the street, or seek to attract the attention of the other sex or of persons of her own sex. her conduct is always modest and unassuming. neither does a lady demand services or favors from a gentleman. she accepts them graciously, always expressing her thanks. a gentleman will not stand on the street corners, or in hotel doorways, or store windows and gaze impertinently at ladies as they pass by. this is the exclusive business of loafers. . in walking with a lady who has your arm, should you have to cross the street, do not disengage your arm and go around upon the outside, unless the lady's comfort renders it necessary. in walking with a lady, where it is necessary for you to proceed singly, always go before her. * * * * * etiquette between sexes. . a lady should be a lady, and a gentleman a gentleman under any and all circumstances. . female indifference to man.--there is nothing that affects the nature and pleasure of man so much as a proper and friendly recognition from a lady, and as women are more or less dependent upon man's good-will, either for gain or pleasure, it surely stands to their interest to be reasonably pleasant and courteous in his presence or society. indifference is always a poor investment, whether in society or business. . gallantry and ladyism should be a prominent feature in the education of young people. politeness to ladies cultivates the intellect and refines the soul and he who can be easy and entertaining in the society of ladies has mastered one of the greatest accomplishments. there is nothing taught in school, academy or college, that contributes so much to the happiness of man as a full development of his social and moral qualities. . ladylike etiquette.--no woman can afford to treat men rudely. a lady must have a high intellectual and moral ideal and hold herself above reproach. she must remember that the art of pleasing and entertaining gentlemen is infinitely more ornamental than laces, ribbons or diamonds. dress and glitter may please man, but it will never benefit him. . cultivate deficiencies.--men and women poorly sexed treat each other with more or less indifference, whereas a hearty sexuality inspires both to a right estimation of the faculties and qualities of each other. those who are deficient should seek society and overcome their deficiencies. while some naturally inherit faculties as entertainers others are compelled to acquire them by cultivation. [illustration: asking an honest question.] . ladies' society.--he who seeks ladies' society should seek an education and should have a pure heart and a pure mind. read good, pure and wholesome literature and study human nature, and you will always be a favorite in the society circle. . woman haters.--some men with little refinement and strong sensual feelings virtually insult and thereby disgust and repel every female they meet. they look upon woman with an inherent vulgarity, and doubt the virtue and integrity of all alike. but it is because they are generally insincere and impure themselves, and with such a nature culture and refinement are out of the question, there must be a revolution. . men haters.--women who look upon all men as odious, corrupt or hateful, are no doubt so themselves, though they may be clad in silk and sparkle with diamonds and be as pretty as a lily; but their hypocrisy will out, and they can never win the heart of a faithful, conscientious and well balanced man. a good woman has broad ideas and great sympathy. she respects all men until they are proven unworthy. . fond of children.--the man who is naturally fond of children will make a good husband and a good father. so it behooves the young man, to notice children and cultivate the art of pleasing them. it will be a source of interest, education and permanent benefit to all. . excessive luxury.--although the association with ladies is an expensive luxury, yet it is not an expensive education. it elevates, refines, sanctifies and purifies, and improves the whole man. a young man who has a pure and genuine respect for ladies, will not only make a good husband, but a good citizen as well. . masculine attention.--no woman is entitled to any more attention than her loveliness and ladylike conduct will command. those who are most pleasing will receive the most attention, and those who desire more should aspire to acquire more by cultivating those graces and virtues which ennoble woman, but no lady should lower or distort her own true ideal, or smother and crucify her conscience, in order to please any living man. a good man will admire a good woman, and deceptions cannot long be concealed. her show of dry goods or glitter of jewels cannot long cover up her imperfections or deceptions. . purity.--purity of purpose will solve all social problems. let all stand on this exalted sexual platform, and teach every man just how to treat the female sex, and every woman how to behave towards the masculine; and it will incomparably adorn the manners of both, make both happy in each other, and mutually develop each other's sexuality and humanity. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * practical rules on table manners. . help ladies with a due appreciation; do not overload the plate of any person you serve. never pour gravy on a plate without permission. it spoils the meat for some persons. . never put anything by force upon any one's plate. it is extremely ill-bred, though extremely common, to press one to eat of anything. . if at dinner you are requested to help any one to sauce or gravy, do not pour it over the meat or vegetables, but on one side of them. never load down a person's plate with anything. . as soon as you are helped, begin to eat, or at least begin to occupy yourself with what you have before you. do not wait till your neighbors are served--a custom that was long ago abandoned. . should you, however, find yourself at a table where they have the old-fashioned steel forks, eat with your knife, as the others do, and do not let it be seen that you have any objection to doing so. . bread should be broken. to butter a large piece of bread and then bite it, as children do, is something the knowing never do. . in eating game or poultry do not touch the bones with your fingers. to take a bone in the fingers for the purpose of picking it, is looked upon as being very inelegant. . never use your own knife or fork to help another. use rather the knife or fork of the person you help. . never send your knife or fork, or either of them, on your plate when you send for second supply. . never turn your elbows out when you use your knife and fork. keep them close to your sides. . whenever you use your fingers to convey anything to your mouth or to remove anything from the mouth, let it be the fingers of the left hand. . tea, coffee, chocolate and the like are drank from the cup and never from the saucer. . in masticating your food, keep your mouth shut; otherwise you will make a noise that will be very offensive to those around you. . don't attempt to talk with a full mouth. one thing at a time is as much as any man can do well. . should you find a worm or insect in your food, say nothing about it. . if a dish is distasteful to you, decline it, and without comment. . never put bones or bits of fruit on the table cloth. put them on the side of your plate. . do not hesitate to take the last piece on the dish, simply because it is the last. to do so is to directly express the fear that you would exhaust the supply. . if you would be what you would like to be--abroad, take care that you _are_ what you would like to be--at home. . avoid picking your teeth at the table if possible; but if you must, do it, it you can, where you are not observed. . if an accident of any kind soever should occur during dinner, the cause being who or what it may, you should not seem to note it. . should you be so unfortunate as to overturn or to break anything, you should make no apology. you might let your regret appear in your face, but it would not be proper to put it in words. [illustration: a parlor recitation.] * * * * * social duties. man in society is like a flower, blown in its native bed. 'tis there alone his faculties expanded in full bloom shine out, there only reach their proper use. --cowper. the primal duties shine aloft like stars; the charities that soothe, and heal, and bless, are scatter'd at the feet of man like flowers. --wordsworth. . membership in society.--many fail to get hold of the idea that they are members of society. they seem to suppose that the social machinery of the world is self-operating. they cast their first ballot with an emotion of pride perhaps, but are sure to pay their first tax with a groan. they see political organizations in active existence; the parish, and the church, and other important bodies that embrace in some form of society all men, are successfully operated; and yet these young men have no part or lot in the matter. they do not think of giving a day's time to society. . begin early.--one of the first things a young man should do is to see that he is acting his part in society. the earlier this is begun the better. i think that the opponents of secret societies in colleges have failed to estimate the benefit which it must be to every member to be obliged to contribute to the support of his particular organization, and to assume personal care and responsibility as a member. if these societies have a tendency to teach the lessons of which i speak, they are a blessed thing. . do your part.--do your part, and be a man among men. assume your portion of social responsibility, and see that you discharge it well. if you do not do this, then you are mean, and society has the right to despise you just as much as it chooses to do so. you are, to use a word more emphatic than agreeable, a sneak, and have not a claim upon your neighbors for a single polite word. . a whining complainer.--society, as it is called, is far more apt to pay its dues to the individual than the individual to society. have you, young man, who are at home whining over the fact that you cannot get into society, done anything to give you a claim to social recognition? are you able to make any return for social recognition and social privileges? do you know anything? what kind of coin do you propose to pay in the discharge of the obligation which comes upon you with social recognition? in other words, as a return for what you wish to have society do for you, what can you do for society? this is a very important question--more important to you than to society. the question is, whether you will be a member of society by right, or by courtesy. if you have so mean a spirit as to be content to be a beneficiary of society--to receive favors and to confer none--you have no business in the society to which you aspire. you are an exacting, conceited fellow. . what are you good for?--are you a good beau, and are you willing to make yourself useful in waiting on the ladies on all occasions? have you a good set of teeth, which you are willing to show whenever the wit of the company gets off a good thing? are you a true, straightforward, manly fellow, with whose healthful and uncorrupted nature it is good for society to come in contact? in short, do you possess anything of any social value? if you do, and are willing to impart it, society will yield itself to your touch. if you have nothing, then society, as such, owes you nothing. christian philanthropy may put its arm around you, as a lonely young man, about to spoil for want of something, but it is very sad and humiliating for a young man to be brought to that. there are people who devote themselves to nursing young men, and doing them good. if they invite you to tea, go by all means, and try your hand. if in the course of the evening, you can prove to them that your society is desirable, you have won a point. don't be patronized. . the morbid condition.--young men, you are apt to get into a morbid state of mind, which declines them to social intercourse. they become devoted to business with such exclusiveness, that all social intercourse is irksome. they go out to tea as if they were going to jail, and drag themselves to a party as to an execution. this disposition is thoroughly morbid, and to be overcome by going where you are invited, always, and with a sacrifice of feeling. . the common blunder.--don't shrink from contact with anything but bad morals. men who affect your unhealthy minds with antipathy, will prove themselves very frequently to be your best friends and most delightful companions. because a man seems uncongenial to you, who are squeamish and foolish, you have no right to shun him. we become charitable by knowing men. we learn to love those whom we have despised by rubbing against them. do you not remember some instance of meeting a man or woman whom you had never previously known or cared to know--an individual, perhaps, against whom you have entertained the strongest prejudices--but to whom you became bound by a lifelong friendship through the influence of a three days' intercourse? yet, if you had not thus met, you would have carried through life the idea that it would be impossible for you to give your fellowship to such an individual. . the foolishness of man.--god has introduced into human character infinite variety, and for you to say that you do not love and will not associate with a man because he is unlike you, is not only foolish but wrong. you are to remember that in the precise manner and decree in which a man differs from you, do you differ from him; and that from his standpoint you are naturally as repulsive to him, as he, from your standpoint, is to you. so, leave all this talk of congeniality to silly girls and transcendental dreamers. . do business in your way and be honest.--do your business in your own way, and concede to every man the privilege which you claim for yourself. the more you mix with men, the less you will be disposed to quarrel, and the more charitable and liberal will you become. the fact that you do not understand a man, is quite as likely to be your fault as his. there are a good many chances in favor of the conclusion that, if you fail to like an individual whose acquaintance you make it is through your own ignorance and illiberality. so i say, meet every man honestly; seek to know him; and you will find that in those points in which he differs from you rests his power to instruct you, enlarge you, and do you good. keep your heart open for everybody, and be sure that you shall have your reward. you shall find a jewel under the most uncouth exterior; and associated with homeliest manners and oddest ways and ugliest faces, you will find rare virtues, fragrant little humanities, and inspiring heroisms. . without society, without influence.--again: you can have no influence unless you are social. an unsocial man is as devoid of influence as an ice-peak is of verdure. it is through social contact and absolute social value alone that you can accomplish any great social good. it is through the invisible lines which you are able to attach to the minds with which you are brought into association alone that you can tow society, with its deeply freighted interests, to the great haven of your hope. . the revenge of society.--the revenge which society takes upon the man who isolates himself, is as terrible as it is inevitable. the pride which sits alone will have the privilege of sitting alone in its sublime disgust till it drops into the grave. the world sweeps by the man, carelessly, remorselessly, contemptuously. he has no hold upon society, because he is no part of it. . the conclusion of the whole matter.--you cannot move men until you are one of them. they will not follow you until they have heard your voice, shaken your hand, and fully learned your principles and your sympathies. it makes no difference how much you know, or how much you are capable of doing. you may pile accomplishment upon acquisition mountain high; but if you fail to be a social man, demonstrating to society that your lot is with the rest, a little child with a song in its mouth, and a kiss for all and a pair of innocent hands to lay upon the knees, shall lead more hearts and change the direction of more lives than you. [illustration: gathering oranges in the sunny south.] * * * * * politeness. . beautiful behavior.--politeness has been described as the art of showing, by external signs, the internal regard we have for others. but one may be perfectly polite to another without necessarily paying a special regard for him. good manners are neither more nor less than beautiful behavior. it has been well said that "a beautiful form is better than a beautiful face, and a beautiful behavior is better than a beautiful form; it gives a higher pleasure than statues or pictures--it is the finest of the fine arts." . true politeness.--the truest politeness comes of sincerity. it must be the outcome of the heart, or it will make no lasting impression; for no amount of polish can dispense with truthfulness. the natural character must be allowed to appear, freed of its angularities and asperities. though politeness, in its best form, should resemble water--"best when clearest, most simple, and without taste"--yet genius in a man will always cover many defects of manner, and much will be excused to the strong and the original. without genuineness and individuality, human life would lose much of its interest and variety, as well as its manliness and robustness of character. . personality of others.--true politeness especially exhibits itself in regard for the personality of others. a man will respect the individuality of another if he wishes to be respected himself. he will have due regard for his views and opinions, even though they differ from his own. the well-mannered man pays a compliment to another, and sometimes even secures his respect by patiently listening to him. he is simply tolerant and forbearant, and refrains from judging harshly; and harsh judgments of others will almost invariably provoke harsh judgments of ourselves. . the impolite.--the impolite, impulsive man will, however, sometimes rather lose his friend than his joke. he may surely be pronounced a very foolish person who secures another's hatred at the price of a moment's gratification. it was a saying of burnel, the engineer--himself one of the kindest-natured of men--that "spite and ill-nature are among the most expensive luxuries in life." dr. johnson once said: "sir, a man has no more right to say a rude thing to another than to knock him down." . feelings of others.--want of respect for the feelings of others usually originates in selfishness, and issues in hardness and repulsiveness of manner. it may not proceed from malignity so much, as from want of sympathy, and want of delicacy--a want of that perception of, and attention to, those little and apparently trifling things, by which pleasure is given or pain occasioned to others. indeed, it may be said that in self-sacrifice in the ordinary intercourse of life, mainly consists the difference between being well and ill bred. without some degree of self-restraint in society a man may be found almost insufferable. no one has pleasure in holding intercourse with such a person, and he is a constant source of annoyance to those about him. . disregard of others.--men may show their disregard to others in various impolite ways, as, for instance, by neglect of propriety in dress, by the absence of cleanliness, or by indulging in repulsive habits. the slovenly, dirty person, by rendering himself physically disagreeable, sets the tastes and feelings of others at defiance, and is rude and uncivil, only under another form. . the best school of politeness.--the first and best school of politeness, as of character, is always the home, where woman is the teacher. the manners of society at large are but the reflex of the manners of our collective homes, neither better nor worse. yet, with all the disadvantages of ungenial homes, men may practice self-culture of manner as of intellect, and learn by good examples to cultivate a graceful and agreeable behavior towards others. most men are like so many gems in the rough, which need polishing by contact with other and better natures, to bring out their full beauty and lustre. some have but one side polished, sufficient only to show the delicate graining of the interior; but to bring out the full qualities of the gem, needs the discipline of experience, and contact with the best examples of character in the intercourse of daily life. . captiousness of manner.--while captiousness of manner, and the habit of disputing and contradicting every thing said, is chilling and repulsive, the opposite habit of assenting to, and sympathizing with, every statement made, or emotion expressed, is almost equally disagreeable. it is unmanly, and is felt to be dishonest. "it may seem difficult," says richard sharp, "to steer always between bluntness and plain dealing, between merited praises and lavishing indiscriminate flattery; but it is very easy--good humor, kindheartedness, and perfect simplicity, being all that are requisite to do what is right in the right way. at the same time many are impolite, not because they mean to be so, but because they are awkward, and perhaps know no better." . shy people.--again many persons are thought to be stiff, reserved, and proud, when they are only shy. shyness is characteristic of most people of the teutonic race. from all that can be learned of shakespeare, it is to be inferred that he was an exceedingly shy man. the manner in which his plays were sent into the world--for it is not known that he edited or authorized the publication of a single one of them,--and the dates at which they respectively appeared, are mere matters of conjecture. . self-forgetfulness.--true politeness is best evinced by self-forgetfulness, or self-denial in the interest of others. mr. garfield, our martyred president, was a gentleman of royal type. his friend, col. rockwell, says of him: "in, the midst of his suffering he never forgets others. for instance, to-day he said to me, 'rockwell, there is a poor soldier's widow who came to me before this thing occurred, and i promised her, she should be provided for. i want you to see that the matter is attended to at once.' he is the most docile patient i ever saw." . its bright side.--we have thus far spoken of shyness as a defect. but there is another way of looking at it; for even shyness has its bright side, and contains an element of good. shy men and shy races are ungraceful and undemonstrative, because, as regards society at large, they are comparatively unsociable. they do not possess those elegancies of manner acquired by free intercourse, which distinguish the social races, because their tendency is to shun society rather than to seek it. they are shy in the presence of strangers, and shy even in their own families. they hide their affections under a robe of reserve, and when they do give way to their feelings, it is only in some very hidden inner chamber. and yet, the feelings are there, and not the less healthy and genuine, though they are not made the subject of exhibition to others. . worthy of cultivation.--while, therefore, grace of manner, politeness of behavior, elegance of demeanor, and all the arts that contribute to make life pleasant and beautiful, are worthy of cultivation, it must not be at the expense of the more solid and enduring qualities of honesty, sincerity, and truthfulness. the fountain of beauty must be in the heart more than in the eye, and if it does not tend to produce beautiful life and noble practice, it will prove of comparatively little avail. politeness of manner is not worth much, unless it is accompanied by polite actions. * * * * * influence of good character. "unless above himself he can erect himself, how poor a thing is man! --daniel. "character is moral order seen through the medium of an individual nature--men of character are the conscience of the society to which they belong." --emerson. the purest treasure mortal times afford, is--spotless reputation; that away, men are but gilded loam, or painted clay, a jewel in a ten-times-barr'd-up chest is--a bold spirit in a loyal breast. --shakespeare. . reputation.--the two most precious things this side the grave are our reputation and our life. but it is to be lamented that the most contemptible whisper may deprive us of the one, and the weakest weapon of the other. a wise man, therefore, will be more anxious to deserve a fair name than to possess it, and this will teach him so to live, as not to be afraid to die. . character.--character is one of the greatest motive powers in the world. in its noblest embodiments, it exemplifies human nature in its highest forms, for it exhibits man at his best. . the heart that rules in life.--although genius always commands admiration, character most secures respect. the former is more the product of brain power, the latter of heart power; and in the long run it is the heart that rules in life. men of genius stand to society in the relation of its intellect as men of character of its conscience: and while the former are admired, the latter are followed. . the highest ideal of life and character.--common-place though it may appear, this doing of one's duty embodies the highest ideal of life and character. there may be nothing heroic about it; but the common lot of men is not heroic. and though the abiding sense of duty upholds man in his highest attitudes, it also equally sustains him in the transaction of the ordinary affairs of every-day existence. man's life is "centered in the sphere of common duties." the most influential of all the virtues are those which are the most in request for daily use. they wear the best, and last the longest. . wealth.--wealth in the hands of men of weak purpose, or deficient self-control, or of ill regulated passions is only a temptation and a snare--the source, it may be, of infinite mischief to themselves, and often to others. on the contrary, a condition of comparative poverty is compatible with character in its highest form. a man may possess only his industry, his frugality, his integrity, and yet stand high in the rank of true manhood. the advice which burns' father gave him was the best: "he bade me act a manly part, though i had ne'er a farthing, for without an honest, manly heart no man was worth regarding." . character is property.--it is the noblest of possessions. it is an estate in the general good-will and respect of men; they who invest in it--though they may not become rich in this world's goods--will find their reward in esteem and reputation fairly and honorably won. and it is right that in life good qualities should tell--that industry, virtue, and goodness should rank the highest--and that the really best men should be foremost. . simple honesty of purpose.--this in a man goes a long way in life, if founded on a just estimate of himself and a steady obedience to the rule he knows and feels to be right. it holds a man straight, gives him strength and sustenance, and forms a mainspring of vigorous action. no man is bound to be rich or great--no, nor to be wise--but every man is bound to be honest and virtuous. [illustration] [illustration: home amusements.] * * * * * family government. . gentleness must characterize every act of authority.--the storm of excitement that may make the child start, bears no relation to actual obedience. the inner firmness, that sees and feels a moral conviction and expects obedience, is only disguised and defeated by bluster. the more calm and direct it is, the greater certainty it has of dominion. . for the government of small children.--for the government of small children speak only in the authority of love, yet authority, loving and to be obeyed. the most important lesson to impart is obedience to authority as authority. the question of salvation with most children will be settled as soon as they learn to obey parental authority. it establishes a habit and order of mind that is ready to accept divine authority. this precludes skepticism and disobedience, and induces that childlike trust and spirit set forth as a necessary state of salvation. children that are never made to obey are left to drift into the sea of passion where the pressure for surrender only tends to drive them at greater speed from the haven of safety. . habits of self-denial.--form in the child habits of self-denial. pampering never matures good character. . emphasize integrity.--keep the moral tissues tough in integrity; then it will hold a hook of obligations when once set in a sure place. there is nothing more vital. shape all your experiments to preserve the integrity. do not so reward it that it becomes mercenary. turning state's evidence is a dangerous experiment in morals. prevent deceit from succeeding. . guard modesty.--to be brazen is to imperil some of the best elements of character. modesty may be strengthened into a becoming confidence, but brazen facedness can seldom be toned down into decency. it requires the miracle of grace. . protect purity.--teach your children to loathe impurity. study the character of their playmates. watch their books. keep them from corruption at all cost. the groups of youth in the school and in society, and in business places, seed with improprieties of word and thought. never relax your vigilance along this exposed border. [illustration: both puzzled.] . threaten the least possible.--in family government threaten the least possible. some parents rattle off their commands with penalties so profusely that there is a steady roar of hostilities about the child's head. these threats are forgotten by the parent and unheeded by the child. all government is at an end. . do not enforce too many commands.--leave a few things within the range of the child's knowledge that are not forbidden. keep your word good, but do not have too much of it out to be redeemed. . punish as little as possible.--sometimes punishment is necessary, but the less it is resorted to the better. . never punish in a passion.--wrath only becomes cruelty. there is no moral power in it. when you seem to be angry you can do no good. . brutish violence only multiplies offenders.--striking and beating the body seldom reaches the soul. fear and hatred beget rebellion. . punish privately.--avoid punishments that break down self-respect. striking the body produces shame and indignation. it is enough for the other children to know that discipline is being administered. . never stop short of success.--when the child is not conquered the punishment has been worse than wasted. reach the point where neither wrath nor sullenness remain. by firm persistency and persuasion require an open look of recognition and peace. it is only evil to stir up the devil unless he is cast out. ordinarily one complete victory will last a child for a lifetime. but if the child relapses, repeat the dose with proper accompaniments. . do not require children to complain of themselves for pardon.--it begets either sycophants or liars. it is the part of the government to detect offences. it reverses the order of matters to shirk this duty. . grade authority up to liberty.--the growing child must have experiments of freedom. lead him gently into the family. counsel with him. let him plan as he can. by and by he has the confidence of courage without the danger of exposures. . respect.--parents must respect each other. undermining either undermines both. always govern in the spirit of love. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * conversation. some men are very entertaining for a first interview, but after that they are exhausted, and run out; on a second meeting we shall find them very flat and monotonous; like hand-organs, we have heard all their tunes.--coulton. he who sedulously attends, pointedly asks, calmly speaks, coolly answers, and ceases when he has no more to say, is in possession of some of the best requisites of man.--lavater. beauty is never so lovely as when adorned with the smile, and conversation never sits easier upon us than when we know and then discharge ourselves in a symphony of laughter, which may not improperly be called the chorus of conversation.--steele. the first ingredient in conversation is truth, the next good sense, the third good humor, and the fourth wit.--sir william temple. home lessons in conversation. say nothing unpleasant when it can be avoided. avoid satire and sarcasm. never repeat a word that was not intended for repetition. cultivate the supreme wisdom, which consists less in saying what ought to be said than in not saying what ought not to be said. often cultivate "flashes of silence." it is the larger half of the conversation to listen well. listen to others patiently, especially the poor. sharp sayings are an evidence of low breeding. shun faultfindings and faultfinders. never utter an uncomplimentary word against anyone. compliments delicately hinted and sincerely intended are a grace in conversation. commendation of gifts and cleverness properly put are in good taste, but praise of beauty is offensive. repeating kind expressions is proper. compliments given in a joke may be gratefully received in earnest. the manner and tone are important parts of a compliment. avoid egotism. don't talk of yourself, or of your friends or your deeds. give no sign that you appreciate your own merits. do not become a distributer of the small talk of a community. the smiles of your auditors do not mean respect. avoid giving the impression of one filled with "suppressed egotism." never mention your own peculiarities; for culture destroys vanity. avoid exaggeration. do not be too positive. do not talk of display oratory. do not try to lead in conversation looking around to enforce silence. lay aside affected, silly etiquette for the natural dictates of the heart. direct the conversation where others can join with you and impart to you useful information. avoid oddity. eccentricity is shallow vanity. be modest. be what you wish to seem. avoid repeating a brilliant or clever saying. [illustration: thinking only of dress.] if you find bashfulness or embarrassment coming upon you, do or say something at once. the commonest matter gently stated is better than an embarrassing silence. sometimes changing your position, or looking into a book for a moment may relieve your embarrassment, and dispel any settling stiffness. avoid telling many stories, or repeating a story more than once in the same company. never treat any one as if you simply wanted him to tell stories. people laugh and despise such a one. never tell a coarse story. no wit or preface can make it excusable. tell a story, if at all, only as an illustration, and not for itself. tell it accurately. be careful in asking questions for the purpose of starting conversation or drawing out a person, not to be rude or intrusive. never take liberties by staring, or by any rudeness. never infringe upon any established regulations among strangers. do not always prove yourself to be the one in the right. the right will appear. you need only give it a chance. avoid argument in conversation. it is discourteous to your host. cultivate paradoxes in conversation with your peers. they add interest to common-place matters. to strike the harmless faith of ordinary people in any public idol is waste, but such a movement with those able to reply is better. never discourse upon your ailments. never use words of the meaning or pronunciation of which you are uncertain. avoid discussing your own or other people's domestic concerns. never prompt a slow speaker, as if you had all the ability. in conversing with a foreigner who may be learning our language, it is excusable to help him in some delicate way. never give advice unasked. do not manifest impatience. do not interrupt another when speaking. do not find fault, though you may gently criticise. do not appear to notice inaccuracies of speech in others. do not always commence a conversation by allusion to the weather. do not, when narrating an incident, continually say, "you see," "you know." do not allow yourself to lose temper or speak excitedly. do not introduce professional or other topics that the company generally cannot take an interest in. do not talk very loud. a firm, clear, distinct, yet mild, gentle, and musical voice has great power. do not be absent-minded, requiring the speaker to repeat what has been said that you may understand. do not try to force yourself into the confidence of others. do not use profanity, vulgar terms, words of double meaning, or language that will bring the blush to anyone. do not allow yourself to speak ill of the absent one if it can be avoided. the day may come when some friend will be needed to defend you in your absence. do not speak with contempt and ridicule of a locality which you may be visiting. find something to truthfully praise and commend; thus make yourself agreeable. do not make a pretense of gentility, nor parade the fact that you are a descendant of any notable family. you must pass for just what you are, and must stand on your own merit. do not contradict. in making a correction say, "i beg your pardon, but i had the impression that it was so and so." be careful in contradicting, as you may be wrong yourself. do not be unduly familiar; you will merit contempt if you are. neither should you be dogmatic in your assertions, arrogating to yourself such consequences in your opinions. do not be too lavish in your praise of various members of your own family when speaking to strangers; the person to whom you are speaking may know some faults that you do not. do not feel it incumbent upon yourself to carry your point in conversation. should the person with whom you are conversing feel the same, your talk may lead into violent argument. do not try to pry into the private affairs of others by asking what their profits are, what things cost, whether melissa ever had a beau, and why amarette never got married? all such questions are extremely impertinent and are likely to meet with rebuke. do not whisper in company; do not engage in private conversation; do not speak a foreign language which the general company present may not understand, unless it is understood that the foreigner is unable to speak your own language. [illustration: widower jones and widow smith.] * * * * * the toilet. or the care of the person. important rules. . good appearance.--the first care of all persons should be for their personal appearance. those who are slovenly or careless in their habits are unfit for refined society, and cannot possibly make a good appearance in it. a well-bred person will always cultivate habits of the most scrupulous neatness. a gentleman or lady is always well dressed. the garment may be plain or of coarse material, or even worn "thin and shiny," but if it is carefully brushed and neat, it can be worn with dignity. . personal cleanliness.--personal appearance depends greatly on the careful toilet and scrupulous attention to dress. the first point which marks the gentleman or lady in appearance is rigid cleanliness. this remark supplies to the body and everything which covers it. a clean skin--only to be secured by frequent baths--is indispensable. . the teeth.--the teeth should receive the utmost attention. many a young man has been disgusted with a lady by seeing her unclean and discolored teeth. it takes but a few moments, and if necessary secure some simple tooth powder or rub the teeth thoroughly every day with a linen handkerchief, and it will give the teeth and mouth a beautiful and clean appearance. . the hair and beard.--the hair should be thoroughly brushed and well kept, and the beard of men properly trimmed. men should not let their hair grow long and shaggy. . underclothing.--the matter of cleanliness extends to all articles of clothing, underwear as well as the outer clothing. cleanliness is a mark of true utility. the clothes need not necessarily be of a rich and expensive quality, but they can all be kept clean. some persons have an odor about them that is very offensive, simply on account of their underclothing being worn too long without washing. this odor of course cannot be detected by the person who wears the soiled garments, but other persons easily detect it and are offended by it. . the bath.--no person should think for a moment that they can be popular in society without regular bathing. a bath should be taken at least once a week, and if the feet perspire they should be washed several times a week, as the case may require. it is not unfrequent that young men are seen with dirty ears and neck. this is unpardonable and boorish, and shows gross neglect. occasionally a young lady will be called upon unexpectedly when her neck and smiling face are not emblems of cleanliness. every lady owes it to herself to be fascinating; every gentleman is bound, for his own sake, to be presentable; but beyond this there is the obligation to society, to one's friends, and to those with whom we may be brought in contact. . soiled garments.--a young man's garments may not be expensive, yet there is no excuse for wearing a soiled collar and a soiled shirt, or carrying a soiled handkerchief. no one should appear as though he had slept in a stable, shaggy hair, soiled clothing or garments indifferently put on and carelessly buttoned. a young man's vest should always be kept buttoned in the presence of ladies. . the breath.--care should be taken to remedy an offensive breath without delay. nothing renders one so unpleasant to one's acquaintance, or is such a source of misery to one's self. the evil may be from some derangement of the stomach or some defective condition of the teeth, or catarrhal affection of the throat and nose. see remedies in other portions of the book. * * * * * a young man's personal appearance. dress changes the manners.--voltaire. whose garments wither, shall receive faded smiles.--sheridan knowles. men of sense follow fashion so far that they are neither conspicuous for their excess nor peculiar by their opposition to it.--anonymous. . a well-dressed man does not require so much an extensive as a varied wardrobe. he does not need a different suit for every season and every occasion, but if he is careful to select clothes that are simple and not striking or conspicuous, he may use the garment over and over again without their being noticed, provided they are suitable to the season and the occasion. . a clean shirt, collar and cuffs always make a young man look neat and tidy, even if his clothes are not of the latest pattern and are somewhat threadbare. . propriety is outraged when a man of sixty dresses like a youth or sixteen. it is bad manners for a gentleman to use perfumes to a noticeable extent. avoid affecting singularity in dress. expensive clothes are no sign of a gentleman. . when dressed for company, strive to appear easy and natural. nothing is more distressing to a sensitive person, or more ridiculous to one gifted with refinement, than to see a lady laboring under the consciousness of a fine gown or a gentleman who is stiff, awkward and ungainly in a brand-new coat. . avoid what is called the "ruffianly style of dress" or the slouchy appearance of a half-unbottoned vest, and suspenderless pantaloons. that sort of affectation is, if possible, even more disgusting than the painfully elaborate frippery of the dandy or dude. keep your clothes well brushed and keep them cleaned. slight spots can be removed with a little sponge and soap and water. . a gentleman should never wear a high hat unless he has on a frock coat or a dress suit. . a man's jewelry should be good and simple. brass or false jewelry, like other forms of falsehood, is vulgar. wearing many cheap decorations is a serious fault. [illustration: the dude of the th century.] . if a man wears a ring it should be on the third finger of the left hand. this is the only piece of jewelry a man is allowed to wear that does not serve a purpose. . wearing imitations of diamonds is always in very bad taste. . every man looks better in a full beard if he keeps it well trimmed. if a man shaves he should shave at least every other day, unless he is in the country. . the finger-nails should be kept cut, and the teeth should be cleaned every morning, and kept clear from tarter. a man who does not keep his teeth clean does not look like a gentleman when he shows them. [illustration] * * * * * dress. we sacrifice to dress, till household joys and comforts cease. dress drains our cellar dry, and keeps our larder lean. puts out our fires, and introduces hunger, frost and woe, where peace and hospitality might reign. --cowper . god is a lover of dress.--we cannot but feel that god is a lover of dress. he has put on robes of beauty and glory upon all his works. every flower is dressed in richness; every field blushes beneath a mantle of beauty; every star is veiled in brightness; every bird is clothed in the habiliments of the most exquisite taste. the cattle upon the thousand hills are dressed by the hand divine. who, studying god in his works, can doubt, that he will smile upon the evidence of correct taste manifested by his children in clothing the forms he has made them? . love of dress.--to love dress is not to be a slave of fashion; to love dress only is the test of such homage. to transact the business of charity in a silken dress, and to go in a carriage to the work, injures neither the work nor the worker. the slave of fashion is one who assumes the livery of a princess, and then omits the errand of the good human soul; dresses in elegance, and goes upon no good errand, and thinks and does nothing of value to mankind. . beauty in dress.--beauty in dress is a good thing, rail at it who may. but it is a lower beauty, for which a higher beauty should not be sacrificed. they love dresses too much who give it their first thought, their best time, or all their money; who for it neglect the culture of their mind or heart, or the claims of others on their service; who care more for their dress than their disposition; who are troubled more by an unfashionable bonnet than a neglected duty. . simplicity of dress.--female lovliness never appears to so good advantage as when set off by simplicity of dress. no artist ever decks his angels with towering feathers and gaudy jewelry; and our dear human angels--if they would make good their title to that name--should carefully avoid ornaments, which properly belong to indian squaws and african princesses. these tinselries may serve to give effect on the stage, or upon the ball room floor, but in daily life there is no substitute for the charm of simplicity. a vulgar taste is not to be disguised by gold or diamonds. the absence of a true taste and refinement of delicacy cannot be compensated for by the possession of the most princely fortune. mind measures gold, but gold cannot measure mind. through dress the mind may be read, as through the delicate tissue the lettered page. a modest woman will dress modestly; a really refined and intelligent woman will bear the marks of careful selection and faultless taste. . people of sense.--a coat that has the mark of use upon it, is a recommendation to the people of sense, and a hat with too much nap, and too high lustre, a derogatory circumstance. the best coats in our streets are worn on the backs of penniless fops, broken down merchants, clerks with pitiful salaries, and men that do not pay up. the heaviest gold chains dangle from the fobs of gamblers and gentlemen of very limited means; costly ornaments on ladies, indicate to the eyes that are well opened, the fact of a silly lover or husband cramped for funds. . plain and neat.--when a pretty woman goes by in plain and neat apparel, it is the presumption that she has fair expectations, and a husband that can show a balance in his favor. for women are like books,--too much gilding makes men suspicious, that the binding is the most important part. the body is the shell of the soul, and the dress is the husk of the body; but the husk generally tells what the kernel is. as a fashionably dressed young lady passed some gentlemen, one of them raised his hat, whereupon another, struck by the fine appearance of the lady, made some inquiries concerning her, and was answered thus: "she makes a pretty ornament in her father's house, but otherwise is of no use." . the richest dress.--the richest dress is always worn on the soul. the adornments that will not perish, and that all men most admire, shine from the heart through this life. god has made it our highest, holiest duty, to dress the souls he has given us. it is wicked to waste it in frivolity. it is a beautiful, undying, precious thing. if every young woman would think of her soul when she looks in the glass, would hear the cry of her naked mind when she dallies away her precious hours at her toilet, would listen to the sad moaning of her hollow heart, as it wails through her idle, useless life, something would be done for the elevation of womanhood. . dressing up.--compare a well-dressed body with a well-dressed mind. compare a taste for dress with a taste for knowledge, culture, virtue, and piety. dress up an ignorant young woman in the "height of fashion"; put on plumes and flowers, diamonds and gewgaws; paint her face, girt up her waist, and i ask you, if this side of a painted and feathered savage you can find anything more unpleasant to behold. and yet such young women we meet by the hundred every day on the street and in all our public places. it is awful to think of. . dress affects our manners.--a man who is badly dressed, feels chilly, sweaty, and prickly. he stammers, and does not always tell the truth. he means to, perhaps, but he can't. he is half distracted about his pantaloons, which are much to short, and are constantly hitching up; or his frayed jacket and crumpled linen harrow his soul, and quite unman him. he treads on the train of a lady's dress, and says, "thank you", sits down on his hat, and wishes the "desert were his dwelling place." [illustration] * * * * * beauty. "she walks in beauty, like the night of cloudless climes and starry skies: and all that's best of dark and bright meet her in aspect and in her eyes; thus mellowed to that tender light which heaven to gaudy day denies." --byron. . the highest style of beauty.--the highest style of beauty to be found in nature pertains to the human form, as animated and lighted up by the intelligence within. it is the expression of the soul that constitutes this superior beauty. it is that which looks out of the eye, which sits in calm majesty on the brow, lurks on the lip, smiles on the cheek, is set forth in the chiselled lines and features of the countenance, in the general contour of figure and form, in the movement, and gesture, and tone; it is this looking out of the invisible spirit that dwells within, this manifestation of the higher nature, that we admire and love; this constitutes to us the beauty of our species. . beauty which perishes not.--there is a beauty which perishes not. it is such as the angels wear. it forms the washed white robes of the saints. it wreathes the countenance of every doer of good. it adorns every honest face. it shines in the virtuous life. it molds the hands of charity. it sweetens the voice of sympathy. it sparkles on the brow of wisdom. it flashes in the eye of love. it breathes in the spirit of piety. it is the beauty of the heaven of heavens. it is that which may grow by the hand of culture in every human soul. it is the flower of the spirit which blossoms on the tree of life. every soul may plant and nurture it in its own garden, in its own eden. . we may all be beautiful.--this is the capacity of beauty that god has given to the human soul, and this the beauty placed within the reach of all. we may all be beautiful. though our forms may be uncomely and our features not the prettiest, our spirits may be beautiful. and this inward beauty always shines through. a beautiful heart will flash out in the eye. a lovely soul will glow in the face. a sweet spirit will tune the voice, wreathe the countenance in charms. oh, there is a power in interior beauty that melts the hardest heart! . woman the most perfect type of beauty.--woman, by common consent, we regard as the most perfect type of beauty on earth. to her we ascribe the highest charms belonging to this wonderful element so profusely mingled in all god's works. her form is molded and finished in exquisite delicacy of perfection. the earth gives us no form more perfect, no features more symmetrical, no style more chaste, no movements more graceful, no finish more complete; so that our artists ever have and ever will regard the woman-form of humanity as the most perfect earthly type of beauty. this form is most perfect and symmetrical in the youth of womanhood; so that the youthful woman is earth's queen of beauty. this is true, not only by the common consent of mankind, but also by the strictest rules of scientific criticism. . fadeless beauty.--there cannot be a picture without its bright spots; and the steady contemplation of what is bright in others, has a reflex influence upon the beholder. it reproduces what it reflects. nay, it seems to leave an impress even upon the countenance. the feature, from having a dark, sinister aspect, becomes open, serene, and sunny. a countenance so impressed, has neither the vacant stare of the idiot, nor the crafty, penetrating look of the basilisk, but the clear, placid aspect of truth and goodness. the woman who has such a face is beautiful. she has a beauty which changes not with the features, which fades not with years. it is beauty of expression. it is the only kind of beauty which can be relied upon for a permanent influence with the other sex. the violet will soon cease to smile. flowers must fade. the love that has nothing but beauty to sustain it, soon withers away. [illustration: hand in hand.] . a pretty woman pleases the eye, a good woman, the heart. the one is a jewel, the other a treasure. invincible fidelity, good humor, and complacency of temper, outlive all the charms of a fine face, and make the decay of it invisible. that is true beauty which has not only a substance, but a spirit; a beauty that we must intimately know to justly appreciate. . the woman you love best.--beauty, dear reader, is probably the woman you love best, but we trust it is the beauty of soul and character, which sits in calm majesty on the brow, lurks on the lip, and will outlive what is called a fine face. . the wearing of ornaments.--beauty needs not the foreign aid of ornament, but is when unadorned adorned the most, is a trite observation; but with a little qualification it is worthy of general acceptance. aside from the dress itself, ornaments should be very sparingly used--at any rate, the danger lies in over-loading oneself, and not in using too few. a young girl, and especially one of a light and airy style of beauty, should never wear gems. a simple flower in her hair or on her bosom is all that good taste will permit. when jewels or other ornaments are worn, they should be placed where you desire the eye of the spectator to rest, leaving the parts to which you do not want attention called as plain and negative as possible. there is no surer sign of vulgarity than a profusion of heavy jewelry carried about upon the person. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * sensible helps to beauty. . for scrawny neck.--take off your tight collars, feather boas and such heating things. wash neck and chest with hot water, then rub in sweet oil all that you can work in. apply this every night before you retire and leave the skin damp with it while you sleep. . for red hands.--keep your feet warm by soaking them often in hot water, and keep your hands out of the water as much as possible. rub your hands with the skin of a lemon and it will whiten them. if your skin will bear glycerine after you have washed, pour into the palm a little glycerine and lemon juice mixed, and rub over the hands and wipe off. . neck and face.--do not bathe the neck and face just before or after being out of doors. it tends to wrinkle the skin. . scowls.--never allow yourself to scowl, even if the sun be in your eyes. that scowl will soon leave its trace and no beauty will outlive it. . wrinkled forehead.--if you wrinkle your forehead when you talk or read, visit an oculist and have your eyes tested, and then wear glasses to fit them. . old looks.--sometimes your face looks old because it is tired. then apply the following wash and it will make you look younger: put three drops of ammonia, a little borax, a tablespoonful of bay rum, and a few drops of camphor into warm water and apply to your face. avoid getting it into your eyes. . the best cosmetic.--squeeze the juice of a lemon into a pint of sweet milk. wash the face with it every night and in the morning wash off with warm rain water. this will produce a very beautiful effect upon the skin. . spots on the face.--moles and many other discolorations may be removed from the face by a preparation composed of one part chemically pure carbolic acid and two parts pure glycerine. touch the spots with a camel's-hair pencil, being careful that the preparation does not come in contact with the adjacent skin. five minutes after touching, bathe with soft water and apply a little vaseline. it may be necessary to repeat the operation, but if persisted in, the blemishes will be entirely removed. . wrinkles.--this prescription is said to cure wrinkles: take one ounce of white wax and melt it to a gentle heat. add two ounces of the juice of lily bulbs, two ounces of honey, two drams of rose water, and a drop or two of ottar of roses. apply twice a day, rubbing the wrinkles the wrong way. always use tepid water for washing the face. . the hair.--the hair must be kept free from dust or it will fall out. one of the best things for cleaning it, is a raw egg rubbed into the roots and then washed out in several waters. the egg furnishes material for the hair to grow on, while keeping the scalp perfectly clean. apply once a month. . loss of hair.--when through sickness or headache the hair falls out, the following tonic may be applied with good effect: use one ounce of glycerine, one ounce of bay rum, one pint of strong sage tea, and apply every other night rubbing well into the scalp. * * * * * how to keep the bloom and grace of youth. the secret of its preservation. [illustration: mrs. wm. mckinley.] . the question most often asked by women is regarding the art of retaining, with advancing years, the bloom and grace of youth. this secret is not learned through the analysis of chemical compounds, but by a thorough study of nature's laws peculiar to their sex. it is useless for women with wrinkled faces, dimmed eyes and blemished skins to seek for external applications of beautifying balms and lotions to bring the glow of life and health into the face, and yet there are truths, simple yet wonderful, whereby the bloom of early life can be restored and retained, as should be the heritage of all god's children, sending the light of beauty into every woman's face. the secret: . do not bathe in hard water; soften it with a few drops of ammonia, or a little borax. . do not bathe the face while it is very warm, and never use very cold water. . do not attempt to remove dust with cold water; give your face a hot bath, using plenty of good soap, then give it a thorough rinsing with warm water. . do not rub your face with a coarse towel. . do not believe you can remove wrinkles by filling in the crevices with powder. give your face a russian bath every night; that is, bathe it with water so hot that you wonder how you can bear it, and then, a minute after, with moderately cold water, that will make your face glow with warmth; dry it with a soft towel. [illustration: male. female. showing the difference in form and proportion.] * * * * * form and deformity. . physical deformities.--masquerading is a modern accomplishment. girls wear tight shoes, burdensome skirts, corsets, etc., all of which prove so fatal to their health. at the age of seventeen or eighteen, our "young ladies" are sorry specimens of feminality; and palpitators, cosmetics and all the modern paraphernalia are required to make them appear fresh and blooming. man is equally at fault. a devotee to all the absurd devices of fashion, he practically asserts that "dress makes the man." but physical deformities are of far less importance than moral imperfections. . development of the individual.--it is not possible for human beings to attain their full stature of humanity, except by loving long and perfectly. behold that venerable man! he is mature in judgment, perfect in every action and expression, and saintly in goodness. you almost worship as you behold. what rendered him thus perfect? what rounded off his natural asperities, and moulded up his virtues? love mainly. it permeated every pore, and seasoned every fibre of his being, as could nothing else. mark that matronly woman. in the bosom of her family she is more than a queen and goddess combined. all her looks and actions express the outflowing of some or all of the human virtues. to know her is to love her. she became thus perfect, not in a day or year, but by a long series of appropriate means. then by what? chiefly in and by love, which is specially adapted thus to develop this maturity. . physical stature.--men and women generally increase in stature until the twenty-fifth year, and it is safe to assume, that perfection of function is not established until maturity of bodily development is completed. the physical contour of these representations plainly exhibits the difference in structure, and also implies difference of function. solidity and strength are represented by the organization of the male, grace and beauty by that of the female. his broad shoulders represent physical power and the right of dominion, while her bosom is the symbol of love and nutrition. * * * * * how to determine a perfect human figure. the proportions of the perfect human figure are strictly mathematical. the whole figure is six times the length of the foot. whether the form be slender or plump, this rule holds good. any deviation from it is a departure from the highest beauty of proportion. the greeks made all their statues according to this rule. the face, from the highest point of the forehead, where the hair begins, to the end of the chin, is one-tenth of the whole stature. the hand, from the wrist to the end of the middle finger, is the same. the chest is a fourth, and from the nipples to the top of the head is the same. from the top of the chest to the highest point of the forehead is a seventh. if the length of the face, from the roots of the hair to the chin, be divided into three equal parts, the first division determines the point where the eyebrows meet, and the second the place of the nostrils. the navel is the central point of the human body, and if a man should lie on his back with his arms and legs extended, the periphery of the circle which might be described around him, with the navel for its center, would touch the extremities of his hands and feet. the height from the feet to the top of the head is the same as the distance from the extremity of one hand to the extremity of the other when the arms are extended. [illustration: lady's dress in the days of greece.] the venus de medici is considered the most perfect model of the female forms, and has been the admiration of the world for ages. alexander walker, after minutely describing this celebrated statue, says: "all these admirable characteristics of the female form, the mere existence of which in woman must, one is tempted to imagine, be even to herself, a source of ineffable pleasure, these constitute a being worthy, as the personification of beauty, of occupying the temples of greece; present an object finer, alas, than nature even seems capable of producing; and offer to all nations and ages a theme of admiration and delight." well might thomson say: so stands the statue that enchants the world, so, bending, tries to vail the matchless boast-- the mingled beauties of exulting greece. we beg our readers to observe the form of the waist (evidently innocent of corsets and tight dresses) of this model woman, and also that of the greek slave in the accompanying outlines. these forms are such as unperverted nature and the highest art alike require. to compress the waist, and thereby change its form, pushing the ribs inward, displacing the vital organs, and preventing the due expansion of the lungs, is as destructive to beauty as it is to health. * * * * * the history, mystery, benefits and injuries of the corset. [illustration: the corset in the th century.] . the origin of the corset is lost in remote antiquity. the figures of the early egyptian women show clearly an artificial shape of the waist produced by some style of corset. a similar style of dress must also have prevailed among the ancient jewish maidens; for isaiah, in calling upon the women to put away their personal adornments, says: "instead of a girdle there shall be a rent, and instead of a stomacher (corset) a girdle of sackcloth." . homer also tells us of the cestus or girdle of venus, which was borrowed by the haughty juno with a view to increasing her personal attractions, that jupiter might be a more tractable and orderly husband. . coming down to the later times, we find the corset was used in france and england as early as the th century. . the most extensive and extreme use of the corset occurred in the th century, during the reign of catherine de medici of france and queen elizabeth of england. with catherine de medici a thirteen-inch waist measurement was considered the standard of fashion, while a thick waist was an abomination. no lady could consider her figure of proper shape unless she could span her waist with her two hands. to produce this result a strong rigid corset was worn night and day until the waist was laced down to the required size. then over this corset was placed the steel apparatus shown in the illustration on next page. this corset-cover reached from the hip to the throat, and produced a rigid figure over which the dress would fit with perfect smoothness. [illustration: steel corset worn in catherine's time.] . during the th century corsets were largely made from a species of leather known as "bend," which was not unlike that used for shoe soles, and measured nearly a quarter of an inch in thickness. one of the most popular corsets of the time was the corset and stomacher shown in the accompanying illustration. . about the time of the french revolution a reaction set in against tight lacing, and for a time there was a return to the early classical greek costume. this style of dress prevailed, with various modifications, until about when corsets and tight lacing again returned with threefold fury. buchan, a prominent writer of this period, says that it was by no means uncommon to see "a mother lay her daughter down upon the carpet, and, placing her foot upon her back, break half a dozen laces in tightening her stays." . it is reserved to our own time to demonstrate that corsets and tight lacing do not necessarily go hand in hand. distortion and feebleness are not beauty. a proper proportion should exist between the size of the waist and the breadth of the shoulders and hips, and if the waist is diminished below this proportion, it suggests disproportion and invalidism rather than grace and beauty. . the perfect corset is one which possesses just that degree of rigidity which will prevent it from wrinkling, but will at the same time allow freedom in the bending and twisting of the body. corsets boned with whalebone, horn or steel are necessarily stiff, rigid and uncomfortable. after a few days' wear the bones or steels become bent and set in position, or, as more frequently happens, they break and cause injury or discomfort to the wearer. . about seven years ago an article was discovered for the stiffening of corsets, which has revolutionized the corset industry of the world. this article is manufactured from the natural fibers of the mexican ixtle plant, and is known as coraline. it consists of straight, stiff fibers like bristles bound together into a cord by being wound with two strands of thread passing in opposite directions. this produces an elastic fiber intermediate in stiffness between twine and whalebone. it cannot break, but it possesses all the stiffness and flexibility necessary to hold the corset in shape and prevent its wrinkling. we congratulate the ladies of to-day upon the advantages they enjoy over their sisters of two centuries ago, in the forms and the graceful and easy curves of the corsets now made as compared with those of former times. [illustration] [illustration: forms of corsets in the time of elizabeth of england.] [illustration: egyptian corset.] * * * * * tight-lacing. it destroys natural beauty and creates an unpleasant and irritable temper. a tight-laced chest and a good disposition cannot go together. the human form has been molded by nature, the best shape is undoubtedly that which she has given it. to endeavor to render it more elegant by artificial means is to change it; to make it much smaller below and much larger above is to destroy its beauty; to keep it cased up in a kind of domestic cuirass is not only to deform it, but to expose the internal parts to serious injury. under such compression as is commonly practiced by ladies, the development of the bones, which are still tender, does not take place conformably to the intention of nature, because nutrition is necessarily stopped, and they consequently become twisted and deformed. [illustration: the natural waist. the effects of lacing.] those who wear these appliances of tight-lacing often complain that they cannot sit upright without them--are sometimes, indeed, compelled to wear them during all the twenty-four hours; a fact which proves to what extent such articles weaken the muscles of the trunk. the injury does not fall merely on the internal structure of the body, but also on its beauty, and on the temper and feelings with which that beauty is associated. beauty is in reality but another name for expression of countenance, which is the index of sound health, intelligence, good feelings and peace of mind. all are aware that uneasy feelings, existing habitually in the breast, speedily exhibit their signature on the countenance, and that bitter thoughts or a bad temper spoil the human expression of its comeliness and grace. [illustration: natural hair.] * * * * * the care of the hair. . the color of the hair.--the color of the hair corresponds with that of the skin--being dark or black, with a dark complexion, and red or yellow with a fair skin. when a white skin is seen in conjunction with black hair, as among the women of syria and barbary, the apparent exception arises from protection from the sun's rays, and opposite colors are often found among people of one prevailing feature. thus red-haired jews are not uncommon, though the nation in general have dark complexion and hair. . the imperishable nature of hair.--the imperishable nature of hair arises from the combination of salt and metals in its composition. in old tombs and on mummies it has been found in a perfect state, after a lapse of over two thousand years. there are many curious accounts proving the indestructibility of the human hair. . tubular.--in the human family the hairs are tubular, the tubes being intersected by partitions, resembling in some degree the cellular tissue of plants. their hollowness prevents incumbrance from weight, while their power of resistance is increased by having their traverse sections rounded in form. . cautions.--it is ascertained that a full head of hair, beard and whiskers, are a prevention against colds and consumptions. occasionally, however, it is found necessary to remove the hair from the head, in cases of fever or disease, to stay the inflammatory symptoms, and to relieve the brain. the head should invariably be kept cool. close night-caps are unhealthy, and smoking-caps and coverings for the head within doors are alike detrimental to the free growth of the hair, weakening it, and causing it to fall out. how to beautify and preserve the hair. . to beautify the hair.--keep the head clean, the pores of the skin open, and the whole circulatory system in a healthy condition, and you will have no need of bear's grease (alias hog's lard). where there is a tendency in the hair to fall off on account of the weakness or sluggishness of the circulation, or an unhealthy state of the skin, cold water and friction with a tolerably stiff brush are probably the best remedial agents. . barber's shampoos.--are very beneficial if properly prepared. they should not be made too strong. avoid strong shampoos of any kind. great caution should be exercised in this matter. . care of the hair.--to keep the hair healthy, keep the head clean. brush the scalp well with a stiff brush, while dry. then wash with castile soap, and rub into the roots bay rum, brandy or camphor water. this done twice a month will prove beneficial. brush the scalp thoroughly twice a week. dampen the hair with soft water at the toilet, and do not use oil. . hair wash.--take one ounce of borax, half an ounce of camphor powder--these ingredients fine--and dissolve them in one quart of boiling water. when cool, the solution will be ready for use. dampen the hair frequently. this wash is said not only to cleanse and beautify, but to strengthen the hair, preserve the color and prevent baldness. another excellent wash.--the best wash we know for cleansing and softening the hair is an egg beaten up and rubbed well into the hair, and afterwards washed out with several washes of warm water. . the only sensible and safe hair oil.--the following is considered a most valuable preparation: take of extract of yellow peruvian bark, fifteen grains; extract of rhatany root, eight grains; extract of burdoch root and oil of nutmegs (fixed), of each two drachms; camphor (dissolve with spirits of wine), fifteen grains; beef marrow, two ounces; best olive oil, one ounce; citron juice, half a drachm; aromatic essential oil, as much as sufficient to render it fragrant; mix and make into an ointment. two drachms of bergamot, and a few drops of attar of roses would suffice. . hair wash.--a good hair wash is soap and water, and the oftener it is applied the freer the surface of the head will be from scurf. the hair-brush should also be kept in requisition morning and evening. . to remove superfluous hair.--with those who dislike the use of arsenic, the following is used for removing superfluous hair from the skin: lime, one ounce; carbonate of potash, two ounces; charcoal powder, one drachm. for use, make it into a paste with a little warm water, and apply it to the part, previously shaved close. as soon as it has become thoroughly dry, it may be washed off with a little warm water. . coloring for eyelashes and eyebrows.--in eyelashes the chief element of beauty consists in their being long and glossy; the eyebrows should be finely arched and clearly divided from each other. the most innocent darkener of the brow is the expressed juice of the elderberry, or a burnt clove. [illustration: japanese mousine making her toilet.] . crimping hair.--to make the hair stay in crimps, take five cents worth of gum arabic and add to it just enough boiling water to dissolve it. when dissolved, add enough alcohol to make it rather thin. let this stand all night and then bottle it to prevent the alcohol from evaporating. this put on the hair at night, after it is done up in papers or pins, will make it stay in crimp the hottest day, and is perfectly harmless. . to curl the hair.--there is no preparation that will make naturally straight hair assume a permanent curl. the following will keep the hair in curl for a short time: take borax, two ounces; gum arabic, one drachm; and hot water, not boiling, one quart; stir, and, as soon as the ingredients are dissolved, add three tablespoonfuls of strong spirits of camphor. on retiring to rest, wet the hair with the above liquid, and roll in twists of paper as usual. do not disturb the hair until morning, when untwist and form into ringlets. . for falling or loosening of the hair.--take: alcohol, a half pint. salt, as much as will dissolve. glycerine, a tablespoonful. flour of sulphur, teaspoonful. mix. rub on the scalp every morning. . to darken the hair without bad effects.--take: blue vitriol (powdered), one drachm. alcohol, one ounce. essence of roses, ten drops. rain-water, a half-pint. shake together until they are thoroughly dissolved. . gray hair.--there are no known means by which the hair can be prevented from turning gray, and none which can restore it to its original hue, except through the process of dyeing. the numerous "hair color restorers" which are advertised are chemical preparations which act in the manner of a dye or as a paint, and are nearly always dependent for their power on the presence of lead. this mineral, applied to the skin, for a long time, will lead to the most disastrous maladies--lead-palsy, lead colic, and other symptoms of poisoning. it should, therefore, never be used for this purpose. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * how to cure pimples or other facial eruptions. . it requires self-denial to get rid of pimples, for persons troubled with them will persist in eating fat meats and other articles of food calculated to produce them. avoid the use of rich gravies, or pastry, or anything of the kind in excess. take all the out-door exercise you can and never indulge in a late supper. retire at a reasonable hour, and rise early in the morning. sulphur to purify the blood may be taken three times a week--a thimbleful in a glass of milk before breakfast. it takes some time for the sulphur to do its work, therefore persevere in its use till the humors, or pimples, or blotches, disappear. avoid getting wet while taking the sulphur. . try this recipe: wash the face twice a day in warm water, and rub dry with a coarse towel. then with a soft towel rub in a lotion made of two ounces of white brandy, one ounce of cologne, and one-half ounce of liquor potasse. persons subject to skin eruptions should avoid very salty or fat food. a dose of epsom salts occasionally might prove beneficial. . wash the face in a dilution of carbolic acid, allowing one teaspoonful to a pint of water. this is an excellent and purifying lotion, and may be used on the most delicate skins. be careful about letting this wash get into the eyes. . oil of sweet almonds, one ounce; fluid potash, one drachm. shake well together, and then add rose water, one ounce; pure water, six ounces. mix. rub the pimples or blotches for some minutes with a rough towel, and then dab them with the lotion. . dissolve one ounce of borax, and sponge the face with it every night. when there are insects, rub on flower of sulphur, dry after washing, rub well and wipe dry; use plenty of castile soap. . dilute corrosive sublimate with oil of almonds. a few days' application will remove them. * * * * * black-heads and flesh worms. [illustration: a regular flesh worm greatly magnified.] this is a minute little creature, scientifically called _demodex folliculorum_, hardly visible to the naked eye, with comparatively large fore body, a more slender hind body and eight little stumpy processes that do duty as legs. no specialized head is visible, although of course there is a mouth orifice. these creatures live on the sweat glands or pores of the human face, and owing to the appearance that they give to the infested pores, they are usually known as "black-heads." it is not at all uncommon to see an otherwise pretty face disfigured by these ugly creatures, although the insects themselves are nearly transparent white. the black appearance is really due the accumulation of dirt which gets under the edges of the skin of the enlarged sweat glands and cannot be removed in the ordinary way by washing, because the abnormal, hardened secretion of the gland itself becomes stained. these insects are so lowly organized that it is almost impossible to satisfactory deal with them and they sometimes cause the continual festering of the skin which they inhabit. remedy.--press them out with a hollow key or with the thumb and fingers, and apply a mixture of sulphur and cream every evening. wash every morning with the best toilet soap, or wash the face with hot water with a soft flannel at bedtime. [illustration: a healthy complexion.] * * * * * love. but there's nothing half so sweet in life as love's young dream.--moore. all love is sweet, given or returned. common as light is love, and its familiar voice wearies not ever.--shelley. doubt thou the stars are fire, doubt that the sun doth move; doubt truth to be a liar, but never doubt i love.--shakespeare. let those love now who never loved before, let those that always loved now love the more. . love blends young hearts.--love blends young hearts in blissful unity, and, for the time, so ignores past ties and affections, as to make willing separation of the son from his father's house, and the daughter from all the sweet endearments of her childhood's home, to go out together and rear for themselves an altar, around which shall cluster all the cares and delights, the anxieties and sympathies, of the family relationship; this love, if pure, unselfish, and discreet, constitutes the chief usefulness and happiness of human life. . without love.--without love there would be no organized households, and, consequently, none of that earnest endeavor for competence and respectability, which is the mainspring to human effort; none of those sweet, softening, restraining and elevating influences of domestic life, which can alone fill the earth with the glory of the lord and make glad the city of zion. this love is indeed heaven upon earth; but above would not be heaven without it; where there is not love, there is fear; but, "love casteth out fear." and yet we naturally do offend what we most love. . love is the sun of life.--most beautiful in morning and evening, but warmest and steadiest at noon. it is the sun of the soul. life without love is worse than death; a world without a sun. the love which does not lead to labor will soon die out, and the thankfulness which does not embody itself in sacrifices is already changing to gratitude. love is not ripened in one day, nor in many, nor even in a human lifetime. it is the oneness of soul with soul in appreciation and perfect trust. to be blessed it must rest in that faith in the divine which underlies every other motion. to be true, it must be eternal as god himself. . love is dependent.--remember that love is dependent upon forms; courtesy of etiquette guards and protects courtesy of heart. how many hearts have been lost irrevocably, and how many averted eyes and cold looks have been gained from what seemed, perhaps, but a trifling negligence of forms. [illustration: age counseling youth.] . radical differences.--men and women should not be judged by the same rules. there are many radical differences in their affectional natures. man is the creature of interest and ambition. his nature leads him forth into the struggle and bustle of the world. love is but the embellishment of his early life, or a song piped in the intervals of the acts. he seeks for fame, for fortune, for space in the world's thoughts, and dominion over his fellow-men. but a woman's whole life is a history of the affections. the heart is her world; it is there her ambition strives for empire; it is there her ambition seeks for hidden treasures. she sends forth her sympathies on adventure; she embarks her whole soul in the traffic of affection; and if shipwrecked her case is hopeless, for it is bankruptcy of the heart. . woman's love.--woman's love is stronger than death; it rises superior to adversity, and towers in sublime beauty above the niggardly selfishness of the world. misfortune cannot suppress it; enmity cannot alienate it; temptation cannot enslave it. it is the guardian angel of the nursery and the sick bed; it gives an affectionate concord to the partnership of life and interest, circumstances cannot modify it; it ever remains the same to sweeten existence, to purify the cup of life, on the rugged pathway to the grave, and melt to moral pliability the brittle nature of man. it is the ministering spirit of home, hovering in soothing caresses over the cradle, and the death-bed of the household, and filling up the urn of all its sacred memories. . a lady's complexion.--he who loves a lady's complexion, form and features, loves not her true self, but her soul's old clothes. the love that has nothing but beauty to sustain it, soon withers and dies. the love that is fed with presents always requires feeding. love, and love only, is the loan for love. love is of the nature of a burning glass, which, kept still in one place, fireth; changed often, it doth nothing. the purest joy we can experience in one we love, is to see that person a source of happiness to others. when you are with the person loved, you have no sense of being bored. this humble and trivial circumstance is the great test--the only sure and abiding test of love. . two souls come together.--when two souls come together, each seeking to magnify the other, each in subordinate sense worshiping the other, each help the other; the two flying together so that each wing-beat of the one helps each wing-beat of the other--when two souls come together thus, they are lovers. they who unitedly move themselves away from grossness and from earth, toward the throne of crystaline and the pavement golden, are, indeed, true lovers. [illustration: love making in the early colonial days.] [illustration: cupid's captured victim.] * * * * * the power and peculiarities of love. love is a tonic and a remedy for disease, makes people look younger, creates industry, etc. "all thoughts, all passions, all desires. whatever stirs this mortal frame, are ministers of love, and feed his sacred flame." . it is a physiological fact long demonstrated that persons possessing a loving disposition borrow less of the cares of life, and also live much longer than persons with a strong, narrow and selfish nature. persons who love scenery, love domestic animals, show great attachment for all friends; love their home dearly and find interest and enchantment in almost everything have qualities of mind and heart which indicate good health and a happy disposition. . persons who love music and are constantly humming or whistling a tune, are persons that need not be feared, they are kind-hearted and with few exceptions possess a loving disposition. very few good musicians become criminals. . parents that cultivate a love among their children will find that the same feeling will soon be manifested in their children's disposition. sunshine in the hearts of the parents will blossom in the lives of the children. the parent who continually cherishes a feeling of dislike and rebellion in his soul, cultivating moral hatred against his fellow-man, will soon find the same things manifested by his son. as the son resembles his father in looks so he will to a certain extent resemble him in character. love in the heart of the parent will beget kindness and affection in the heart of a child. continuous scolding and fretting in the home will soon make love a stranger. . if you desire to cultivate love, create harmony in all your feelings and faculties. remember that all that is pure, holy and virtuous in love flows from the deepest fountain of the human soul. poison the fountain and you change virtue to vice, and happiness to misery. . love strengthens health, and disappointment cultivates disease. a person in love will invariably enjoy the best of health. ninety-nine per cent. of our strong constitutioned men, now in physical ruin, have wrecked themselves on the breakers of an unnatural love. nothing but right love and a right marriage will restore them to health. . all men feel much better for going a courting, providing they court purely. nothing tears the life out of man more than lust, vulgar thoughts and immoral conduct. the libertine or harlot has changed love, god's purest gift to man, into lust. they cannot acquire love in its purity again, the sacred flame has vanished forever. love is pure, and cannot be found in the heart of a seducer. . a woman is never so bright and full of health as when deeply in love. many sickly and frail women are snatched from the clutches of some deadly disease and restored to health by falling in love. . it is a long established fact that married persons are healthier than unmarried persons; thus it proves that health and happiness belong to the home. health depends upon mind. love places the mind into a delightful state and quickens every human function, makes the blood circulate and weaves threads of joy into cables of domestic love. . an old but true proverb: "a true man loving one woman will speak well of all women. a true woman loving one man will speak well of all men. a good wife praises all men, but praises her husband most. a good man praises all women, but praises his wife most." . persons deeply in love become peculiarly pleasant, winning and tender. it is said that a musician can never excel or an artist do his best until he has been deeply in love. a good orator, a great statesman or great men in general are greater and better for having once been thoroughly in love. a man who truly loves his wife and home is always a safe man to trust. . love makes people look younger in years. people in unhappy homes look older and more worn and fatigued. a woman at thirty, well courted and well married, looks five or ten years younger than a woman of the same age unhappily married. old maids and bachelors always look older than they are. a flirting widow always looks younger than an old maid of like age. . love renders women industrious and frugal, and a loving husband spends lavishly on a loved wife and children, though miserly towards others. . love cultivates self-respect and produces beauty. beauty in walk and beauty in looks; a girl in love is at her best; it brings out the finest traits of her character, she walks more erect and is more generous and forgiving; her voice is sweeter and she makes happy all about her. she works better, sings better and is better. . now in conclusion, a love marriage is the best life insurance policy; it pays dividends every day, while every other insurance policy merely promises to pay after death. remember that statistics demonstrate that married people outlive old maids and old bachelors by a goodly number of years and enjoy healthier and happier lives. [illustration: the turkish way of making love] [illustration: preparing to entertain her lover.] [illustration: confidence.] * * * * * amativeness or connubial love. . multiplying the race.--some means for multiplying our race is necessary to prevent its extinction by death. propagation and death appertain to man's earthly existence. if the deity had seen fit to bring every member of the human family into being by a direct act of creative power, without the agency of parents, the present wise and benevolent arrangements of husbands and wives, parents and children, friends and neighbors, would have been superseded, and all opportunities for exercising parental and connubial love, in which so much enjoyment is taken, cut off. but the domestic feelings and relations, as now arranged, must strike every philosophical observer as inimitably beautiful and perfect--as the offspring of infinite wisdom and goodness combined. . amativeness and its combinations constitute their origin, counterpart, and main medium of manifestation. its primary function is connubial love. from it, mainly, spring those feelings which exist between the sexes as such and result in marriage and offspring. combined with the higher sentiments, it gives rise to all those reciprocal kind feelings and nameless courtesies which each sex manifests towards the other; refining and elevating both, promoting gentility and politeness, and greatly increasing social and general happiness. . renders men more polite to women.--so far from being in the least gross or indelicate, its proper exercise is pure, chaste, virtuous, and even an ingredient in good manners. it is this which renders men always more polite towards women than to one another, and more refined in their society, and which makes women more kind, grateful, genteel and tender towards men than women. it makes mothers love their sons more than their daughters, and fathers more attached to their daughters. man's endearing recollections of his mother or wife form his most powerful incentives to virtue, study, and good deeds, as well as restraints upon his vicious inclinations; and, in proportion as a young man is dutiful and affectionate to his mother, will he be fond of his wife; for, this faculty is the parent of both. . all should cultivate the faculty of amativeness or connubial love.--study the personal charms and mental accomplishments of the other sex by ardent admirers of beautiful forms, and study graceful movements and elegant manners, and remember, much depends upon the tones and accents of the voice. never be gruff if you desire to be winning. seek and enjoy and reciprocate fond looks and feelings. before you can create favorable impressions you must first be honest and sincere and natural, and your conquest will be sure and certain. * * * * * love and common-sense. . do not love her because she goes to the altar with her head full of book learning, her hands of no earthly use, save for the piano and brush; because she has no conception of the duties and responsibilities of a wife; because she hates housework, hates its everlasting routine and ever recurring duties; because she hates children and will adopt every means to evade motherhood; because she loves her ease, loves to have her will supreme, loves, oh how well, to be free to go and come, to let the days slip idly by, to be absolved from all responsibility, to live without labor, without care? will you love her selfish, shirking, calculating nature after twenty years of close companionship? . do you love him because he is a man, and therefore, no matter how weak mentally, morally or physically he may be, he has vested in him the power to save you from the ignominy of an old maid's existence? because you would rather be mrs. nobody, than make the effort to be miss somebody? because you have a great empty place in your head and heart that nothing but a man can fill? because you feel you cannot live without him? god grant the time may never come when you cannot live with him. . do you love her because she is a thoroughly womanly woman; for her tender sympathetic nature; for the jewels of her life, which are absolute purity of mind and heart; for the sweet sincerity of her disposition; for her loving, charitable thought; for her strength of character? because she is pitiful to the sinful, tender to the sorrowful, capable, self-reliant, modest, true-hearted? in brief, because she is the embodiment of all womanly virtues? . do you love him because he is a manly man; because the living and operating principle of his life is a tender reverence for all women; because his love is the overflow of the best part of his nature; because he has never soiled his soul with an unholy act or his lips with an oath; because mentally he is a man among men; because physically he stands head and shoulders above the masses; because morally he is far beyond suspicion, in his thought, word or deed? because his earnest manly consecrated life is a mighty power on god's side? . but there always has been and always will be unhappy marriages until men learn what husbandhood means; how to care for that tenderly matured, delicately constituted being, that he takes into his care and keeping. that if her wonderful adjusted organism is overtaxed and overburdened, her happiness, which is largely dependent upon her health, is destroyed. . until men give the women they marry the undivided love of their heart; until constancy is the key-note of a life which speaks eloquently of clean thoughts and clean hearts. . until men and women recognize that self-control in a man, and modesty in a woman, will bring a mutual respect that years of wedded life will only strengthen. until they recognize that love is the purest and holiest of all things known to humanity, will marriage continue to bring unhappiness and discontent, instead of that comfort and restful peace which all loyal souls have a right to expect and enjoy. . be sensible and marry a sensible, honest and industrious companion, and happiness through life will be your reward. [illustration: a caller.] [illustration] * * * * * what women love in men. . women naturally love courage, force and firmness in men. the ideal man in a woman's eye must be heroic and brave. woman naturally despises a coward, and she has little or no respect for a bashful man. . woman naturally loves her lord and master. women who desperately object to be overruled, nevertheless admire men who overrule them, and few women would have any respect for a man whom they could completely rule and control. . man is naturally the protector of woman; as the male wild animal of the forest protects the female, so it is natural for man to protect his wife and children, and therefore woman admires those qualities in a man which make him a protector. . large men.--women naturally love men of strength, size and fine physique, a tall, large and strong man rather than a short, small and weak man. a woman always pities a weakly man, but rarely ever has any love for him. . small and weakly men.--all men would be of good size in frame and flesh, were it not for the infirmities visited upon them by the indiscretion of parents and ancestors of generations before. . youthful sexual excitement.--there are many children born healthy and vigorous who destroy the full vigor of their generative organs in youth by self-abuse, and if they survive and marry, their children will have small bones, small frames and sickly constitutions. it is therefore not strange that instinct should lead women to admire men not touched with these symptoms of physical debility. . generosity.--woman generally loves a generous man. religion absorbs a great amount of money in temples, churches, ministerial salaries, etc., and ambition and appetite absorb countless millions, yet woman receives more gifts from man than all these combined: she loves a generous giver. _generosity and gallantry_ are the jewels which she most admires. a woman receiving presents from a man implies that she will pay him back in love, and the woman who accepts a man's presents, and does not respect him, commits a wrong which is rarely ever forgiven. . intelligence.--above all other qualities in man, woman admires his intelligence. intelligence is man's woman captivating card. this character in woman is illustrated by an english army officer, as told by o.s. fowler, betrothed in marriage to a beautiful, loving heiress, summoned to india, who wrote back to her: "i have lost an eye, a leg, an arm, and been so badly marred and begrimmed besides, that you never could love this poor, maimed soldier. yet, i love you too well to make your life wretched by requiring you to keep your marriage-vow with me, from which i hereby release you. find among english peers one physically more perfect, whom you can love better." she answered, as all genuine women must answer: "your noble mind, your splendid talents, your martial prowess which maimed you, are what i love. as long as you retain sufficient body to contain the casket of your soul, which alone is what i admire, i love you all the same, and long to make you mine forever." . soft men.--all women despise soft and silly men more than all other defects in their character. woman never can love a man whose conversation is flat and insipid. every man seeking woman's appreciation or love should always endeavor to show his intelligence and manifest an interest in books and daily papers. he should read books and inform himself so that he can talk intelligently upon the various topics of the day. even an ignorant woman always loves superior intelligence. . sexual vigor.--women love sexual vigor in men. this is human nature. weakly and delicate fathers have weak and puny children, though the mother may be strong and robust. a weak mother often bears strong children, if the father is physically and sexually vigorous. consumption is often inherited from fathers, because they furnish the body, yet more women die with it because of female obstructions. hence women love passion in men, because it endows their offspring with strong functional vigor. . passionate men--the less passion any woman possesses, the more she prizes a strong passionate man. this is a natural consequence, for if she married one equally passionless, their children would be poorly endowed or they would have none; she therefore admires him who makes up the deficiency. hence very amorous men prefer quiet, modest and reserved women. . homely men are admired by women if they are large, strong and vigorous and possess a good degree of intelligence. looks are trifles compared with the other qualities which man may possess. . young man, if you desire to win the love and admiration of young ladies, first, be intelligent; read books and papers; remember what you read, so you can talk about it. second, be generous and do not show a stingy and penurious disposition when in the company of ladies. third, be sensible, original, and have opinions of your own and do not agree with everything that someone else says, or agree with everything that a lady may say. ladies naturally admire genteel and intelligent discussions and conversations when there is someone to talk with who has an opinion of his own. woman despises a man who has no opinion of his own; she hates a trifling disposition and admires leadership, original ideas, and looks up to man as a leader. women despise all men whom they can manage, overrule, cow-down and subdue. . be self-supporting.--the young man who gives evidence of thrift is always in demand. be enthusiastic and drive with success all that you undertake. a young man, sober, honest and industrious, holding a responsible position or having a business of his own, is a prize that some bright and beautiful young lady would like to draw. woman admires a certainty. . uniformed men.--it is a well known fact that women love uniformed men. the soldier figures as a hero in about every tale of fiction and it is said by good authority that a man in uniform has three more chances to marry than the man without uniform. the correct reason is, the soldier's profession is bravery, and he is dressed and trained for that purpose, and it is that which makes him admired by ladies rather than the uniform which he wears. his profession is also that of a protector. [illustration] * * * * * what men love in women. . female beauty.--men love beautiful women, for woman's beauty is the highest type of all beauty. a handsome woman needs no diamonds, no silks or satins; her brilliant face outshines diamonds and her form is beautiful in calico. . false beautifiers.--man's love of female beauty surpasses all other love, and whatever artificial means are used to beautify, to a certain extent are falsehoods which lead to distrust or dislike. artificial beauty is always an imitation, and never can come into competition with the genuine. no art can successfully imitate nature. . true kind of beauty.--facial beauty is only skin deep. a beautiful form, a graceful figure, graceful movements and a kind heart are the strongest charms in the perfection of female beauty. a brilliant face always outshines what may be called a pretty face, for intelligence is that queenly grace which crowns woman's influence over men. good looks and good and pure conduct awaken a man's love for women. a girl must therefore be charming as well as beautiful, for a charming girl will never become a charmless wife. . a good female body.--no weakly, poor-bodied woman can draw a man's love like a strong, well developed body. a round, plump figure with an overflow of animal life is the woman most commonly sought, for nature in man craves for the strong qualities in women, as the health and life of offspring depend upon the physical qualities of wife and mother. a good body and vigorous health, therefore, become indispensable to female beauty. . broad hips.--a woman with a large pelvis gives her a superior and significant appearance, while a narrow pelvis always indicate weak sexuality. the other portions of the body however must be in harmony with the size and breadth of the hips. . full busts.--in the female beauty of physical development there is nothing that can equal full breasts. it is an indication of good health and good maternal qualities. as a face looks bad without a nose, so the female breast, when narrow and flat, produces a bad effect. the female breasts are the means on which a new-born child depends for its life and growth, hence it is an essential human instinct for men to admire those physical proportions in women which indicate perfect motherhood. cotton and all other false forms simply show the value of natural ones. all false forms are easily detected, because large natural ones will generally quiver and move at every step, while the artificial ones will manifest no expression of life. as woman looks so much better with artificial paddings and puffings than she does without, therefore modern society should waive all objections to their use. a full breast has been man's admiration through all climes and ages, and whether this breast-loving instinct is right or wrong, sensible or sensual, it is a fact well known to all, that it is a great disappointment to a husband and father to see his child brought up on a bottle. men love full breasts, because it promotes maternity. if, however, the breasts are abnormally large, it indicates maternal deficiency the same as any disproportion or extreme. . small feet.--small feet and small ankles are very attractive, because they are in harmony with a perfect female form, and men admire perfection. small feet and ankles indicate modesty and reserve, while large feet and ankles indicate coarseness, physical power, authority, predominance. feet and ankles however must be in harmony with the body, as small feet and small ankles on a large woman would be out of proportion and consequently not beautiful. . beautiful arms.--as the arm is always in proportion with the other portions of the body, consequently a well-shaped arm, small hands and small wrists, with full muscular development, is a charm and beauty not inferior to the face itself, and those who have well-shaped arms may be proud of them, because they generally keep company with a fine bust and a fine figure. . intelligence.--a mother must naturally possess intelligence, in order to rear her children intelligently, consequently it is natural for man to chiefly admire mental qualities in women, for utility and practicability depend upon intelligence. therefore a man generally loves those charms in women which prepare her for the duties of companionship. if a woman desires to be loved, she must cultivate her intellectual gifts, be interesting and entertaining in society, and practical and helpful in the home, for these are some of the qualifications which make up the highest type of beauty. . piety and religion in women.--men who love home and the companionship of their wives, love truth, honor and honesty. it is this higher moral development that naturally leads them to admire women of moral and religious natures. it is therefore not strange that immoral men love moral and church-loving wives. man naturally admires the qualities which tend to the correct government of the home. men want good and pure children, and it is natural to select women who insure domestic contentment and happiness. a bad man, of course, does not deserve a good wife, yet he will do his utmost to get one. . false appearance.--men love reserved, coy and discreet women much more than blunt, shrewd and boisterous. falsehood, false hair, false curls, false forms, false bosoms, false colors, false cheeks, and all that is false, men naturally dislike, for in themselves they are a poor foundation on which to form family ties, consequently duplicity and hypocrisy in women is very much disliked by men, but a frank, honest, conscientious soul is always lovable and lovely and will not become an old maid, except as a matter of choice and not of necessity. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * history of marriage. . "it is not good for man to be alone," was the divine judgment, and so god created for him an helpmate; therefore sex is as divine as the soul. . polygamy.--polygamy has existed in all ages. it is and always has been the result of moral degradation and wantonness. . the garden of eden.--the garden of eden was no harem. primeval nature knew no community of love; there was only the union of two souls, and the twain were made one flesh. if god had intended man to be a polygamist he would have created for him two or more wives; but he only created one wife for the first man. he also directed noah to take into the ark two of each sort--a male and female--another evidence that god believed in pairs only. . abraham no doubt was a polygamist, and the general history of patriarchal life shows that the plurality of wives and concubinage were national customs, and not the institutions authorized by god. . egyptian history.--egyptian history, in the first ostensible form we have, shows that concubinage and polygamy were in common practice. . solomon.--it is not strange that solomon, with his thousand wives, exclaimed: "all is vanity and vexation of spirit." polygamy is not the natural state of man. . concubinage and polygamy continued till the fifth century, when the degraded condition of woman became to some extent matters of some concern and recognition. before this woman was regarded simply as an instrument of procreation, or a mistress of the household, to gratify the passions of man. . the chinese marriage system was, and is, practically polygamous, for from their earliest traditions we learn, although a man could have but one wife, he was permitted to have as many concubines as he desired. . mohammedanism.--of the , , mohammedans all are polygamists. their religion appeals to the luxury of animal propensities, and the voluptuous character of the orientals has penetrated western europe and africa. . mormonism.--the mormon church, founded by joseph smith, practiced polygamy until the beginning of , when the church formally declared and resigned polygamy as a part or present doctrine of their religious institution. yet all mormons are polygamists at heart. it is a part of their religion; national law alone restrains them. . free lovers.--there is located at lenox, madison county, new york, an organization popularly known as free lovers. the members advocate a system of complex marriage, a sort of promiscuity, with a freedom of love for any and all. man offers woman support and love; woman enjoying freedom, self-respect, health, personal and mental competency, gives herself to man in the boundless sincerity of an unselfish union. in their system, love is made synonymous with sexuality, and there is no doubt, but what woman is only a plaything to gratify animal caprice. . monogamy (single wife), is a law of nature evident from the fact that it fulfills the three essential conditions of man, viz.: the development of the individual, the welfare of society and reproduction. in no nation with a system of polygamy do we find a code of political and moral rights, and the condition of woman is that of a slave. in polygamous countries nothing is added to the education and civilization. the natural tendency is sensualism, and sensualism tends to mental starvation. . christian civilization has lifted woman from slavery to liberty. wherever christian civilization prevails there are legal marriages, pure homes and education. may god bless the purity of the home. * * * * * marriage. "thus grief still treads upon the heel of pleasure, married in haste we may repent at leisure." --shakespeare the parties are wedded. the priest or clergyman has pronounced as one those hearts that before beat in unison with each other. the assembled guests congratulate the happy pair. the fair bride has left her dear mother bedewed with tears and sobbing just as if her heart would break, and as if the happy bridegroom was leading her away captive against her will. they enter the carriage. it drives off on the wedding tour, and his arms encircles the yielding waist of her now all his own, while her head reclines on the breast of the man of her choice. if she be young and has married an old man, she will be sad. if she has married for a home, or position, or wealth, a pang will shoot across her fair bosom. if she has married without due consideration or on too light an acquaintance, it will be her sorrow before long. but, if loving and beloved, she has united her destiny with a worthy man, she will rejoice, and on her journey feel a glow of satisfaction and delight unfelt before and which will be often renewed, and daily prove as the living waters from some perennial spring. [illustration] * * * * * the advantages of wedlock. 'tis sweet to hear the watch-dog's honest bark, bay deep-mouthed welcome as we draw near home 'tis sweet to know there is an eye will mark our coming, and look brighter when we come. byron, don juan . marriage is the natural state of man and woman. matrimony greatly contributes to the wealth and health of man. . circumstances may compel a man not to select a companion until late in life. many may have parents or relatives, dependent brothers and sisters to care for, yet family ties are cultivated; notwithstanding the home is without a wife. . in christian countries the laws of marriage have greatly added to the health of man. marriage in barbarous countries, where little or no marriage ceremonies are required, benefits man but little. there can be no true domestic blessedness without loyalty and love for the select and married companion. all the licentiousness and lust of a libertine, whether civilized or uncivilized, bring him only unrest and premature decay. . a man, however, may be married and not mated, and consequently reap trouble and unhappiness. a young couple should first carefully learn each other by making the courtship a matter of business, and sufficiently long that the disposition and temper of each may be thoroughly exposed and understood. . first see that there is love; secondly, that there is adaptation; thirdly, see that there are no physical defects, and if these conditions are properly considered, cupid will go with you. . the happiest place on all earth is home. a loving wife and lovely children are jewels without price, as payne says: "'mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam. be it ever so humble, there's no place like home." . reciprocated love produces a general exhilaration of the system. the elasticity of the muscles is increased, the circulation is quickened, and every bodily function is stimulated to renewed activity by a happy marriage. . the consummation desired by all who experience this affection, is the union of souls in a true marriage. whatever of beauty or romance there may have been in the lover's dream, is enhanced and spiritualized in the intimate communion of married life. the crown of wifehood and maternity is purer, more divine than that of the maiden. passion is lost--emotions predominate. . too early marriages.--too early marriage is always bad for the female. if a young girl marries, her system is weakened and a full development of her body is prevented, and the dangers of confinement are considerably increased. . boys who marry young derive but little enjoyment from the connubial state. they are liable to excesses and thereby lose much of the vitality and power of strength and physical endurance. . long life.--statistics show that married men live longer than bachelors. child-bearing for women is conducive to longevity. . complexion.--marriage purifies the complexion, removes blotches from the skin, invigorates the body, fills up the tones of the voice, gives elasticity and firmness to the step, and brings health and contentment to old age. . temptations removed.--marriage sanctifies a home, while adultery and libertinism produce unrest, distrust and misery. it must be remembered that a married man can practice the most absolute continence and enjoy a far better state of health than the licentious man. the comforts of companionship develop purity and give rest to the soul. . total abstention.--it is no doubt difficult for some men to fully abstain from sexual intercourse and be entirely chaste in mind. the great majority of men experience frequent strong sexual desire. abstention is very apt to produce in their minds voluptuous images and untamable desires which require an iron will to banish or control. the hermit in his seclusion, or the monk in his retreat, are often flushed with these passions and trials. it is, however, natural; for remove these passions and man would be no longer a man. it is evident that the natural state of man is that of marriage; and he who avoids that state is not in harmony with the laws of his being. [illustration: an algerian bride.] . prostitution.--men who inherit strong passions easily argue themselves into the belief either to practice masturbation or visit places of prostitution, on the ground that their health demands it. though medical investigation has proven it repeatedly to be false, yet many believe it. the consummation of marriage involves the mightiest issues of life and is the most holy and sacred right recognized by man, and it is the balm of gilead for many ills. masturbation or prostitution soon blight the brightest prospects a young man may have. manhood is morality and purity of purpose, not sensuality. * * * * * disadvantages of celibacy. . to live the life of a bachelor has many advantages and many disadvantages. the man who commits neither fornication, adultery nor secret vice, and is pure in mind, surely has all the moral virtues that make a good man and a good citizen, whether married or unmarried. . if a good pure-minded man does not marry, he will suffer no serious loss of vital power; there will be no tendency to spermatorrhoea or congestion, nor will he be afflicted with any one of those ills which certain vicious writers and quacks would lead many people to believe. celibacy is perfectly consistent with mental vigor and physical strength. regularity in the habits of life will always have its good effects on the human body. . the average life of a married man is much longer than that of a bachelor. there is quite an alarming odds in the united states in favor of a man with a family. it is claimed that the married man lives on an average from five to twenty years longer than a bachelor. the married man lives a more regular life. he has his meals more regularly and is better nursed in sickness, and in every way a happier and more contented man. the happiness of wife and children will always add comfort and length of days to the man who is happily married. . it is a fact well answered by statistics that there is more crime committed, more vices practiced, and more immorality among single men than among married men. let the young man be pure in heart like bunyan's pilgrim, and he can pass the deadly dens, the roaring lions, and overcome the ravenous fires of passion, unscathed. the vices of single men support the most flagrant of evils of modern society, hence let every young man beware and keep his body clean and pure. his future happiness largely depends upon his chastity while a single man. [illustration: "made in u.s.a."] [illustration: i will never marry.] * * * * * old maids. . modern origin.--the prejudice which certainly still exists in the average mind against unmarried women must be of comparatively modern origin. from the earliest ages to ancient greece, and rome particularly, the highest honors were paid them. they were the ministers of the old religions, and regarded with superstitious awe. . matrimony.--since the reformation, especially during the last century, and in our own land, matrimony has been so much esteemed, notably by women, that it has come to be regarded as in some sort discreditable for them to remain single. old maids are mentioned on every hand with mingled pity and disdain, arising no doubt from the belief, conscious or unconscious, that they would not be what they are if they could help it. few persons have a good word for them as a class. we are constantly hearing of lovely maidens, charming wives, buxom widows, but almost never of attractive old maids. . discarding prejudice.--the real old maid is like any other woman. she has faults necessarily, though not those commonly conceived of. she is often plump, pretty, amiable, interesting, intellectual, cultured, warm-hearted, benevolent, and has ardent friends of both sexes. these constantly wonder why she has not married, for they feel that she must have had many opportunities. some of them may know why; she may have made them her confidantes. she usually has a sentimental, romantic, frequently a sad and pathetic past, of which she does not speak unless in the sacredness of intimacy. . not quarrelsome.--she is not dissatisfied, querulous nor envious. on the contrary, she is, for the most part, singularly content, patient and serene,--more so than many wives who have household duties and domestic cares to tire and trouble them. . remain single from necessity.--it is a stupid, as well as a heinous mistake, that women who remain single do so from necessity. almost any woman can get a husband if she is so minded, as daily observation attests. when we see the multitudes of wives who have no visible signs of matrimonial recommendation, why should we think that old maids have been totally neglected? we may meet those who do not look inviting. but we meet any number of wives who are even less inviting. . first offer.--the appearance and outgiving of many wives denote that they have accepted the first offer; the appearance and outgiving of many old maids that they have declined repeated offers. it is undeniable, that wives, in the mass, have no more charm than old maids have, in the mass. but, as the majority of women are married, they are no more criticised nor commented on, in the bulk, than the whole sex are. they are spoken of individually as pretty or plain, bright or dull, pleasant or unpleasant; while old maids are judged as a species, and almost always unfavorable. [illustration: "i have changed my mind."] . becomes a wife.--many an old maid, so-called, unexpectedly to her associates becomes a wife, some man of taste, discernment and sympathy having induced her to change her state. probably no other man of his kind has proposed before, which accounts for her singleness. after her marriage hundreds of persons who had sneered at her condition find her charming, thus showing the extent of their prejudice against feminine celibacy. old maids in general, it is fair to presume, do not wait for opportunities, but for proposers of an acceptable sort. they may have, indeed they are likely to have, those, but not to meet these. . no longer marry for support.--the time has changed and women have changed with it. they have grown more sensible, more independent in disposition as well as circumstances. they no longer marry for support; they have proved their capacity to support themselves, and self-support has developed them in every way. assured that they can get on comfortably and contentedly alone they are better adapted by the assurance for consortship. they have rapidly increased from this and cognate causes, and have so improved in person, mind and character that an old maid of to-day is wholly different from an old maid of forty years ago. [illustration: convincing his wife.] * * * * * when and whom to marry. . early marriages.--women too early married always remain small in stature, weak, pale, emaciated, and more or less miserable. we have no natural nor moral right to perpetuate unhealthy constitutions, therefore women should not marry too young and take upon themselves the responsibility, by producing a weak and feeble generation of children. it is better not to consummate a marriage until a full development of body and mind has taken place. a young woman of twenty-one to twenty-five, and a young man of twenty-three to twenty-eight, are considered the right age in order to produce an intelligent and healthy offspring. "first make the tree good, then shall the fruit be good also." . if marriage is delayed too long in either sex, say from thirty to forty-five, the offspring will often be puny and more liable to insanity, idiocy, and other maladies. . puberty.--this is the period when childhood passes from immaturity of the sexual functions to maturity. woman attains this state a year or two sooner than man. in the hotter climates the period of puberty is from twelve to fifteen years of age, while in cold climates, such as russia, the united states, and canada, puberty is frequently delayed until the seventeenth year. . diseased parents.--we do the race a serious wrong in multiplying the number of hereditary invalids. whole families of children have fallen heir to lives of misery and suffering by the indiscretion and poor judgment of parents. no young man in the vigor of health should think for a moment of marrying a girl who has the impress of consumption or other disease already stamped upon her feeble constitution. it only multiplies his own suffering, and brings no material happiness to his invalid wife. on the other hand, no healthy, vigorous young woman ought to unite her destiny with a man, no matter how much she adored him, who is not healthy and able to brave the hardships of life. if a young man or young woman with feeble body cannot find permanent relief either by medicine or change of climate, no thoughts of marriage should be entertained. courting a patient may be pleasant, but a hard thing in married life to enjoy. the young lady who supposes that any young man wishes to marry her for the sake of nursing her through life makes a very grave mistake. [illustration: life insurance companies demand physical examination. why not matrimony?] . whom to choose for a husband.--the choice of a husband requires the coolest judgment and the most vigilant sagacity. a true union based on organic law is happiness, but let all remember that oil and water will not mix: the lion will not lie down with the lamb, nor can ill-assorted marriages be productive of aught but discord. "let the woman take an elder than herself, so wears she to him-- so sways she, rules in her husband's heart." look carefully at the disposition.--see that your intended spouse is kind-hearted, generous, and willing to respect the opinions of others, though not in sympathy with them. don't marry a selfish tyrant who thinks only of himself. . be careful.--don't marry an intemperate man with a view of reforming him. thousands have tried it and failed. misery, sorrow and a very hell on earth have been the consequences of too many such generous undertakings. . the true and only test which any man should look for in woman is modesty in demeanor before marriage, absence both of assumed ignorance and disagreeable familiarity, and a pure and religious frame of mind. where these are present, he need not doubt that he has a faithful and a chaste wife. . marrying first cousins is dangerous to offspring. the observation is universal, the children of married first cousins are too often idiots, insane, clump-footed, crippled, blind, or variously diseased. first cousins are always sure to impart all the hereditary disease in both families to their children. if both are healthy there is less danger. . do not choose one too good, or too far above you, lest the inferior dissatisfying the superior, breed those discords which are worse than the trials of a single life. don't be too particular; for you might go farther and fare worse. as far as you yourself are faulty, you should put up with faults. don't cheat a consort by getting one much better than you can give. we are not in heaven yet, and must put up with their imperfections, and instead of grumbling at them, be glad they are no worse; remembering that a faulty one is a great deal better than none, if he loves you. . marrying for money.--those who seek only the society of those who can boast of wealth will nine times out of ten suffer disappointment. wealth cannot manufacture true love nor money buy domestic happiness. marry because you love each other, and god will bless your home. a cottage with a loving wife is worth more than a royal palace with a discontented and unloving queen. . difference in age.--it is generally admitted that the husband should be a few years older than the wife. the question seems to be how much difference. up to twenty-two those who propose marriage should be about the same age; however, other things being equal, a difference of fifteen years after the younger is twenty-five, need not prevent a marriage. a man of forty-five may marry a woman of twenty-five much more safely than one of thirty a girl below nineteen, because her mental sexuality is not as mature as his, and again her natural coyness requires more delicate and affectionate treatment than he is likely to bestow. a girl of twenty or under should seldom if ever marry a man of thirty or over, because the love of an elderly man for a girl is more parental than conjugal; while hers for him is like that of a daughter to a father. he may pet, flatter and indulge her as he would a grown-up daughter, yet all this is not genuine masculine and feminine love, nor can she exert over him the influence every man requires from his wife. . the best time.--all things considered, we advise the male reader to keep his desires in check till he is at least twenty-five, and the female not to enter the pale of wedlock until she has attained the age of twenty. after those periods, marriage is the proper sphere of action, and one in which nearly every individual is called by nature to play his proper part. . select carefully.--while character, health, accomplishments and social position should be considered, yet one must not overlook mental construction and physical conformation. the rule always to be followed in choosing a life partner is _identity of taste and diversity of temperament_. another essential is that they be physically adapted to each other. for example: the pelvis--that part of the anatomy containing all the internal organs of gestation--is not only essential to beauty and symmetry, but is a matter of vital importance to her who contemplates matrimony, and its usual consequences. therefore, the woman with a very narrow and contracted pelvis should never choose a man of giant physical development lest they cannot duly realize the most important of the enjoyments of the marriage state, while the birth of large infants will impose upon her intense labor pains, or even cost her her life. [illustration: explaining the need of a new hat.] * * * * * choose intellectually--love afterward. . love.--let it ever be remembered that love is one of the most sacred elements of our nature, and the most dangerous with which to tamper. it is a very beautiful and delicately contrived faculty, producing the most delightful results, but easily thrown out of repair--like a tender plant, the delicate fibers of which incline gradually to entwine themselves around its beloved one, uniting two willing hearts by a thousand endearing ties, and making of "twain one flesh": but they are easily torn asunder, and then adieu to the joys of connubial bliss! . courting by the quarter.--this courting by the quarter, "here a little and there a little," is one of the greatest evils of the day. this getting a little in love with julia, and then a little with eliza, and a little more with mary,--this fashionable flirtation and coquetry of both sexes--is ruinous to the domestic affections; besides, effectually preventing the formation of true connubial love. i consider this dissipation of the affections one of the greatest sins against heaven, ourselves, and the one trifled with, that can be committed. . frittering away affections.--young men commence courting long before they think of marrying, and where they entertain no thoughts of marriage. they fritter away their own affections, and pride themselves on their conquests over the female heart; triumphing in having so nicely fooled them. they pursue this sinful course so far as to drive their pitiable victims, one after another, from respectable society, who, becoming disgraced, retaliate by heaping upon them all the indignities and impositions which the fertile imagination of woman can invent or execute. . courting without intending to marry.--nearly all this wide-spread crime and suffering connected with public and private licentiousness and prostitution, has its origin in these unmeaning courtships--this premature love--this blighting of the affections, and every young man who courts without intending to marry, is throwing himself or his sweet-heart into _this hell upon earth._ and most of the blame rests on young men, because they take the liberty of paying their addresses to the ladies and discontinuing them, at pleasure, and thereby mainly cause this vice. . setting their caps.--true, young ladies sometimes "set their caps," sometimes court very hard by their bewitching smiles and affectionate manners; by the natural language of love, or that backward reclining and affectionate roll of the head which expresses it; by their soft and persuasive accents; by their low dresses, artificial forms, and many other unnatural and affected ways and means of attracting attention and exciting love; but women never court till they have been in love and experienced its interruption, till their first and most tender fibres of love have been frost-bitten by disappointment. it is surely a sad condition of society. [illustration: motherhood.] . trampling the affections of women.--but man is a self-privileged character. he may not only violate the laws of his own social nature with impunity, but he may even trample upon the affections of woman. he may even carry this sinful indulgence to almost any length, and yet be caressed and smiled tenderly upon by woman; aye, even by virtuous woman. he may call out, only to blast the glowing affections of one young lady after another, and yet his addresses be cordially welcomed by others. surely a gentleman is at perfect liberty to pay his addresses, not only to a lady, but even to the ladies, although he does not once entertain the thought of marrying his sweet-heart, or, rather his victim. o, man, how depraved! o, woman, how strangely blind to your own rights and interests! . an infallible sign.--an infallible sign that a young man's intentions are improper, is his trying to excite your passions. if he loves you, he will never appeal to that feeling, because he respects you too much for that. and the woman who allows a man to take advantage of her just to compel him to marry her, is lost and heartless in the last degree, and utterly destitute of moral principle as well as virtue. a woman's riches is her virtue, that gone she has lost all. . the beginning of licentiousness.--man it seldom drives from society. do what he may, woman, aye, virtuous and even pious woman rarely excludes him from her list of visitors. but where is the point of propriety?--immoral transgression should exclude either sex from respectable society. is it that one false step which now constitutes the boundary between virtue and vice? or rather, the discovery of that false step? certainly not! but it is all that leads to, and precedes and induces it. it is this courting without marrying. this is the beginning of licentiousness, as well as its main, procuring cause, and therefore infinitely worse than its consummation merely. . searing the social affections.--he has seared his social affections so deeply, so thoroughly, so effectually, that when, at last, he wishes to marry, he is incapable of loving. he marries, but is necessarily cold-hearted towards his wife, which of course renders her wretched, if not jealous, and reverses the faculties of both towards each other; making both most miserable for life. this induces contention and mutual recrimination, if not unfaithfulness, and imbitters the marriage relations through life; and well it may. . unhappy marriages.--this very cause, besides inducing most of that unblushing public and private prostitution already alluded to, renders a large proportion of the marriages of the present day unhappy. good people mourn over the result, but do not once dream of its cause. they even pray for moral reform, yet do the very things that increase the evil. . weeping over her fallen son.--do you see yonder godly mother, weeping over her fallen son, and remonstrating with him in tones of a mother's tenderness and importunity? that very mother prevented that very son marrying the girl he dearly loved, because she was poor, and this interruption of his love was the direct and procuring cause of his ruin; for, if she had allowed him to marry this beloved one, he never would have thought of giving his "strength unto strange women." true, the mother ruined her son ignorantly, but none the less effectually. . seduction and ruin.--that son next courts another virtuous fair one, engages her affections, and ruins her, or else leaves her broken-hearted, so that she is the more easily ruined by others, and thus prepares the way for her becoming an inmate of a house "whose steps take hold on hell." his heart is now indifferent, he is ready for anything. . the right principle.--i say then, with emphasis, that no man should ever pay his addresses to any woman, until he has made his selection, not even to aid him in making that choice. he should first make his selection intellectually, and love afterward. he should go about the matter coolly and with judgment, just as he would undertake any other important matter. no man or woman, when blinded by love, is in a fit state to judge advantageously as to what he or she requires, or who is adapted to his or her wants. . choosing first and loving afterwards.--i know, indeed, that this doctrine of choosing first and loving afterward, of excluding love from the councils, and of choosing by and with the consent of the intellect and moral sentiments, is entirely at variance with the feelings of the young and the customs of society; but, for its correctness, i appeal to the common-sense--not to the experience, for so few try this plan. is not this the only proper method, and the one most likely to result happily? try it. . the young woman's caution.--and, especially, let no young lady ever once think of bestowing her affections till she is certain they will not be broken off--that is, until the match is fully agreed upon, but rather let her keep her heart whole till she bestows it for life. this requisition is as much more important, and its violation as much more disastrous to woman than to man, as her social faculties are stronger than his. . a burnt child dreads the fire.--as a "burnt child dreads the fire," and the more it is burnt, the greater the dread: so your affections, once interrupted, will recoil from a second love, and distrust all mankind. no! you cannot be too choice of your love--that pivot on which turn your destinies for life and future happiness. [illustration: after the engagement.] * * * * * love-spats. could ever hear by tale or history, the course of true love never did run smooth. --shakespeare. "heaven has no rage like love to hatred turned, nor hell a fury like a woman scorned."--congreve. "thunderstorms clear the atmosphere and promote vegetation; then why not love-spats promote love, as they certainly often do?" "they are almost universal, and in the nature of our differences cannot be helped. the more two love, the more they are aggrieved by each other's faults; of which these spats are but the correction." "love-spats instead of being universal, they are consequent on imperfect love, and only aggravate, never correct errors. sexual storms never improve, whereas love obviates faults by praising the opposite virtues. every view of them, practical and philosophical, condemns them as being to love what poison is to health, both before and after marriage. they are nothing but married discords. every law of mind and love condemns them. shun them as you would deadly vipers, and prevent them by forestallment."--o.s. fowler. . the true facts.--notwithstanding some of the above quotations, to the contrary, trouble and disagreement between lovers embitters both love and life. contention is always dangerous, and will beget alienation if not final separation. . confirmed affections.--where affections are once thoroughly confirmed, each one should be very careful in taking offense, and avoid all disagreements as far as possible, but if disagreements continually develop with more or less friction and irritation, it is better for the crisis to come and a final separation take place. for peace is better than disunited love. . hate-spats.--hate-spats, though experienced by most lovers, yet, few realize how fatal they are to subsequent affections. love-spats develop into hate-spats, and their effects upon the affections are blighting and should not under any circumstances be tolerated. either agree, or agree to disagree. if there cannot be harmony before the ties of marriage are assumed, then there cannot be harmony after. married life will be continually marred by a series of "hate-spats" that sooner or later will destroy all happiness, unless the couple are reasonably well mated. [illustration: home loving hearts are happiest.] . more fatal the oftener they occur.--as o.s. fowler says: "'the poison of asps is under their lips.' the first spat is like a deep gash cut into a beautiful face, rendering it ghastly, and leaving a fearful scar, which neither time nor cosmetics can ever efface; including that pain so fatal to love, and blotting that sacred love-page with memory's most hideous and imperishable visages. cannot many now unhappy remember them as the beginning of that alienation which embittered your subsequent affectional cup, spoiled your lives? with what inherent repulsion do you look back upon them? their memory is horrid, and effect on love most destructive." . fatal conditions.--what are all lovers' "spats" but disappointment in its very worst form? they necessarily and always produce all its terrible consequences. the finer feelings and sensibilities will soon become destroyed and nothing but hatred will remain. . extreme sorrow.--after a serious "spat" there generally follows a period of tender sorrow, and a feeling of humiliation and submission. mutual promises are consequently made that such a condition of things shall never happen again, etc. but be sure and remember, that every subsequent difficulty will require stronger efforts to repair the breach. let it be understood that these compromises are dangerous, and every new difficulty increases their fatality. even the strongest will endure but few, nor survive many. . distrust and want of confidence.--most difficulties arise from distrust or lack of confidence or common-sense. when two lovers eye each other like two curs, each watching, lest the other should gain some new advantage, then this shows a lack of common-sense, and the young couple should get sensible or separate. . jealousy.--when one of the lovers, once so tender, now all at once so cold and hardened; once so coy and familiar now suddenly so reserved, distant, hard and austere, is always a sure case of jealousy. a jealous person is first talkative, very affectionate, and then all at once changes and becomes cold, reserved and repulsive, apparently without cause. if a person is jealous before marriage, this characteristic will be increased rather than diminished by marriage. . confession.--if you make up by confession, the confessor feels mean and disgraced; or if both confess and forgive, both feel humbled; since forgiveness implies inferiority and pity; from which whatever is manly and womanly shrinks. still even this is better than continued "spats." . prevention.--if you can get along well in your courtship you will invariably make a happy couple if you should unite your destinies in marriage. learn not to give nor take offence. you must remember that all humanity is imperfect at best. we all have our faults, and must keep them in subordination. those who truly love each other will have but few difficulties in their courtship or in married life. . remedies.--establishing a perfect love in the beginning constitutes a preventive. fear that they are not truly loved usually paves the way for "spats." let all who make any pretension guard against all beginnings of this reversal, and strangle these "hate-spats" the moment they arise. "let not the sun go down upon thy wrath," not even an hour, but let the next sentence after they begin quench them forever. and let those who cannot court without "spats," stop; for those who spat before marriage must quarrel after. [illustration: "let not the sun go down upon thy wrath".] [illustration: alone and forsaken.] * * * * * a broken heart. . wounded love.--'tis true that love wields a magic, sovereign, absolute, and tyrannical power over both the body and the mind when it is given control. it often, in case of dissapointment, works havoc and deals death blows to its victims, and leaves many in that morbid mental condition which no life-tonics simply can restore. wounded love may be the result of hasty and indiscreet conduct of young people; or the outgrowth of lust, or the result of domestic infidelity and discord. . fatal effects.--our cemeteries receive within the cold shadows of the grave thousands and thousands of victims that annually die from the results of "broken hearts." it is no doubt a fact that love troubles cause more disorders of the heart than everything else combined. . disrupted love.--it has long been known that dogs, birds, and even horses, when separated from their companions or friends, have pined away and died; so it is not strange that man with his higher intuitive ideas of affection should suffer from love when suddenly disrupted. . crucifying love.--painful love feelings strike right to the heart, and the breaking up of love that cannot be consummated in marriage is sometimes allowed to crucify the affections. there is no doubt that the suffering from disappointed love is often deeper and more intense than meeting death itself. . healing.--the paralyzing and agonizing consequences of ruptured love can only be remedied by diversion and society. bring the mind into a state of patriotic independence with a full determination to blot out the past. those who cannot bring into subordination the pangs of disappointment in love are not strong characters, and invariably will suffer disappointments in almost every department of life. disappointment in love means rising above it, and conquering it, or demoralization, mental, physical and sexual. . love runs mad.--love comes unbidden. a blind ungovernable impulse seems to hold sway in the passions of the affections. love is blind and seems to completely subdue and conquer. it often comes like a clap of thunder from a clear sky, and when it falls it falls flat, leaving only the ruins of a tornado behind. . bad, dismal, and blue feelings.--despondency breathes disease, and those who yield to it can neither work, eat nor sleep; they only suffer. the spell-bound, fascinated, magnetized affections seem to deaden self-control and no doubt many suffering from love-sickness are totally helpless; they are beside themselves, irritational and wild. men and women of genius, influence and education, all seem to suffer alike, but they do not yield alike to the subduing influence; some pine away and die; others rise above it, and are the stronger and better for having been afflicted. . rise above it.--cheer up! if you cannot think pleasurably over your misfortune, forget it. you must do this or perish. your power and influence is too much to blight by foolish and melancholic pining. your own sense, your self-respect, your self-love, your love for others, command you not to spoil yourself by crying over "spilt milk." . retrieve your past loss.--do sun, moon, and stars indeed rise and set in your loved one? are there not "as good fish in the sea as ever were caught?" and can you not catch them? are there not other hearts on earth just as loving and lovely, and in every way as congenial; if circumstances had first turned you upon another, you would have felt about that one as now about this. love depends far less on the party loved than on the loving one. or is this the way either to retrieve your past loss, or provide for the future? is it not both unwise and self-destructive; and in every way calculated to render your case, present and prospective, still more hopeless? . find something to do.--idle hands are satan's workshop. employ your mind; find something to do; something in which you can find self-improvement; something that will fit you better to be admired by someone else, read, and improve your mind; get into society, throw your whole soul into some new enterprise, and you will conquer with glory and come out of the fire purified and made more worthy. . love again.--as love was the cause of your suffering, so love again will restore you, and you will love better and more consistently. do not allow yourself to become soured and detest and shun association. rebuild your dilapidated sexuality by cultivating a general appreciation of the excellence, especially of the mental and moral qualities of the opposite sex. conquer your prejudices, and vow not to allow anyone to annoy or disturb your calmness. . love for the dead.--a most affectionate woman, who continues to love her affianced though long dead, instead of becoming soured or deadened, manifests all the richness and sweetness of the fully-developed woman thoroughly in love, along with a softened, mellow, twilight sadness which touches every heart, yet throws a peculiar lustre and beauty over her manners and entire character. she must mourn, but not forever. it is not her duty to herself or to her creator. . a sure remedy.--come in contact with the other sex. you are infused with your lover's magnetism, which must remain till displaced by another's. go to parties and picnics; be free, familiar, offhand, even forward; try your knack at fascinating another, and yield to fascinations yourself. but be honest, command respect, and make yourself attractive and worthy. [illustration: a sure remedy.] * * * * * former customs and peculiarities among men. . polygamy.--there is a wide difference as regards the relations of the sexes in different parts of the world. in some parts polygamy has prevailed from time immemorial. most savage people are polygamists, and the turks, though slowly departing from the practice, still allow themselves a plurality of wives. . rule reversed.--in thibet the rule is reversed, and the females are provided with two or more husbands. it is said that in many instances a whole family of brothers have but one wife. the custom has at least one advantageous feature, viz.: the possibility of leaving an unprotected widow and a number of fatherless children is entirely obviated. . the morganatic marriage is a modification of polygamy. it sometimes occurs among the royalty of europe, and is regarded as perfectly legitimate, but the morganatic wife is of lower rank than her royal husband, and her children do not inherit his rank or fortune. the queen only is the consort of the sovereign, and entitled to share his rank. . different manners of obtaining wives.--among the uncivilized almost any envied possession is taken by brute force or superior strength. the same is true in obtaining a wife. the strong take precedence of the weak. it is said that among the north american indians it was the custom for men to wrestle for the choice of women. a weak man could seldom retain a wife that a strong man coveted. the law of contest was not confined to individuals alone. women were frequently the cause of whole tribes arraying themselves against each other in battle. the effort to excel in physical power was a great incentive to bodily development, and since the best of the men were preferred by the most superior women, the custom was a good one in this, that the race was improved. . the aboriginal australian employed low cunning and heartless cruelty in obtaining his wife. laying in ambush, with club in hand, he would watch for the coveted woman, and, unawares, spring upon her. if simply disabled he carried her off as his possession, but if the blow had been hard enough to kill, he abandoned her to watch for another victim. there is here no effort to attract or please, no contest of strength; his courtship, if courtship it can be called, would compare very unfavorably with any among the brute creation. . the kalmuck tartar races for his bride on horseback, she having a certain start previously agreed upon. the nuptial knot consists in catching her, but we are told that the result of the race all depends upon whether the girl wants to be caught or not. . hawaiian islanders.--marriage among the early natives of these islands was merely a matter of mutual inclination. there was no ceremony at all, the men and women united and separated as they felt disposed. . the feudal lord, in various parts of europe, when any of his dependents or followers married, exercised the right of assuming the bridegroom's proper place in the marriage couch for the first night. seldom was there any escape from this abominable practice. sometimes the husband, if wealthy, succeeded in buying off the petty sovereign from exercising his privilege. . the spartans had the custom of encouraging intercourse between their best men and women for the sake of a superior progeny, without any reference to a marriage ceremony. records show that the ancient roman husband has been known to invite a friend, in whom he may have admired some physical or mental trait, to share the favors of his wife; that the peculiar qualities that he admired might be repeated in the offspring. [illustration] [illustration: proposing.] [illustration] hasty marriage seldom proveth well.--_shakespeare, henry vi._ the reason why so few marriages are happy is, because young ladies spend their time in making nets, not in making cages.--_swift, thoughts on various subjects._ * * * * * sensible hints in choosing a partner. . there are many fatal errors and many love-making failures in courtship. natural laws govern all nature and reduce all they govern to eternal right; therefore love naturally, not artificially. don't love a somebody or a nobody simply because they have money. . court scientifically.--if you court at all, court scientifically. bungle whatever else you will, but do no bungle courtship. a failure in this may mean more than a loss of wealth or public honors; it may mean ruin, or a life often worse than death. the world is full of wretched and mismated people. begin right and all will be right; begin wrong and all will end wrong. when you court, make a business of it and study your interest the same as you would study any other business proposition. . divorces.--there is not a divorce on our court records that is not the result of some fundamental error in courtship. the purity or the power of love may be corrupted the same as any other faculty, and when a man makes up his mind to marry and shuts his eyes and grabs in the dark for a companion, he dishonors the woman he captures and commits a crime against god and society. in this enlightened age there should be comparatively few mistakes made in the selection of a suitable partner. sufficient time should be taken to study each other's character and disposition. association will soon reveal adaptability. . false love.--many a poor, blind and infatuated novice thinks he is desperately in love, when there is not the least genuine affection in his nature. it is all a momentary passion a sort of puppy love; his vows and pledges are soon violated, and in wedlock he will become indifferent and cold to his wife and children, and he will go through life without ambition, encouragement or success. he will be a failure. true love speaks for itself, and the casual observer can read its proclamations. true love does not speak in a whisper, it always makes itself heard. the follies of flirting develops into many unhappy marriages, and blight many a life. man happily married has superior advantages both social and financially. . flirting just for fun.--who is the flirt, what is his reputation, motive, or character? every young man and woman must have a reputation; if it is not good it is bad, there is no middle ground. young people who are running in the streets after dark, boisterous and noisy in their conversation, gossiping and giggling, flirting with first one and then another, will soon settle their matrimonial prospects among good society. modesty is a priceless jewel. no sensible young man with a future will marry a flirt. . the arch-deceiver.--they who win the affection simply for their own amusement are committing a great sin for which there is no adequate punishment. how can you shipwreck the innocent life of that confiding maiden, how can you forget her happy looks as she drank in your expressions of love, how can you forget her melting eyes and glowing cheeks, her tender tone reciprocating your pretended love? remember that god is infinitely just, and "the soul that sinneth shall surely die." you may dash into business, seek pleasure in the club room, and visit gambling hells, but "thou art the man" will ever stare you in the face. her pale, sad cheeks, her hollow eyes will never cease to haunt you. men should promote happiness, and not cause misery. let the savage indians torture captives to death by the slow flaming fagot, but let civilized man respect the tenderness and love of confiding women. torturing the opposite sex is double-distilled barbarity. young men agonizing young ladies, is the cold-blooded cruelty of devils, not men. . the rule to follow.--do not continually pay your attentions to the same lady if you have no desire to win her affections. occasionally escorting her to church, concert, picnic, party, etc., is perfectly proper; but to give her your special attention, and extend invitations to her for all places of amusements where you care to attend, is an implied promise that you prefer her company above all others, and she has a right to believe that your attentions are serious. [illustration: the wedding ring.] . every girl should seal her heart against all manifested affections, unless they are accompanied by a proposal. woman's love is her all, and her heart should be as flint until she finds one who is worthy of her confidence. young woman, never bestow your affections until by some word or deed at least you are fully justified in recognizing sincerity and faith in him who is paying you special attention. better not be engaged until twenty-two. you are then more competent to judge the honesty and falsity of man. nature has thrown a wall of maidenly modesty around you. preserve that and not let your affections be trifled with while too young by any youthful flirt who is in search of hearts to conquer. . female flirtation.--the young man who loves a young woman has paid her the highest compliment in the possession of man. perpetrate almost any sin, inflict any other torture, but spare him the agony of disappointment. it is a crime that can never be forgiven, and a debt that never can be paid. . loyalty.--young persons with serious intentions, or those who are engaged should be thoroughly loyal to each other. if they seek freedom with others the flame of jealousy is likely to be kindled and love is often turned to hatred, and the severest anger of the soul is aroused. loyalty, faithfulness, confidence, are the three jewels to be cherished in courtship. don't be a flirt. . kissing, fondling, and caressing between lovers.--this should never be tolerated under any circumstances, unless there is an engagement to justify it, and then only in a sensible and limited way. the girl who allows a young man the privilege of kissing her or putting his arms around her waist before engagement will at once fall in the estimation of the man she has thus gratified and desired to please. privileges always injure, but never benefit. . improper liberties during courtship kill love.--any improper liberties which are permitted by young ladies, whether engaged or not, will change love into sensuality, and her affections will become obnoxious, if not repellent. men by nature love virtue, and for a life companion naturally shun an amorous woman. young folks, as you love moral purity and virtue, never reciprocate love until you have required the right of betrothal. remember that those who are thoroughly in love will respect the honor and virtue of each other. the purity of woman is doubly attractive, and sensuality in her becomes doubly offensive and repellent. it is contrary to the laws of nature for a man to love a harlot. . a seducer.--the punishment of the seducer is best given by o.s. fowler, in his "creative science." the sin and punishment rest on all you who call out only to blight a trusting, innocent, loving virgin's affections, and then discard her. you deserve to be horsewhipped by her father, cowhided by her brothers, branded villain by her mother, cursed by herself, and sent to the whipping-post and dungeon. . caution.--a young lady should never encourage the attentions of a young man, who shows no interest in his sisters. if a young man is indifferent to his sisters he will become indifferent to his wife as soon as the honey moon is over. there are few if any exceptions to this rule. the brother who will not be kind and loving in his mother's home will make a very poor husband. . the old rule: "never marry a man that does not make his mother a christmas present every christmas," is a good one. the young lady makes no mistake in uniting her destinies with the man that loves his mother and respects his sisters and brothers. [illustration] [illustration: a chinese bride and groom.] * * * * * safe hints. . marry in your own position in life. if there is any difference in social position, it is better that the husband should be the superior. a woman does not like to look down upon her husband, and to be obliged to do so is a poor guarantee for their happiness. . it is best to marry persons of your own faith and religious convictions, unless one is willing to adopt those of the other. difference of faith is apt to divide families, and to produce great trouble in after life. a pious woman should beware of marrying an irreligious man. . don't be afraid of marrying a poor man or woman. good health, cheerful disposition, stout hearts and industrious hands will bring happiness and comfort. . bright red hair should marry jet black, and jet black auburn or bright red, etc. and the more red-faced and bearded or impulsive a man, the more dark, calm, cool and quiet should his wife be; and vice versa. the florid should not marry the florid, but those who are dark, in proportion as they themselves are light. . red-whiskered men should marry brunettes, but no blondes; the color of the whiskers being more determinate of the temperament than that of the hair. . the color of the eyes is still more important. gray eyes must marry some other color, almost any other except gray; and so of blue, dark, hazel, etc. . those very fleshy should not marry those equally so, but those too spare and slim; and this is doubly true of females. a spare man is much better adapted to a fleshy woman than a round-favored man. two who are short, thick-set and stocky, should not unite in marriage, but should choose those differently constituted; but on no account one of their own make. and, in general, those predisposed to corpulence are therefore less inclined to marriage. . those with little hair or beard should marry those whose hair is naturally abundant; still those who once had plenty, but who have lost it, may marry those who are either bald or have but little; for in this, as in all other cases, all depends on what one is by nature, little on present states. . those whose motive-temperament decidedly predominates, who are bony, only moderately fleshy, quite prominent-featured, roman-nosed and muscular, should not marry those similarly formed. . small, nervous men must not marry little, nervous or sanguine women, lest both they and their children have quite too much of the hot-headed and impulsive, and die suddenly. . two very beautiful persons rarely do or should marry; nor two extra homely. the fact is a little singular that very handsome women, who of course can have their pick, rarely marry good-looking men, but generally give preference to those who are homely; because that exquisiteness in which beauty originates naturally blends with that power which accompanies huge noses and disproportionate features. [illustration: light. life. health and beauty.] . rapid movers, speakers, laughers, etc., should marry those who are calm and deliberate, and impulsives those who are stoical; while those who are medium may marry those who are either or neither, as they prefer. . noses indicate characters by indicating the organisms and temperaments. accordingly, those noses especially marked either way should marry those having opposite nasal characteristics. roman noses are adapted to those which turn up, and pug noses to those turning down; while straight noses may marry either. . men who love to command must be especially careful not to marry imperious, women's-rights woman; while those who willingly "obey orders" need just such. some men require a wife who shall take their part; yet all who do not need strong-willed women, should be careful how they marry them. . a sensible woman should not marry an obstinate but injudicious, unintelligent man; because she cannot long endure to see and help him blindly follow his poor, but spurn her good, plans. . the reserved or secretive should marry the frank. a cunning man cannot endure the least artifice in a wife. those who are non-committal must marry those who are demonstrative; else, however much they may love, neither will feel sure as to the other's affections, and each will distrust the other, while their children will be deceitful. . a timid woman should never marry a hesitating man, lest, like frightened children, each keep perpetually re-alarming the other by imaginary fears. . an industrious, thrifty, hard-working man should marry a woman tolerably saving and industrious. as the "almighty dollar" is now the great motor-wheel of humanity, and that to which most husbands devote their entire lives to delve alone is uphill work. [illustration] [illustration: fireside fancies.] * * * * * marriage securities. . seek each other's happiness.--a selfish marriage that seeks only its own happiness defeats itself. happiness is a fire that will not burn long on one stick. . do not marry suddenly.--it can always be done till it is done, if it is a proper thing to do. . marry in your own grade in society.--it is painful to be always apologizing for any one. it is more painful to be apologized for. . do not marry downward.--it is hard enough to advance in the quality of life without being loaded with clay heavier than your own. it will be sufficiently difficult to keep your children up to your best level without having to correct a bias in their blood. . do not sell yourself.--it matters not whether the price be money or position. . do not throw yourself away.--you will not receive too much, even if you are paid full price. . seek the advice of your parents.--your parents are your best friends. they will make more sacrifice for you than any other mortals. they are elevated above selfishness concerning you. if they differ from you concerning your choice, it is because they must. . do not marry to please any third party.--you must do the living and enduring. . do not marry to spite anybody.--it would add wretchedness to folly. . do not marry because someone else may seek the same hand.--one glove may not fit all hands equally well. . do not marry to get rid of anybody.--the coward who shot himself to escape from being drafted was insane. . do not marry merely for the impulse of love.--love is a principle as well as an emotion. so far as it is a sentiment it is a blind guide. it does not wait to test the presence of exalted character in its object before breaking out into a flame. shavings make a hot fire, but hard coal is better for the winter. . do not marry without love.--a body without a soul soon becomes offensive. . test carefully the effect of protracted association.--if familiarity breeds contempt before marriage it will afterward. . test carefully the effect of protracted separation.--true love will defy both time and space. . consider carefully the right of your children under the laws of heredity. it is doubtful whether you have a right to increase the number of invalids and cripples. . do not marry simply because you have promised to do so.--if a seam opens between you now it will widen into a gulf. it is less offensive to retract a mistaken promise than to perjure your soul before the altar. your intended spouse has a right to absolute integrity. [illustration: going to be married.] . marry character.--it is not so much what one has as what one is. . do not marry the wrong object.--themistocles said he would rather marry his daughter to a man without money than to money with a man. it is well to have both. it is fatal to have neither. . demand a just return.--you give virtue and purity, and gentleness and integrity. you have a right to demand the same in return. duty requires it. . require brains.--culture is good, but will not be transmitted. brain power may be. . study past relationship.--the good daughter and sister makes a good wife. the good son and brother makes a good husband. . never marry as a missionary deed.--if one needs saving from bad habits he is not suitable for you. . marriage is a sure and specific remedy for all the ills known as seminal losses. as right eating cures a sick stomach and right breathing diseased lungs, so the right use of the sexual organs will bring relief and restoration. many men who have been sufferers from indiscretions of youth, have married, and were soon cured of spermatorrhoea and other complications which accompanied it. . a good, long courtship will often cure many difficulties or ills of the sexual organs. o.s. fowler says: "see each other often spend many pleasant hours together," have many walks and talks, think of each other while absent, write many love letters, be inspired to many love feelings and acts towards each other, and exercise your sexuality in a thousand forms ten thousand times, every one of which tones up and thereby recuperates this very element now dilapidated. when you have courted long enough to marry, you will be sufficiently restored to be reimproved by it. up and at it.--dress up, spruce up, and be on the alert. don't wait too long to get one much more perfect than you are; but settle on some one soon. remember that your unsexed state renders you over-dainty, and easily disgusted. so contemplate only their lovable qualities. . purity of purpose.--court with a pure and loyal purpose, and when thoroughly convinced that the disposition of other difficulties are in the way of a happy marriage life, then _honorably_ discuss it and honorably treat each other in the settlement. . do not trifle with the feelings or affections of each other. it is a sin that will curse you all the days of your life. * * * * * women who make the best wives. . conscious of the duties of her sex.--a woman conscious of the duties of her sex, one who unflinchingly discharges the duties allotted to her by nature, would no doubt make a good wife. . good wives and mothers.--the good wives and mothers are the women who believe in the sisterhood of women as well as in the brotherhood of men. the highest exponent of this type seeks to make her home something more than an abode where children are fed, clothed and taught the catechism. the state has taken her children into politics by making their education a function of politicians. the good wife and homemaker says to her children, "where thou goest, i will go." she puts off her own inclinations to ease and selfishness. she studies the men who propose to educate her children; she exhorts mothers to sit beside fathers on the school-board; she will even herself accept such thankless office in the interests of the helpless youth of the schools who need a mother's as well as a father's and a teacher's care in this field of politics. . a busy woman.--as to whether a busy woman, that is, a woman who labors for mankind in the world outside her home,--whether such an one can also be a good housekeeper, and care for her children, and make a real "home, sweet home!" with all the comforts by way of variation, why! i am ready, as the result of years practical experience as a busy woman, to assert that women of affairs can also be women of true domestic tastes and habits. . brainy enough.--what kind of women make the best wives? the woman who is brainy enough to be a companion, wise enough to be a counsellor, skilled enough in the domestic virtues to be a good housekeeper, and loving enough to guide in true paths the children with whom the home may be blessed. . found the right husband.--the best wife is the woman who has found the right husband, a husband who understands her. a man will have the best wife when he rates that wife as queen among women. of all women she should always be to him the dearest. this sort of man will not only praise the dishes made by his wife, but will actually eat them. . bank account.--he will allow his life-companion a bank account, and will exact no itemized bill at the end of the month. above all, he will pay the easter bonnet bill without a word, never bring a friend to dinner without first telephoning home,--short, he will comprehend that the woman who makes the best wife is the woman whom, by his indulgence of her ways and whims, he makes the best wife. so after all, good husbands have the most to do with making good wives. [illustration: punishment of wife beaters in new england in the early days.] . best home maker.--a woman to be the best home maker needs to be devoid of intensive "nerves." she must be neat and systematic, but not too neat, lest she destroy the comfort she endeavors to create. she must be distinctly amiable, while firm. she should have no "career," or desire for a career, if she would fill to perfection the home sphere. she must be affectionate, sympathetic and patient, and fully appreciative of the worth and dignity of her sphere. . know nothing whatsoever about cooking or sewing or housekeeping.--i am inclined to make my answer to this question somewhat concise, after the manner of a text without the sermon. like this: to be the "best wife" depends upon three things: first, an abiding faith with god; second, duty lovingly discharged as daughter, wife and mother; third, self-improvement, mentally, physically, spiritually. with this as a text and as a glittering generality, let me touch upon one or two practical essentials. in the course of every week it is my privilege to meet hundreds of young women,--prospective wives. i am astonished to find that many of these know nothing whatsoever about cooking or sewing or housekeeping. now, if a woman cannot broil a beefsteak, nor boil the coffee when it is necessary, if she cannot mend the linen, nor patch a coat, if she cannot make a bed, order the dinner, create a lamp-shade, ventilate the house, nor do anything practical in the way of making home actually a home, how can she expect to make even a good wife, not to speak of a better or best wife? i need not continue this sermon. wise girls will understand. . the best keeper of home.--as to who is the best keeper of this transition home, memory pictures to me a woman grown white under the old slavery, still bound by it, in that little-out-of-the-way kansas town, but never so bound that she could not put aside household tasks, at any time, for social intercourse, for religious conversation, for correspondence, for reading, and, above all, for making everyone who came near her feel that her home was the expression of herself, a place for rest, study, and the cultivation of affection. she did not exist for her walls, her carpets, her furniture; they existed for her and all who came to her she considered herself the equal of all; and everyone else thought her the superior of all. * * * * * adaptation, conjugal affection, and fatal errors. advice to the married and unmarried. . marrying for wealth.--those who marry for wealth often get what they marry and nothing else; for rich girls besides being generally destitute of both industry and economy, are generally extravagant in their expenditures, and require servants enough to dissipate a fortune. they generally have insatiable wants, yet feel that they deserve to be indulged in everything, because they placed their husbands under obligation to them by bringing them a dowry. and then the mere idea of living on the money of a wife, and of being supported by her, is enough to tantalize any man of an independent spirit. . self-support.--what spirited husband would not prefer to support both himself and wife, rather than submit to this perpetual bondage of obligation. to live upon a father, or take a patrimony from him, is quite bad enough; but to run in debt to a wife, and owe her a living, is a little too aggravating for endurance, especially if there be not perfect cordiality between the two, which cannot be the case in money matches. better live wifeless, or anything else, rather than marry for money. . money-seekers.--shame on sordid wife-seekers, or, rather, money-seekers; for it is not a wife that they seek, but only filthy lucre! they violate all their other faculties simply to gratify miserly desire. verily such "have their reward"! . the penitent hour.--and to you, young ladies, let me say with great emphasis, that those who court and marry you because you are rich, will make you rue the day of your pecuniary espousals. they care not for you, but only your money, and when they get that, will be liable to neglect or abuse you, and probably squander it, leaving you destitute and abandoning you to your fate. . industry the sign of nobility.--marry a working, industrious young lady, whose constitution is strong, flesh solid, and health unimpaired by confinement, bad habits, or late hours. give me a plain, home-spun farmer's daughter, and you may have all the rich and fashionable belles of our cities and villages. . wasp waists.--marrying small waists is attended with consequences scarcely less disastrous than marrying rich and fashionable girls. an amply developed chest is a sure indication of a naturally vigorous constitution and a strong hold on life; while small waists indicate small and feeble vital organs, a delicate constitution, sickly offspring, and a short life. beware of them, therefore, unless you wish your heart broken by the early death of your wife and children. [illustration: until death us do part.] . marrying talkers.--in marrying a wit or a talker merely, though the brilliant scintillations of the former, or the garrulity of the latter, may amuse or delight you for the time being, yet you will derive no permanent satisfaction from these qualities, for there will be no common bond of kindred feeling to assimilate your souls and hold each spell-bound at the shrine of the other's intellectual or moral excellence. . the second wife.--many men, especially in choosing a second wife, are governed by her own qualifications as a housekeeper mainly, and marry industry and economy. though these traits of character are excellent, yet a good housekeeper may be far from being a good wife. a good housekeeper, but a poor wife, may indeed prepare you a good dinner, and keep her house and children neat and tidy, yet this is but a part of the office of a wife; who, besides all her household duties, has those of a far higher order to perform. she should soothe you with her sympathies, divert your troubled mind, and make the whole family happy by the gentleness of her manners, and the native goodness of her heart. a husband should also likewise do his part. . do not marry a man with a low, flat head; for, however fascinating, genteel, polite, tender, plausible or winning he may be, you will repent the day of your espousal. . healthy wires and mothers.--let girls romp, and let them range hill and dale in search of flowers, berries, or any other object of amusement or attraction; let them bathe often, skip the rope, and take a smart ride on horseback; often interspersing these amusements with a turn of sweeping or washing, in order thereby to develop their vital organs, and thus lay a substantial physical foundation for becoming good wives and mothers. the wildest romps usually make the best wives, while quiet, still, demure, sedate and sedentary girls are not worth having. . small stature.--in passing, i will just remark, that good size is important in wives and mothers. a small stature is objectionable in a woman, because little women usually have too much activity for their strength, and, consequently, feeble constitutions; hence they die young, and besides, being nervous, suffer extremely as mothers. . hard times and matrimony.--many persons, particularly young men, refuse to marry, especially "these hard time," because they cannot support a wife in the style they wish. to this i reply, that a good wife will care less for the style in which she is supported, than for you. she will cheerfully conform to your necessities, and be happy with you in a log-cabin. she will even help you support yourself. to support a good wife, even if she have children, is really less expensive than to board alone, besides being one of the surest means of acquiring property. . marrying for a home.--do not, however, marry for a home merely, unless you wish to become even more destitute with one than without one; for, it is on the same footing with "marrying for money." marry a man for his merit; and you take no chances. . marry to please no one but yourself.--marriage is a matter exclusively your own; because you alone must abide its consequences. no person, not even a parent, has the least right to interfere or dictate in this matter. i never knew a marriage, made to please another, to turn out any otherwise than most unhappily. . do not marry to please your parents. parents can not love for their children any more than they can eat or sleep, or breathe, or die and go to heaven for them. they may give wholesome advice merely, but should leave the entire decision to the unbiased judgment of the parties themselves, who mainly are to experience the consequences of their choice. besides, such is human nature, that to oppose lovers, or to speak against the person beloved, only increases their desire and determination to marry. . run-away matches.--many a run-away match would never have taken place but for opposition or interference. parents are mostly to be blamed for these elopements. their children marry partly out of sprite and to be contrary. their very natures tell them that this interference is unjust--as it really is--and this excites combativeness, firmness, and self-esteem, in combination with the social faculties, to powerful and even blind resistance--which turmoil of the faculties hastens the match. let the affections of a daughter be once slightly enlisted in your favor, and then let the "old folks" start an opposition, and you may feel sure of your prize. if she did not love you before, she will now, that you are persecuted. . disinheritance.--never disinherit, or threaten to disinherit, a child for marrying against your will. if you wish a daughter not to marry a certain man, oppose her, and she will be sure to marry him; so also in reference to a son. . proper training.--the secret is, however, all in a nutshell. let the father properly train his daughter, and she will bring her first love-letter to him, and give him an opportunity to cherish a suitable affection, and to nip an improper one in the germ, before it has time to do any harm. . the fatal mistakes of parents.--_there is, however one way of effectually preventing an improper match, and that is, not to allow your children to associate with any whom you are unwilling they should marry. how cruel as well at unjust to allow a daughter to associate with a young man till the affections of both are riveted, and then forbid her marrying him. forbid all association, or consent cheerfully to the marriage._ . an intemperate lover.--do not flatter yourselves young women, that you can wean even an occasional wine drinker from his cups by love and persuasion. ardent spirit at first, kindles up the fires of love into the fierce flames of burning licentiousness, which burn out every element of love and destroy every vestige of pure affection. it over-excites the passions, and thereby finally destroys it,--producing at first, unbridled libertinism, and then an utter barrenness of love; besides reversing the other faculties of the drinker against his own consort, and those of the wife against her drinking husband. * * * * * first love, desertion and divorce. . first love.--this is the most important direction of all. the first love experiences a tenderness, a purity and unreservedness, an exquisiteness, a devotedness, and a poetry belonging to no subsequent attachment. "love, like life, has no second spring." though a second attachment may be accompanied by high moral feeling, and to a devotedness to the object loved; yet, let love be checked or blighted in its first pure emotion, and the beauty of its spring is irrecoverably withered and lost. this does not mean the simple love of children in the first attachment they call love, but rather the mature intelligent love of those of suitable age. [illustration: musical culture lesson.] . free from temptations.--as long as his heart is bound up in its first bundle of love and devotedness--as long as his affections remain reciprocated and uninterrupted--so long temptations cannot take effect. this heart is callous to the charms of others, and the very idea of bestowing his affections upon another is abhorrent. much more so is animal indulgence, which is morally impossible. . second love not constant.--but let this first love be broken off, and the flood-gates of passion are raised. temptations now flow in upon him. he casts a lustful eye upon every passing female, and indulges unchaste imaginations and feelings. although his conscientiousness or intellect may prevent actual indulgence, yet temptations now take effect, and render him liable to err; whereas before they had no power to awaken improper thoughts or feelings. thus many young men find their ruin. . legal marriage.--what would any woman give for merely a nominal or legal husband, just to live with and provide for her, but who entertained not one spark of love for her, or whose affections were bestowed upon another? how absurd, how preposterous the doctrine that the obligations of marriage derive their sacredness from legal enactments and injunctions! how it literally profanes this holy of holies, and drags down this heaven-born institution from its original, divine elevation, to the level of a merely human device. who will dare to advocate the human institution of marriage without the warm heart of a devoted and loving companion! . legislation.--but no human legislation can so guard this institution but that it may be broken in spirit, though, perhaps, acceded to in form; for, it is the heart which this institution requires. there must be true and devoted affection, or marriage is a farce and a failure. . the marriage ceremony and the law governing marriage are for the protection of the individual, yet a man and woman may be married by law and yet unmarried in spirit. the law may tie together, and no marriage be consummated. marriage therefore is divine, and "whom god hath joined together let no man put asunder." a right marriage means a right state of the heart. a careful study of this work will be a great help to both the unmarried and the married. . desertion and divorce.--for a young man to court a young woman, and excite her love till her affections are riveted, and then (from sinister motives, such as, to marry one richer, or more handsome), to leave her, and try elsewhere, is the very same crime as to divorce her from all that she holds dear on earth--to root up and pull out her imbedded affections, and to tear her from her rightful husband. first love is always constant. the second love brings uncertainty--too often desertions before marriage and divorces after marriage. . the coquet.--the young woman to play the coquet, and sport with the sincere affections of an honest and devoted young man, is one of the highest crimes that human nature can commit. better murder him in body too, as she does in soul and morals, and it is the result of previous disappointment, never the outcome of a sincere first love. . one marriage. one evidence that second marriages are contrary to the laws of our social nature, is the fact that almost all step-parents and step-children disagree. now, what law has been broken, to induce this penalty? the law of marriage; and this is one of the ways in which the breach punishes itself. it is much more in accordance with our natural feelings, especially those of mothers, that children should be brought up by their own parent. . second marriage.--another proof of this point is, that second marriage is more a matter of business. "i'll give you a home, if you'll take care of my children." "it's a bargain," is the way most second matches are made. there is little of the poetry of first-love, and little of the coyness and shrinking diffidence which characterize the first attachment. still these remarks apply almost equally to a second attachment, as to second marriage. . the conclusion of the whole matter.--let this portion be read and pondered, and also the one entitled, "marry your first love if possible," which assigns the cause, and points out the only remedy, of licentiousness. as long as the main cause of this vice exists, and is aggravated by purse-proud, high-born, aristocratic parents and friends, and even by the virtuous and religious, just so long, and exactly in the same ratio will this blighting sirocco blast the fairest flowers of female innocence and lovliness, and blight our noblest specimens of manliness. no sin of our land is greater. [illustration] [illustration: a classic frieze.] [illustration: how many young girls are ruined.] * * * * * flirting and its dangers. . no excuse.--in this country there is no excuse for the young man who seeks the society of the loose and the dissolute. there is at all times and everywhere open to him a society of persons of the opposite sex of his own age and of pure thoughts and lives, whose conversation will refine him and drive from his bosom ignoble and impure thoughts. . the dangers.--the young man who may take pleasure in the fact that he is the hero of half a dozen or more engagements and love episodes, little realizes that such constant excitement often causes not only dangerously frequent and long-continued nocturnal emissions, but most painful affections of the testicles. those who show too great familiarity with the other sex, who entertain lascivious thoughts, continually exciting the sexual desires, always suffer a weakening of power and sometimes the actual diseases of degeneration, chronic inflammation of the gland, spermatorrhoea, impotence, and the like.--young man, beware; your punishment for trifling with the affections of others may cost you a life of affliction. . remedy.--do not violate the social laws. do not trifle with the affections of your nature. do not give others countless anguish, and also do not run the chances of injuring yourself and others for life. the society of refined and pure women is one of the strongest safeguards a young man can have, and he who seeks it will not only find satisfaction, but happiness. simple friendship and kind affections for each other will ennoble and benefit. . the time for marriage.--when a young man's means permit him to marry, he should then look intelligently for her with whom he expects to pass the remainder of his life in perfect loyalty, and in sincerity and singleness of heart. seek her to whom he is ready to swear to be ever true. . breach of confidence.--nothing is more certain, says dr. naphey, to undermine domestic felicity, and sap the foundation of marital happiness, than marital infidelity. the risks of disease which a married man runs in impure intercourse are far more serious, because they not only involve himself, but his wife and his children. he should know that there is nothing which a woman will not forgive sooner than such a breach of confidence. he is exposed to the plots and is pretty certain sooner or later to fall into the snares of those atrocious parties who subsist on black-mail. and should he escape these complications, he still must lose self-respect, and carry about with him the burden of a guilty conscience and a broken vow. . society rules and customs.--a young man can enjoy the society of ladies without being a "flirt." he can escort ladies to parties, public places of interest, social gatherings, etc., without showing special devotion to any one special young lady. when he finds the choice of his heart, then he will be justified to manifest it, and publicly proclaim it by paying her the compliment, exclusive attention. to keep a lady's company six months is a public announcement of an engagement. * * * * * a word to maidens. . no young lady who is not willing to assume the responsibility of a true wife, and be crowned with the sacred diadem of motherhood, should ever think of getting married. we have too many young ladies to-day who despise maternity, who openly vow that they will never be burdened with children, and yet enter matrimony at the first opportunity. what is the result? let echo answer, what? unless a young lady believes that motherhood is noble, is honorable, is divine, and she is willing to carry out that sacred function of her nature, she had a thousand times better refuse every proposal, and enter some honorable occupation and wisely die an old maid by choice. . on the other hand, young lady, never enter into the physical relations of marriage with a man until you have conversed with him freely and fully on these relations. learn distinctly his views and feelings and expectations in regard to that purest and most ennobling of all the functions of your nature, and the most sacred of all intimacies of conjugal love. your self-respect, your beauty, your glory, your heaven, as a wife, will be more directly involved in his feelings and views and practices, in regard to that relation, than in all other things. as you would not become a weak, miserable, imbecile, unlovable and degraded wife and mother, in the very prime of your life, come to a perfect understanding with your chosen one, ere you commit your person to his keeping in the sacred intimacies of home. beware of that man who, under pretence of delicacy, modesty, and propriety, shuns conversation with you on this relation, and on the hallowed function of maternity. . talk with your intended frankly and openly. remember, concealment and mystery in him, towards you, on all other subjects pertaining to conjugal union might be overlooked, but if he conceals his views here, rest assured it bodes no good to your purity and happiness as a wife and mother. you can have no more certain assurance that you are to be victimized, your soul and body offered up, _slain_ on the altar of his sensualism, than his unwillingness to converse with you on subjects so vital to your happiness. unless he is willing to hold his manhood in abeyance to the calls of your nature and to your conditions, and consecrate its passions and its powers to the elevation and happiness of his wife and children, your maiden soul had better return to god unadorned with the diadem of conjugal and maternal love than that you should become the wife of such man and the mother of his children. [illustration: roman love making.] [illustration: uniformed men are always popular.] * * * * * popping the question. . making the declaration.--there are few emergencies in business and few events in life that bring to man the trying ordeal of "proposing to a lady." we should be glad to help the bashful lover in his hours of perplexity, embarrassment and hesitation, but unfortunately we cannot pop the question for him, nor give him a formula by which he may do it. different circumstances and different surroundings compel every lover to be original in his form or mode of proposing. . bashfulness.--if a young man is very bashful, he should write his sentiments in a clear, frank manner on a neat white sheet of note paper, enclose it in a plain white envelope and find some way to convey it to the lady's hand. . the answer.--if the beloved one's heart is touched and she is in sympathy with the lover, the answer should be frankly and unequivocally given. if the negative answer is necessary, it should be done in the kindest and most sympathetic language, yet definite, positive and to the point, and the gentleman should at once withdraw his suit and continue friendly but not familiar. . saying "no" for "yes."-if girls are foolish enough to say "no" when they mean "yes," they must suffer the consequences which often follow. a man of intelligence and self-respect will not ask a lady twice. it is begging for recognition and lowers his dignity, should he do so. a lady is supposed to know her heart sufficiently to consider the question to her satisfaction before giving an answer. . confusion of words and misunderstanding.--sometimes a man's happiness, has depended on his manner of popping the question. many a time the girl has said "no" because the question was so worded that the affirmative did not come from the mouth naturally; and two lives that gravitated toward each other with all their inward force have been thrown suddenly apart, because the electric keys were not carefully touched. . scriptural declaration.--the church is not the proper place to conduct a courtship, yet the following is suggestive and ingenious. a young gentleman, familiar with the scriptures, happening to sit in a pew adjoining a young lady for whom he conceived a violent attachment, made his proposal in this way. he politely handed his neighbor a bible open, with a pin stuck in the following text: second epistle of john, verse : "and i beseech thee, lady, not as though i wrote a new commandment unto thee, but that we had from the beginning, that we love one another." she returned it, pointing to the second chapter of ruth, verse : "then she fell on her face, and bowed herself to the ground, and said unto him. why have i found grace in thine eyes that thou shouldest take knowledge of me, seeing i am a stranger?" [illustration: sealing the engagement. from the most celebrated painting in the german department at the world's fair.] he returned the book, pointing to the th verse of the third epistle of john: "having many things to write unto you, i would not write to you with paper and ink, but trust to come unto you and speak face to face, that your joy may be full." from the above interview a marriage took place the ensuing month in the same church. . how jenny was won. on a sunny summer morning, early as the dew was dry, up the hill i went a berrying; need i tell you--tell you why? farmer davis had a daughter. and it happened that i knew, on each sunny morning, jenny up the hill went berrying too. lonely work is picking berries, so i joined her on the hill: "jenny, dear," said i, "your basket's quite too large for one to fill." so we stayed--we two--to fill it, jenny talking--i was still.-- leading where the hill was steepest, picking berries up the hill. "this is up-hill work," said jenny; "so is life," said i; "shall we climb it each alone, or, jenny, will you come and climb with me?" redder than the blushing berries jenny's cheek a moment grew, while without delay she answered, "i will come and climb with you." [illustration: a peruvian beauty.] . a romantic way for proposing.--in peru they have a romantic way of popping the question. the suitor appears on the appointed evening, with a gaily dressed troubadour under the balcony of his beloved. the singer steps before her flower-bedecked window, and sings her beauties in the name of her lover. he compares her size to that of a pear tree, her lips to two blushing rose-buds, and her womanly form to that of a dove. with assumed harshness the lady asks her lover: who are you, and what do you want? he answers with ardent confidence: "thy love i do adore. the stars live in the harmony of love, and why should not we, too, love each other?" then the proud beauty gives herself away: she takes her flower-wreath from her hair and throws it down to her lover, promising to be his forever. [illustration: the bride.] * * * * * the wedding. . the proper time.--much has been printed in various volumes regarding the time of the year, the influence of the seasons, etc., as determining the proper time to set for the wedding day. circumstances must govern these things. to be sure, it is best to avoid extremes of heat and cold. very hot weather is debilitating, and below zero is uncomfortable. . the lady should select the day.--there is one element in the time that is of great importance, physically, especially to the lady. it is the day of the month, and it is hoped that every lady who contemplates marriage is informed upon the great facts of ovulation. by reading page she will understand that it is to her advantage to select a wedding day about fifteen or eighteen days after the close of menstruation in the month chosen, since it is not best that the first child should be conceived during the excitement or irritation of first attempts at congress; besides modest brides naturally do not wish to become large with child before the season of congratulation and visiting on their return from the "wedding tour" is over. again, it is asserted by many of the best writers on this subject, that the mental condition of either parent at the time of intercourse will be stamped upon the embryo hence it is not only best, but wise, that the first-born should not be conceived until several months after marriage, when the husband and wife have nicely settled in their new home, and become calm in their experience of each other's society. . the "bridal tour" is considered by many newly married couples as a necessary introduction to a life of connubial joy. there is, in our opinion, nothing in the custom to recommend it. after the excitement and overwork before and accompanying a wedding, the period immediately following should be one of _rest_. again, the money expended on the ceremony and a tour of the principal cities, etc., might, in most cases, be applied to a multitude of after-life comforts of far more lasting value and importance. to be sure, it is not pleasant for the bride, should she remain at home, to pass through the ordeal of criticism and vulgar comments of acquaintances and friends, and hence, to escape this, the young couple feel like getting away for a time. undoubtedly the best plan for the great majority, after this most eventful ceremony, is to enter their future home at once, and there to remain in comparative privacy until the novelty of the situation is worn off. . if the conventional tour is taken, the husband should remember that his bride cannot stand the same amount of tramping around and sight-seeing that he can. the female organs of generation are so easily affected by excessive exercise of the limbs which support them, that at this critical period it would be a foolish and cosily experience to drag a lady hurriedly around the country on an extensive and protracted round of sight-seeing or visiting. unless good common-sense is displayed in the manner of spending the "honey-moon," it will prove very untrue to its name. in many cases it lays the foundation for the wife's first and life-long "backache." [illustration: the gypsy bride.] * * * * * advice to newly married couples. . "be ye fruitful and multiply" is a bible commandment which the children of men habitually obey. however they may disagree on other subjects, all are in accord on this; the barbarous, the civilized, the high, the low, the fierce, the gentle--all unite in the desire which finds its accomplishment in the reproduction of their kind. who shall quarrel with the divinely implanted instinct, or declare it to be vulgar or unmentionable? it is during the period of the honeymoon that the intensity of this desire, coupled with the greatest curiosity, is at its height, and the unbridled license often given the passions at this time is attended with the most dangerous consequences. . consummation of marriage.--the first time that the husband and wife cohabit together after the ceremony has been performed is called the consummation of marriage. many grave errors have been committed by people in this, when one or both of the contracting parties were not physically or sexually in a condition to carry out the marriage relation. a marriage, however, is complete without this in the eyes of the law, as it is a maxim taken from the roman civil statutes that consent, not cohabitation, is the binding element in the ceremony. yet, in most states of the u.s., and in some other countries, marriage is legally declared void and of no effect where it is not possible to consummate the marriage relation. a divorce may be obtained provided the injured party begins the suit. . test of virginity.--the consummation of marriage with a virgin is not necessarily attended with a flow of blood, and the absence of this sign is not the slightest presumption against her former chastity. the true test of virginity is modesty void of any disagreeable familiarity. a sincere christian faith is one of the best recommendations. . let every man remember that the legal right of marriage does not carry with it the moral right to injure for life the loving companion he has chosen. ignorance may be the cause, but every man before he marries should know something of the physiology and the laws of health, and we here give some information which is of very great importance to every newly-married man. . sensuality.--lust crucifies love. the young sensual husband is generally at fault. passion sways and the duty to bride and wife is not thought of, and so a modest young wife is often actually forced and assaulted by the unsympathetic haste of her husband. an amorous man in that way soon destroys his own love, and thus is laid the foundation for many difficulties that soon develop trouble and disturb the happiness of both. . abuse after marriage.--usually marriage is consummated within a day or two after the ceremony, but this is gross injustice to the bride. in most cases she is nervous, timid, and exhausted by the duties of preparation for the wedding, and in no way in a condition, either in body or mind, for the vital change which the married relation bring upon her. many a young husband often lays the foundation of many diseases of the womb and of the nervous system in gratifying his unchecked passions without a proper regard for his wife's exhausted condition. . the first conjugal approaches are usually painful to the new wife, and no enjoyment to her follows. great caution and kindness should be exercised. a young couple rushing together in their animal passion soon produce a nervous and irritating condition which ere long brings apathy, indifference, if not dislike. true love and a high regard for each other will temper passion into moderation. . were the above injunctions heeded fully and literally it would be folly to say more, but this would be omitting all account of the bridegroom's new position, the power of his passion, and the timidity of the fair creature who is wondering what fate has in store for her trembling modesty. to be sure, there are some women who are possessed of more forward natures and stronger desires than others. in such cases there may be less trouble. . a common error.--the young husband may have read in some treatise on physiology that the hymen in a virgin is the great obstacle to be overcome. he is apt to conclude that this is all, that some force will be needed to break it down, and that therefore an amount of urgency even to the degree of inflicting considerable pain is justifiable. this is usually wrong. it rarely constitutes any obstruction and, even when its rupturing may be necessary, it alone seldom causes suffering. there are sometimes certain deformities of the vagina, but no woman should knowingly seek matrimonial relations when thus afflicted. we quote from dr. c.a. huff the following: . "what is it, then, that usually causes distress to many women, whether a bride or a long-time wife?" the answer is, simply those conditions of the organs in which they are not properly prepared, by anticipation and desire, to receive a foreign body. the modest one craves only refined and platonic love at first, and if husbands, new and old, would only realize this plain truth, wife-torturing would cease and the happiness of each one of all human pairs vastly increase. . the conditions of the female organs depend upon the state of the mind just as much as in the case of the husband. the male, however, being more sensual, is more quickly roused. she is far less often or early ready. in its unexcited state the vagina is lax, its walls are closed together, and their surfaces covered by but little lubricating secretion. the chaster one of the pair has no desire that this sacred vestibule to the great arcana of procreation shall be immediately and roughly invaded. this, then, is the time for all approaches by the husband to be of the most delicate, considerate, and refined description possible. the quietest and softest demeanor, with gentle and re-assuring words, are all that should be attempted at first. the wedding day has probably been one of fatigue, and it is foolish to go farther. . for more than one night it will be wise, indeed, if the wife's confidence shall be as much wooed and won by patient, delicate, and prolonged courting, as before the marriage engagement. how long should this period of waiting be can only be decided by the circumstances of any case. the bride will ultimately deny no favor which is sought with full deference to her modesty, and in connection with which bestiality is not exhibited. her nature is that of delicacy; her affection is of a refined character; if the love and conduct offered to her are a careful effort to adapt roughness and strength to her refinement and weakness, her admiration and responsive love will be excited to the utmost. . when that moment arrives when the bride finds she can repose perfect confidence in the kindness of her husband, that his love is not purely animal, and that no violence will be attempted, the power of her affection for him will surely assert itself; the mind will act on those organs which nature has endowed to fulfil the law of her being, the walls of the vagina will expand, and the glands at the entrance will be fully lubricated by a secretion of mucous which renders congress a matter of comparative ease. . when this responsive enlargement and lubrication are fully realized, it is made plain why the haste and force so common to first and subsequent coition, is, as it has been justly called, nothing but "legalized rape." young husband, prove your manhood, not by yielding to unbridled lust and cruelty, but by the exhibition of true power in _self-control_ and patience with the helpless being confided to your care. prolong the delightful season of courting into and _through_ wedded life and rich shall be your reward. . a want of desire may often prevail, and may be caused by loss of sleep, study, constant thought, mental disturbance, anxiety, self-abuse, excessive use of tobacco or alcoholic drink, etc. overwork may cause debility; a man may not have an erection for months, yet it may not be a sign of debility, sexual lethargy or impotence. get the mind and the physical constitution in proper condition, and most all these difficulties will disappear. good athletic exercise by walking, riding, or playing croquet, or any other amusement, will greatly improve the condition. a good rest, however, will be necessary to fully restore the mind and the body, then the natural condition of the sexual organs will be resumed. . having twins.--having twins is undoubtedly hereditary and descends from generation to generation, and persons who have twins are generally those who have great sexual vigor. it is generally the result of a second cohabitation immediately following the first, but some parents have twins who cohabit but once during several days. . proper intercourse.--the right relation of a newly-married couple will rather increase than diminish love. to thus offer up the maiden on the altar of love and affection only swells her flood of joy and bliss; whereas, on the other hand, sensuality humbles, debases, pollutes, and never elevates. young husbands should wait for an _invitation to the banquet_ and they will be amply paid by the very pleasure sought. invitation or permission delights, and possession by force degrades. the right-minded bridegroom will postpone the exercise of his nuptial rights for a few days, and allow his young wife to become rested from the preparation and fatigue of the wedding, and become accustomed to the changes in her new relations of life. . rightly beginning sexual life.--intercourse promotes all the functions of the body and mind, but rampant just and sexual abuses soon destroy the natural pleasures of intercourse, and unhappiness will be the result. remember that _intercourse_ should not become the polluted purpose of marriage. to be sure, rational enjoyment benefits and stimulates love, but the pleasure of each other's society, standing together on all questions of mutual benefit, working hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder in the battle of life, raising a family of beautiful children, sharing each other's joys and sorrows, are the things that bring to every couple the best, purest, and noblest enjoyment that god has bestowed upon man. [illustration: a turkish harem.] * * * * * sexual proprieties and improprieties. . to have offspring is not to be regarded as a luxury, but as a great primary necessity of health and happiness, of which every fully-developed man and woman should have a fair share, while it cannot be denied that the ignorance of the necessity of sexual intercourse to the health and virtue of both man and woman is the most fundamental error in medical and moral philosophy. . in a state of pure nature, where man would have his sexual instincts under full and natural restraint, there would be little, if any, licentiousness, and children would be the result of natural desire, and not the accidents of lust. . this is an age of sensuality; unnatural passions cultivated and indulged. young people in the course of their engagement often sow the seed of serious excesses. this habit of embracing, sitting on the lover's lap, leaning on his breast, long and uninterrupted periods of secluded companionship, have become so common that it is amazing how a young lady can safely arrive at the wedding day. while this conduct may safely terminate with the wedding day, yet it cultivates the tendency which often results in excessive indulgencies after the honey-moon is over. . separate beds.--many writers have vigorously championed as a reform the practice of separate beds for husband and wife. while we would not recommend such separation, it is no doubt very much better for both husband and wife, in case the wife is pregnant. where people are reasonably temperate, no such ordinary precautions as separate sleeping places may be necessary. but in case of pregnancy it will add rest to the mother and add vigor to the unborn child. sleeping together, however, is natural and cultivates true affection, and it is physiologically true that in very cold weather life is prolonged by husband and wife sleeping together. . the authority of the wife.--let the wife judge whether she desires a separate couch or not. she has the superior right to control her own person. in such diseases as consumption, or other severe or lingering diseases, separate beds should always be insisted upon. . the time for indulgence.--the health of the generative functions depends upon exercise, just the same as any other vital organ. intercourse should be absolutely avoided just before or after meals, or just after mental excitement or physical exercise. no wife should indulge her husband when he is under the influence of alcoholic stimulants, for idiocy and other serious maladies are liable to be visited upon the offspring. . restraint during pregnancy.--there is no question but what moderate indulgence during the first few months of pregnancy does not result in serious harm; but people who excessively satisfy their ill-governed passions are liable to pay a serious penalty. . miscarriage.--if a woman is liable to abortion or miscarriage, absolute abstinence is the only remedy. no sexual indulgence during pregnancy can be safely tolerated. . it is better for people not to marry until they are of proper age. it is a physiological fact that men seldom reach the full maturity or their virile power before the age of twenty-five, and the female rarely attains the full vigor of her sexual powers before the age of twenty. . illicit pleasures.--the indulgence of illicit pleasures, says dr. s. pancoast, sooner or later is sure to entail the most loathsome diseases on their votaries. among these diseases are gonorrhoea, syphilis, spermatorrhoea (waste of semen by daily and nightly involuntary emissions), satyriasis (a species of sexual madness, or a sexual diabolism, causing men to commit rape and other beastly acts and outrages, not only on women and children, but men and animals, as sodomy, pederasty, etc.), nymphomania (causing women to assail every man they meet, and supplicate and excite him to gratify their lustful passions, or who resort to means of sexual pollutions, which is impossible to describe without shuddering), together with spinal diseases and many disorders of the most distressing and disgusting character filling the bones with rottenness, and eating away the flesh by gangrenous ulcers, until the patient dies, a horrible mass of putridity and corruption. . sensuality.--sensuality is not love, but an unbridled desire which kills the soul. sensuality will drive away the roses in the cheeks of womanhood, undermine health and produce a brazen countenance that can be read by all men. the harlot may commit her sins in the dark, but her countenance reveals her character and her immorality is an open secret. . sexual temperance.--all excesses and absurdities of every kind should be carefully avoided. many of the female disorders which often revenge themselves in the cessation of all sexual pleasure are largely due to the excessive practice of sexual indulgence. . frequency.--some writers claim that intercourse should never occur except for the purpose of childbearing but such restraint is not natural and consequently not conducive to health. there are many conditions in which the health of the mother and offspring must be respected. it is now held that it is nearer a crime than a virtue to prostitute woman to the degradation of breeding animals by compelling her to bring into life more offspring than can be born healthy, or be properly cared for and educated. . in this work we shall attempt to specify no rule, but simply give advice as to the health and happiness of both man and wife. a man should not gratify his own desires at the expense of his wife's health, comfort or inclination. many men no doubt harass their wives and force many burdens upon their slender constitutions. but it is a great sin and no true husband will demand unreasonable recognition. the wife when physically able, however, should bear with her husband. man is naturally sensitive on this subject, and it takes but little to alienate his affections and bring discover into the family. . the best writers lay down the rule for the government of the marriage-bed, that sexual indulgence should only occur about once in a week or ten days, and this of course applies only to those who enjoy a fair degree of health. but it is a hygienic and physiological fact that those who indulge only once a month receive a far greater degree of the intensity of enjoyment than those who indulge their passions more frequently. much pleasure is lost by excesses where much might be gained by temperance giving rest to the organs for the accumulation of nervous force. [illustration] * * * * * how to perpetuate the honey-moon. . continue your courtship.--like causes produce like effects. . neglect of your companion.--do not assume a right to neglect your companion more after marriage than you did before. . secrets.--have no secrets that you keep from your companion. a third party is always disturbing. . avoid the appearance of evil.--in matrimonial matters it is often that the mere appearance contains all the evil. love, as soon as it rises above calculation and becomes love, is exacting. it gives all, and demands all. . once married, never open your mind to any change. if you keep the door of your purpose closed, evil or even desirable changes cannot make headway without help. . keep step in mental development.--a tree that grows for forty years may take all the sunlight from a tree that stops growing at twenty. . keep a lively interest in the business of the home.--two that do not pull together are weaker than either alone. . gauge your expenses by your revenues.--love must eat. the sheriff often levies on cupid long before he takes away the old furniture. . start from where your parents started rather than from where they now are.--hollow and showy boarding often furnishes the too strong temptation, while the quietness of a humble home would cement the hearts beyond risk. . avoid debt.--spend your own money, but earn it first, then it will not be necessary to blame any one for spending other people's. . do not both get angry at the same time.--remember, it takes two to quarrel. . do not allow yourself ever to come to an open rupture.--things unsaid need less repentance. . study to conform your tastes and habits to the tastes and habits of your companion.--if two walk together, they must agree. * * * * * how to be a good wife. . reverence your husband.--he sustains by god's order a position of dignity as head of a family, head of the woman. any breaking down of this order indicates a mistake in the union, or a digression from duty. . love him.--a wife loves as naturally as the sun shines. love is your best weapon. you conquered him with that in the first place. you can reconquer by the same means. . do not conceal your love from him.--if he is crowded with care, and too busy to seem to heed your love, you need to give all the greater attention to securing his knowledge of your love. if you intermit he will settle down into a hard, cold life with increased rapidity. your example will keep the light on his conviction. the more he neglects the fire on the hearth, the more carefully must you feed and guard it. it must not be allowed to go out. once out you must sit ever in darkness and in the cold. . cultivate the modesty and delicacy of your youth.--the relations and familiarity of wedded life may seem to tone down the sensitive and retiring instincts of girlhood, but nothing can compensate for the loss of these. however, much men may admire the public performance of gifted women, they do not desire that boldness and dash in a wife. the holy blush of a maiden's modesty is more powerful in hallowing and governing a home than the heaviest armament that ever a warrior bore. . cultivate personal attractiveness.--this means the storing of your mind with a knowledge of passing events, and with a good idea of the world's general advance. if you read nothing, and make no effort to make yourself attractive, you will soon sink down into a dull hack of stupidity. if your husband never hears from you any words of wisdom, or of common information, he will soon hear nothing from you. dress and gossips soon wear out. if your memory is weak, so that it hardly seems worth while to read, that is additional reason for reading. [illustration: talking before marriage.] . cultivate physical attractiveness.--when you were encouraging the attentions of him whom you now call husband, you did not neglect any item of dress or appearance that could help you. your hair was always in perfect training. you never greeted him with a ragged or untidy dress or soiled hands. it is true that your "market is made," but you cannot afford to have it "broken." cleanliness and good taste will attract now as they did formerly. keep yourself at your best. make the most of physical endowments. neatness and order break the power of poverty. . study your husband's character.--he has his peculiarities. he has no right to many of them, and you need to know them; thus you can avoid many hours of friction. the good pilot steers around the sunken rocks that lie in the channel. the engineer may remove them, not the pilot. you are more pilot than engineer. consult his tastes. it is more important to your home, that you should please him than anybody else. . practice economy.--many families are cast out of peace into grumbling and discord by being compelled to fight against poverty. when there are no great distresses to be endured or accounted for, complaint and fault-finding are not so often evoked. keep your husband free from the annoyance of disappointed creditors, and he will be more apt to keep free from annoying you. to toil hard for bread, to fight the wolf from the door, to resist impatient creditors, to struggle against complaining pride at home, is too much to ask of one man. a crust that is your own is a feast, while a feast that is purloined from unwilling creditors if a famine. * * * * * how to be a good husband. . show your love.--all life manifests itself. as certainly as a live tree will put forth leaves in the spring, so certainly will a living love show itself. many a noble man toils early and late to earn bread and position for his wife. he hesitates at no weariness for her sake. he justly thinks that such industry and providence give a better expression of his love than he could by caressing her and letting the grocery bills go unpaid. he fills the cellar and pantry. he drives and pushes his business. he never dreams that he is actually starving his wife to death. he may soon have a woman left to superintend his home, but his wife is dying. she must be kept alive by the same process that called her into being. recall and repeat the little attentions and delicate compliments that once made you so agreeable, and that fanned her love into a consuming flame. it is not beneath the dignity of the skillful physician to study all the little symptoms, and order all the little round of attentions that check the waste of strength and brace the staggering constitution. it is good work for a husband to cherish his wife. [illustration: talking after marriage.] . consult with your wife.--she is apt to be as right as you are, and frequently able to add much to your stock of wisdom. in any event she appreciates your attentions. . study to keep her young.--it can be done. it is not work, but worry, that wears. keep a brave, true heart between her and all harm. . help to bear her burdens.--bear one another's burdens, and so fulfill the law of love. love seeks opportunities to do for the loved object. she has the constant care of your children. she is ordained by the lord to stand guard over them. not a disease can appear in the community without her taking the alarm. not a disease can come over the threshold without her instantly springing into the mortal combat. if there is a deficiency anywhere it comes out of her pleasure. her burdens are everywhere. look for them, that you may lighten them. . make yourself helpful by thoughtfulness.--remember to bring into the house your best smile and sunshine. it is good for you, and it cheers up the home. there is hardly a nook in the house that has not been carefully hunted through to drive out everything that might annoy you. the dinner which suits, or ought to suit you, has not come on the table of itself. it represents much thoughtfulness and work. you can do no more manly thing than find some way of expressing, in word or look, your appreciation of it. . express your will, not by commands, but by suggestions.--it is god's order that you should be the head of the family. you are clothed with authority. but this does not authorize you to be stern and harsh, as an officer in the army. your authority is the dignity of love. when it is not clothed in love it ceases to have the substance of authority. a simple suggestion that may embody a wish, an opinion or an argument, becomes one who reigns over such a kingdom as yours. . seek to refine your nature.--it is no slander to say that many men have wives much more refined than themselves. this is natural in the inequalities of life. other qualities may compensate for any defect here. but you need have no defect in refinement. preserve the gentleness and refinement of your wife as a rich legacy for your children, and in so doing you will lift yourself to higher levels. . be a gentleman as well as a husband.--the signs and bronze and callouses of toil are no indications that you are not a gentleman. the soul of gentlemanliness is a kindly feeling toward others, that prompts one to secure their comfort. that is why the thoughtful peasant lover is always so gentlemanly, and in his love much above himself. . stay at home.--habitual absence during the evenings is sure to bring sorrow. if your duty or business calls you you have the promise that you will be kept in all your ways. but if you go out to mingle with other society, and leave your wife at home alone, or with the children and servants, know that there is no good in store for you. she has claims upon you that you can not afford to allow to go to protest. reverse the case. you sit down alone after having waited all day for your wife's return, and think of her as reveling in gay society, and see if you can keep out all the doubts as to what takes her away. if your home is not as attractive as you want it, you are a principal partner. set yourself about the work of making it attractive. . take your wife with you into society.--seclusion begets morbidness. she needs some of the life that comes from contact with society. she must see how other people appear and act. it often requires an exertion for her to go out of her home, but it is good for her and for you. she will bring back more sunshine. it is wise to rest sometimes. when the arab stops for his dinner he unpacks his camel. treat your wife with as much consideration. [illustration] [illustration: tired of life.] * * * * * cause of family troubles. . much better to be alone.--he who made man said it is not good for him to be alone; but it is much better to be alone, than it is to be in some kinds of company. many couples who felt unhappy when they were apart, have been utterly miserable when together; and scores who have been ready to go through fire and water to get married, have been willing to run the risk of fire and brimstone to get divorced. it is by no means certain that because persons are wretched before marriage they will be happy after it. the wretchedness of many homes, and the prevalence of immorality and divorce is a sad commentary on the evils which result from unwise marriages. . unavoidable evils.--there are plenty of unavoidable evils in this world, and it is mournful to think of the multitudes who are preparing themselves for needless disappointments, and who yet have no fear, and are unwilling to be instructed, cautioned or warned. to them the experience of mature life is of little account compared with the wisdom of ardent and enthusiastic youth. . matrimonial infelicity.--one great cause of matrimonial infelicity is the hasty marriages of persons who have no adequate knowledge of each other's characters. two strangers become acquainted, and are attracted to each other, and without taking half the trouble to investigate or inquire that a prudent man would take before buying a saddle horse, they are married. in a few weeks or months it is perhaps found that one of the parties was married already, or possibly that the man is drunken or vicious, or the woman anything but what she should be. then begins the bitter part of the experience: shame, disgrace, scandal, separation, sin and divorce, all come as the natural results of a rash and foolish marriage. a little time spent in honest, candid, and careful preliminary inquiry and investigations would have saved the trouble. . the climax.--it has been said that a man is never utterly ruined until he has married a bad woman. so the climax of woman's miseries and sorrows may be said to come only when she is bound with that bond which should be her chiefest blessing and her highest joy, but which may prove her deepest sorrow and her bitterest curse. . the folly of follies.--there are some lessons which people are very slow to learn, and yet which are based upon the simple principles of common-sense. a young lady casts her eye upon a young man. she says, "i mean to have that man." she plies her arts, engages his affections, marries him, and secures for herself a life of sorrow and disappointment, ending perhaps in a broken up home or an early grave. any prudent, intelligent person of mature age, might have warned or cautioned her; but she sought no advice, and accepted no admonition. a young man may pursue a similar course with equally disastrous results. . hap-hazard.--many marriages are undoubtedly arranged by what may be termed the accident of locality. persons live near each other, become acquainted, and engage themselves to those whom they never would have selected as their companions in life if they had wider opportunities of acquaintance. within the borders of their limited circle they make a selection which may be wise or may be unwise. they have no means of judging, they allow no one else to judge for them. the results are sometimes happy and sometimes unhappy in the extreme. it is well to act cautiously in doing what can be done but once. it is not a pleasant experience for a person to find out a mistake when it is too late to rectify it. . we all change.--when two persons of opposite sex are often thrown together they are very naturally attracted to each other, and are liable to imbibe the opinion that they are better fitted for life-long companionship than any other two persons in the world. this may be the case, or it may not be. there are a thousand chances against such a conclusion to one in favor of it. but even if at the present moment these two persons were fitted to be associated, no one can tell whether the case will be the same five or ten years hence. men change; women change; they are not the same they were ten years ago; they are not the same they will be ten years hence. . the safe rule.--do not be in a hurry; take your time and consider well before you allow your devotion to rule you. study first your character, then study the character of her whom you desire to marry. love works mysteriously, and if it will bear careful and cool investigation, it will no doubt thrive under adversity. when people marry they unite their destinies for the better or the worse. marriage is a contract for life and will never bear a hasty conclusion. _never be in a hurry_! * * * * * jealousy--its cause and cure. trifles, light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong, as proofs of holy writ.--shakespeare. nor jealousy was understood, the injur'd lover's hell.--milton o, beware, my lord, of jealousy; it is the green-eyed monster which doth mock the meat it feeds on.--shakespeare. . definition.--jealousy is an accidental passion, for which the faculty indeed is unborn. in its nobler form and in its nobler motives it arises from love, and in its lower form it arises from the deepest and darkest pit of satan. . how developed.--jealousy arises either from weakness, which from a sense of its own want of lovable qualities is not convinced of being sure of its cause, or from distrust, which thinks the beloved person capable of infidelity. sometimes all these motives may act together. . noblest jealousy.--the noblest jealousy, if the term noble is appropriate, is a sort of ambition or pride of the loving person who feels it is an insult that another one should assume it as possible to supplant his love, or it is the highest degree of devotion which sees a declaration of its object in the foreign invasion, as it were, of his own altar. jealousy is always a sign that a little more wisdom might adorn the individual without harm. . the lowest jealousy.--the lowest species of jealousy is a sort of avarice of envy which, without being capable of love, at least wishes to possess the object of its jealousy alone by the one party assuming a sort of property right over the other. this jealousy, which might be called the satanic, is generally to be found with old withered "husbands," whom the devil has prompted to marry young women and who forthwith dream night and day of cuck-old's horns. these argus-eyed keepers are no longer capable of any feeling that could be called love, they are rather as a rule heartless house-tyrants, and are in constant dread that some one may admire or appreciate his unfortunate slave. . want of lore.--the general conclusion will be that jealousy is more the result of wrong conditions which cause uncongenial unions, and which through moral corruption artificially create distrust than a necessary accompaniment of love. [illustration: seeking the life of a rival.] . result of poor opinion.--jealousy is a passion with which those are most afflicted who are the least worthy of love. an innocent maiden who enters marriage will not dream of getting jealous; but all her innocence cannot secure her against the jealousy of her husband if he has been a libertine. those are wont to be the most jealous who have the consciousness that they themselves are most deserving of jealousy. most men in consequence of their present education and corruption have so poor an opinion not only of the male, but even of the female sex, that they believe every woman at every moment capable of what they themselves have looked for among all and have found among the most unfortunate, the prostitutes. no libertine can believe in the purity of woman; it is contrary to nature. a libertine therefore cannot believe in the loyalty of a faithful wife. . when justifiable.--there may be occasions where jealousy is justifiable. if a woman's confidence has been shaken in her husband, or a husband's confidence has been shaken in his wife by certain signs or conduct, which have no other meaning but that of infidelity, then there is just cause for jealousy. there must, however, be certain proof as evidence of the wife's or husband's immoral conduct. imaginations or any foolish absurdities should have no consideration whatever, and let everyone have confidence until his or her faith has been shaken by the revelation of absolute facts. . caution and advice.--no couple should allow their associations to develop into an engagement and marriage if either one has any inclination to jealousy. it shows invariably a want of sufficient confidence, and that want of confidence, instead of being diminished after marriage, is liable to increase, until by the aid of the imagination and wrong interpretation the home is made a hell and divorce a necessity. let it be remembered, there can be no true love without perfect and absolute confidence, jealousy is always the sign of weakness or madness. avoid a jealous disposition, for it is an open acknowledgment of a lack of faith. [illustration] * * * * * the improvement of offspring. why bring into the world idiots, fools, criminals and lunatics? . the right way.--when mankind will properly love and marry and then rightly generate, carry, nurse and educate their children, will they in deed and in truth carry out the holy and happy purpose of their creator. see those miserable and depraved scape-goats of humanity, the demented simpletons, the half-crazy, unbalanced multitudes which infest our earth, and fill our prisons with criminals and our poor-houses with paupers. oh! the boundless capabilities and perfections of our god-like nature and, alas! its deformities! all is the result of the ignorance or indifference of parents. as long as children are the accidents of lust instead of the premeditated objects of love, so long will the offspring deteriorate and the world be cursed with deformities, monstrosities, unhumanities and cranks. . each after its kind.--"like parents like children." "in their own image beget" they them. in what other can they? "how can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit?" how can animal propensities in parents generate other than depraved children, or moral purity beget beings other than as holy by nature as those at whose hands they received existence and constitution? . as are the parents, physically, mentally and morally when they stamp their own image and likeness upon progeny, so will be the constitution of that progeny. . "just as the twig is bent the tree's inclined."--yet the bramble cannot be bent to bear delicious peaches, nor the sycamore to bear grain. education is something, _but parentage_ is _everything_; because it "_dyes in the wool_" and thereby exerts an influence on character almost infinitely more powerful than all other conditions put together. . healthy and beautiful children.--thoughtless mortal! before you allow the first goings forth of love, learn what the parental conditions in you mean, and you will confer a great boon upon the prospective bone of your bone, and flesh of your flesh! if it is in your power to be the parent of beautiful, healthy, moral and talented children instead of diseased and depraved, is it not your imperious duty then, to impart to them that physical power, moral perfection, and intellectual capability, which shall ennoble their lives and make them good people and good citizens? . pause and tremble.--prospective parents! will you trifle with the dearest interests of your children? will you in matters thus momentous, head-long rush "where angels dare not tread," seeking only mere animal indulgence?--well might cherubim shrink from assuming responsibilities thus momentous yet, how many parents tread this holy ground completely unprepared, and almost as thoughtlessly and ignorantly as brutes--entailing even loathsome diseases and sensual propensities upon the fruit of their own bodies. whereas they are bound, by obligations the most imperious to bestow on them a good physical organization, along with a pure, moral, and strong intellectual constitution, or else not to become parents! especially since it is easier to generate human angels than devils incarnate. . hereditary descent.--this great law of things, "hereditary descent," fully proves and illustrates in any required number and variety or cases, showing that progeny inherits the constitutional natures and characters, mental and physical, of parents, including pre-dispositions to consumption, insanity, all sorts of disease, etc., as well as longevity, strength, stature, looks, disposition, talents,--all that is constitutional. from what other source do or can they come? indeed, who can doubt a truth as palpable as that children inherit some, and if some, therefore all, the physical and mental nature and constitutor of parents, thus becoming almost their fac-similes? . illustrations.--a whaleman was severely hurt by a harpooned and desperate whale turning upon the small boat, and, by his monstrous jaws, smashing it to pieces, one of which, striking him in his right side, crippled him for life. when sufficiently recovered, he married, according to previous engagement, and his daughter, born in due time, and closely resembling him in looks, constitution and character, has a weak and sore place corresponding in location with that of the injury of her father. tubercles have been found in the lungs of infants at birth, born of consumptive parents,--a proof, clear and demonstrative, that children inherit the several states of parental physiology existing at the time they received their physiological constitution. the same is true of the transmission of those diseases consequent on the violation of the law of chastity, and the same conclusion established thereby. . parent's participation.--each parent furnishing at indispensable portion of the materials of life, and somehow or other, contributes parentally to the formation of the constitutional character of their joint product, appears far more reasonable, than to ascribe, as many do, the whole to either some to paternity, others to maternity. still this decision go which way it may, does not affect the great fact that children inherit both the physiology and the mentality existing in parents at the time they received being and constitution. . illegitimates or bastards also furnish strong proof of the correctness of this our leading doctrine. they are generally lively, sprightly, witty, frolicksome, knowing, quiet of perception, apt to learn, full of passion, quick-tempered, impulsive throughout, hasty, indiscreet, given to excesses, yet abound in good feeling, and are well calculated to enjoy life, though in general sadly deficient in some essential moral elements. . character of illegitimates.--wherein, then, consists this difference? first, in "novelty lending an enchantment" rarely experienced in sated wedlock, as well as in, power of passion sufficient to break through all restraint, external and internal; and hence their high wrought organization. they are usually wary and on the alert, and their parents drank "stolen waters." they are commonly wanting in moral balance, or else delinquent in some important moral aspect; nor would they have ever been born unless this had been the case, for the time being at least with their parents. behold in these, and many other respects easily cited, how striking the coincidence between their characters on the one hand, and, on the other, those parental conditions necessarily attendant on their origin. . children's condition depends upon parents' condition at the time of the sexual embrace. let parents recall, as nearly as may be their circumstances and states of body and mind at this period, and place them by the side of the physical and mental constitutions of their children, and then say whether this law is not a great practical truth, and if so, its importance is as the happiness and misery it is capable of affecting! the application of this mighty engine of good or evil to mankind, to the promotion of human advancement, is the great question which should profoundly interest all parents. . the vital period.--the physical condition of parents at the vital period of transmission of life should be a perfect condition of health in both body and mind, and a vigorous condition of all the animal organs and functions. . muscular preparation.--especially should parents cultivate their muscular system preparatory to the perfection of this function, and of their children; because, to impart strength and stamina to offspring they must of necessity both possess a good muscular organization, and also bring it into vigorous requisition at this period. for this reason, if for no other, let those of sedentary habits cultivate muscular energy preparatory to this time of need. . the seed.--so exceedingly delicate are the seeds of life, that, unless planted in a place of perfect security, they must all be destroyed and our race itself extinguished. and what place is as secure as that chosen, where they can be reached only with the utmost difficulty, and than only as the peril of even life itself? imperfect seed sown in poor ground means a sickly harvest. . healthy people--most children.--the most healthy classes have the most numerous families; but that, as luxury enervates society, it diminishes the population, by enfeebling parents, nature preferring none rather than those too weakly to live and be happy, and thereby rendering that union unfruitful which is too feeble to produce offspring sufficiently strong to enjoy life. debility and disease often cause barrenness. nature seems to rebel against sickly offspring. . why children die.--inquire whether one or both the parents of those numerous children that die around us, have not weak lungs, or a debilitated stomach, or a diseased liver, or feeble muscles, or else use them but little, or disordered nerves, or some other debility or form of disease. the prevalence of summer complaints, colic, cholera infantum, and other affections of these vital organs of children is truly alarming, sweeping them into their graves by the million. shall other animals rear nearly all their young, and shall man, constitutionally by far the strongest of them all, lose half or more of his? is this the order of nature? no, but their death-worm is born in and with them, and by parental agency. . grave-yard statistics.--take grave-yard statistics in august, and then say, whether most of the deaths of children are not caused by indigestion, or feebleness of the bowels, liver, etc., or complaints growing out of them? rather, take family statistics from broken-hearted parents! and yet, in general, those very parents who thus suffer more than words can tell, were the first and main transgressors, because they entailed those dyspeptic, heart, and other kindred affections so common among american parents upon their own children, and thereby almost as bad as killed them by inches; thus depriving them of the joys of life, and themselves of their greatest earthly treasure! . all children may die.--children may indeed die whose parents are healthy, but they almost must whose parents are essentially ailing in one or more of their vital organs; because, since they inherit this organ debilitated or diseased, any additional cause of sickness attacks this part first, and when it gives out, all go by the board together. . parents must learn and obey.--how infinitely more virtuous and happy would your children be if you should be healthy in body, and happy in mind, so as to beget in them a constitutionally healthy and vigorous physiology, along with a serene and happy frame of mind! words are utterly powerless in answer, and so is everything but a lifetime of consequent happiness or misery! learn and obey, then, the laws of life and health, that you may both reap the rich reward yourself, and also shower down upon your children after you, blessings many and most exalted. avoid excesses of all kinds, be temperate, take good care of the body and avoid exposures and disease, and your children will be models of health and beauty. . the right condition.--the great practical inference is, that those parents who desire intellectual and moral children, must love each other; because, this love, besides perpetually calling forth and cultivating their higher faculties, awakens them to the highest pitch of exalted action in that climax, concentration, and consummation of love which propagates their existing qualities, the mental endowment of offspring being proportionate to the purity and intensity of parental love. . the effects.--the children of affectionate parents receive existence and constitution when love has rendered the mentality of their parents both more elevated and more active than it is by nature, of course the children of loving parents are both more intellectual and moral by nature than their parents. now, if these children and their companions also love one another, this same law which renders the second generation better than the first, will of course render the third still better than the second, and thus of all succeeding generations. . animal impulse.--you may preach and pray till doomsday--may send out missionaries, may circulate tracts and bibles, and multiply revivals and all the means of grace, with little avail; because, as long as mankind go on, as now, to propagate by animal impulse, so long must their offspring be animal, sensual, devilish! but only induce parents cordially to love each other, and you thereby render their children constitutionally talented and virtuous. oh! parents, by as much as you prefer the luxuries of concord to the torments of discord, and children that are sweet dispositioned and highly intellectual to those that are rough wrathful, and depraved, be entreated to "_love one another_." [illustration: just home from school.] * * * * * too many children. . lessening pauperism.--many of the agencies for lessening pauperism are afraid of tracing back its growth to the frequency of births under wretched conditions. one begins to question whether after all sweet charity or dignified philanthropy has not acted with an unwise reticence. among the problems which defy practical handling this is the most complicated. the pauperism which arises from marriage is the result of the worst elements of character legalized. in america, where the boundaries of wedlock are practically boundless, it is not desirable, even were it possible, that the state should regulate marriage much further than it now does; therefore must the sociologist turn for aid to society in his struggle with pauperism. . right physical and spiritual conditions of birth.--society should insist upon the right spiritual and physical conditions for birth. it should be considered more than "a pity" when another child is born into a home too poor to receive it. the underlying selfishness of such an event should be recognized, for it brings motherhood under wrong conditions of health and money. instead of each birth being the result of mature consideration and hallowed loves children are too often born as animals are born. to be sure the child has a father whom he can call by name. better that there had never been a child. . wrong results.--no one hesitates to declare that if is want of self-respect and morality which brings wrong results outside of marriage, but it is also the want of them which begets evil inside the marriage relation. though there is nothing more difficult than to find the equilibrium between self-respect and self-sacrifice, yet on success in finding it depends individual and national preservation. the fact of being wife and mother or husband and father should imply dignity and joyousness, no matter how humble the home. . difference of opinion amongst physicians.--in regard to teaching, the difficulties are great. as soon as one advances beyond the simplest subjects of hygiene, one is met with the difference of opinions among physicians. when each one has a different way of making a mustard plaster, no wonder that each has his own notions about everything else. one doctor recommends frequent births, another advises against them. . different natures.--if physiological facts are taught to a large class, there are sure to be some in it whose impressionable natures are excited by too much plain speaking, while there are others who need the most open teaching in order to gain any benefit. talks to a few persons generally are wiser than popular lectures. especially are talks needed by mothers and unmothered girls who come from everywhere to the city. . boys and young men.--it is not women alone who require the shelter of organizations and instruction, but boys and young men. there is no double standard of morality, though the methods of advocating it depend upon the sex which is to be instructed. men are more concerned with the practical basis of morality than with its sentiment, and with the pecuniary aspects of domestic life than with its physical and mental suffering. we all may need medicine for moral ills, yet the very intangibleness of purity makes us slow to formulate rules for its growth. under the guidance of the wise in spirit and knowledge, much can be done to create a higher standard of marriage and to proportion the number of births according to the health and income of parents. . for the sake of the state.--if the home exists primarily for the sake of the individual, it exists secondarily for the sake of the state. therefore, any home into which are continually born the inefficient children of inefficient parents, not only is a discomfort in itself, but it also furnishes members for the armies of the unemployed, which are tinkering and hindering legislation and demanding by the brute force of numbers that the state shall support them. . opinions from high authorities.--in the statements and arguments made in the above we have not relied upon our own opinions and convictions, but have consulted the best authorities, and we hereby quote some of the highest authorities upon this subject. . rev. leonard dawson.--"how rapidly conjugal prudence might lift a nation out of pauperism was seen in france.--let them therefore hold the maxim that the production of offspring with forethought and providence is rational nature. it was immoral to bring children into the world whom they could not reasonably hope to feed, clothe and educate." . mrs. fawcett.--"nothing will permanently offset pauperism while the present reckless increase of population continues." . dr. george napheys.--"having too many children unquestionably has its disastrous effects on both mother and children as known to every intelligent physician. two-thirds of all cases of womb disease, says dr. tilt, are traceable to child-bearing in feeble women. there are also women to whom pregnancy is a nine months' torture, and others to whom it is nearly certain to prove fatal. such a condition cannot be discovered before marriage--the detestable crime of abortion is appallingly rife in our day. it is abroad in our land to an extent which would have shocked the dissolute women of pagan romes--this wholesale, fashionable murder, how are we to stop it? hundreds of vile men and women in our large cities subsist by this slaughter of the innocent." . rev. h.r. haweis.--"until it is thought a disgrace in every rank of society, from top to bottom of social scale, to bring into the world more children than you are able to provide for, the poor man's home, at least, must often be a purgatory--his children dinnerless, his wife a beggar--himself too often drunk--here, then, are the real remedies: first, control the family growth according to the family means of support." . montague cookson.--"the limitation of the number of the family--is as much the duty of married persons as the observance of chastity is the duty of those that are unmarried." . john stuart mill.--"every one has aright to live. we will suppose this granted. but no one has a right to bring children into life to be supported by other people. whoever means to stand upon the first of these rights must renounce all pretension to the last. little improvement can be expected in morality until the production of a large family is regarded in the same light as drunkenness or any other physical excess." . dr. t.d. nicholls.--"in the present social state, men and women should refrain from having children unless they see a reasonable prospect of giving them suitable nurture and education." . rev. m.j. savage.--"some means ought to be provided for checking the birth of sickly children." . dr. stockham.--"thoughtful minds must acknowledge the great wrong done when children are begotten under adverse conditions. women must learn the laws of life so as to protect themselves, and not be the means of bringing sin-cursed, diseased children into the world. the remedy is in the prevention of pregnancy, not in producing abortion." * * * * * small families and the improvement of the race. . married people must decide for themselves.--it is the fashion of those who marry nowadays to have few children, often none. of course this is a matter which married people must decide for themselves. as is stated in an earlier chapter, sometimes this policy is the wisest that can be pursued. . diseased people who are likely to beget only a sickly offspring, may follow this course, and so may thieves, rascals, vagabonds, insane and drunken persons, and all those who are likely to bring into the world beings that ought not to be here. but why so many well-to-do folks should pursue a policy adapted only to paupers and criminals, is not easy to explain. why marry at all if not to found a family that shall live to bless and make glad the earth after father and mother are gone? it is not wise to rear too many children, nor is it wise to have too few. properly brought up, they will make home a delight, and parents happy. [illustration: a well nourished child.] . population limited.--galton, in his great work on hereditary genius, observes that "the time may hereafter arrive in far distant years, when the population of this earth shall be kept as strictly within bounds of number and suitability of race, as the sheep of a well-ordered moor, or the plants in an orchard-house; in the meantime let us do what we can to encourage the multiplication of the races best fitted to invent and conform to a high and generous civilization." . shall sickly people raise children?--the question whether sickly people should marry and propagate their kind, is briefly alluded to in an early chapter of this work. where father and mother are both consumptive the chances are that the children will inherit physical weakness, which will result in the same disease, unless great pains are taken to give them a good physical education, and even then the probabilities are that they will find life a burden hardly worth living. . no real blessing.--where one parent is consumptive and the other vigorous, the chances are just half as great. if there is a scrofulous or consumptive taint in the blood, beware! sickly children are no comfort to their parents, no real blessing. if such people marry, they had better, in most cases, avoid parentage. . welfare of mankind.--the advancement of the welfare of mankind is a most intricate problem: all ought to refrain from marriage who cannot avoid abject poverty for their children; for poverty is not only a great evil, but tends to its own increase by leading to recklessness in marriage. on the other hand, as mr. galton has remarked, if the prudent avoid marriage, while the reckless marry, the inferior members will tend to supplant the better members of society. . preventives.--remember that the thousands of preventives which are advertised in papers, private circulars, etc., are not only inefficient, unreliable and worthless, but positively dangerous, and the annual mortality of females in this country from this cause alone is truly horrifying. study nature, and nature's laws alone will guide you safely in the path of health and happiness. . nature's remedy.--nature in her wise economy has prepared for overproduction, for during the period of pregnancy and nursing, and also most of the last half of each menstrual month, woman is naturally sterile; but this condition may become irregular and uncertain on account of stimulating drinks or immoral excesses. * * * * * the generative organs. [illustration: the male generative organs and their structure and adaptation.] . the reproductive organs in man are the penis and testicles and their appendages. . the penis deposits the seminal life germ of the male. it is designed to fulfill the seed planting mission of human life. . in the accompanying illustration all the parts are named. . urethra.--the urethra performs the important mission of emptying the bladder, and is rendered very much larger by the passion, and the semen is propelled along through it by little layers of muscles on each side meeting above and below. it is this canal that is inflamed by the disease known as gonorrhoea. . prostate gland.--the prostate gland is located just before the bladder. it swells in men who have previously overtaxed it, thus preventing all sexual intercourse, and becomes very troublesome to void urine. this is a very common trouble in old age. . the penal gland.--the penal gland, located at the end of the penis, becomes unduly enlarged by excessive action and has the consistency of india rubber. it is always enlarged by erection. it is this gland at the end that draws the semen forward. it is one of the most essential and wonderful constructed glands of the human body. . female magnetism.--when the male organ comes in contact with female magnetism, the natural and proper excitement takes place. when excited without this female magnetism it becomes one of the most serious injuries to the human body. the male organ was made for a high and holy purpose, and woe be to him who pollutes his manhood by practicing the secret vice. he pays the penalty in after years either by the entire loss of sexual power, or by the afflictions of various urinary diseases. . nature pays all her debts, and when there is an abuse of organ, penalties must follow. if the hand is thrust into the fire it will be burnt. * * * * * the female sexual organs. . the generative or reproductive organs of the human female are usually divided into the internal and external. those regarded as internal are concealed from view and protected within the body. those that can be readily perceived are termed external. the entrance of the vagina may be stated as the line of demarcation of the two divisions. [illustration: anatomy or structure of the female organs of generation.] . hymen or vaginal valve.--this is a thin membrane of half moon shape stretched across the opening of the vagina. it usually contains before marriage one or more small openings for the passage of the menses. this membrane has been known to cause much distress in many females at the first menstrual flow. the trouble resulting from the openings in the hymen not being large enough to let the flow through and consequently blocking up the vaginal canal, and filling the entire internal sexual organs with blood; causing paroxysms and hysterics and other alarming symptoms. in such cases the hymen must be ruptured that a proper discharge may take place at once. [illustration: impregnated egg. in the first formation of embryo.] . unyielding hymen.--the hymen is usually ruptured by the first sexual intercourse, but sometimes it is so unyielding as to require the aid of a knife before coition can take place. . the presence of the hymen was formerly considered a test of virginity, but this theory is no longer held by competent authorities, as disease or accidents or other circumstances may cause its rupture. . the ovaries.--the ovaries are little glands for the purpose of forming the female ova or egg. they are not fully developed until the period of puberty, and usually are about the size of a large chestnut. the are located in the broad ligaments between the uterus and the fallopian tubes. during pregnancy the ovaries change position; they are brought farther into the abdominal cavity as the uterus expands. . office of the ovary.--the ovary is to the female what the testicle is to the male. it is the germ vitalizing organ and the most essential part of the generative apparatus. the ovary is not only an organ for the formation of the ova, but is also designed for their separation when they reach maturity. . fallopion tubes.--these are the ducts that lead from the ovaries to the uterus. they are entirely detached from the glands or ovaries, and are developed on both sides of the body. . office of the fallopian tubes.--the fallopian tubes have a double office: receiving the ova from the ovaries and conducting it into the uterus, as well as receiving the spermatic fluid of the male and conveying it from the uterus in the direction of the ovaries, the tubes being the seat of impregnation. [illustration: ovum.] . sterility in females.--sterility in the female is sometimes caused by a morbid adhesion of the tube to a portion of the ovary. by what power the mouth of the tube is directed toward a particular portion of an ovary, from which the ovum is about to be discharged, remains entirely unknown, as does also the precise nature of the cause which effects this movement. [illustration: ripe ovum from the ovary.] * * * * * the mysteries of the formation of life. . scientific theories.--darwin, huxley, haeckel, tyndall, meyer, and other renowned scientists, have tried to find the _missing link_ between man and animal; they have also exhausted their genius in trying to fathom the mysteries of the beginning of life, or find where the animal and mineral kingdoms unite to form life; but they have added to the vast accumulation of theories only, and the world is but little wiser on this mysterious subject. . physiology.--physiology has demonstrated what physiological changes take place in the germination and formation of life, and how nature expresses the intentions of reproduction by giving animals distinctive organs with certain secretions for this purpose, etc. all the different stages of development can be easily determined, but how and why life takes place under such special condition and under no other, is an unsolved mystery. . ovaries.--the ovaries are the essential parts of the generative system of the human female in which ova are matured. there are two ovaries, one on each side of the uterus, and connected with it by the fallopian tubes. they are egg-shaped, about an inch in diameter, and furnish the germs or ovules. these germs or ovules are very small, measuring about / of an inch in diameter. . development.--the ovaries develop with the growth of the female, so that finally at the period of puberty they ripen and liberate an ovum or germ vesicle, which is carried into the uterine cavity of the fallopian tubes. by the aid of the microscope we find that these ova are composed of granular substance, in which is found a miniature yolk surrounded by a transparent membrane called the zona pellucida. this yolk contains a germinal vesicle in which can be discovered a nucleus, called the germinal spot. the process of the growth of the ovaries is very gradual, and their function of ripening and discharging one ovum monthly into the fallopian tubes and uterus, is not completed until between the twelfth and fifteenth years. . what science knows.--after the sexual embrace we know that the sperm is lifted within the genital passages or portion of the vagina and mouth of the uterus. the time between the deposit of the semen and fecundation varies according to circumstances. if the sperm-cell travels to the ovarium it generally takes from three to five days to make the journey. as dr. pierce says: the transportation is aided by the ciliary processes (little hairs) of the mucous surface of the vaginal and uterine walls, as well as by its own vibratile movements. the action of the cilia, under the stimulus of the sperm, seems to be from without, inward. even if a minute particle of sperm, less than a drop, be left upon the margin of the external genitals of the female, it is sufficient in amount to impregnate, and can be carried, by help of these cilia, to the ovaries. . conception.--after intercourse at the proper time the liability to conception is very great. if the organs are in a healthy condition, conception must necessarily follow, and no amount of prudence and the most rigid precautions often fail to prevent pregnancy. . only one absolutely safe method.--there is only one absolutely safe method to prevent conception, entirely free from danger and injury to health, and one that is in the reach of all; that is to refrain from union altogether. [illustration: a eugenic baby.] * * * * * conception--its limitations. . a common question.--the question is often asked, "can conception be prevented at all times?" let us say right here that even if such an interference with nature's laws were possible it is inadmissible, and never to be justified except in cases of deformity or disease. . false claims of imposters.--during the past few years a great deal has been written on the subject, claiming that new remedies had been discovered for the prevention of conception, etc., but these are all money making devices to deceive the public, and enrich the pockets of miserable and unprincipled imposters. . the truth of the matter.--dr. pancoast, an eminent authority, says: "the truth is, there is no medicine taken internally capable of preventing conception, and the person who asserts to the contrary, not only speaks falsely, but is both a knave and a fool." . foolish dread of children.--what is more deplorable and pitiable than an old couple childless? young people dislike the care and confinement of children and prefer society and social entertainments and thereby do great injustice and injury to their health. having children under proper circumstances never ruins the health and happiness of any woman. in fact, womanhood is incomplete without them. she may have a dozen or more, and still have better health than before marriage. it is having them too close together, and when she is not in a fit state, that her health gives way. . self-denial and forbearance.--if the husband respects his wife he will come to her relief by exercising self-denial and forbearance, but sometimes before the mother has recovered from the effects of bearing, nursing and rearing one child, ere she has regained proper tone and vigor of body and mind, she is unexpectedly overtaken, surprised by the manifestation of symptoms which again indicate pregnancy. children thus begotten cannot become hardy and long-lived. but the love that parents may feel for their posterity, by the wishes for their success, by the hopes for their usefulness, by every consideration for their future well-being, let them exercise caution and forbearance until the wife becomes sufficiently healthy and enduring to bequeath her own rugged, vital stamina to the child she bears in love. . a wrong to the mother and child.--sometimes the mother is diseased; the outlet from the womb, as a result of laceration by a previous child-birth, is frequently enlarged, thus allowing conception to take place very readily, and hence she has children in rapid succession. besides the wrong to the mother in having children in such rapid succession, it is a great injustice to the babe in the womb and the one at the breast that they should follow each other so quickly that one is conceived while the other is nursing. one takes the vitality of the other; neither has sufficient nourishment, and both are started in life stunted and incomplete. . feeble and diseased parents.--if the parties of a marriage are both feeble and so adapted to each other that their children are deformed, insane or idiots, then to beget offspring would be a flagrant wrong; if the mother's health is in such a condition as to forbid the right of laying the burden of motherhood upon her, then medical aid may safely come to her relief. . "the desirability and practicability of limiting offspring," says dr. stockham, are the subject of frequent inquiry. fewer and better children are desired by right-minded parents. many men and women, wise in other things of the world, permit generation as a chance result of copulation, without thought of physical or mental conditions to be transmitted to the child. coition, the one important act of all others, carrying with it the most vital results, is usually committed for selfish gratification. many a drunkard owes his lifelong appetite for alcohol to the fact that the inception of his life could be traced to a night of dissipation on the part of his father. physical degeneracy and mental derangements are too often caused by the parents producing offspring while laboring under great mental strain or bodily fatigue. drunkenness and licentiousness are frequently the heritage of posterity. future generations demand that such results be averted by better prenatal influences. the world is groaning under the curse of chance parenthood. it is due to posterity that procreation be brought under the control of reason and conscience. . "it has been feared that a knowledge of means to control offspring would, if generally diffused, be abused by women; that they would to so great an extent escape motherhood as to bring about social disaster. this fear is not well founded. the maternal instinct is inherent and sovereign in woman. even the prenatal influences of a murderous intent on the part of parents scarcely ever eradicate it. with this natural desire for children, we believe few woman would abuse the knowledge of privilege of controlling offspring. although women shrink from forced maternity, and from the bearing of children under the great burden of suffering, as well as other adverse conditions, it is rare to find a woman who is not greatly disappointed if she does not, some time in her life, wear the crown of motherhood. "an eminent lady teacher, in talking to her pupils once said, 'the greatest calamity that can befall a woman is never to have a child. the next greatest calamity is to have one only.' from my professional experience i am happy to testify that more women seek to overcome causes of sterility than to obtain knowledge of limiting the size of the family or means to destroy the embryo. also, if consultation for the latter is sought, it is usually at the instigation of the husband. believing in the rights of unborn children, and in the maternal instinct, i am consequently convinced that no knowledge should be withheld that will secure proper conditions for the best parenthood." . the case of the juke family.--we submit the following case of the juke family, mostly of new york state, as related by dr. r.l. dugdale, when a member of the prison association, and let the reader judge for himself: "it was traced out by painstaking research that from one woman called margaret, who, like topsy, merely 'growed' without pedigree as a pauper in a village of the upper hudson, about eighty-five years ago, there descended children, grandchildren and great grandchildren, of whom were criminals of the dangerous class, adult paupers, and prostitutes, while children of her lineage died prematurely. the last fact proves to what extent in this family nature was kind to the rest of humanity in saving it from a still larger aggregation or undesirable and costly members, for it is estimated that the expense to the state of the descendants of maggie was over a million dollars, and the state itself did something also towards preventing a greater expense by the restrain exercised upon the criminals, paupers, and idiots of the family during a considerable portion of their lives." . moderation.--continence, self-control, a willingness to deny himself--that is what is required from the husband. but a thousand voices reach us from suffering women in all parts of the land that this will not suffice; that men refuse thus to restrain themselves; that it leads to a loss of domestic happiness and to illegal amour, or it is injurious physically and morally; that, in short, such advice is useless because impracticable. . nature's method.--to such we reply that nature herself has provided to some extent, against overproduction. it is well known that women, when nursing, rarely become pregnant, and for this reason, if for no other, women should nurse their own children, and continue the period until the child is at least nine months or a year old. however, the nursing, if continued too long, weakens both the mother and the child. . another provision of nature.--for a certain period between her monthly illness, every woman is sterile. conception may be avoided by refraining from coition except for this particular number of days, and there will be no evasion of natural intercourse, no resort to disgusting practices, and nothing degrading. * * * * * prenatal influences. . definition.--by prenatal influences we mean those temporary operations of the mind or physical conditions of the parents previous to birth, which stamp their impress upon the new life. . three periods.--we may consider this subject as one which naturally divides itself into three periods: the preparation which precedes conception, the mental, moral and physical conditions at the time of conjunction, and the environment and condition of the mother during the period of gestation. . prominent authorities.--a.e. newton says: "numerous facts indicate that offspring may be affected and their tendencies shaped by a great variety of influences, among which moods and influences more or less transient may be included." dr. stall says: "prenatal influences are both subtle and potent, and no amount of wealth or learning or influence can secure exemption from them." dr. john cowan says upon this subject: "the fundamental principles of genius in reproduction are that, through the rightly directed wills of the father and mother, preceding and during antenatal life, the child's form or body, character of mind and purity of soul are formed and established. that in its plastic state, during antenatal life, like clay in the hands of the potter, it can be molded into absolutely any form of body and soul the parents may knowingly desire." . like parents, like children.--it is folly to expect strong and vigorous children from weak and sickly parents, or virtuous offspring from impure ancestry. dr. james foster scott tells us that purity is, in fact, the crown of all real manliness; and the vigorous and robust, who by repression of evil have preserved their sexual potency, make the best husbands and fathers, and they are the direct benefactors for the race by begetting progeny who are not predisposed to sexual vitiation and bodily and mental degeneracy. . blood will tell.--thus we see that prenatal influences greatly modify, if they do not wholly control, inherited tendencies. is it common sense to suppose that a child, begotten when the parents are exhausted from mental or physical overwork, can be as perfect as when the parents are overflowing with the buoyancy of life and health? the practical farmer would not allow a domestic animal to come into his flock or herd under imperfect physical conditions. he understands that while "blood will tell," the temporary conditions of the animals will also tell in the perfections or imperfections of the offspring. . health a legacy.--it is no small legacy to be endowed with perfect health. in begetting children comparatively few people seem to think that any care of concern is necessary to insure against ill-health or poverty of mind. how strange our carelessness and unconcern when these are the groundwork of all comfort and success! how few faces and forms we see which give sign of perfect health. it is just as reasonable to suppose that men and women can squander their fortune and still have it left to bequeath to their children, as that parents can violate organic laws and still retain their own strength and activity. . responsibility of parents.--selden h. tascott says: "ungoverned passions in the parents may unloose the furies of unrestrained madness in the minds of their children. even untempered religious enthusiasm may beget a fanaticism that can not be restrained within the limits of reason." in view of the preceding statements, what a responsibility rests upon the parents! no step in the process of parentage is unimportant. from the lovers first thought of marriage to the birth of the child, every step of the way should be paved with the snow-white blossoms of pure thought. kindly words and deeds should bind the prospective parents more closely together. not mine and thine, but ours, should be the bond of sympathy. each should be chaste in thought and word and deed as was sir galahad, who went in search of the holy grail, saying: "my strength is as the strength of ten, because my heart is pure." [illustration: dr. hall's syringe. no. gives a whirling spray and no. also whirling spray. price of no. is $ . and of no. , $ . . to readers of this book the publishers will send no. for $ . and no. for $ . postpaid. dr. hall's is larger and made of highest grade red rubber and its action is very effective.] * * * * * vaginal cleanliness. . the above syringes are highly recommended by physicians as vaginal cleansers. they will be found a great relief in health or sickness, and in many cases cure barrenness or other diseases of the womb. . cleanliness.--cleanliness is next to godliness. without cleanliness the human body is more or less defiled and repulsive. a hint to the wise is sufficient. the vagina should be cleansed with the same faithfulness as any other portion of the body. . temperature of the water.--those not accustomed to use vaginal injections would do well to use water milk-warm at the commencement; after this the temperature may be varied according to circumstances. in case of local inflammation use hot water. the indiscriminate use of cold water injections will be found rather injurious than beneficial, and a woman in feeble health will always find warm water invigorating and preferable. . leucorrhoea.--in case of persistent leucorrhoea use the temperature of water from seventy-two to eighty-five degrees fahrenheit. . the cleanser will greatly stimulate the health and spirits of any woman who uses it. pure water injections have a stimulating effect, and it seems to invigorate the entire body. . salt and water injections.--this will cure mild cases of leucorrhoea. add a teaspoonful of salt to a pint and a half of water at the proper temperature. injections may be repeated daily if deemed necessary. . soap and water.--soap and water is a very simple domestic remedy, and will many times afford relief in many diseases of the womb. it seems it thoroughly cleanses the parts. a little borax or vinegar may be used the same as salt water injections. (see no. .) . holes in the tubes.--most of the holes in the tubes of syringes are too small. see that they are sufficiently large to produce thorough cleansing. . injections during the monthly flow.--of course it is not proper to arrest the flow, and the injections will stimulate a healthy action of the organs. the injections may be used daily throughout the monthly flow with much comfort and benefit. if the flow is scanty and painful the injections may be as warm as they can be comfortably borne. if the flowing is immoderate, then cool water may be used. a woman will soon learn her own condition and can act accordingly. . bloom and grace of youth.--the regular bathing of the body will greatly improve woman's beauty. remember that a perfect complexion depends upon the healthy action of all the organs. vaginal injections are just as important as the bath. a beautiful woman must not only be cleanly, but robust and healthy. there can be no perfect beauty without good health. [illustration] [illustration: trying on a new dress.] * * * * * impotence and sterility. . actual impotence during the period of manhood is a very rare complaint, and nature very unwillingly, and only after the absolute neglect of sanitary laws, gives up the power of reproduction. . not only sensual women, but all without exception, feel deeply hurt, and are repelled by the husband whom they may previously have loved dearly, when, after entering the married state, they find that he is impotent. the more inexperienced and innocent they were at the time of marriage, the longer it often is before they find that something is lacking in the husband; but, once knowing this, the wife infallibly has a feeling of contempt and aversion for him though there are many happy families where this defect exists. it is often very uncertain who is the weak one, and no cause for separation should be sought. . unhappy marriages, barrenness, divorces, and perchance an occasional suicide, may be prevented by the experienced physician, who can generally give correct information, comfort, and consolation, when consulted on these delicate matters. . when a single man fears that he is unable to fulfill the duties of marriage, he should not marry until his fear is dispelled. the suspicion of such a fear strongly tends to bring about the very weakness which he dreads. go to a good physician (not to one of those quacks whose advertisements you see in the papers; they are invariably unreliable), and state the case fully and freely. . diseases, malformation, etc., may cause impotence. in case of malformation there is usually no remedy, but in case of disease it is usually within the reach of a skillful physician. . self-abuse and spermatorrhoea produce usually only temporary impotence and can generally be relieved by carrying out the instructions given elsewhere in this book. . excessive indulgences often enfeeble the powers and often result in impotence. dissipated single men, professional libertines, and married men who are immoderate, often pay the penalty of their violations of the laws of nature, by losing their vital power. in such cases of excess there may be some temporary relief, but as age advances the effects of such indiscretion will become more and more manifest. . the condition of sterility in man may arise either from a condition of the secretion which deprives it of its fecundating powers or it may spring from a malformation which prevents it reaching the point where fecundation takes place. the former condition is most common in old age, and is a sequence of venereal disease, or from a change in the structure or functions of the glands. the latter has its origin in a stricture, or in an injury, or in that condition technically known as hypospadias, or in debility. . it can be safely said that neither self-indulgence nor spermatorrhoea often leads to permanent sterility. . it is sometimes, however, possible, even where there is sterility in the male, providing the secretion is not entirely devoid of life properties on part of the husband, to have children, but these are exceptions. . no man need hesitate about matrimony on account of sterility, unless that condition arises from a permanent and absolute degeneration of his functions. . impotence from mental and moral causes often takes place. persons of highly nervous organization may suffer incapacity in their sexual organs. the remedy for these difficulties is rest and change of occupation. . remedies in case of impotence on account of former private diseases, or masturbation, or other causes.--first build up the body by taking some good stimulating tonics. the general health is the most essential feature to be considered, in order to secure restoration of the sexual powers. constipation must be carefully avoided. if the kidneys do not work in good order, some remedy for their restoration must be taken. take plenty of out-door excercise avoid horseback riding or heavy exhaustive work. . food and drinks which weaken desire.--all kinds of food which cause dyspepsia or bring on constipation, diarrhea, or irritate the bowels, alcoholic beverages, or any indigestible compound, has the tendency to weaken the sexual power. drunkards and tipplers suffer early loss of vitality. beer drinking has a tendency to irritate the stomach and to that extent affects the private organs. . coffee.--coffee drank excessively causes a debilitating effect upon the sexual organs. the moderate use of coffee can be recommended, yet an excessive habit of drinking very strong coffee will sometimes wholly destroy vitality. . tobacco.--it is a hygienic and physiological fact that tobacco produces sexual debility and those who suffer any weakness on that source should carefully avoid the weed in all its forms. . drugs which stimulate desire.--there are certain medicines which act locally on the membranes and organs of the male, and the papers are full of advertisements of "lost manhood restored", etc., but in every case they are worthless or dangerous drugs and certain to lead to some painful malady or death. all these patent medicines should be carefully avoided. people who are troubled with any of these ailments should not attempt to doctor themselves by taking drugs, but a competent physician should be consulted. eating rye, corn, or graham bread, oatmeal, cracked wheat, plenty of fruit, etc. is a splendid medicine. if that is not sufficient, then a physician should be consulted. . drugs which moderate desire.--among one of the most common domestic remedies is camphor. this has stood the test for ages. small doses or half a grain in most instances diminishes the sensibility of the organs of sex. in some cases it produces irritation of the bladder. in that case it should be at once discontinued. on the whole a physician had better be consulted. the safest drug among domestic remedies is a strong tea made out of hops. saltpeter, or nitrate of potash, taken in moderate quantities are very good remedies. [illustration] . strictly speaking there is a distinction made between; _impotence_ and _sterility._ _impotence_ is a loss of power to engage in the sexual act and is common to men. it may be imperfection in the male organ or a lack of sufficient sexual vigor to produce and maintain erection. _sterility_ is a total loss of capacity in the reproduction of the species, and is common to women. there are, however, very few causes of barrenness that cannot be removed when the patient is perfectly developed. sterility, in a female, most frequently depends upon a weakness or irritability either in the ovaries or the womb, and anything having a strengthening effect upon either organ will remove the disability. (see page .) . "over-indulgence in intercourse," says dr. hoff, "is sometimes the cause of barrenness; this is usually puzzling to the interested parties, inasmuch as the practices which, in their opinion, should be the source of a numerous progeny, have the very opposite effect. by greatly moderating their ardor, this defect may be remedied." . "napoleon and josephine.--a certain adaptation between the male and female has been regarded as necessary to conception, consisting of some mysterious influence which one sex exerts over the other, neither one, however, being essentially impotent or sterile. the man may impregnate one woman and not another, and the woman will conceive by one man and not by another. in the marriage of napoleon bonaparte and josephine no children were born, but after he had separated from the empress and wedded maria louisa of austria, an heir soon came. yet josephine had children by beauharnais, her previous husband. but as all is not known as to the physical condition of josephine during her second marriage, it cannot be assumed that mere lack of adaptability was the cause of unfruitfulness between them. there may have been some cause that history has not recorded, or unknown to the state of medical science of those days. there are doubtless many cases of apparently causeless unfruitfulness in marriage that even physicians, with a knowledge of all apparent conditions in the parties cannot explain; but when, as elsewhere related in this volume, impregnation by artificial means is successfully practised, it is useless to attribute barrenness to purely psychological and adaptative influences." * * * * * producing boys or girls at will. . can the sexes be produced at will?--this question has been asked in all ages of the world. many theories have been advanced, but science has at last replied with some authority. the following are the best known authorities which this age of science has produced. . the agricultural theory.--the agricultural theory as it may be called, because adopted by farmers, is that impregnation occurring within four days of the close of the female monthlies produces a girl, because the ovum is yet immature; but that when it occurs after the fourth day from its close, gives a boy, because this egg is now mature; whereas after about the eighth day this egg dissolves and passes off, so that impregnation is thereby rendered impossible, till just before the mother's next monthly.--_sexual science._ . queen bees lay female eggs first, and male after wards. so with hens; the first eggs laid after the tread give females, the last males. mares shown the stallion late in their periods drop horse colts rather than fillies.--_napheys._ . if you wish females, give the male at the first sign of heat; if males, at its end.--_prof. thury._ . on twenty-two successive occasions i desired to have heifers, and succeeded in every case. i have made in all twenty-nine experiments, after this method, and succeeded in every one, in producing the sex i desired.--_a swiss breeder._ . this thury plan has been tried on the farms of the emperor of the french with unvarying success. . conception in the first half of the time between the menstrual periods produces females, and males in the latter.--_london lancet._ . intercourse in from two to six days after cessation of the menses produces girls, in from nine to twelve, boys.--_medical reporter._ the most male power and passion creates boys; female girls. this law probably causes those agricultural facts just cited thus: conception right after menstruation give girls, because the female is then the most impassioned; later, boys, because her wanting sexual warmth leaves him the most vigorous. mere sexual excitement, a wild, fierce, furious rush of passion, is not only not sexual vigor, but in its inverse ratio; and a genuine insane fervor caused by weakness; just as a like nervous excitability indicates weak nerves instead of strong. sexual power is deliberate, not wild; cool, not impetuous; while all false excitement diminishes effectiveness.--_fowler._ [illustration: healthy children.] * * * * * abortion or miscarriage. . abortion or miscarriage is the expulsion of the child from the womb previous to six months; after that it is called premature birth. . causes.--it may be due to a criminal act of taking medicine for the express purpose of producing miscarriage or it may be caused by certain medicines, severe sickness or nervousness, syphilis, imperfect semen, lack of room in the pelvis and abdomen, lifting, straining, violent cold, sudden mental excitement, excessive sexual intercourse, dancing, tight lacing, the use of strong purgative medicines, bodily fatigue, late suppers, and fashionable amusements. . symptoms.--a falling or weakness and uneasiness in the region of the loins, thighs and womb, pain in the small of the back, vomiting and sickness of the stomach, chilliness with a discharge of blood accompanied with pain in the lower portions of the abdomen. these may take place in a single hour, or it may continue for several days. if before the fourth month, there is not so much danger, but the flow of blood is generally greater. if miscarriage is the result of an accident, it generally takes place without much warning, and the service of a physician should at once be secured. . home treatment.--a simple application of cold water externally applied will produce relief, or cold cloths of ice, if convenient, applied to the lower portions of the abdomen. perfect quiet, however, is the most essential thing for the patient. she should lie on her back and take internally a teaspoonful of paregoric every two hours; drink freely of lemonade or other cooling drinks, and for nourishment subsist chiefly on chicken broth, toast, water gruel, fresh fruits, etc. the principal homeopathic remedies for this disease are ergot and cimicifuga, given in drop-doses of the tinctures. . injurious effects.--miscarriage is a very serious difficulty, and the health and the constitution may be permanently impaired. any one prone to miscarriage should adopt every measure possible to strengthen and build up the system; avoid going up stairs or doing much heavy lifting or hard work. . prevention.--practice the laws of sexual abstinence, take frequent sitz-baths, live on oatmeal, graham bread, and other nourishing diet. avoid highly seasoned food, rich gravies, late suppers and the like. [illustration] [illustration: an indian family. the savage indian teaches us lessons of civilization.] * * * * * the murder of the innocents. . many causes.--many causes have operated to produce a corruption of the public morals so deplorable; prominent among which may be mentioned the facility with which divorces may be obtained in some of the states, the constant promulgation of false ideas of marriage and its duties by means of books, lectures, etc., and the distribution through the mails of impure publications. but an influence not less powerful than any of these is the growing devotion of fashion and luxury of this age, and the idea which practically obtains to so great an extent that pleasure, instead of the health or morals, is the great object of life. . a monstrous crime.--the abiding interest we feel in the preservation of the morals of our country, constrains us to raise our voice against the daily increasing practice of infanticide, especially before birth. the notoriety that monstrous crime has obtained of late, and the hecatombs of infants that are annually sacrificed to moloch, to gratify an unlawful passion, are a sufficient justification for our alluding to a painful and delicate subject, which should "not even be named," only to correct and admonish the wrong-doers. . localities in which it is most prevalent.--we may observe that the crying sin of infanticide is most prevalent in those localities where the system of moral education has been longest neglected. this inhuman crime might be compared to the murder of the innocents, except that the criminals, in this case, exceed in enormity the cruelty of herod. . shedding innocent blood.--if it is a sin to take away the life even of an enemy; if the crime of shedding innocent blood cries to heaven for vengeance; in what language can we characterize the double guilt of those whose souls are stained with the innocent blood of their own unborn, unregenerated offspring? . the greatness of the crime.--the murder of an infant before its birth, is, in the sight of god and the law, as great a crime as the killing of a child after birth. . legal responsibility.--every state of the union has made this offense one of the most serious crimes. the law has no mercy for the offenders that violate the sacred law of human life. it is murder of the most cowardly character and woe to him who brings this curse upon his head, to haunt him all the days of his or her life, and to curse him at the day of his death. . the product of lust.--lust pure and simple. the only difference between a marriage of this character and prostitution is, that society, rotten to its heart, pulpits afraid to cry aloud against crime and vice, and the church conformed to the world, have made such a profanation of marriage respectable. to put it in other words, when two people determine to live together as husband and wife, and evade the consequences and responsibilities of marriage, they are simply engaged in prostitution without the infamy which attaches to that vice and crime. . outrageous violation of all law.--the violation of all law, both natural and revealed, is the cool and villainous contract by which people entering into the marital relation engage in defiance of the laws of god and the laws of the commonwealth, that they shall be unencumbered with a family of children. "disguise the matter as you will," says dr. pomeroy, "yet the fact remains that the first and specific object of marriage is the rearing of a family." "be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth," is god's first word to adam after his creation. . the national sin.--the prevention of offspring is preeminently the sin of america. it is fast becoming the national sin of america, and if it is not checked, it will sooner or later be an irremediable calamity. the sin has its roots in a low and perverted idea of marriage, and is fostered by false standards of modesty. . the sin of herod.--do these same white-walled sepulchres of hell know that they are committing the damning sin of herod in the slaughter of the innocents, and are accessories before the fact to the crime of murder? do women in all circles of society, when practicing these terrible crimes realize the real danger? do they understand that it is undermining their health, and their constitution, and that their destiny, if persisted in, is a premature grave just as sure as the sun rises in the heavens? let all beware and let the first and only purpose be, to live a life guiltless before god and man. . the crime of abortion.--from the moment of conception a new life commences; a new individual exists; another child is added to the family. the mother who deliberately sets about to destroy this life, either by want of care, or by taking drugs, or using instruments, commits as great a crime, and is just as guilty as if she strangled her new-born infant or as if she snatched from her own breast her six months' darling and dashed out its brains against the wall. its blood is upon her head, and as sure as there is a god and a judgment, that blood will be required of her. the crime she commits is murder, child murder--the slaughter of a speechless, helpless being, whom it is her duty, beyond all things else, to cherish and preserve. . dangerous diseases.--we appeal to all such with earnest and with threatening words. if they have no feeling for the fruit of their womb, if maternal sentiment is so callous in their breasts, let them know that such produced abortions are the constant cause of violent and, dangerous womb diseases, and frequently of early death; that they bring on mental weakness, and often insanity; that they are the most certain means to destroy domestic happiness which can be adopted. better, far better, to bear a child every year for twenty years than to resort to such a wicked and injurious step; better to die, if need be, of the pangs of child-birth, than to live with such a weight of sin on the conscience. * * * * * the unwelcome child.[footnote: this is the title of a pamphlet written by henry c. wright. we have taken some extracts from it.] . too often the husband thinks only of his personal gratification; he insists upon what he calls his rights(?); forces on his wife an _unwelcome child_, and thereby often alienates her affections, if he does not drive her to abortion. dr stockham reports the following case: "a woman once consulted me who was the mother of five children, all born within ten years. these were puny, scrofulous, nervous and irritable. she herself was a fit subject for doctors and drugs. every organ in her body seemed diseased, and every function perverted. she was dragging out a miserable existence. like other physicians, i had prescribed in vain for her many maladies. one day she chanced to inquire how she could safely prevent conception. this led me to ask how great was the danger. she said: 'unless my husband is absent from home, few nights have been exempt since we were married, except it may be three or four immediately after confinement.' "'and yet your husband loves you?' "'o, yes, he is kind and provides for his family. perhaps i might love him but for this. while now--(will god forgive me?)--_i detest, i loathe him_, and if i knew how to support myself and children, i would leave him.' "'can you talk with him upon this subject?' "'i think i can.' "'then there is hope, for many women cannot do that. tell him i will give you treatment to improve your health and if he will wait until you can respond, _take time for the act, have it entirely mutual from first to last_, the demand will not come so frequent.' "'do you think so?' "'the experience of many proves the truth of this statement.' "hopefully she went home, and in six months i had the satisfaction of knowing my patient was restored to health, and a single coition in a month gave the husband more satisfaction than the many had done previously, that the creative power was under control, and that my lady could proudly say 'i love,' where previously she said 'i hate.' "if husbands will listen, a few simple instructions will appeal to their _common sense_, and none can imagine the gain to themselves, to their wives and children, and their children's children. then it may not be said of the babes that the 'death borders on their birth, and their cradle stands in the grave.'" . wives! be frank and true to your husbands on the subject of maternity, and the relation that leads to it. interchange thoughts and feelings with them as to what nature allows or demands in regard to these. can maternity be natural when it is undesigned by the father or undesired by the mother? can a maternity be natural, healthful, ennobling to the mother, to the child, to the father, and to the home, when no loving, tender, anxious forethought presides over thee relation in which it originated?--when the mother's nature loathed and repelled it, and the father's only thought was his own selfish gratification; the feelings and conditions of the mother, and the health, character and destiny of the child that may result being ignored by him. wives! let there be a perfect and loving understanding between you and your husbands on these matters, and great will be your reward. . a woman writes:--"there are few, vary few, wives and mothers who could not reveal a sad, dark picture in their own experience in their relations to their husbands and their children. maternity, and the relation in which it originates, are thrust upon them by their husbands, often without regard to their spiritual or physical conditions, and often in contempt of their earnest and urgent entreaties. no joy comes to their heart at the conception and birth of their children, except that which arises from the consciousness that they have survived the sufferings wantonly and selfishly inflicted upon them." . husband, when maternity is imposed on your wife without her consent, and contrary to her appeal, how will her mind necessarily be affected towards her child? it was conceived in dread and in bitterness of spirit. every stage of its foetal development is watched with feeling of settled repugnance. in every step of its ante-natal progress the child meets only with grief and indignation in the mother. she would crush out its life, if she could. she loathed its conception; she loathed it in every stage of its ante-natal development. instead of fixing her mind on devising ways and means for the healthful and happy organization and development of her child before it is born, and for its post natal comfort and support, her soul may be intent on its destruction, and her thoughts devise plans to kill it. in this, how often is she aided by others! there are those, and they are called men and women, whose profession is to devise ways to kill children before they are born. those who do this would not hesitate (but for the consequences) to kill them after they are born, for the state of mind that would justify and instigate _ante-natal_ child-murder would justify and instigate _post-natal_ child-murder. yet, public sentiment consigns the murderer of post-natal children to the dungeon or the gallows, while the murderers of antenatal children are often allowed to pass in society as honest and honorable men and women. . the following is an extract from a letter written by one who has proudly and nobly filled the station of a wife and mother, and whose children and grandchildren surround her and crown her life with tenderest love and respect: "it has often been a matter of wonder to me that men should, so heedlessly, and so injuriously to themselves, their wives and children, and their homes, demand at once, as soon as they get legal possession of their wives, the gratification of a passion, which, when indulged merely for the sake of the gratification of the moment, must end in the destruction of all that is beautiful, noble and divine in man or woman. i have often felt that i would give the world for a friendship with man that should show no impurity in its bearing, and for a conjugal relation that would, at all times, heartily and practically recognize the right of the wife to decide for herself when she should enter into the relation that leads to maternity." . timely advice.--here let me say that on no subject should a man and woman, as they are being attracted into conjugal relations, be more open and truthful with each other than on this. no woman, who would save herself and the man she loves from a desecrated and wretched home, should enter into the physical relations of marriage with a man until she understands what he expects of her as to the function of maternity, and the relation that leads to it. if a woman is made aware that the man who would win her as a wife regards her and the marriage relation only as the means of a legalized gratification of his passions, and she sees fit to live with him as a wife, with such a prospect before her, she must take the consequences of a course so degrading and so shameless. if she sees fit to make an offering of her body and soul on the altar of her husband's sensuality, she must do it; but she has a right to know to what base uses her womanhood is to be put, and it is due to her, as well as to himself, that he should tell beforehand precisely what he wants and expects of her. too frequently, man shrinks from all allusion, during courtship, to his expectations in regard to future passional relations. he fears to speak of them, lest he should shock and repel the woman he would win as a wife. being conscious, it may be, of an intention to use power he may acquire over her person for his own gratification, he shuns all interchange of views with her, lest she should divine the hidden sensualism of his soul, and his intention to victimize her person to it the moment he shall get the license. a woman had better die at once than enter into or continue in marriage with a man whose highest conception of the relation is, that it is a means of licensed animal indulgence. in such a relation, body and soul are sacrificed. . one distinctive characteristic of a true and noble husband is a feeling of manly pride in the physical elements of his manhood. his physical manhood, as well as his soul, is dear to the heart of his wife, because through this he can give the fullest expression of his manly power. how can you, my friend, secure for your person the loving care and respect of your wife? there is but one way: so manifest yourself to her, in the hours of your most endearing intimacies, that all your manly power shall be associated only with all that is generous, just and noble in you, and with purity, freedom and happiness in her. make her feel that all which constitutes you a man, and qualifies you to be her husband and the father of her children, belongs to her, and is sacredly consecrated to the perfection and happiness of her nature. do this, and the happiness of your home is made complete your _body_ will be lovingly and reverently cared for, because the wife of your bosom feels that it is the sacred symbol through which a noble, manly love is ever speaking to her, to cheer and sustain her. . woman is ever proud, and justly so, of the manly passion of her husband, when she knows it is controlled by a love for her, whose manifestations have regard only to her elevation and happiness. the power which, when bent only on selfish indulgence, becomes a source of more shame, degradation, disease and wretchedness, to women and to children than all other things put together, does but ennoble her, add grace and glory to her being, and concentrate and vitalize the love that encircles her as a wife when it is controlled by wisdom and consecrated to her highest growth and happiness, and that of her children. it lends enchantment to her person, and gives a fascination to her smiles, her words and her caresses, which ever breathe of purity and of heaven, and make her all lovely as a wife and mother to her husband and the father of her child. _manly passion is to the conjugal love of the wife like the sun to the rose-bud, that opens its petals, and causes them to give out their sweetest fragrance and to display their most delicate tints; or like the frost, which chills and kills it ere it blossoms in its richness and beauty._ . a diadem of beauty.--maternity, when it exists at the call of the wife, and is gratefully received, but binds her heart more tenderly and devotedly to her husband. as the father of her child, he stands before her invested with new beauty and dignity. in receiving from him the germ of a new life, she receives that which she feels is to add new beauty and glory to her as a woman--a new grace and attraction to her as a wife. she loves and honors him, because he has crowned her with the glory of a mother. maternity, to her, instead of being repulsive, is a diadem of beauty, a crown of rejoicing; and deep, tender, and self-forgetting are her love and reverence for him who has placed it on her brow. how noble, how august, how beautiful is maternity when thus bestowed and received! . conclusion.--would you, then, secure the love and trust of your wife, and become an object of her ever-growing tenderness and reverence? assure her, by all your manifestations, and your perfect respect for the functions of her nature, that your passion shall be in subjection of her wishes. it is not enough that you have secured in her heart respect for your spiritual and intellectual manhood. to maintain your self-respect in your relations with her, to perfect your growth and happiness as a husband, you must cause your _physical_ nature to be tenderly cherished and reverenced by her in all the sacred intimacies of home. no matter how much she reverences your intellectual or your social power, if by reason of your uncalled-for passional manifestations you have made your physical manhood disagreeable, how can you, in her presence, preserve a sense of manly pride and dignity as a husband? [illustration] * * * * * health and disease. heredity and the transmission of diseases. . bad habits.--it is known that the girl who marries the man with bad habits, is, in a measure, responsible for the evil tendencies which these habits have created in the children; and young people are constantly warned of the danger in marrying when they know they come from families troubled with chronic diseases or insanity. to be sure the warnings have had little effect thus far in preventing such marriages, and it is doubtful whether they will, unless the prophecy of an extremist writing for one of our periodicals comes to pass--that the time is not far distant when such marriages will be a crime punishable by law. . tendency in the right direction.--that there is a tendency in the right direction must be admitted, and is perhaps most clearly shown in some of the articles on prison reform. many of them strongly urge the necessity of preventive work as the truest economy, and some go so far as to say that if the present human knowledge of the laws of heredity were acted upon for a generation, reformatory measures would be rendered unnecessary. . serious consequences.--the mother who has ruined her health by late hours, highly-spiced food, and general carelessness in regard to hygienic laws, and the father who is the slave of questionable habits, will be very sure to have children either mentally or morally inferior to what they might otherwise have had a right to expect. but the prenatal influences may be such that evils arising from such may be modified to a great degree. . formation of character.--i believe that pre-natal influences may do as much in the formation of character as all the education that can come after, and that the mother may, in a measure, "will" what that influence shall be, and that, as knowledge on the subject increases, it will be more and more under their control. in that, as in everything else, things that would be possible with one mother would not be with another, and measures that would be successful with one would produce opposite results from the other. . inheriting disease. consumption--that dread foe of modern life--is the most frequently encountered of all affections as the result of inherited predispositions. indeed, some of the most eminent physicians have believed it is never produced in any other way. heart disease, disease of the throat, excessive obesity, affections of the skin, asthma, disorders of the brain and nervous system, gout, rheumatism and cancer, are all hereditary. a tendency to bleed frequently, profusely and uncontrollably, from trifling wounds, is often met with as a family affection. . mental derangements.--almost all forms of mental derangements are hereditary--one of the parents or near relation being afflicted. physical or bodily weakness is often hereditary, such as scrofula, gout, rheumatism, rickets, consumption, apoplexy, hernia, urinary calculi, hemorrhoids or piles, cataract, etc. in fact, all physical weakness, if ingrafted in either parent, is transmitted from parents to offspring, and is often more strongly marked in the latter than in the former. . marks and deformities.--marks and deformities are all transmissible from parents to offspring, equally with diseases and peculiar proclivities. among such blemishes may be mentioned moles, hair-lips, deficient or supernumerary fingers, toes, and other characteristics. it is also asserted that dogs and cats that have accidentally lost their tails, bring forth young similarly deformed. blumenbach tells of a man who had lost his little finger, having children with the same deformity. . caution.--taking facts like these into consideration, how very important is it for persons, before selecting partners for life, to deliberately weigh every element and circumstances of this nature, if they would insure a felicitous union, and not entail upon their posterity disease, misery and despair. alas! in too many instances matrimony is made a matter of money, while all earthly joys are sacrificed upon the accursed altars of lust and mammon. [illustration: outdoor sports good training for morals as well as health.] * * * * * preparation for maternity. . woman before marriage.--it is not too much to say that the life of women before marriage ought to be adjusted with more reference to their duties as mothers than to any other one earthly object. it is the continuance of the race which is the chief purpose of marriage. the passion of amativeness is probably, on the whole, the most powerful of all human impulses. its purpose, however, is rather to subserve the object of continuing the species, than merely its own gratification. . exercise.--girls should be brought up to live much in the open air, always with abundant clothing against wet and cold. they should be encouraged to take much active exercise; as much, if they; want to, as boys. it is as good for little girls to run and jump, to ramble in the woods, to go boating, to ride and drive, to play and "have fun" generally, as for little boys. . preserve the sight.--children should be carefully prevented from using their eyes to read or write, or in any equivalent exertion, either before breakfast, by dim daylight, or by artificial light. even school studies should be such that they can be dealt with by daylight. lessons that cannot be learned without lamp-light study are almost certainly excessive. this precaution should ordinarily be maintained until the age of puberty is reached. . bathing.--bathing should be enforced according to constitutions, not by an invariable rule, except the invariable rule of keeping clean. not necessarily every day, nor necessarily in cold water; though those conditions are doubtless often right in case of abundant physical health and strength. . wrong habits.--the habit of daily natural evacuations should be solicitously formed and maintained. words or figures could never express the discomforts and wretchedness which wrong habits in this particular have locked down upon innumerable women for years and even for life. . dress.--dress should be warm, loose, comely, and modest rather than showy; but it should be good enough to satisfy a child's desires after a good appearance, if they are reasonable. children, indeed, should have all their reasonable desires granted as far as possible; for nothing makes them reasonable so rapidly and so surely as to treat them reasonably. . tight lacing.--great harm is often done to maidens for want of knowledge in them, or wisdom and care in their parents. the extremes of fashions are very prone to violate not only taste, but physiology. such cases are tight lacing, low necked dresses, thin shoes, heavy skirts. and yet, if the ladies only knew, the most attractive costumes are not the extremes of fashion, but those which conform to fashion enough to avoid oddity, which preserve decorum and healthfulness, whether or no; and here is the great secret of successful dress--vary fashion so as to suit the style of the individual. . courtship and marriage.--last of all, parental care in the use of whatever influence can be exerted in the matter of courtship and marriage. maidens, as well as youths, must, after all, choose for themselves. it is their own lives which they take in their hands as they enter the marriage state, and not their parents; and as the consequences affect them primarily it is the plainest justice that with the responsibility should be joined the right of choice. the parental influence, then, must be indirect and advisory. indirect, through the whole bringing up of their daughter; for if they have trained her aright, she will be incapable of enduring a fool, still more a knave. . a young woman and a young man had better not be alone together very much until they are married.--this will be found to prevent a good many troubles. it is not meant to imply that either sex, or any member of it, is worse than another, or bad at all, or anything but human. it is simply the prescription of a safe general rule. it is no more an imputation than the rule that people had better not be left without oversight in presence of large sums of other folks' money. the close personal proximity of the sexes is greatly undesirable before marriage. kisses and caresses are most properly the monopoly of wives. such indulgences have a direct and powerful physiological effect. nay, they often lead to the most fatal results. . ignorance before marriage.--at some time before marriage those who are to enter into it ought to be made acquainted with some of the plainest common-sense limitations which should govern their new relations to each other. ignorance in such matters has caused an infinite amount of disgust, pain and unhappiness. it is not necessary to specify particulars here; see other portions of this work. [illustration: a healthy mother.] * * * * * impregnation. . conception or impregnation.--conception or impregnation takes place by the union of the male sperm and female sperm. whether this is accomplished in the ovaries, the oviducts or the uterus, is still a question of discussion and investigation by physiologists. . passing off the ovum.--"with many women," says dr. stockham in her tokology, "the ovum passes off within twenty-four or forty-eight hours after menstruation begins. some, by careful observation, are able to know with certainty when this takes place. it is often accompanied with malaise, nervousness, headache or actual uterine pain. a minute substance like the white of an egg, with a fleck of blood in it, can frequently be seen upon the clothing. ladies who have noticed this phenomenon testify to its recurring very regularly upon the same day after menstruation. some delicate women have observed it as late as the fourteenth day." . calculations.--conception is more liable to take place either immediately before or immediately after the period, and, on that account it is usual when calculating the date at which to expect labor, to count from the day of disappearance of the last period. the easiest way to make a calculation is to count back three months from the date of the last period and add seven days; thus we might say that the date was the th of july; counting back brings us to the th of april, and adding the seven days will bring us to the th day of april, the expected time. . evidence of conception.--very many medical authorities, distinguished in this line, have stated their belief that women never pass more than two or three days at the most beyond the forty weeks conceded to pregnancy--that is two hundred and eighty days or ten lunar months, or nine calendar months and a week. about two hundred and eighty days will represent the average duration of pregnancy, counting from the last day of the last period. now it must be borne in mind, that there are many disturbing elements which might cause the young married woman to miss a time. during the first month of pregnancy there is no sign by which the condition may be positively known. the missing of a period, especially in a person who has, been regular for some time, may lead one to suspect it; but there are many attendant causes in married life, the little annoyances of household duties, embarrassments, and the enforced gayety which naturally surrounds the bride, and these should all be taken into consideration in the discussion as to whether or not she is pregnant. but then, again, there are some rare cases who have menstruated throughout their pregnancy, and also cases where menstruation was never established and pregnancy occurred. nevertheless, the non-appearance of the period, with other signs, may be taken as presumptive evidence. . "artificial impregnation".--it may not be generally known that union is not essential to impregnation; it is possible for conception to occur without congress. all that is necessary is that seminal animalcules enter the womb and unite there with the egg or ovum. it is not essential that the semen be introduced through the medium of the male organ, as it has been demonstrated repeatedly that by means of a syringe and freshly obtained and healthy semen, impregnation can be made to follow by its careful introduction. there are physicians in france who make a specialty of "artificial impregnation," as it is called, and produce children to otherwise childless couples, being successful in many instances in supplying them as they are desired. * * * * * signs and symptoms of pregnancy. . the first sign.--the first sign that leads a lady to suspect that she is pregnant is her ceasing-to-be-unwell. this, provided she has just before been in good health, is a strong symptom of pregnancy; but still there must be others to corroborate it. . abnormal condition.--occasionally, women menstruate during the entire time of gestation. this, without doubt, is an abnormal condition, and should be remedied, as disastrous consequences may result. also, women have been known to bear children who have never menstruated. the cases are rare of pregnancy taking place where menstruation has never occurred, yet it frequently happens that women never menstruate from one pregnancy to another. in these cases this symptom is ruled out for diagnotic purposes. . may proceed from other causes.--but a ceasing-to-be-unwell may proceed from other causes than that of pregnancy such as disease or disorder of the womb or of other organs of the body--especially of the lungs--it is not by itself alone entirely to be depended upon; although, as a single sign, it is, especially if the patient be healthy, one of the most reliable of all the other signs of pregnancy. [illustration: embryo of twenty days, laid open: _b_, the back; _a a a_ covering, and pinned to back.] . morning sickness.--if this does not arise from a disordered stomach, it is a trustworthy sign of pregnancy. a lady who has once had morning-sickness can always for the future distinguish it from each and from every other sickness; it is a peculiar sickness, which no other sickness can simulate. moreover, it is emphatically a morning-sickness--the patient being, as a rule, for the rest of the day entirely free from sickness or from the feeling of sickness. . a third symptom.--a third symptom is shooting, throbbing and lancinating pains in, and enlargement of the breasts, with soreness of the nipples, occurring about the second month. in some instances, after the first few months, a small quantity of watery fluid or a little milk, may be squeezed out or them. this latter symptom, in a first pregnancy, is valuable, and can generally be relied on as fairly conclusive of pregnancy. milk in the breast, however small it may be in quantity, especially in a first pregnancy, is a reliable sign, indeed, we might say, a certain sign, of pregnancy. . a dark brown areola or mark around the nipple is one of the distinguishing signs of pregnancy--more especially of a first pregnancy. women who have had large families, seldom, even when they are not pregnant, lose this mark entirely; but when they are pregnant it is more intensely dark--the darkest brown--especially if they be brunettes. . quickening.--quickening is one of the most important signs of pregnancy, and one of the most valuable, as at the moment it occurs, as a rule, the motion of the child is first felt, whilst, at the same time, there is a sudden increase in the size of the abdomen. quickening is a proof that nearly half the time of pregnancy has passed. if there be liability to miscarry, quickening makes matters more safe, as there is less likelihood of a miscarriage after than before it. a lady at this time frequently feels faint or actually faints away; she is often giddy, or sick, or nervous, and in some instances even hysterically; although, in rare cases, some women do not even know the precise time when they quicken. . increased size and hardness of the abdomen.--this is very characteristic of pregnancy. when a lady is not pregnant the abdomen is soft and flaccid; when she is pregnant, and after she has quickened, the abdomen; over the region of the womb, is hard and resisting. [illustration: embryo at thirty days _a_, the head; _b_, the eyes; _d_ the neck; _e_, the chest; _f_, the abdomen.] . excitability of mind.--excitability of mind is very common in pregnancy, more especially if the patient be delicate; indeed, excitability is a sign of debility, and requires plenty of good nourishment, but few stimulants. . eruptions on the skin.--principally on the face, neck, or throat, are tell-tales of pregnancy, and to an experienced matron, publish the fact that an acquaintance thus marked is pregnant. . the foetal heart.--in the fifth month there is a sign which, if detected, furnishes indubitable evidence of conception, and that is the sound of the child's heart. if the ear be placed on the abdomen, over the womb, the beating of the foetal heart can sometimes be heard quite plainly, and by the use of an instrument called the stethoscope, the sounds can be still more plainly heard. this is a very valuable sign, inasmuch as the presence of the child is not only ascertained, but also its position, and whether there are twins or more. [illustration: baby elizabeth, brought into the world by the "twilight sleep" method. it robs child bearing of most of its terrors.] * * * * * diseases of pregnancy. . costive state of the bowels.--a costive state of the bowels is common in pregnancy; a mild laxative is therefore occasionally necessary. the mildest must be selected, as a strong purgative is highly improper, and even dangerous. calomel and all other preparations of mercury are to be especially avoided, as a mercurial medicine is apt to weaken the system, and sometimes even to produce a miscarriage. let me again urge the importance of a lady, during the whole period of pregnancy, being particular as to the state of her bowels, as costiveness is a fruitful cause of painful, tedious and hard labors. . laxatives.--the best laxatives are caster oil, salad oil, compound rhubarb pills, honey, stewed prunes, stewed rhubarb, muscatel raisins, figs, grapes, roasted apples, baked pears, stewed normandy pippins, coffee, brown-bread and treacle. scotch oatmeal made with new milk or water, or with equal parts of milk and water. . pills.--when the motions are hard, and when the bowels are easily acted upon, two, or three, or four pills made of castile soap will frequently answer the purpose; and if they will, are far better than any other ordinary laxative. the following is a good form. take of: castile soap, five scruples; oil of caraway, six drops; to make twenty-four pills. two, or three, or four to be taken at bedtime, occasionally. . honey.--a teaspoonful of honey, either eaten at breakfast or dissolved in a cup of tea, will frequently, comfortably and effectually, open the bowels, and will supersede the necessity of taking laxative medicine. . nature's medicines.--now, nature's medicines--exercise in the open air, occupation, and household duties--on the contrary, not only at the time open the bowels, but keep up a proper action for the future; her--their inestimable superiority. . warm water injections.--an excellent remedy for costiveness of pregnancy is an enema, either of warm water, or of castile soap and water, which the patient, by means of a self-injecting enema-apparatus, may administer to herself. the quantity of warm water to be used, is from half a pint to a pint; the proper heat is the temperature of new milk; the time for administering it is early in the morning, twice or three times a week. . muscular pains of the abdomen.--the best remedy is an abdominal belt constructed for pregnancy, and adjusted with proper straps and buckles to accomodate the gradually increasing size of the womb. this plan often affords great comfort and relief; indeed, such a belt is indispensably necessary. . diarrhea.--although the bowels in pregnancy are generally costive, they are sometimes in an opposite state, and are relaxed. now, this relaxation is frequently owing to there having been prolonged constipation, and nature is trying to relieve herself by purging. do not check it, but allow it to have its course, and take a little rhubarb or magnesia. the diet should be simple, plain, and nourishing, and should consist of beef tea, chicken broth, arrow-root, and of well-made and well-boiled oatmeal gruel. butcher's meat, for a few days, should not be eaten; and stimulants of all kinds must be avoided. . fidgets.--a pregnant lady sometimes suffers severely from "fidgets"; it generally affects her feet and legs, especially at night, so as to entirely destroy her sleep; she cannot lie still; she every few minutes moves, tosses and tumbles about--first on one side, then on the other. the causes of "fidgets" are a heated state of the blood; an irritable condition of the nervous system, prevailing at that particular time; and want of occupution. the treatment of "fidgets" consists of: sleeping in a well-ventilated apartment, with either window or door open; a thorough ablution of the whole body every morning, and a good washing with tepid water of the face, neck, chest, arms and hands every night; shunning hot and close rooms; taking plenty of out-door exercise; living on a bland, nourishing, put not rich diet; avoiding meat at night, and substituting in lieu thereof, either a cupful of arrow-root made with milk, or of well-boiled oatmeal gruel. . exercise.--if a lady, during the night, have the "fidgets," she should get out of bed; take a short walk up and down the room, being well protected by a dressing-gown; empty her bladders turn, her pillow, so as to have the cold side next the head; and then lie down again; and the chances are that she will now fall asleep. if during the day she have the "fidgets," a ride in an open carriage; or a stroll in the garden, or in the fields; or a little housewifery, will do her good, and there is nothing like fresh air, exercise, and occupation to drive away "the fidgets." . heartburn.--heartburn is a common and often a distressing symptom of pregnancy. the acid producing the heartburn is frequently much increased by an overloaded stomach. an abstemious diet ought to be strictly observed. great attention should be paid to the quality of the food. greens, pastry, hot buttered toast, melted butter, and everything that is rich and gross, ought to be carefully avoided. either a teaspoonful of heavy calcined magnesia, or half a teaspoonful of carbonate of soda--the former to be preferred if there be constipation--should occasionally be taken in a wine-glassful of warm water. if these do not relieve--the above directions as to diet having been strictly attended to--the following mixture ought to be tried. take of: carbonate of ammonia, half a drachm; bicarbonate of soda, a drachm and a half; water, eight ounces; to make a mixture: two tablespoonfuls to be taken twice or three times a day, until relief be obtained. . wind in the stomach and bowels.--this is a frequent reason why a pregnant lady cannot sleep at night. the two most frequent causes of flatulence are, first, the want of walking exercise during the day, and second, the eating of a hearty meal just before going to bed at night. the remedies are, of course, in each instance, self-evident. . swollen legs from enlarged veins (varicose veins.)--the veins are frequently much enlarged and distended, causing the legs to be greatly swollen and very painful, preventing the patient from taking proper walking exercise. swollen legs are owing to the pressure of the womb upon the blood-vessels above. women who have had large families are more liable than others to varicose veins. if a lady marry late in life, or if she be very heavy in pregnancy carrying the child low down she is more likely to have distention of the veins. the best plan will be for her to wear during the day an elastic stocking, which ought to be made on purpose for her, in order that it may properly fit the leg and foot. . stretching of the skin of the abdomen. this is frequently, in a first pregnancy, distressing, from the soreness it causes. the best remedy is to rub the abdomen, every night and morning, with warm camphorated oil, and to wear a belt during the day and a broad flannel bandage at night, both of which should be put on moderately but comfortably tight. the belt must be secured in its situation by means of properly adjusted straps. . before the approach of labor.--the patient, before the approach of labor, ought to take particular care to have the bowels gently opened, as during that state a costive state greatly increases her sufferings, and lengthens the period of her labor. a gentle action is all that is necessary; a violent one would do more harm than good. . swollen and painful breasts. the breasts are, at times, during pregnancy, much swollen and very painful; and, now and then, they; cause the patient great uneasiness, as she fancies that she is going to have either some dreadful tumor or a gathering of the bosom. there need, in such a case, be no apprehension. the swelling and the pain are the consequences of the pregnancy, and will in due time subside without any unpleasant result. for treatment she cannot do better than rub them well, every night and morning, with equal parts of eau de cologne and olive oil, and wear a piece of new flannel over them; taking care to cover the nipples with soft linen, as the friction of the flannel might irritate them. . bowel complaints. bowel complaints, during pregnancy, are not unfrequent. a dose either of rhubarb and magnesia, or of castor oil, are the best remedies, and are generally, in the way of medicine, all that is necessary. . cramps. cramps of the legs and of the thighs during the latter period, and especially at night, are apt to attend pregnancy, and are caused by the womb pressing upon the nerves which extend to the lower extremities. treatment. tightly tie a handkerchief, folded like a neckerchief, round the limb a little above the part affected, and let it remain on for a few minutes. friction by means of the hand either with opodeldoc or with laudanum, taking care not to drink the lotion by mistake, will also give relief. . the whites. the whites during pregnancy, especially during the latter months, and particularly if the lady have had many children, are frequently troublesome, and are, in a measure, occasioned by the pressure of the womb on the parts below, causing irritation. the best way, therefore, to obviate such pressure is for the patient to lie down a great part of each day either on a bed or a sofa. she ought to retire early to rest: she should sleep on a hair mattress and in a well ventilated apartment, and should not overload her bed with clothes. a thick, heavy quilt at these times, and indeed at all times, is particularly objectionable; the perspiration cannot pass readily through it as through blankets, and thus she is weakened. she ought to live on plain, wholesome, nourishing food; and she must abstain from beer and wine and spirits. the bowels ought to be gently opened by means of a seidlitz powder, which should occasionally be taken early in the morning. [illustration: a precious flower.] . irritation and itching of the external parts.--this is a most troublesome affection, and may occur at any time, but more especially during the latter period of the pregnancy. let her diet be simple and nourishing; let her avoid stimulants of all kinds. let her take a sitz-bath of warm water, considerably salted. let her sit in the bath with the body thoroughly covered. . hot and inflamed.--the external parts, and the passage to the womb (vagina), in these cases, are not only irritable and itching, but are sometimes hot and inflamed, and are covered either with small pimples, or with a whitish exudation of the nature of aphtha (thrush), somewhat similar to the thrush on the mouth of an infant; then, the addition of glycerine to the lotion is a great improvement and usually gives much relief. . biliousness[footnote: some of these valuable suggestions are taken from "parturition without pain," by dr. m.l. holbrook.] is defined by some one as piggishness. generally it may be regarded as _overfed_. the elements of the bile are in the blood in excess of the power of the liver to eliminate them. this may be caused either from the superabundance of the materials from which the bile is made or by inaction of the organ itself. being thus retained the system is _clogged_. it is the result of either too much food in quantity or too rich in quality. especially is it caused by the excessive use of _fats and sweets_. the simplest remedy is the best. a plain, light diet with plenty of acid fruits, avoiding fats and sweets, will ameliorate or remove it. don't force the appetite. let hunger demand food. in the morning the sensitiveness of the stomach may be relieved by taking before rising a cup of hot water, hot milk, hot lemonade, rice or barley water, selecting according to preference. for this purpose many find coffee made from browned wheat or corn the best drink. depend for a time upon liquid food that can be taken up by absorbents. the juice of lemons and other acid fruits is usually grateful, and assists in assimilating any excess in nutriment. these may be diluted according to taste. with many, an egg lemonade proves relishing and acceptable. . deranged appetite.--where the appetite fails, let the patient go without eating for a little while, say for two or three meals. if, however, the strength begins to go, try the offering of some unexpected delicacy; or give small quantities of nourishing food, as directed in case of morning sickness. . piles.--for cases of significance consult a physician. as with constipation, so with piles, its frequent result, fruit diet, exercise, and sitz-bath regimen will do much to prevent the trouble. frequent local applications of a cold compress, and even of ice, and tepid water injections, are of great service. walking or standing aggravate this complaint. lying down alleviates it. dr. shaw says, "there is nothing in the world that will produce so great relief in piles as fasting. if the fit is severe, live a whole day, or even two, if necessary, upon pure soft cold water alone. give then very lightly of vegetable food." . toothache.--there is a sort of proverb that a woman loses one tooth every time she has a child. neuralgic toothache during pregnancy is, at any rate, extremely common, and often has to be endured. it is generally thought not best to have teeth extracted during pregnancy, as the shock to the nervous system has sometimes caused miscarriage. to wash out the mouth morning and night with cold or lukewarm water and salt is often of use. if the teeth are decayed, consult a good dentist in the early stages of pregnancy, and have the offending teeth properly dressed. good dentists, in the present state of the science, extract very few teeth, but save them. . salivation.--excessive secretion of the saliva has usually been reckoned substantially incurable. fasting, cold water treatment, exercise and fruit diet may be relied on to prevent, cure or alleviate it, where this is possible, as it frequently is. . headache.--this is, perhaps, almost as common in cases of pregnancy as "morning sickness." it may be from determination of blood to the head, from constipation or indigestion, constitutional "sick headache," from neuralgia, from a cold, from rheumatism. correct living will prevent much headache trouble; and where this does not answer the purpose, rubbing and making magnetic passes over the head by the hand of some healthy magnetic person will often prove of great service. . liver-spots.--these, on the face, must probably be endured, as no trustworthy way of driving them off is known. . jaundice.--see the doctor. . pain on the right side.--this is liable to occur from about the fifth to the eighth month, and is attributed to the pressure of the enlarging womb upon the liver. proper living is most likely to alleviate it. wearing a wet girdle in daytime or a wet compress at night, sitz-baths, and friction with the wet hand may also be tried. if the pain is severe a mustard poultice may be used. exercise should be carefully moderated if found to increase the pain. if there is fever and inflammation with it, consult a physician. it is usually not dangerous, but uncomfortable only. . palpitation of the heart.--to be prevented by healthy living and calm, good humor. lying down will often gradually relieve it, so will a compress wet with water, as hot as can be borne, placed over the heart and renewed as often as it gets cool. . fainting.--most likely to be caused by "quickening," or else by tight dress, bad air, over-exertion, or other unhealthy living. it is not often dangerous. lay the patient in an easy posture, the head rather low than high, and where cool air may blow across the face; loosen the dress if tight; sprinkle cold water on the face and hands. . sleeplessness.--most likely to be caused by incorrect living, and to be prevented and cured by the opposite. a glass or two of cold water drank deliberately on going to bed often helps one to go to sleep; so does bathing the face and hands and the feet in cold water. a short nap in the latter part of the forenoon can sometimes be had, and is of use. such a nap ought not to be too long, or it leaves a heavy feeling; it should be sought with the mind in a calm state, in a well-ventilated though darkened room, and with the clothing removed, as at night. a similar nap in the afternoon is not so good, but is better than nothing. the tepid sitz-bath on going to bed will often produce sleep, and so will gentle percussion given by an attendant with palms of the hand over the back for a few minutes on retiring. to secure sound sleep do not read, write or severely tax the mind in the evening. * * * * * morning sickness. . a pregnant woman is especially liable to suffer many forms of dyspepsia, nervous troubles, sleeplessness, etc. . morning sickness is the most common and is the result of an irritation in the womb, caused by some derangement, and it is greatly irritated by the habit of indulging in sexual gratification during pregnancy. if people would imitate the lower animals and reserve the vital forces of the mother for the benefit of her unborn child, it would be a great boon to humanity. morning sickness may begin the next day after conception, but it usually appears from two to three weeks after the beginning of pregnancy and continues with more or less severity from two to four months. . home treatment for morning sickness.--avoid all highly seasoned and rich food. also avoid strong tea and coffee. eat especially light and simple suppers at five o'clock and no later than six. some simple broths, such as will be found in the cooking department of this book will be very nourishing and soothing. coffee made from brown wheat or corn is an excellent remedy to use. the juice of lemons reduced with water will sometimes prove very effectual. a good lemonade with an egg well stirred is very nourishing and toning to the stomach. . hot fomentation on the stomach and liver is excellent, and warm and hot water injections are highly beneficial. . a little powdered magnesia at bed time, taken in a little milk, will often give almost permanent relief. . avoid corsets or any other pressure upon the stomach. all garments must be worn loosely. in many cases this will entirely prevent all stomach disturbances. * * * * * relation of husband and wife during pregnancy. . miscarriage.--if the wife is subject to miscarriage every precaution should be employed to prevent its happening again. under such exceptional circumstances the husband should sleep apart the first five months of pregnancy; after that length of time, the ordinary relation may be assumed. if miscarriage has taken place, intercourse should be avoided for a month or six weeks at least after the accident. . impregnation.--impregnation is the only mission of intercourse, and after that has taken place, intercourse can subserve no other purpose than sensual gratification. . woman must judge.--every man should recognize the fact that woman is the sole umpire as to when, how frequent, and under what circumstances, connection should take place. her desires should not be ignored, for her likes and dislikes are--as seen in another part of this book--easily impressed upon the unborn child. if she is strong and healthy there is no reason why passion should not be gratified with moderation and caution during the whole period of pregnancy, but she must be the sole judge and her desires supreme. . voluntary instances.--no voluntary instances occur through the entire animal kingdom. all females repel with force and fierceness the approaches of the male. the human family is the only exception. a man that loves his wife, however, will respect her under all circumstances and recognize her condition and yield to her wishes. * * * * * a private word to the expectant mother. elizabeth cady stanton, in a lecture to ladies, thus strongly states her views regarding maternity and painless childbirth: "we must educate our daughters to think that motherhood is grand, and that god never cursed it. and this curse, if it be a curse, may be rolled off, as man has rolled away the curse of labor; as the curse has been rolled from the descendants of ham. my mission is to preach this new gospel. if you suffer, it is not because you are cursed of god, but because you violate his laws. what an incubus it would take from woman could she be educated to know that the pains of maternity are no curse upon her kind. we know that among the indians the squaws do not suffer in childbirth. they will step aside from the ranks, even on the march, and return in a short time to them with the new-born child. what an absurdity then, to suppose that only enlightened christian women are cursed. but one word of fact is worth a volume of philosophy; let me give you some of my own experience. i am the mother of seven children. my girlhood was spent mostly in the open air. i early imbibed the idea that a girl was just as good as a boy, and i carried it out. i would walk five miles before breakfast or ride ten on horseback. after i was married i wore my clothing sensibly. their weight hung entirely on my shoulders. i never compressed my body out of its natural shape. when my first four children were born, i suffered very little. i then made up my mind that it was totally unnecessary for me to suffer at all; so i dressed lightly, walked every day, lived as much as possible in the open air, ate no condiments or spices, kept quiet, listened to music, looked at pictures, and took proper care of myself. the night before the birth of the child i walked three miles. the child was born without a particle of pain. i bathed it and dressed it, and it weighed ten and one-half pounds. that same day i dined with the family. everybody said i would surely die, but i never had a relapse or a moment's inconvenience from it. i know this is not being delicate and refined, but if you would be vigorous and healthy, in spite of the diseases of your ancestors, and your own disregard of nature's laws, try it." * * * * * shall pregnant women work? . over-worked mothers.--children born of over-worked mothers, are liable to a be dwarfed and puny race. however, their chances are better than those of the children of inactive, dependent, indolent mothers who have neither brain nor muscle to transmit to son or daughter. the truth seems to be that excessive labor, with either body or mind, is alike injurious to both men and women; and herein lies the sting of that old curse. this paragraph suggests all that need be said on the question whether pregnant women should or should not labor. . foolishly idle.--at least it is certain that they should not be foolishly idle; and on the other hand, it is equally certain that they should be relieved from painful laborious occupations that exhaust and unfit them for happiness. pleasant and useful physical and intellectual occupation, however, will not only do no harm, but positive good. . the best man and the best woman.--the best man is he who can rear the best child, and the best woman is she who can rear the best child. we very properly extol to the skies harriet hosmer, the artist, for cutting in marble the statue of a zenobia; how much more should we sing praises to the man and the woman who bring into the world a noble boy or girl. the one is a piece of lifeless beauty, the other a piece of life including all beauty, all possibilities. [illustration] * * * * * words for young mothers. the act of nursing is sometimes painful to the mother, especially before the habit is fully established. the discomfort is greatly increased if the skin that covers the nipples is tender and delicate. the suction pulls it off leaving them in a state in which the necessary pressure of the child's lips cause intense agony. this can be prevented in a great measure, says elizabeth robinson scovil, in _ladies' home journal_, if not entirely, by bathing the nipples twice a day for six weeks before the confinement with powdered alum dissolved in alcohol; or salt dissolved in brandy. if there is any symptom of the skin cracking when the child begins; to nurse, they should be painted with a mixture of tannin and glycerine. this must be washed off before the baby touches them and renewed when it leaves them. if they are very painful, the doctor will probably order morphia added to the mixture. a rubber nipple shield to be put on at the time of nursing, is a great relief. if the nipples are retracted or drawn inward, they can be drawn out painlessly by filling a pint bottle with boiling water, emptying it and quickly applying the mouth over the nipple. as the air in the bottle cools, it condenses, leaving a vacuum and the nipple is pushed out by the air behind it. when the milk accumulates or "cakes" in the breast in hard patches, they should be rubbed very gently, from the base upwards, with warm camphorated oil. the rubbing should be the lightest, most delicate stroking, avoiding pressure. if lumps appear at the base of the breast and it is red swollen and painful, cloths wrung out of cold water should be applied and the doctor sent for. while the breast is full and hard all over, not much apprehension need be felt. it is when lumps appear that the physician should be notified, that he may, if possible, prevent the formation of abscesses. while a woman is nursing she should eat plenty of nourishing food--milk, oatmeal, cracked wheat, and good juicy, fresh meat, boiled, roasted, or broiled, but not fried. between each meal, before going to bed, and once during the night, she should take a cup of cocoa, gruel made with milk; good beef tea, mutton broth, or any warm, nutritive drink. tea and coffee are to be avoided. it is important to keep the digestion in order and the bowels should be carefully regulated as a means to this end. if necessary, any of the laxative mineral waters can be used for this purpose, or a teaspoonful of compound licorice powder taken at night. powerful cathartic medicines should be avoided because of their effect upon the baby. the child should be weaned at nine months old, unless this time comes in very hot weather, or the infant is so delicate that a change of food would be injurious. if the mother is not strong her nurseling will sometimes thrive better upon artificial food than on its natural nourishment. by gradually lengthening the interval between the nursing and feeding the child, when it is hungry, the weaning can be accomplished without much trouble. a young mother should wear warm underclothing, thick stockings and a flannel jacket over her night dress, unless she is in the habit of wearing an under vest. if the body is not protected by warm clothing there is an undue demand upon the nervous energy to keep up the vital heat, and nerve force is wasted by the attempt to compel the system to do what ought to be done for it by outside means. [illustration] * * * * * how to have beautiful children. . parental influence.--the art of having handsome children has been a question that has interested the people of all ages and of all nationalities. there is no longer a question as to the influence that parents may and do exert upon their offspring, and it is shown in other parts of this book that beauty depends largely on the condition of health at the time of conception. it is therefore of no little moment that parents should guard carefully their own health as well as that of their children, that they may develop a vigorous constitution. there cannot be beauty without good health. . marrying too early.--we know that marriage at too early an age, or too late in life, is apt to produce imperfectly developed children, both mentally and physically. the causes are self-evident: a couple marrying too young, they lack maturity and consequently will impart weakness to their offspring; while on the other hand persons marrying late in life fail to find that normal condition which is conducive to the health and vigor of offspring. . crossing of temperaments and nationalities.--the crossing of temperaments and nationalities beautifies offspring. if young persons of different nationalities marry, their children under proper hygienic laws are generally handsome and healthy. for instance, an american and german or an irish and german uniting in marriage, produces better looking children than those marrying in the same nationality. persons of different temperaments uniting in marriage, always produces a good effect upon offspring. . the proper time.--to obtain the best results, conception should take place only when both parties are in the best physical condition. if either parent is in any way indisposed at the time of conception the results will be seen in the health of the child. many children brought in the world with diseases or other infirmities stamped upon their feeble frames show the indiscretion and ignorance of parents. . during pregnancy.--during pregnancy the mother should take time for self improvement and cultivate an interest for admiring beautiful pictures or engravings which represent cheerful and beautiful figures. secure a few good books illustrating art, with some fine representations of statues and other attractive pictures. the purchase of several illustrated an journals might answer the purpose. . what to avoid.--pregnant mothers should avoid thinking of ugly people, or those marked by any deformity or disease; avoid injury, fright and disease of any kind. also avoid ungraceful position and awkward attitude, but cultivate grace and beauty in herself. avoid difficulty with neighbors or other trouble. . good care.--she should keep herself in good physical condition, and the system well nourished, as a want of food always injures the child. . the improvement of the mind.--the mother should read suitable articles in newspapers or good books, keep her mind occupied. if she cultivates a desire for intellectual improvement, the same desire will be more or less manifested in the growth and development of the child. . like produces like, everywhere and always--in general forms and in particular features--in mental qualities and in bodily conditions--in tendencies of thought and in habits of action. let this grand truth be deeply impressed upon the hearts of all who desire or expect to become parents. . heredity.--male children generally inherit the peculiar traits and diseases of the mother and female children those of the father. . advice.--therefore it is urged that during the period of utero-gestation, especial pains should be taken to render the life of the female as harmonious as possible, that her surroundings should all be of a nature calculated to inspire the mind with thoughts of physical and mental beauties and perfections, and that she should be guarded against all influences, of whatever character, having a deteriorative tendency. [illustration] [illustration: the beautiful butterfly.] * * * * * education of the child in the womb. "a lady once interviewed a prominent college president and asked him when the education of a child should begin. 'twenty-five years before it is born,' was the prompt reply." no better answer was ever given to that question every mother may well consider it. . the unborn child affected by the thoughts and the surroundings of the mother.--that the child is affected in the womb of the mother, through the influences apparently connected with objects by which she is surrounded, appears to have been well known in ancient days, as well as at the present time. . evidences.--many evidences are found in ancient history, especially among the refined nations, showing that certain expedients were resorted to by which their females, during the period of utero-gestation, were surrounded by the superior refinements of the age, with the hope of thus making upon them impressions which should have the effect of communicating certain desired qualities to the offspring. for this reason apartments were adorned with statuary and paintings, and special pains were taken not only to convey favorable impressions, but also to guard against unfavorable ones being made, upon the mind of the pregnant woman. . hankering after gin.--a certain mother while pregnant, longed for gin, which could not be gotten; and her child cried incessantly for six weeks till gin was given it, which it eagerly clutched and drank with ravenous greediness, stopped crying, and became healthy. . begin to educate children at conception, and continue during their entire carriage. yet maternal study, of little account before the sixth, after it, is most promotive of talents; which, next to goodness are the father's joy and the mother's pride. what pains are taken after they are born, to render them prodigies of learning, by the best of schools and teachers from their third year; whereas their mother's study, three months before their birth, would improve their intellects infinitely more. . mothers, does god thus put the endowment of your darlings into your moulding power? then tremble in view of its necessary responsibilities, and learn how to wield them for their and your temporal and eternal happiness. [illustration] . qualities of the mind.--the qualities of the mind are perhaps as much liable to hereditary transmission as bodily configuration. memory, intelligence, judgment, imagination, passions, diseases, and what is usually called genius, are often very markedly traced in the offspring.--i have known mental impressions forcibly impressed upon the offspring at the time of conception, as concomitant of some peculiar eccentricity, idiosyncrasy, morbidness, waywardness, irritability, or proclivity of either one or both parents. . the plastic brain.--the plastic brain of the foetus is prompt to receive all impressions. it retains them, and they become the characteristics of the child and the man. low spirits, violent passions, irritability, frivolity, in the pregnant woman, leave indelible marks on the unborn child. . formation of character.--i believe that pre-natal influences may do as much in the formation of character as all the education that can come after, and that mothers may, in a measure, "will," what that influence shall be, and that, as knowledge on the subject increases, it will be more and more under their control. in that, as in everything else, things that would be possible with one mother would not be with another, and measures that would be successful with one would produce opposite results from the other. . a historical illustration.--a woman rode side by side with her soldier husband, and witnessed the drilling of troops for battle. the scene inspired her with a deep longing to see a battle and share in the excitements of the conquerors. this was but a few months before her boy was born, and his name was napoleon. . a musician.--the following was reported by dr. f.w. moffatt, in the mother's own language, "when i was first pregnant, i wished my offspring to be a musician, so, during the period of that pregnancy, settled my whole mind on music, and attended every musical entertainment i possibly could. i had my husband, who has a violin, to play for me by the hour. when the child was born, it was a girl, which grew and prospered, and finally became an expert musician." . murderous intent.--the mother of a young man, who was hung not long ago, was heard to say: "i tried to get rid of him before he was born; and, oh, how i wish now that i had succeeded!" she added that it was the only time she had attempted anything of the sort; but, because of home troubles, she became desperate, and resolved that her burdens should not be made any greater. does it not seem probable that the murderous intent, even though of short duration, was communicated to the mind of the child, and resulted in the crime for which he was hung? . the assassin of garfield.--guiteau's father was a man of integrity and conquerable intellectual ability. his children were born in quick succession, and the mother was obliged to work very hard. before this child was born, she resorted to every means, though unsuccessful, to produce abortion. the world knows the result. guiteau's whole life was full of contradictions. there was little self-controlling power in him; no common sense, and not a vestige or remorse or shame. in his wild imagination, he believed himself capable of doing the greatest work and of filling the loftiest station in life. who will dare question that this mother's effort to destroy him while in embryo was the main cause in bringing him to the level of the brutes? . caution.--any attempt, on the part of the mother, to destroy her child before birth, is liable, if unsuccessful, to produce murderous tendencies. even harboring murderous thoughts, whether toward her own child or not, might be followed by similar results. "the great king of kings hath in the table of his law commanded that thou shall do no murder. wilt thou, then, spurn at his edict, and fulfill a man's? take heed, for he holds vengeance in his hand to hurl upon their heads that break his law." --richard iii., _act i._ [illustration: the embryo in sixty days.] * * * * * how to calculate the time of expected labor. . the table on the opposite page has been very accurately compiled, and will be very helpful to those who desire the exact time. . the duration of pregnancy is from to days, or nearly forty weeks. the count should be made from the beginning of the last menstruation, and add eight days on account of the possibility of it occurring within that period. the heavier the child the longer is the duration; the younger the woman the longer time it often requires. the duration is longer in married than in unmarried women; the duration is liable to be longer if the child is a female. . movement.--the first movement is generally felt on the th day after impregnation. . growth of the embryo.--about the twentieth day the embryo resembles the appearance of an ant or lettuce seed; the th day the embryo is as large as a common horse fly; the th day the form resembles that of a person; in sixty days the limbs begin to form, and in four months the embryo takes the name of foetus. . children born after seven or eight months can survive and develop to maturity. [illustration: duration of pregnancy.] directions.--find in the upper horizontal line the date on which the last menstruation ceased; the figure beneath gives the date of expected confinement ( days). jan. oct. jan. oct. nov. feb. nov. feb. nov. dec. mar. dec. mar. dec. jan. apr. jan. apr. jan. feb. may feb. may feb. mar. june mar. june mar. apr. july apr. july apr. may aug. may aug. may june sep. june sep. june july oct. july oct. july aug. nov. aug. nov. aug. sep. dec. sep. dec. sep. oct. [illustration: if menstruation ceased oct. , the confinement will take place july .] * * * * * the signs and symptoms of labor. . although the majority of patients, a day or two before the labor comes on, are more bright and cheerful, some few are more anxious, fanciful, fidgety and reckless. . a few days, sometimes a few hours, before labor commences, the child "falls" as it is called; that is to say, there is a subsidence--a dropping--of the womb lower down the abdomen. this is the reason why she feels lighter and more comfortable, and more inclined to take exercise, and why she can breathe more freely. . the only inconvenience of the dropping of the womb is, that the womb presses more on the bladder, and sometimes causes an irritability of that organ, inducing a frequent desire to make water. the wearing the obstetric belt, as so particularly enjoined in previous pages, will greatly mitigate this inconvenience. . the subsidence--the dropping--of the womb may then be considered one of the earliest of the precursory symptoms of child-birth, and as the herald of the coming event. . she has, at this time, an increased moisture of the vagina--the passage leading to the womb--and of the external parts. she has, at length, slight pains, and then she has a "show," as it is called; which is the coming away of a mucous plug which, during pregnancy, had hermetically sealed up the mouth of the womb. the "show" is generally tinged with a little blood. when a "show" takes place, she may rest assured that labor has actually commenced. one of the early symptoms of labor is a frequent desire to relieve the bladder. . she ought not, on any account, unless it be ordered by the medical man, to take any stimulant as a remedy for the shivering. in case of shivering or chills, a cup either of hot lea or of hot gruel will be the best remedy for the shivering; and an extra blanket or two should be thrown over her, and be well tucked around her, in order to thoroughly exclude the air from the body. the extra clothing, as soon as she is warm and perspiring, should be gradually removed, as she ought not to be kept very hot, or it will weaken her, and will thus retard her labor. . she must not, on any account, force down--as her female friends or as a "pottering" old nurse may advise--to "grinding pains"; if sue does, it will rather retard than forward her labor. . during this stage, she had better walk about or sit down, and not confine herself to bed; indeed, there is no necessity for her, unless she particularly desire it, to remain in her chamber. . after an uncertain length of time, the pains alter in character. from being "grinding" they become "bearing down," and more regular and frequent, and the skin becomes both hot and perspiring. these may be considered the true labor-pains. the patient ought to bear in mind then that "true labor-pains" are situated in the back, and loins; they come on at regular intervals, rise gradually up to a certain pitch of intensity, and abate as gradually; it is a dull, heavy, deep sort of pain, producing occasionally a low moan from the patient; not sharp or twinging, which would elicit a very different expression of suffering from her. . labor--and truly it maybe called, "labor." the fiat has gone forth that in "sorrow thou shalt bring forth children." young, in his "night thoughts," beautifully expresses the common lot of women to suffer: "'tis the common lot; in this shape, or in that, has fate entailed the mother's throes on all of women born, not more the children than sure heirs of pain." [illustration] [illustration: love of home.] * * * * * special safeguards in confinement. . before the confinement takes place everything should be carefully arranged and prepared. the physician should be spoken to and be given the time as near as can be calculated. the arrangement of the bed, bed clothing, the dress for the mother and the expected babe should be arranged for convenient and immediate use. . a bottle of sweet oil, or vaseline, or some pure lard should be in readiness. arrangements should be made for washing all soiled garments, and nothing by way of soiled rags or clothing should be allowed to accumulate. . a rubber blanket, or oil or waterproof cloth should be in readiness to place underneath the bottom sheet to be used during labor. . as soon as labor pains have begun a fire should be built and hot water kept ready for immediate use. the room should be kept well ventilated and comfortably warm. . no people should be allowed in or about the room except the nurse, the physician, and probably members of the family when called upon to perform some duty. . during labor no solid food should be taken; a little milk, broth or soup may be given, provided there is an appetite. malt or spirituous liquors should be carefully avoided. a little wine, however, may be taken in case of great exhaustion. lemonade, toast, rice water, and tea may be given when desired. warm tea is considered an excellent drink for the patient at this time. . when the pains become regular and intermit, it is time that the physician is sent for. on the physician's arrival he will always take charge of the case and give necessary instructions. . in nearly all cases the head of the child is presented first. the first pains are generally grinding and irregular, and felt mostly in the groins and within, but as labor progresses the pains are felt in the abdomen, and as the head advances there is severe pain in the back and hips and a disposition to bear down, but no pressure should be placed upon the abdomen of the patient; it is often the cause of serious accidents. nature will take care of itself. . conversation should be of a cheerful character, and all allusions to accidents of other child births should be carefully avoided. . absence of physician.--in case the child should be born in the absence of the physician, when the head is born receive it in the hand and support it until the shoulders have been expelled, and steady the whole body until the child is born. support the child with both hands and lay it as far from the mother as possible without stretching the cord. remove the mucus from the nostrils and mouth, wrap the babe in warm flannel, make the mother comfortable, give her a drink, and allow the child to remain until the pulsations in the cord have entirely ceased. after the pulsations have entirely ceased then sever the cord. use a dull pair of scissors, cutting it about two inches from the child's navel, and generally no time is necessary, and when the physician comes he will give it prompt attention. . if the child does not breathe at its arrival, says dr. stockham in her celebrated tokology, a little slapping on the breast and body will often produce respiration, and if this is not efficient, dash cold water on the face and chest; if this fails then close the nostrils with two fingers, breathe into the mouth and then expel the air from the lungs by gentle pressure upon the chest. continue this as long as any hope of life remains. . after-birth.--usually contractions occur and the after-birth is readily expelled; if not, clothes wrung out in hot water laid upon the bowels will often cause the contraction of the uterus, and the expulsion of the after-birth. . if the cord bleeds severely inject cold water into it. this in many cases removes the after-birth. . after the birth of the child give the patient a bath, if the patient is not too exhausted, change the soiled quilts and clothing, fix up everything neat and clean and let the patient rest. let the patient drink weak tea, gruel, cold or hot water, whichever she chooses. . after the birth of the baby, the mother should be kept perfectly quiet for the first hours and not allowed to talk or see anyone except her nearest relations, however well she may seem. she should not get out of bed for ten days or two weeks, nor sit up in bed for nine days. the more care taken of her at this time, the more rapid will be her recovery when she does get about. she should go up and down stairs slowly, carefully, and as seldom as possible for six weeks. she should not stand more than is unavoidable during that time, but sit with her feet up and lie down when she has time to rest. she should not work a sewing machine with a treadle for at least six weeks, and avoid any unusual strain or over-exertion. "an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure," and carefulness will be well repaid by a perfect restoration to health. [illustration] [illustration: my priceless jewel. what will be his fate in life?] * * * * * where did the baby come from? where did you come from, baby dear? out of the everywhere into here. where did you get the eyes so blue? out of the sky, as i came through. where did you get that little tear? i found it waiting when i got here. what makes your forehead so smooth and high? a soft hand stroked it as i went by. what makes your cheek like a warm, white rose? i saw something better than anyone knows. whence that three-cornered smile of bliss? three angels gave me at once a kiss. where did you get this pretty ear? god spoke, and it came out to hear. where did you get those arms and hands? love made itself into hooks and bands. feet whence did you come, you darling things? from the same box as the cherub's wings. how did they all come just to be you? god thought of me, and so i grew. but how did you come to us, you dear? god thought about you, and so i am here. --george macdonald. * * * * * child bearing without pain. how to dress, diet and exercise in pregnancy. . ailments.--those ailments to which pregnant women are liable are mostly inconveniences rather than diseases, although they may be aggravated to a degree of danger. no patent nostrums or prescriptions are necessary. if there is any serious difficulty the family physician should be consulted. . comfort.--wealth and luxuries are not a necessity. comfort will make the surroundings pleasant. drudgery, overwork and exposure are the three things that tend to make women miserable while in the state of pregnancy, and invariably produce irritable, fretful and feeble children. dr. stockham says in her admirable work "tokology:" "the woman who indulges in the excessive gayety of fashionable life, as well as the overworked woman, deprives her child of vitality. she attends parties in a dress that is unphysiological in warmth, distribution and adjustment, in rooms badly ventilated; partakes of a supper of indigestible compounds, and remains into the 'wee, sma' hours,' her nervous system taxed to the utmost." . exercise.--a goodly amount of moderate exercise is a necessity, and a large amount of work may be accomplished if prudence is properly exercised. it is overwork, and the want of sufficient rest and sleep that produces serious results. . dresses.--a pregnant woman should make her dresses of light material and avoid surplus trimmings. do not wear anything that produces any unnecessary weight. let the clothing be light but sufficient in quantity to produce comfort in all kinds of weather. . garments.--it is well understood that the mother must breathe for two, and in order to dress healthily the garments should be worn loose, so as to give plenty of room for respiration. tight clothes only cause disease, or produce frailty or malformation in the offspring. . shoes.--wear a large shoe in pregnancy; the feet may swell and untold discomfort may be the result. get a good large shoe with a large sole. give the feet plenty of room. many women suffer from defects in vision, indigestion, backache, loss of voice, headache, etc., simply as the result of the reflex action of the pressure of tight shoes. . lacing.--many women lace themselves to the first period of their gestation in order to meet their society engagements. all of this is vitally wrong and does great injury to the unborn child as well as to inflict many ills and pains upon the mother. . corsets.--corsets should be carefully avoided, for the corset more than any other one thing is responsible for making woman the victim of more woes and diseases than all other causes put together. about one-half the children born in this country die before they are five years of age, and no doubt this terrible mortality is largely due to this instrument of torture known as the _modern corset._ tight lacing is the cause of infantile mortality. it slowly but surely takes the lives of tens of thousands, and so effectually weakens and diseases, so as to cause the untimely death of millions more. . bathing.--next to godliness is cleanliness. a pregnant woman should take a sponge or towel-bath two or three times a week. it stimulates and invigorates the entire body. no more than two or three minutes are required. it should be done in a warm room, and the body rubbed thoroughly after each bathing. . the hot sitz-bath.--this bath is one of the most desirable and healthful baths for pregnant women. it will relieve pain or acute inflammation, and will be a general tonic in keeping the system in a good condition. this may be taken in the middle of the forenoon or just before retiring, and if taken just before retiring will produce invigorating sleep, will quiet the nerves, cure headache, weariness, etc. it is a good plan to take this bath every night before retiring in case of any disorders. a woman who keeps this tip during the period of gestation will have a very easy labor and a strong, vigorous babe. . hot fomentations.--applying flannel cloths wrung out of simple or medicated hot water is a great relief for acute suffering, such as neuralgia, rheumatic pain, biliousness, constipation, torpid liver, colic, flatulency, etc. . the hot water-bag.--the hot water-bag serves the same purpose as hot fomentations, and is much more convenient. no one should go through the period of gestation without a hot water-bag. . the cold compress.--this is a very desirable and effectual domestic remedy. take a towel wrung from cold water and apply it to the affected parts; then cover well with several thicknesses of flannel. this is excellent in cases of sore throat, hoarseness, bronchitis, inflammation of the lungs, croup, etc. it is also excellent for indigestion, constipation or distress of the bowels accompanied by heat. . diet.--the pregnant woman should eat nutritious, but not stimulating or heating food, and eat at the regular time. avoid drinking much while eating. . avoid salt, pepper and sweets as much as possible. . eat all kinds of grains, vegetables and fruits, and avoid salted meat, but eat chicken, steak, fish, oysters, etc. . the woman who eats indiscriminately anything and everything the same as any other person, will have a very painful labor and suffer many ills that could easily be avoided by more attention being paid to the diet. with a little study and observation a woman will soon learn what to eat and what to avoid. [illustration: _nature versus corsets illustrated_ a. the ribs of large curve; the lungs large and roomy; the liver, stomach and bowels in their normal position; all with abundant room. b. the ribs bent almost to angles; the lungs contracted; the liver, stomach and intestines forced down into the pelvis, crowding the womb seriously.] . the above cuts are given on page ; we repeat them here for the benefit of expectant mothers who may be ignorant of the evil effects of the corset. displacement of the womb, interior irritation and inflammation, miscarriage and sterility, are some of the many injuries of tight lacing. there are many others, in fact their name is legion, and every woman who has habitually worn a corset and continues to wear it during the early period of gestation must suffer severely during childbirth. [illustration: _"the house we live in" for nine months: showing the ample room provided by nature when uncontracted by inherited inferiority of form or artificial dressing._] [illustration: _a contracted pelvis. deformity and insufficient space._] . this is what dr. stockham says: "if women had _common sense_, instead of _fashion sense_, the corset would not exist. there are not words in the english language to express my convictions upon this subject. the corset more than any other one thing is responsible for woman's being the victim of disease and doctors.... "what is the effect upon the child? one-half of the children born in this country die before they are five years of age. who can tell how much this state of things is due to the enervation of maternal life forces by the one instrument of torture? "i am a temperance woman. no one can realize more than i the devastation and ruin alcohol in its many tempting forms has brought to the human family. still i solemnly believe that in weakness and deterioration of health, the corset has more to answer for than intoxicating drinks." when asked how far advanced a woman should be in pregnancy before she laid aside her corset, dr. stockham said with emphasis: "_the corset should not be worn for two hundred years before pregnancy takes place._ ladies, it will take that time at least to overcome the ill-effect of tight garments which you think so essential." . painless pregnancy and child-birth.--"some excellent popular volumes," says dr. haff, "have been largely devoted to directions how to secure a comfortable period of pregnancy and painless delivery. after much conning of these worthy efforts to impress a little common sense upon the sisterhood, we are convinced that all may be summed up under the simple heads of: ( ) an unconfined and lightly burdened waist; ( ) moderate but persistent outdoor exercise, of which walking is the best form; ( ) a plain unstimulating, chiefly fruit and vegetable diet; ( ) little or no intercourse during the time. "these are hygienic rules of benefit under any ordinary conditions; yet they are violated by almost every pregnant lady. if they are followed, biliousness, indigestion, constipation, swollen limbs, morning sickness and nausea--all will absent themselves or be much lessened. in pregnancy more than at any other time, corsets are injurious. the waist and abdomen must be allowed to expand freely with the growth of the child. the great process of _evolution_ must have room." . in addition, we can do no better than quote the following recapitulation by dr. stockham in her famous tokology: "to give a woman the greatest immunity from suffering during pregnancy, prepare her for a safe and comparatively easy delivery, and insure a speedy recovery, all hygienic conditions must be observed. "the dress must give: " . freedom of movement; " . no pressure upon any part of the body; " . no more weight than is essential for warmth, and both weight and warmth evenly distributed. "these requirements necessitate looseness, lightness and warmth, which can be obtained from the union underclothes, a princess skirt and dress, with a shoe that allows full development and use of the foot. while decoration and elegance are desirable, they should not sacrifice comfort and convenience. . "let the diet be light, plain and nutritious. avoid fats and sweets, relying mainly upon fruits and grain that contain little of the mineral salts. by this diet bilious and inflammatory conditions are overcome, the development of bone in the foetus lessened, and muscles necessary in labor nourished and strengthened. . "exercise should be sufficient and of such a character as will bring into action gently every muscle of the body; but must particularly develop the muscles of the trunk, abdomen and groin, that are specially called into action in labor. exercise, taken faithfully and systematically, more than any other means assists assimilative processes and stimulates the organs of excretion to healthy action. . "bathing must be frequent and regular. unless in special conditions the best results are obtained from tepid or cold bathing, which invigorates the system and overcomes nervousness. the sitz-bath is the best therapeutic and hygienic measure within the reach of the pregnant woman. "therefore, to establish conditions which will overcome many previous infractions of law, _dress_ naturally and physiologically; _live_ much of the time _out of doors_; have _abundance_ of _fresh air_ in the house; let _exercise_ be _sufficient_ and _systematic_; pursue a _diet of fruit_, rice and vegetables; _regular rest_ must be faithfully taken; _abstain_ from the sexual relation. to those who will commit themselves to this course of life, patiently and persistently carrying it out through the period of gestation, the possibilities of attaining a healthy, natural, painless parturition will be remarkably increased. . "if the first experiment should not result in a painless labor, it without doubt will prove the beginning of sound health. persisted in through years of married life, the ultimate result will be more and more closely approximated, while there will be less danger of diseases after childbirth and better and more vigorous children will be produced. "then pregnancy by every true woman will be desired, and instead of being a period of disease, suffering and direful forebodings, will become a period of health, exalted pleasure and holiest anticipations. motherhood will be deemed the choicest of earth's blessings; women will rejoice in a glad maternity and for any self-denial will be compensated by healthy, happy, buoyant, grateful children." [illustration] [illustration: swat the flies and save the babies. life cycle of a fly egg stage day maggot stage days pupa stage days days later it begins to lay eggs] [illustration: joan of arc.] * * * * * solemn lessons for parents. . excessive pleasures and pains.--a woman during her time of pregnancy should of all women be most carefully tended, and kept from violent and excessive pleasures and pains; and at that time she should cultivate gentleness, benevolence and kindness. . hereditary effects.--those who are born to become insane do not necessarily spring from insane parents, or from any ancestry having any apparent taint of lunacy in their blood, but they do receive from their progenitors certain impressions upon their mental and moral, as well as their physical beings, which impressions, like an iron mould, fix and shape their subsequent destinies. hysteria in the mother may develop insanity in the child, while drunkenness in the father may impel epilepsy, or mania, in the son. ungoverned passions in the parents may unloose the furies of unrestrained madness in the minds of their children, and the bad treatment of the wife may produce sickly or weak-minded children. . the influence of predominant passion may be transmitted from the parent to the child, just as surely a similarity of looks. it has been truly said that "the faculties which predominate in power and activity in the parents, when the organic existence of the child commences, determine its future mental disposition." a bad mental condition of the mother may produce serious defects upon her unborn child. . the singular effects produced on the unborn child by the sudden mental emotions of the mother are remarkable examples of a kind of electrotyping on the sensitive surfaces of living forms. it is doubtless true that the mind's action in such cases may increase or diminish the molecular deposits in the several portions of the system. the precise place which each separate particle assumes in the new organic structure may be determined by the influence of thought or feeling. perfect love and perfect harmony should exist between wife and husband during this vital period. . an illustration.--if a sudden and powerful emotion of a woman's mind exerts such an influence upon her stomach as to excite vomiting, and upon her heart as almost to arrest its motion and induce fainting, can we believe that it will have no effect upon her womb and the fragile being contained within it? facts and reason then, alike demonstrate the reality of the influence, and much practical advantage would result to both parent and child, were the conditions and extent of its operations better understood. . pregnant women should not be exposed to causes likely to distress or otherwise strongly impress their minds. a consistent life with worthy objects constantly kept in mind should be the aim and purpose of every expectant mother. * * * * * ten health rules for babies cut death rate in two. ninety-four babies out of every thousand born in new york died last year. only thirty-eight babies died in montclair, n.j., out of every thousand born during the same period. much credit for this low rate of infant mortality in the latter city is given the montclair day nursery which prescribes the following decade of baby health rules: . give a baby pure milk and watch its feeding very closely. . keep everything connected with a baby absolutely clean. cleanliness in the house accounts for a baby's health. untidy babies are usually sick babies. . never let a baby get chilled. keep its hands and feet warm. . regulate a baby's day by the clock. everything about its wants should be attended to on schedule time. . diminish a baby's food the minute signs of illness appear. most babies are overfed anyway. . weigh a baby every week until it is a year old. its weight is an index of its health. . every mother should get daily out-door exercise. it means better health for her babies. . every baby should be "mothered" more and mauled less. babies thrive on cuddling but they can get along on a lot less kissing. . don't amuse or play with your baby too much. its regular daily routine is all the stimulation its little brain needs at first. . don't let too many different people take care of the baby. even members of the same family make a baby nervous if they fuss around him too much. [illustration] [illustration: man with scales and infant.] * * * * * the care of new-born infants. . the first thing to be done ordinarily is to give the little stranger a bath by using soap and warm water. to remove the white material that usually covers the child use olive oil, goose oil or lard, and apply it with a soft piece of worn flannel, and when the child is entirely clean rub all off with a fresh piece of flannel. . many physicians in the united states recommend a thorough oiling of the child with pure lard or olive oil, and then rub dry as above stated. by these means water is avoided, and with it much risk of taking cold. . the application of brandy or liquor is entirely unnecessary, and generally does more injury than good. . if an infant should breathe feebly, or exhibit other signs of great feebleness, it should not be washed at once, but allowed to remain quiet and undisturbed, warmly wrapped up until the vital actions have acquired a fair degree of activity. . dressing the navel.--there is nothing better for dressing the navel than absorbent antiseptic cotton. there needs be no grease or oil upon the cotton. after the separation of the cord the navel should be dressed with a little cosmoline, still using the absorbent cotton. the navel string usually separates in a week's time; it may be delayed for twice this length of time, this will make no material difference, and the rule is to allow it to drop off of its own accord. . the clothing of the infant.--the clothing of the infant should be light, soft and perfectly loose. a soft flannel band is necessary only until the navel is healed. afterwards discard bands entirely if you wish your babe to be happy and well. make the dresses "mother hubbard" put on first a soft woolen shirt, then prepare the flannel skirts to hang from the neck like a slip. make one kind with sleeves and one just like it without sleeves, then white muslin skirts (if they are desired), all the same way. then baby is ready for any weather. in intense heat simply put on the one flannel slip with sleeves, leaving off the shirt. in spring and fall the shirt and skirt with no sleeves. in cold weather shirt and both skirts. these garments can be all put on at once, thus making the process of dressing very quick and easy. these are the most approved modern styles for dressing infants, and with long cashmere stockings pinned to the diapers the little feet are free to kick with no old-fashioned pinning blanket to torture the naturally active, healthy child, and retard its development. if tight bands are an injury to grown people, then in the name of pity emancipate the poor little infant from their torture! . the diaper.--diapers should be of soft linen, and great care should be exercised not to pin them too tightly. never dry them, but always wash them thoroughly before being used again. . the band need not be worn after the navel has healed so that it requires no dressing, as it serves no purpose save to keep in place the dressing of the navel. the child's body should be kept thoroughly warm around the chest, bowels and feet. give the heart and lungs plenty of room to heave. . the proper time for shortening the clothes is about three months in summer and six months in winter. . infant bathing.--the first week of a child's life it should not be entirely stripped and washed. it is too exhausting. after a child is over a week old it should be bathed every day; after a child is three weeks old it may be put in the water and supported with one hand while it is being washed with the other. never, however, allow it to remain too long in the water. from ten to twenty minutes is the limit. use pears' soap or castile soap, and with a sponge wipe quickly, or use a soft towel. [illustration] * * * * * nursing. . the new-born infant requires only the mother's milk. the true mother will nurse her child if it is a possibility. the infant will thrive better and have many more chances for life. . the mother's milk is the natural food, and nothing can fully take its place. it needs no feeding for the first few days as it was commonly deemed necessary a few years ago. the secretions in the mother's breast are sufficient. . artificial food. tokology says: "the best artificial food is cream reduced and sweetened with sugar of mill. analysis shows that human milk contains more cream and sugar and less casein than the milk of animals." . milk should form the basis of all preparations of food. if the milk is too strong, indigestion will follow, and the child will lose instead of gaining strength. weaning.--the weaning of the child depends much upon the strength and condition of the mother. if it does not occur in hot weather, from nine to twelve months is as long as any child should be nursed. food in weaning.--infants cry a great deal during weaning, but a few days of patient perseverance will overcome all difficulties. give the child purely a milk diet, graham bread, milk crackers and milk, or a little milk thickened with boiled rice, a little jelly, apple sauce, etc., may be safely used. cracked wheat, oatmeal, wheat germ, or anything of that kind thoroughly cooked and served with a little cream and sugar, is an excellent food. milk drawn from the breasts.--if the mother suffers considerably from the milk gathering in the breast after weaning the child, withdraw it by taking a bottle that holds about a pint or a quart, putting a piece of cloth wrung out in warm water around the bottle, then fill it with boiling water, pour the water out and apply the bottle to the breast, and the bottle cooling will form a vacuum and will withdraw the milk into the bottle. this is one of the best methods now in use. return of the menses.--if the menses return while the mother is nursing, the child should at once be weaned, for the mother's milk no longer contains sufficient nourishment. in case the mother should become pregnant while the child is nursing it should at once be weaned, or serious results will follow to the health of the child. a mother's milk is no longer sufficiently rich to nourish the child or keep it in good health. care of the bottle.--if the child is fed on the bottle great care should be taken in keeping it absolutely clean. never use white rubber nipples. a plain form of bottle with a black rubber nipple is preferable. children should not be permitted to come to the table until two years of age. chafing.--one of the best remedies is powdered lycopodium; apply it every time the babe is cleaned; but first wash with pure castile soap; pears' soap is also good. a preparation of oxide of zinc is also highly recommended. chafing sometimes results from an acid condition of the stomach; in that case give a few doses of castoria. colic.--if an infant is seriously troubled with colic, there is nothing better than camomile or catnip tea. procure the leaves and make tea and give it as warm as the babe can bear. * * * * * feeding infants. . the best food for infants is mother's milk; next best is cow's milk. cow's milk contains about three times as much curd and one-half as much sugar, and it should be reduced with two parts of water. . in feeding cow's milk there is too little cream and too little sugar, and there is no doubt no better preparation than mellin's food to mix it with (according to directions). . children being fed on food lacking fat generally have their teeth come late; their muscles will be flabby and bones soft. children will be too fat when their food contains too much sugar. sugar always makes their flesh soft and flabby. . during the first two months the baby should be fed every two hours during the day, and two or three times during the night, but no more. ten or eleven feedings for twenty-four hours are all a child will bear and remain healthy. at three months the child may be fed every three hours instead of every two. . children can be taught regular habits by being fed and put to sleep at the same time every day and evening. nervous diseases are caused by irregular hours of sleep and diet, and the use of soothing medicines. . a child five or six months old should not be fed during the night from nine in the evening until six or seven in the morning, as overfeeding causes most of the wakefulness and nervousness of children during the night. . if a child vomits soon after taking the bottle, and there is an appearance of undigested food in the stool, it is a sign of overfeeding. if a large part of the bottle has been vomited, avoid the next bottle at regular time and pass over one bottle. if the child is nursing the same principles apply. . if a child empties its bottle and sucks vigorously its fingers after the bottle is emptied, it is very evident that the child is not fed enough, and should have its food gradually increased. . give the baby a little cold water several times a day. * * * * * infantile convulsions. definition.--an infantile convulsion corresponds to a chill in an adult, and is the most common brain affection among children. causes.--anything that irritates the nervous system may cause convulsions in the child, as teething, indigestible food, worms, dropsy of the brain, hereditary constitution, or they may be the accompanying symptom in nearly all the acute diseases of children, or when the eruption is suppressed in eruptive diseases. symptoms.--in case of convulsions of a child parents usually become frightened, and very rarely do the things that should be done in order to afford relief. the child, previous to the fit, is usually irritable, and the twitching of the muscles of the face may be noticed, or it may come on suddenly without warning. the child becomes insensible, clenches its hands tightly, lips turn blue, and the eyes become fixed, usually frothing from the mouth with head turned back. the convulsion generally lasts two or three minutes; sometimes, however, as long as ten or fifteen minutes, but rarely. remedy.--give the child a warm bath and rub gently. clothes wrung out of cold water and applied to the lower and back part of the head and plenty of fresh air will usually relieve the convulsion. be sure and loosen the clothing around the child's neck. after the convulsion is over, give the child a few doses of potassic bromide, and an injection of castor oil if the abdomen is swollen. potassic bromide should be kept in the house, to use in case of necessity. [illustration] [illustration: poor children from tenement.] * * * * * pains and ills in nursing. . sore nipples.--if a lady, during the latter few months of her pregnancy, where to adopt "means to harden the nipples," sore nipples during the period of suckling would not be so prevalent as they are. . cause.--a sore nipple is frequently produced by the injudicious custom of allowing the child to have the nipple almost constantly in his mouth. another frequent cause of a sore nipple is from the babe having the canker. another cause of a sore nipple is from the mother, after the babe has been sucking, putting up the nipple wet. she, therefore, ought always to dry the nipple, not by rubbing, but by dabbing it with a soft cambric or lawn handkerchief, or with a piece of soft linen rag one or the other of which ought always to be at hand every time directly after the child has done sucking, and just before applying any of the following powders or lotions to the nipple. . remedies.--one of the best remedies for a sore nipple is the following powder: take of borax, one drachm; powdered starch, seven drachms. mix. a pinch of the powder to be frequently applied to the nipple. if the above does not cure, try glycerine by applying it each time after nursing. . gathered breast.--a healthy woman with a well-developed breast and a good nipple, scarcely, if ever, has a gathered bosom; it is the delicate, the ill-developed breasted and worse-developed nippled lady who usually suffers from this painful complaint. and why? the evil can generally be traced to girlhood. if she be brought up luxuriously, her health and her breasts are sure to be weakened, and thus to suffer, more especially if the development of the bosoms and nipples has been arrested and interfered with by tight stays and corsets. why, the nipple is by them drawn in, and retained on the level with the breast countersunk as though it were of no consequence to her future well-being, as though it were a thing of nought. . tight lacers.--tight lacers will have to pay the penalties of which they little dream. oh, the monstrous folly of such proceedings! when will mothers awake from their lethargy? it is high time that they did so! from the mother having "no nipple," the effects of tight lacing, many a home has been made childless, the babe not being able to procure its proper nourishment, and dying in consequence! it is a frightful state of things! but fashion, unfortunately, blinds the eyes and deafens the ears of its votaries! . bad breast.--a gathered bosom, or "bad breast," as it is sometimes called, is more likely to occur after a first confinement and during the first month. great care, therefore, ought to be taken to avoid such a misfortune. a gathered breast is frequently owing to the carelessness of a mother in not covering her bosoms during the time she is suckling. too much attention cannot be paid to keeping the breasts comfortably warm. this, during the act of nursing, should be done by throwing either a shawl or a square of flannel over the neck, shoulders, and bosoms. . another cause.--another cause of gathered breasts arises from a mother sitting up in bed to suckle her babe. he ought to be accustomed to take the bosom while she is lying down; if this habit is not at first instituted, it will be difficult to adopt it afterwards. good habits may be taught a child from earliest babyhood. . faintness.--when a nursing mother feels faint, she ought immediately to lie down and take a little nourishment; a cup of tea with the yolk of an egg beaten up in it, or a cup of warm milk, or some beef-tea, any of which will answer the purpose extremely well. brandy, or any other spirit we would not recommend, as it would only cause, as soon as the immediate effects of the stimulant had gone off, a greater depression to ensue; not only so, but the frequent taking of brandy might become a habit a necessity which would be a calamity deeply to be deplored! . strong purgatives.--strong purgatives during this period are highly improper, as they are apt to give pain to the infant, as well as to injure the mother. if it be absolutely necessary to give physic, the mildest, such as a dose of castor oil, should be chosen. . habitually costive.--when a lady who is nursing is habitually costive, she ought to eat brown instead of white bread. this will, in the majority of cases, enable her to do without an aperient. the brown bread may be made with flour finely ground all one way; or by mixing one part of bran and three parts of fine wheaten flour together, and then making it in the usual way into bread. treacle instead of butter, on the brown bread increases its efficacy as an aperient; and raw should be substituted for lump sugar in her tea. . to prevent constipation.--stewed prunes, or stewed french plums, or stewed normandy pippins, are excellent remedies to prevent constipation. the patient ought to eat, every morning, a dozen or fifteen of them. the best way to stew either prunes or french plums, is the following: put a pound of either prunes or french plums, and two tablespoonfuls of raw sugar, into a brown jar; cover them with water; put them into a slow oven, and stew them for three or four hours. both stewed rhubarb and stewed pears often act as mild and gentle aperients. muscatel raisins, eaten at dessert, will oftentimes without medicine relieve the bowels. . cold water--a tumblerful of cold water, taken early every morning, sometimes effectually relieves the bowels; indeed, few people know the value of cold water as an aperient it is one of the best we possess, and, unlike drug aperients, can never by any possibility do any harm. an injection of warm water is one of the best ways to relieve the bowels. . well-cooked vegetables.--although a nursing mother ought, more especially if she be costive, to take a variety of well-cooked vegetables, such as potatoes, asparagus, cauliflower, french beans, spinach, stewed celery and turnips; she should avoid eating greens, cabbages, and pickles, as they would be likely to affect the babe, and might cause him to suffer from gripings, from pain, and "looseness" of the bowels. . supersede the necessity of taking physic.--let me again--for it cannot be too urgently insisted upon--strongly advise a nursing mother to use every means in the way of diet, etc., to supersede the necessity of taking physic (opening medicine), as the repetition of aperients injures, and that severely, both herself and child. moreover, the more opening medicine she swallows, the more she requires; so that if she once gets into the habit of regularly taking physic, the bowels will not act without them. what a miserable existence to be always swallowing physic! [illustration: healthy youth and ripe old age.] * * * * * home lessons in nursing sick children. . mismanagement.--every doctor knows that a large share of the ills to which infancy is subject are directly traceable to mismanagement. troubles of the digestive system are, for the most part due to errors, either in the selection of the food or in the preparation of it. . respiratory diseases.--respiratory diseases or the diseases of the throat and lungs have their origin, as a rule, in want of care and judgment in matters of clothing, bathing and exposure to cold and drafts. a child should always be dressed to suit the existing temperature of the weather. . nervous diseases.--nervous diseases are often aggravated if not caused by over-stimulation of the brain, by irregular hours of sleep, or by the use of "soothing" medicines, or eating indigestible food. . skin affections.--skin affections are generally due to want of proper care of the skin, to improper clothing or feeding, or to indiscriminate association with nurses and children, who are the carriers of contagious diseases. . permanent injury.--permanent injury is often caused by lifting the child by one hand, allowing it to fall, permitting it to play with sharp instruments, etc. . rules and principles.--every mother should understand the rules and principles of home nursing. children are very tender plants and the want of proper knowledge is often very disastrous if not fatal. study carefully and follow the principles and rules which are laid down in the different parts of this work on nursing and cooking for the sick. . what a mother should know: i. infant feeding.--the care of milk, milk sterilization, care of bottles, preparation of commonly employed infant foods, the general principles of infant feeding, with rules as to quality and frequency. ii. bathing.--the daily bath; the use of hot, cold and mustard baths. iii. hygiene of the skin. care of the mouth, eyes and ears. ventilation, temperature, cleanliness, care of napkins, etc. iv. training of children in proper bodily habits. simple means of treatment in sickness, etc. . the cry of the sick child.--the cry of the child is a language by which the character of its suffering to some extent may be ascertained. the manner in which the cry is uttered, or the pitch and tone is generally a symptom of a certain kind of disease. . stomachache.--the cry of the child in suffering with pain of the stomach is loud, excitable and spasmodic. the legs are drawn up and as the pain ceases, they are relaxed and the child sobs itself to sleep, and rests until awakened again by pain. . lung trouble.--when a child is suffering with an affection of the lungs or throat, it never cries loudly or continuously. a distress in breathing causes a sort of subdued cry and low moaning. if there is a slight cough it is generally a sign that there is some complication with the lungs. . disease of the brain.--in disease of the brain the cry is always sharp, short and piercing. drowsiness generally follows each spasm of pain. . fevers.--children rarely cry when suffering with fever unless they are disturbed. they should be handled very gently and spoken to in a very quiet and tender tone of voice. . the chamber of the sick room.--the room of the sick child should be kept scrupulously clean. no noise should disturb the quiet and rest of the child. if the weather is mild, plenty of fresh air should be admitted; the temperature should be kept at about degrees. a thermometer should be kept in the room, and the air should be changed several times during the day. this may be done with safety to the child by covering it up with woolen blankets to protect it from draft, while the windows and doors are opened. fresh air often does more to restore the sick child than the doctor's medicine. take the best room in the house. if necessary take the parlor, always make the room pleasant for the sick. . visitors.--carefully avoid the conversation of visitors or the loud and boisterous playing of children in the house. if there is much noise about the house that cannot be avoided, it is a good plan to put cotton in the ears of the patient. . light in the room.--light has a tendency to produce nervous irritability, consequently it is best to exclude as much daylight as possible and keep the room in a sort of twilight until the child begins to improve. be careful to avoid any odor coming from a burning lamp in the night. when the child begins to recover, give it plenty of sunlight. after the child begins to get better let in all the sunlight the windows will admit. take a south room for the sick bed. . sickness in summer.--if the weather is very hot it is a good plan to dampen the floors with cold water, or set several dishes of water in the room, but be careful to keep the patient out of the draft, and avoid any sudden change of temperature. . bathing.--bathe every sick child in warm water once a day unless prohibited by the doctor. if the child has a spasm or any attack of a serious nervous character in absence of the doctor, place him in a hot bath at once. hot water is one of the finest agencies for the cure of nervous diseases. [illustration] . scarlet fever and measles.--bathe the child in warm water to bring out the rash, and put in about a dessertspoonsful of mustard into each bath. . drinks.--if a child is suffering with fevers, let it have all the water it wants. toast-water will be found nourishing. when the stomach of the child is in an irritable condition, nourishments containing milk or any other fluid should be given very sparingly. barley-water and rice-water are very soothing to an irritable stomach. . food.--mellin's food and milk is very nourishing if the child will take it. oatmeal gruel, white of eggs, etc. are excellent and nourishing articles. see "how to cook for the sick." . eating fruit.--let children who are recovering from sickness eat moderately of good fresh fruit. never let a child, whether well or sick, eat the skins of any kind of fruit. the outer covering of fruit was not made to eat, and often has poisonous matter very injurious to health upon its surface. contagious and infectious diseases are often communicated in that way. . sudden startings with the thumbs drawn into the palms, portend trouble with the brain, and often end in convulsions, which are far more serious in infants than in children. convulsions in children often result from a suppression of urine. if you have occasion to believe that such is the case, get the patient to sweating as soon as possible. give it a hot bath, after which cover it up in bed and put bags of hot salt over the lower part of the abdomen. . symptoms of indigestion.--if the baby shows symptoms of indigestion, do not begin giving it medicine. it is wiser to decrease the quantity and quality of the food and let the little one omit one meal entirely, that his stomach may rest. avoid all starchy foods, as the organs of digestion are not sufficiently developed to receive them. a table for feeding a baby on modified milk. d week: top milk - / oz. milk sugar teaspoons barley gruel oz. cream - / oz. lime water oz. - / oz. at feeding times a day d week: top milk oz. milk sugar - / teaspoons barley gruel oz. lime water oz. oz. at feeding times a day th to th week: top milk oz. milk sugar teaspoons barley gruel to make a quart lime water oz. oz. at feeding times a day th to th week: top milk oz. milk sugar - / teaspoons barley gruel to make a quart lime water oz. oz. at feeding times a day th month: top milk oz. milk sugar teaspoons barley gruel to make a quart lime water oz. to oz. at feeding times a day th to th month: top milk oz. milk sugar - / teaspoons barley gruel to make a quart lime water oz. to oz. at feeding times a day th to th month: top milk oz. milk sugar teaspoons barley gruel to make a quart lime water oz. to oz. at feeding times a day top milk--let your quart of milk stand until the cream has risen, then pour off number of ounces required. sugar of milk may be purchased at your local druggist's. gruel is prepared by cooking one level tablespoon of any good barley flour in a pint of water with a pinch of salt. when partly cooled add to the milk. nursing. period: st and d day nursing in hours: interval by day: hrs. night nursings p.m. to a.m.: period: days to weeks nursing in hours: interval by day: hrs. night nursings p.m. to a.m.: period: weeks to mo. nursing in hours: interval by day: - / hrs. night nursings p.m. to a.m.: period: to mo. nursing in hours: interval by day: hrs. night nursings p.m. to a.m.: period: to mo. nursing in hours: interval by day: hrs. night nursings p.m. to a.m.: schedule for feeding healthy infants during first year age: d to th day interval between meals by day: hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: to - / ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: d and d week interval between meals by day: hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: - / to ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: th and th weeks interval between meals by day: - / hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: - / to ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: th to th week interval between meals by day: - / hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: to ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: th week to th mo. interval between meals by day: hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: to ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: th to th month interval between meals by day: hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: to - / ounces quantity in hours: to ounces age: th to th month interval between meals by day: hours night feedings p.m. to a.m.: no. of feedings in hours: quantity for one feeding: to ounces quantity in hours: to ounces [illustration: a delicate child should never be put into the bath, but bathed on the lap and kept warmly covered.] * * * * * how to keep a baby well. . the mother's milk is the natural food, and nothing can fully take its place. . the infant's stomach does not readily accommodate itself to changes in diet; therefore, regularity in quality, quantity and temperature is extremely necessary. . not until a child is a year old should it be allowed any food except that of milk, and possibly a little cracker or bread, thoroughly soaked and softened. . meat should never be given to very young children. the best artificial food is cream, reduced and sweetened with sugar and milk. no rule can be given for its reduction. observation and experience must teach that, because every child's stomach is governed by a rule of its own. . a child can be safely weaned at one year of age, and sometimes less. it depends entirely upon the season, and upon the health of the child. . a child should never be weaned during the warm weather, in june, july or august. . when a child is weaned it may be given, in connection with the milk diet, some such nourishment as broth, gruel, egg, or some prepared food. . a child should never be allowed to come to the table until two years of age. . a child should never eat much starchy food until four years old. . a child should have all the water it desires to drink, but it is decidedly the best to boil the water first, and allow it to cool. all the impurities and disease germs are thereby destroyed. this one thing alone will add greatly to the health and vigor of the child. . where there is a tendency to bowel disorder, a little gum arabic, rice, or barley may be boiled with the drinking water. . if the child uses a bottle it should be kept absolutely clean. it is best to have two or three bottles, so that one will always be perfectly clean and fresh. . the nipple should be of black or pure rubber, and not of the white or vulcanized rubber; it should fit over the top of the bottle. no tubes should ever be used; it is impossible to keep them clean. . when the rubber becomes coated, a little coarse salt will clean it. . babies should be fed at regular times. they should also be put to sleep at regular hours. regularity is one of the best safeguards to health. . milk for babies and children should be from healthy cows. milk from different cows varies, and it is always better for a child to have milk from the same cow. a farrow cow's milk is preferable, especially if the child is not very strong. . many of the prepared foods advertised for children are of little benefit. a few may be good, but what is good for one child may not be for another. so it must be simply a matter of experiment if any of the advertised foods are used. . it is a physiological fact that an infant is always healthier and better to sleep alone. it gets better air and is not liable to suffocation. . a healthy child should never be fed in less than two hours from the last time they finished before, gradually lengthening the time as it grows older. at months - / or hours; at months a healthy child will be better if given nothing in the night except, perhaps, a little water. . give an infant a little water several times a day. . a delicate child the first year should be oiled after each bath. the oiling may often take the place of the bath, in case of a cold. . in oiling a babe, use pure olive oil, and wipe off thoroughly after each application. for nourishing a weak child use also olive oil. . for colds, coughs, croup, etc., use goose oil externally and give a teaspoonful at bed-time. [illustration: found upon the doorstep.] * * * * * how to preserve the health and life of your infant during hot weather. _bathing._ . bathe infants daily in tepid water and even twice a day in hot weather. if delicate they should be sponged instead of immersing them in water, but cleanliness is absolutely necessary for the health of infants. _clothing._ . put no bands in their clothing, but make all garments to hang loosely from the shoulders, and have all their clothing _scrupulously clean_; even the diaper should not be re-used without rinsing. _sleep alone._ . the child should in all cases sleep by itself on a cot or in a crib and retire at a regular hour. a child _always_ early taught to go to sleep without rocking or nursing is the healthier and happier for it. begin _at birth_ and this will be easily accomplished. _cordials and soothing syrups._ . never give cordials, soothing syrups, sleeping drops etc., without the advice of a physician. a child that frets and does not sleep is either hungry or ill. _if ill it needs a physician._ never give candy or cake to quiet a small child, they are sure to produce disorders of the stomach, diarrhoea or some other trouble. _fresh air._ . children should have plenty of fresh air summer as well as winter. avoid the severe hot sun and the heated kitchen for infants in summer. heat is the great destroyer of infants. _clean houses._ . keep your house clean and cool and well aired night and day. your cellars cleared of all rubbish and white-washed every spring, your drains cleaned with strong solution of copperas or chloride of lime, poured down them once a week. keep your gutters and yards clean and insist upon your neighbors doing the same. _evacuations of a child._ the healthy motion varies from light orange yellow to greenish yellow, in number, two to four times daily. smell should never be offensive. slimy mucous-like jelly passages indicate worms. pale green, offensive, acrid motions indicate disordered stomach. dark green indicate acid secretions and a more serious trouble. fetid dark brown stools are present in chronic diarrhoea putty-like pasty passages are due to aridity curdling the milk or to torpid liver. [illustration] _breast milk._ . breast milk is the only proper food for infants until after the second summer. if the supply is small keep what you have and feed the child in connection with it, for if the babe is ill this breast milk may be all that will save its life. _sterilized milk._ . milk is the best food. goat's milk best, cows milk next. if the child thrives on this _nothing else_ should be given during the hot weather, until the front teeth are cut. get fresh cow's milk twice a day if the child requires food in the night, pour it into a glass fruit jar with one-third pure water for a child under three months old, afterwards the proportion of water may be less and less, also a trifle of sugar may be added. then place the jar in a kettle or pan of cold water, like the bottom of an oatmeal kettle. leave the cover of the jar loose. place it on the stove and let the water come to a boil and boil ten minutes, screw down the cover tight and boil ten minutes more, then remove from the fire, and allow it to cool in the water slowly so as not to break the jar. when partly cool put on the ice or in a cool place, and keep tightly covered except when the milk is poured out for use. the glass jar must be kept perfectly clean and washed and scalded carefully before use. a tablespoonful of lime water to a bottle of milk will aid indigestion. discard the bottle as soon as possible and use a cup which you know is clean, whereas a bottle must be kept in water constantly when not in use, or the sour milk will make the child sick. use no tube for it is exceedingly hard to keep it clean, and if pure milk cannot be had, condensed milk is admirable and does not need to be sterilized as the above. _diet._ . never give babies under two years old such food if grown persons eat. their chief diet should be milk, wheat bread and milk, oatmeal, possibly a little rare boiled egg, but always and chiefly milk. germ wheat is also excellent. [illustration] _exercise._ . children should have exercise in the house as well as outdoors, but should not be jolted and jumped and jarred in rough play, not rudely rocked in the cradle, nor carelessly trundled over bumps in their carriages. they should not be held too much in the arms, but allowed to crawl and kick upon the floor and develop their limbs and muscles. a child should not be lifted by its arms nor dragged along by one hand after it learns to take a few feeble steps, but when they do learn to walk steadily it is the best of all exercise, especially in the open air. let the children as they grow older romp and play in the open air all they wish, girls as well as boys. give the girls an even chance for health, while they are young at least, and don't mind about their complexion. [illustration] * * * * * infant teething. . remarkable instances.--there are instances where babies have been born with teeth, and, on the other hand, there are cases of persons who have never had any teeth at all; and others that had double teeth all around in both upper and lower jaws, but these are rare instances, and may be termed as a sort of freaks of nature. . infant teething.--the first teeth generally make their appearance after the third month, and during the period of teething the child is fretful and restless, causing sometimes constitutional disturbances, such as diarrhoea, indigestion, etc. usually, however, no serious results follow, and no unnecessary anxiety need be felt, unless the weather is extremely warm, then there is some danger of summer complaint setting in and seriously complicating matters. . the number of teeth.--teeth are generally cut in pairs and make their appearance first in the front and going backwards until all are complete. it generally takes about two years for a temporary set of children's teeth. a child two or three years old should have twenty teeth. after the age of seven they generally begin to loosen and fall out and permanent teeth take their place. . lancing the gums.--this is very rarely necessary. there are extreme cases when the condition of the mouth and health of the child demand a physician's lance, but this should not he resorted to, unless it is absolutely necessary. when the gums are very much swollen and the tooth is nearly through, the pains may be relieved by the mother taking a thimble and pressing it down upon the tooth, the sharp edges of the tooth will cut through the swollen flesh, and instant relief will follow. a child in a few hours or a day will be perfectly happy after a very severe and trying time of sickness. . permanent teeth.--the teeth are firmly inserted in sockets of the upper and lower jaw. the permanent teeth which follow the temporary teeth, when complete, are sixteen in each jaw, or thirty-two in all. . names of teeth.--there are four incisors (front teeth), four cuspids (eye teeth), four bicuspids (grinders), and four molars (large grinders), in each jaw. each tooth is divided into the crown, body, and root. the crown is the grinding surface; the body--the part projecting from the jaw--is the seat of sensation and nutrition; the root is that portion of the tooth which is inserted in the alveolus. the teeth are composed of dentine (ivory) and enamel. the ivory forms the greater portion of the body and root, while the enamel covers the exposed surface. the small white cords communicating with the teeth are the nerves. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * home treatment for the diseases of infants and children. . out of every persons that died during the year of , did not reach one year of age, and died under five years of age. what a fearful responsibility therefore rests upon the parents who permit these hundreds of thousands of children to die annually. this terrible mortality among children is undoubtedly largely the result of ignorance as regarding to the proper care and treatment of sick children. . for very small children it is always best to use homoeopathic remedies. _colic._ . babies often suffer severely with colic. it is not considered dangerous, but causes considerable suffering. . severe colic is usually the result of derangement of the liver in the mother, or of her insufficient or improper nourishment, and it occurs more frequently when the child is from two to five months old. . let the mother eat chiefly barley, wheat and bread, rolled wheat, graham bread, fish, milk, eggs and fruit. the latter may be freely eaten, avoiding that which is very sour. . a rubber bag or bottle filled with hot water put into a crib, will keep the child, once quieted, asleep for hours. if a child is suffering from colic, it should be thoroughly warmed and kept warm. . avoid giving opiates of any kind, such as cordials, mrs. winslow's soothing syrup, "mother's friend," and various other patent medicines. they injure the stomach and health of the child, instead of benefiting it. . remedies.--a few tablespoonfuls of hot water will often allay a severe attack of the colic. catnip tea is also a good remedy. a drop of essence of peppermint in or teaspoonfuls of hot water will give relief. if the stools are green and the child is very restless, give chamomilla. if the child is suffering from constipation, and undigested curds of milk appear in its faeces, and the child starts suddenly in its sleep, give nux vomica. an injection of a few spoonfuls of hot water into the rectum with a little asafoetida is an effective remedy, and will be good for an adult. _constipation._ . this is a very frequent ailment of infants. the first thing necessary is for the mother to regulate her diet. . if the child is nursed regularly and held out at the same time of each day, it will seldom be troubled with this complaint. give plenty of _water_. regularity of habit is the remedy. if this method fails, use a soap suppository. make it by paring a piece of white castile soap round. it should be made about the size of a lead pencil, pointed at the end. . avoid giving a baby drugs. let the physician administer them if necessary. _diarrhoea._ great care should be exercised by parents in checking the diarrhoea of children. many times serious diseases are brought on by parents being too hasty in checking this disorder of the bowels. it is an infant's first method of removing obstructions and overcoming derangements of the system. _summer complaint._ . summer complaint is an irritation and inflammation of the lining membranes of the intestines. this may often be caused by teething, eating indigestible food, etc. . if the discharges are only frequent and yellow and not accompanied with pain, there is no cause for anxiety; but if the discharges are green, soon becoming gray, brown and sometimes frothy, having a mixture of phlegm, and sometimes containing food undigested, a physician had better be summoned. . for mild attacks the following treatment may be given: ) keep the child perfectly quiet and keep the room well aired. ) put a drop of tincture of camphor on a teaspoonful of sugar, mix thoroughly; then add teaspoonfuls of hot water and give a teaspoonful of the mixture every ten minutes. this is indicated where the discharges are watery, and where there is vomiting and coldness of the feet and hands. chamomilla is also an excellent remedy. ipecac and nux vomica may also be given. in giving homoeopathic remedies, give or pellets every or hours. ) the diet should be wholesome and nourishing. _for teething._ if a child is suffering with swollen gums, is feverish, restless, and starts in its sleep, give nux vomica. worms. _pin worms._ pin worms and round worms are the most common in children. they are generally found in the lower bowels. symptoms.--restlessness, itching about the anus in the fore part of the evening, and worms in the faeces. treatment.--give with a syringe an injection of a tablespoonful of linseed oil. cleanliness is also very necessary. _round worms._ a round worm is from six to sixteen inches in length, resembling the common earth worm. it inhabits generally the small intestines, but it sometimes enters the stomach and is thrown up by vomiting. symptoms.--distress, indigestion, swelling of the abdomen, grinding of the teeth, restlessness, and sometimes convulsions. treatment.--one teaspoonful of powdered wormseed mixed with a sufficient quantity of molasses, or spread on bread and butter. or, one grain of santonine every four hours for two or three days, followed by a brisk cathartic. wormwood tea is also highly recommended. swaim's vermifuge. ounces wormseed, - / ounces valerian, - / ounces rhubarb, - / ounces pink-root, - / ounces white agaric. boil in sufficient water to yield quarts of decoction, and add to it drops of oil of tansy and drops of oil of cloves, dissolved in a quart of rectified spirits. dose, teaspoonful at night. _another excellent vermifuge._ oil of wormseed, ounce, oil of anise, ounce, castor oil, ounce, tinct. of myrrh, drops, oil of turpentine, drops. mix thoroughly. always shake well before using. give to drops in cold coffee, once or twice a day. [illustration] how to treat croup spasmodic and true. _spasmodic croup._ definition.--a spasmodic closure of the glottis which interferes with respiration. comes on suddenly and usually at night, without much warning. it is a purely nervous disease and may be caused by reflex nervous irritation from undigested food in the stomach or bowels, irritation of the gums in dentition, or from brain disorders. symptoms.--child awakens suddenly at night with suspended respiration or very difficult breathing. after a few respirations it cries out and then falls asleep quietly, or the attack may last an hour or so, when the face will become pale, veins in the neck become turgid and feet and hands contract spasmodically. in mild cases the attacks will only occur once during the night, but may recur on the following night. home treatment.--during the paroxysm dashing cold water in the face is a common remedy. to terminate the spasm and prevent its return give teaspoonful doses of powdered alum. the syrup of squills is an old and tried remedy; give in to drop doses and repeat every minutes till vomiting occurs. seek out the cause if possible and remove it. it commonly lies in some derangement of the digestive organs. _true croup._ definition.--this disease consists of an inflammation of the mucous membrane of the upper air passages, particularly of the larynx with the formation of a false membrane that obstructs the breathing. the disease is most common in children between the ages of two and seven years, but it may occur at any age. symptoms.--usually there are symptoms of a cold for three or four days previous to the attack. marked hoarseness is observed in the evening with a ringing metallic cough and some difficulty in breathing, which increases and becomes somewhat paroxysmal till the face which was at first flushed becomes pallid and ashy in hue. the efforts at breathing become very great, and unless the child gets speedy relief it will die of suffocation. home treatment.--patient should be kept in a moist warm atmosphere, and cold water applied to the neck early in the attack. as soon as the breathing seems difficult give a half to one teaspoonful of powdered alum in honey to produce vomiting and apply the remedies suggested in the treatment of diphtheria, as the two diseases are thought by many to be identical. when the breathing becomes labored and face becomes pallid, the condition is very serious and a physician should be called without delay. _scarlet fever._ definition.--an eruptive contagious disease, brought about by direct exposure to those having the disease, or by contact with clothing, dishes, or other articles, used about the sick room. the clothing may be disinfected by heating to a temperature of [degrees] fahrenheit or by dipping in boiling water before washing. dogs and cats will also carry the disease and should be kept from the house, and particularly from the sick room. symptoms.--chilly sensations or a decided chill, fever, headache, furred tongue, vomiting, sore throat, rapid pulse, hot dry skin and more or less stupor. in from to hours a fine red rash appears about the ears, neck and shoulders, which rapidly spreads to the entire surface of the body. after a few days, a scurf or branny scales will begin to form on the skin. these scales are the principal source of contagion. home treatment. . isolate the patient from other members of the family to prevent the spread of the disease. . keep the patient in bed and give a fluid diet of milk gruel, beef tea, etc., with plenty of cold water to drink. . control the fever by sponging the body with tepid water, and relieve the pain in the throat by cold compresses, applied externally. . as soon as the skin shows a tendency to become scaly, apply goose grease or clean lard with a little boracic acid powder dusted in it, or better, perhaps, carbolized vaseline to relieve the itching and prevent the scales from being scattered about, and subjecting others to the contagion. regular treatment.--a few drops of aconite every three hours to regulate the pulse, and if the skin be pale and circulation feeble, with tardy eruption, administer one to ten drops of tincture of belladonna, according to the age of the patient. at the end of third week, if eyes look puffy and feet swell, there is danger of acute bright's disease, and a physician should be consulted. if the case does not progress well under the home remedies suggested, a physician should be called at once. _whooping cough._ definition.--this is a contagious disease which is known by a peculiar whooping sound in the cough. considerable mucus is thrown off after each attack of spasmodic coughing. symptoms.--it usually commences with the symptoms of a common cold in the head, some chilliness, feverishness, restlessness, headache, a feeling of tightness across the chest, violent paroxysms of coughing, sometimes almost threatening suffocation, and accompanied with vomiting. home treatment.--patient should eat plain food and avoid cold drafts and damp air, but keep in the open air as much as possible. a strong tea made of the tops of red clover is highly recommended. a strong tea made of chestnut leaves, sweetened with sugar, is also very good. teaspoonful of powdered alum, teaspoonful of syrup. mix in a tumbler of water, and give the child one teaspoonful every two or three hours. a kerosene lamp kept burning in the bed chamber at night is said to lessen the cough and shorten the course of the disease. _mumps._ definition.--this is a contagious disease causing the inflammation of the salivary glands, and is generally a disease of childhood and youth. symptoms.--a slight fever, stiffness of the neck and lower jaw, swelling and soreness of the gland. it usually develops in four or five days and then begins to disappear. home treatment.--apply to the swelling a hot poultice of cornmeal and bread and milk. a hop poultice is also excellent. take a good dose of physic and rest carefully. a warm general bath, or mustard foot bath, is very good. avoid exposure or cold drafts. if a bad cold is taken, serious results may follow. _measles._ definition.--it is an eruptive, contagious disease, preceded by cough and other catarrhal symptoms for about four or five days. the eruption comes rapidly in small red spots, which are slightly raised. symptoms.--a feeling of weakness, loss of appetite, some fever, cold in the head, frequent sneezing, watery eyes, dry cough and a hot skin. the disease takes effect nine or ten days after exposure. home treatment.--measles is not a dangerous disease in the child, but in an adult it is often very serious. in childhood very little medicine is necessary, but exposure must be carefully avoided, and the patient kept in bed, in a moderately warm room. the diet should be light and nourishing. keep the room dark. if the eruption does not come out promptly, apply hot baths. common treatment.--two teaspoonfuls of spirits of nitre, one teaspoonful paregoric, one wineglassful of camphor water. mix thoroughly, and give a teaspoonful in half a teacupful of water every two hours. to relieve the cough, if troublesome, flax seed tea, or infusion of slippery-elm bark, with a little lemon juice to render more palatable, will be of benefit. _chicken pox._ definition.--this is a contagious, eruptive disease, which resembles to some extent small-pox. the pointed vesicles or pimples have a depression in the center in chicken-pox, and in small pox they do not. symptoms.--nine to seventeen days elapse after the exposure, before symptoms appear. slight fever, a sense of sickness, the appearance of scattered pimples, some itching and heat. the pimples rapidly change into little blisters, filled with a watery fluid. after five or six days they disappear. home treatment.--milk diet, and avoid all kinds of meat. keep the bowels open, and avoid all exposure to cold. large vesicles on the face should be punctured early and irritation by rubbing should be avoided. _home treatment of diphtheria._ definition.--acute, specific, constitutional disease, with local manifestations in the throat, mouth, nose, larynx, wind-pipe, and glands of the neck. the disease is infectious but not very contagious under the proper precautions. it is a disease of childhood, though adults sometimes contract it. many of the best physicians of the day consider true or membranous croup to be due to this diphtheritic membranous disease thus located in the larynx or trachea. symptoms.--symptoms vary according to the severity of the attack. chills, fever, headache, languor, loss of appetite, stiffness of neck, with tenderness about the angles of the jaw, soreness of the throat, pain in the ear, aching of the limbs, loss of strength, coated tongue, swelling of the neck, and offensive breath; lymphatic glands on side of neck enlarged and tender. the throat is first to be seen red and swollen, then covered with grayish white patches, which spread, and a false membrane is found on the mucous membrane. if the nose is attacked, there will be an offensive discharge, and the child will breathe through the mouth. if the larynx or throat are involved, the voice will become hoarse, and a croupy cough, with difficult breathing, shows that the air passage to the lungs is being obstructed by the false membrane. home treatment.--isolate the patient, to prevent the spread of the disease. diet should be of the most nutritious character, as milk, eggs, broths, and oysters. give at intervals of every two or three hours. if patient refuses to swallow, from the pain caused by the effort, a nutrition injection must be resorted to. inhalations of steam and hot water, and allowing the patient to suck pellets of ice, will give relief. sponges dipped in hot water, and applied to the angles of the jaw, are beneficial. inhalations of lime, made by slaking freshly burnt lime in a vessel, and directing the vapor to the child's mouth, by means of a newspaper, or similar contrivance. flour of sulphur, blown into the back of the mouth and throat by means of a goose quill, has been highly recommended. frequent gargling of the throat and mouth, with a solution of lactic acid, strong enough to taste sour, will help to keep the parts clean, and correct the foul breath. if there is great prostration, with the nasal passage affected, or hoarseness and difficult breathing, a physician should be called at once. [illustration] * * * * * diseases of women. _disorders of the menses._ . suppression of, or scanty menses. home treatment.--attention to the diet, and exercise in the open air to promote the general health. some bitter tonic, taken with fifteen grains of dialyzed iron, well diluted, after meals, if patient is pale and debilitated. a hot foot bath is often all that is necessary. . profuse menstruation. home treatment.--avoid highly seasoned food, and the use of spirituous liquors; also excessive fatigue, either physical or mental. to check the flow, patient should be kept quiet, and allowed to sip cinnamon tea during the period. . painful menstruation. home treatment.--often brought on by colds. treat by warm hip baths, hot drinks (avoiding spirituous liquors), and heat applied to the back and extremities. a teaspoonful of the fluid extract of viburnum will sometimes act like a charm. _how to cure swelled and sore breasts._ take and boil a quantity of chamomile, and apply the hot fomentations. this dissolves the knot, and reduces the swelling and soreness. _leucorrhea or whites._ home treatment.--this disorder, if not arising from some abnormal condition of the pelvic organs, can easily be cured by patient taking the proper amount of exercise and good nutritious food, avoiding tea and coffee. an injection every evening of one teaspoonful of pond's extract in a cup of hot water, after first cleansing the vagina well with a quart of warm water, is a simple but effective remedy. _inflammation of the womb._ home treatment.--when in the acute form this disease is ushered in by a chill, followed by fever, and pain in the region of the womb. patient should be placed in bed, and a brisk purgative given, hot poultices applied to the abdomen, and the feet and hands kept warm. if the symptoms do not subside, a physician should be consulted. _hysteria._ definition.--a functional disorder of the nervous system of which it is impossible to speak definitely; characterized by disturbance of the reason, will, imagination, and emotions, with sometimes convulsive attacks that resemble epilepsy. symptoms.--fits of laughter, and tears without apparent cause; emotions easily excited; mind often melancholy and depressed; tenderness along the spine; disturbances, of digestion, with hysterical convulsions, and other nervous phenomena. home treatment.--some healthy and pleasant employment should be urged upon women afflicted with this disease. men are also subject to it, though not so frequently. avoid excessive fatigue and mental worry; also stimulants and opiates. plenty of good food and fresh air will do more good than drugs. * * * * * falling of the womb. causes.--the displacement of the womb usually is the result of too much childbearing, miscarriages, abortions, or the taking of strong medicines to bring about menstruation. it may also be the result in getting up too quickly from the childbed. there are, however, other causes, such as a general breaking down of the health. symptoms.--if the womb has fallen forward it presses against the bladder, causing the patient to urinate frequently. if the womb has fallen back, it presses against the rectum, and constipation is the result with often severe pain at stool. if the womb descends into the vagina there is a feeling of heaviness. all forms of displacement produce pain in the back, with an irregular and scanty menstrual flow and a dull and exhausted feeling. home treatment.--improve the general health. take some preparation of cod-liver oil, hot injections (of a teaspoonful of powdered alum with a pint of water), a daily sitz-bath, and a regular morning bath three times a week will be found very beneficial. there, however, can be no remedy unless the womb is first replaced to the proper position. this must be done by a competent physician who should frequently be consulted. [illustration] * * * * * menstruation. . its importance.--menstruation plays a momentous part in the female economy; indeed, unless it be in every way properly and duly performed, it is neither possible that a lady can be well, nor is it at all probable that she will conceive. the large number of barren, of delicate, and of hysterical women there are in america arises mainly from menstruation not being duly and properly performed. . the boundary-line.--menstruation--"the periods"--the appearance of the catamenia or the menses--is then one of the most important epochs in a girl's life. it is the boundary-line, the landmark between childhood and womanhood; it is the threshold, so to speak, of a woman's life. her body now develops and expands, and her mental capacity enlarges and improves. . the commencement of menstruation.--a good beginning at this time is peculiarly necessary, or a girl's health is sure to suffer and different organs of the body--her lungs, for instance, may become imperiled. a healthy continuation, at regular periods, is also much needed, or conception, when she is married, may not occur. great attention and skillful management is required to ward off many formidable diseases, which at the close of menstruation--at "the change of life"--are more likely than at any time to be developed. if she marry when very young, marriage weakens her system, and prevents a full development of her body. moreover, such an one is, during the progress of her labor, prone to convulsions--which is a very serious childbed complication. . early marriages.--statistics prove that twenty per cent-- in every --of females who marry are under age, and that such early marriages are often followed by serious, and sometimes even by fatal consequences to mother, to progeny, or to both. parents ought, therefore, to persuade their daughters not to marry until they are of age--twenty-one; they should point out to them the risk and danger likely to ensue if their advice be not followed; they should impress upon their minds the old adage: "early wed, early dead." . time to marry.--parents who have the real interest and happiness of their daughters at heart, ought, in consonance with the laws of physiology, to discountenance marriage before twenty; and the nearer the girls arrive at the age of twenty-five before the consummation of this important rite, the greater the probability that, physically and morally, they will be protected against those risks which precocious marriages bring in their train. . feeble parents.--feeble parents have generally feeble children; diseased parents, diseased children; nervous parents, nervous children;--"like begets like." it is sad to reflect, that the innocent have to suffer, not only for the guilty, but for the thoughtless and inconsiderate. disease and debility are thus propagated from one generation to another and the american race becomes woefully deteriorated. . time.--menstruation in this country usually commences at the ages of from thirteen to sixteen, sometimes earlier; occasionally as early as eleven or twelve; at other times later, and not until a girl be seventeen or eighteen years of age. menstruation in large towns is supposed to commence at an earlier period than in the country, and earlier in luxurious than in simple life. . character.--the menstrual fluid is not exactly blood, although, both in appearance and properties, it much resembles it; yet it never in the healthy state clots as blood does. it is a secretion of the womb, and, when healthy, ought to be of a bright red color in appearance very much like the blood from a recently cut finger. the menstrual fluid ought not, as before observed, clot. if it does, a lady, during "her periods," suffers intense pain; moreover, she seldom conceives until the clotting has ceased. . menstruation during nursing.--some ladies, though comparatively few, menstruate during nursing; when they do, it may be considered not as the rule, but as the exception. it is said in such instances, that they are more likely to conceive; and no doubt they are, as menstruation is an indication of a proneness to conception. many persons have an idea that when a woman, during lactation, menstruates, her milk is both sweeter and purer. such is an error. menstruation during nursing is more likely to weaken the mother, and consequently to deteriorate her milk, and thus make it less sweet and less pure. . violent exercise.--during "the monthly periods" violent exercise is injurious; iced drinks and acid beverages are improper; and bathing in the sea, and bathing the feet in cold water, and cold baths are dangerous; indeed, at such times as these, no risks should be run, and no experiments should, for the moment, be permitted, otherwise serious consequences will, in all probability, ensue. . the pale, colorless-complexioned.--the pale, colorless-complexioned, helpless, listless, and almost lifeless young ladies who are so constantly seen in society, usually owe their miserable state of health to absent, to deficient, or to profuse menstruation. their breathing is short--they are soon "out of breath," if they attempt to take exercise--to walk, for instance, either up stairs or up a hill, or even for half a mile on level ground, their breath is nearly exhausted--they pant as though they had been running quickly. they are ready, after the slightest exertion or fatigue, and after the least worry or excitement, to feel faint, and sometimes even to actually swoon away. now such cases may, if judiciously treated, be generally soon cured. it therefore behooves mothers to seek medical aid early for their girls, and that before irreparable mischief has been done to the constitution. . poverty of blood.--in a pale, delicate girl or wife, who is laboring under what is popularly called poverty of blood, the menstrual fluid is sometimes very scant, at others very copious, but is, in either case, usually very pale--almost as colorless as water, the patient being very nervous and even hysterical. now, these are signs of great debility; but, fortunately for such an one, a medical man is, in the majority of cases, in possession of remedies that will soon make her all right again. . no right to marry.--a delicate girl has no right until she be made strong, to marry. if she should marry, she will frequently, when in labor, not have strength, unless she has help, to bring a child into the world; which, provided she be healthy and well-formed, ought not to be. how graphically the bible tells of delicate women not having strength to bring children into the world: "for the children are come to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth."-- kings xix, . . too sparing.--menstruation at another time is too sparing; this is a frequent cause of sterility. medical aid, in the majority of cases, will be able to remedy the defect, and, by doing so, will probably be the means of bringing the womb into a healthy state, and thus predispose to conception. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * celebrated prescriptions for all diseases and how to use them. vinegar for hives. after trying many remedies in a severe case of hives, mr. swain found vinegar lotion gave instant relief, and subsequent trials in other cases have been equally successful. one part of water to two parts of vinegar is the strength most suitable. throat trouble. a teaspoonful of salt, in a cup of hot water makes a safe and excellent gargle in most throat troubles. for sweating feet, with bad odor. wash the feet in warm water with borax, and if this don't cure, use a solution of permanganate to destroy the fetor; about five grains to each ounce of water. amenorrhoea. the following is recommended as a reliable emmenagogue in many cases of functional amenorrhoea: bichloride of mercury, arsenite of sodium, aa gr. iij. sulphate of strychnine, gr. iss. carbonate of potassium, sulphate of iron, aa gr. xlv. mix and divide into sixty pills. sig. one pill after each meal. sick headache. take a spoonful of finely powdered charcoal in a small glass of warm water to relieve a sick headache. it absorbs the gasses produced by the fermentation of undigested food. an excellent eye wash. acetate of zinc, grains. acetate of morphia, grains. rose water, ounces. mix. for films and cataracts of the eyes. blood root pulverized, ounce. hog's lard, ounces. mix, simmer for minutes, then strain; when cold put a little in the eyes twice or three times a day. for burns and sores. pitch burgundy, pounds. bees' wax, pound. hog's lard, one pound. mix all together and simmer over a slow fire until the whole are well mixed together; then stir it until cold. apply on muslin to the parts affected. for chapped hands. olive oil, ounces. camphor beat fine, / ounce. mix, dissolve by gentle heat over slow fire and when cold apply to the hand freely. intoxication. a man who is helplessly intoxicated may almost immediately restore the faculties and powers of locomotion by taking half a teaspoonful of chloride of ammonium in a goblet of water. a wineglassful of strong vinegar will have the same effect and is frequently resorted to by drunken soldiers. nervous disability, headache, neuralgia, nervousness. fluid extract of scullcap, ounce. fluid extract american valerian, ounce. fluid extract catnip, ounce. mix all. dose, from to drops every two hours, in water; most valuable. a valuable tonic in all conditions of debility and want of appetite. comp. tincture of cinchona in teaspoonful doses in a little water, half hour before meals. another excellent tonic tincture of gentian, ounce. tincture of columba, ounce. tincture of collinsonia, ounce. mix all. dose, one tablespoonful in one tablespoonful of water before meals. remedy for chapped hands. when doing housework, if your hands become chapped or red, mix corn meal and vinegar into a stiff paste and apply to the hands two or three times a day, after washing them in hot water, then let dry without wiping, and rub with glycerine. at night use cold cream, and wear gloves. bleeding. very hot water is a prompt checker of bleeding, besides if it is clean, as it should be, it aids in sterilizing our wound. treatment for cramp. wherever friction can be conveniently applied, heat will be generated by it, and the muscle again reduced to a natural condition; but if the pains proceed from the contraction of some muscle located internally, burnt brandy is an excellent remedy. a severe attack which will not yield to this simple treatment may be conquered by administering a small dose of laudanum or ether, best given under medical supervision. treatment for colic castor oil, given as soon as the symptoms of colic manifest themselves, has frequently afforded relief. at any rate, the irritating substances must be expelled from the alimentary canal before the pains will subside. all local remedies will be ineffectual, and consequently the purgative should be given in large doses until a copious vacuation is produced. [illustration: the doctor's visit.] treatment for heartburn. if soda, taken in small quantities after meals, does not relieve the distress, one may rest assured that the fluid is an alkali and requires an acid treatment. proceed, after eating, to squeeze ten drops of lemon-juice into a small quantity of water, and swallow it. the habit of daily life should be made to conform to the laws of health, or local treatment will prove futile. biliousness. for biliousness, squeeze the juice of a lime or small lemon into half a glass of cold water, then stir in a little baking soda and drink while it foams. this receipt will also relieve sick headache if taken at the beginning. turpentine applications. mix turpentine and lard in equal parts. warmed and rubbed on the chest, it is a safe, reliable and mild counter irritant and revulsent in minor lung complications. treatment for mumps. it is very important that the face and neck be kept warm. avoid catching cold, and regulate the stomach and bowels; because when aggravated, this disease is communicated to other glands, and assumes there a serious form. rest and quiet, with a good condition of the general health, will throw off this disease without further inconvenience. treatment for felon. all medication, such as poulticing, anointing, and the applications of lotions, is but useless waste of time. the surgeon's knife should be used as early as possible, for it will be required sooner or later and the more promptly it can be applied, the less danger is there from the disease, and the more agony is spared to the unfortunate victim. treatment for stabs. a wound made by thrusting a dagger or other oblong instrument into the flesh, is best treated, if no artery has been severed, by applying lint scraped from a linen cloth, which serves as an obstruction, allowing and assisting coagulation. meanwhile cold water should be applied to the parts adjoining the wound. treatment for mashed nails. if the injured member be plunged into very hot water the nail will become pliable and adapt itself to the new condition of things, thus alleviating agony to some extent. a small hole may be bored on the nail with a pointed instrument, so adroitly as not to cause pain, yet so successfully as to relieve pressure on the sensitive tissues. free applications of arnica or iodine will have an excellent effect. treatment for foreign body in the eye. when any foreign body enters the eye, close it instantly, and keep it still until you have an opportunity to ask the assistance of some one; then have the upper lid folded over a pencil and the exposed surfaces closely searched; if the body be invisible, catch the everted lid by the lashes, and drawing it down over the lower lid, suddenly release it, and it will resume its natural position. unsuccessful in this attempt, you may be pretty well assured that the object has become lodged in the tissues, and will require the assistance of a skilled operator to remove it. cuts. a drop or two of creosote on a cut will stop its bleeding. treatment for poison oak--poison ivy--poison sumach.--mr. charles morris, of philadelphia, who has studied the subject closely, uses, as a sovereign remedy, frequent bathing of the affected parts in water as hot as can be borne. if used immediately after exposure, it may prevent the eruption appearing. if later, it allays the itching, and gradually dries up the swellings, though they are very stubborn after they have once appeared. but an application every few hours keeps down the intolerable itching, which is the most annoying feature of sumach poisoning. in addition to this, the ordinary astringent ointments are useful, as is also that sovereign lotion, "lead-water and laudanum." mr. morris adds to these a preventive prescription of "wide-open eyes." bites and stings of insects.--wash with a solution of ammonia water. bites of mad dogs.--apply caustic potash at once to the wound, and give enough whiskey to cause sleep. burns.--make a paste of common baking soda and water, and apply it promptly to the burn. it will quickly check the pain and inflammation. cold on chest.--a flannel rag wrung out in boiling water and sprinkled with turpentine, laid on the chest, gives the greatest relief. cough.--boil one ounce of flaxseed in a pint of water, strain, and add a little honey, one ounce of rock candy, and the juice of three lemons. mix and boil well. drink as hot as possible. sprained ankle or wrist.--wash the ankle very frequently with cold salt and water, which is far better than warm vinegar or decoction of herbs. keep the foot as cool as possible to prevent inflammation, and sit with it elevated on a high cushion. live on low diet, and take every morning some cooling medicine, such as epsom salts. it cures in a few days. chilblains, sprains, etc.--one raw egg well beaten, half a pint of vinegar, one ounce spirits of turpentine, a quarter of an ounce of spirits of wine, a quarter of an ounce of camphor. these ingredients to be beaten together, then put in a bottle and shaken for ten minutes, after which, to be corked down tightly to exclude the air. in half an hour it is fit for use. to be well rubbed in, two, three, or four times a day. for rheumatism in the head, to be rubbed at the back of the neck and behind the ears. in chilblains this remedy is to be used before they are broken. how to remove superfluous hair.--sulphuret of arsenic, one ounce; quicklime, one ounce; prepared lard, one ounce; white wax, one ounce. melt the wax, add the lard. when nearly cold, stir in the other ingredients. apply to the superfluous hair, allowing it to remain on from five to ten minutes; use a table-knife to shave off the hair; then wash with soap and warm water. dyspepsia cure.--powdered rhubarb, two drachms: bicarbonate of sodium, six drachms; fluid extract of gentian, three drachms; peppermint water, seven and a half ounces. mix them. dose, a teaspoonful half an hour before meals. for neuralgia.--tincture of belladonna, one ounce; tincture of camphor, one ounce; tincture of arnica, one ounce; tincture of opium, one ounce. mix them. apply over the seat of the pain, and give ten to twenty drops in sweetened water every two hours. for coughs, colds, etc.--syrup of morphia, three ounces; syrup of tar, three and a half ounces; chloroform, one troy ounce; glycerine, one troy ounce. mix them. dose, a teaspoonful three or four times a day. to cure hives.--compound syrup of squill, u.s., three ounces; syrup of ipecac, u.s., one ounce. mix them. dose, a teaspoonful. to cure sick headache.--gather sumach leaves in the summer, and spread them in the sun a few days to dry. then powder them fine, and smoke, morning and evening for two weeks, also whenever there are symptoms of approaching headache. use a new clay pipe. if these directions are adhered to, this medicine will surely effect a permanent cure. whooping cough.--dissolve a scruple of salt of tartar in a gill of water; add to it ten grains of cochineal; sweeten it with sugar. give to an infant a quarter teaspoonful four times a day; two years old, one-half teaspoonful; from four years, a tablespoonful. great care is required in the administration of medicines to infants. we can assure paternal inquirers that the foregoing may be depended upon. cut or bruise.--apply the moist surface of the inside coating or skin of the shell of a raw egg. it will adhere of itself, leave no scar, and heal without pain. disinfectant.--chloride of lime should be scattered at least once a week under sinks and wherever sewer gas is likely to penetrate. [illustration: the young doctor.] costiveness.--common charcoal is highly recommended for costiveness. it may be taken in tea- or tablespoonful, or even larger doses, according to the exigencies of the case, mixed with molasses, repeating it as often as necessary. bathe the bowels with pepper and vinegar. or take two ounces of rhubarb, add one ounce of rust of iron, infuse in one quart of wine. half a wineglassful every morning. or take pulverized blood root, one drachm, pulverized rhubarb, one drachm, castile soap, two scruples. mix and roll into thirty-two pills. take one, morning and night. by following these directions it may perhaps save you from a severe attack of the piles, or some other kindred disease. to cure deafness.--obtain pure pickerel oil, and apply four drops morning and evening to the ear. great care should be taken to obtain oil that is perfectly pure. deafness.--take three drops of sheep's gall, warm and drop it into the ear on going to bed. the ear must be syringed with warm soap and water in the morning. the gall must be applied for three successive nights. it is only efficacious when the deafness is produced by cold. the most convenient way of warming the gall is by holding it in a silver spoon over the flame of a light. the above remedy has been frequently tried with perfect success. gout.--this is col. birch's recipe for rheumatic gout or acute rheumatism, commonly called in england the "chelsea pensioner." half an ounce of nitre (saltpetre), half an ounce of sulphur, half an ounce of flour of mustard, half an ounce of turkey rhubarb, quarter of an ounce of powdered guaicum. mix, and take a teaspoonful every other night for three nights, and omit three nights, in a wineglassful of cold water which has been previously well boiled. ringworm.--the head is to be washed twice a day with soft soap and warm soft water; when dried the places to be rubbed with a piece of linen rag dipped in ammonia from gas tar; the patient should take a little sulphur and molasses, or some other genuine aperient, every morning; brushes and combs should be washed every day, and the ammonia kept tightly corked. piles.--hamamelis, both internally or as an injection in rectum. bathe the parts with cold water or with astringent lotions, as alum water, especially in bleeding piles. ointment of gallic acid and calomel is of repute. the best treatment of all is, suppositories of iodoform, ergotine, of tannic acid, which can be made at any drug store. chicken pox.--no medicine is usually needed, except a tea made from pleurisy root, to make the child sweat. milk diet is the best; avoidance of animal food; careful attention to the bowels; keep cool and avoid exposure to cold. scarlet fever.--cold water compress on the throat. fats and oils rubbed on hands and feet. the temperature of the room should be about degrees fahr., and all draughts avoided. mustard baths for retrocession of the rash and to bring it out. diet: ripe fruit, toast, gruel, beef, tea and milk. stimulants are useful to counteract depression of the vital forces. false measles or rose rash.--it requires no treatment except hygienic. keep the bowels open. nourishing diet, and if there is itching, moisten the skin with five per cent. solution of aconite or solution of starch and water. bilious attacks.--drop doses of muriatic acid in a wine glass of water every four hours, or the following prescription: bicarbonate of soda, one drachm; aromatic spirits of ammonia, two drachms; peppermint water, four ounces. dose: take a teaspoonful every four hours. diarrhoea.--the following prescription is generally all that will be necessary: acetate of lead, eight grains; gum arabic, two drachms; acetate of morphia, one grain; and cinnamon water, eight ounces. take a teaspoonful every three hours. be careful not to eat too much food. some consider, the best treatment is to fast, and it is a good suggestion. patients should keep quiet and have the room of a warm and even temperature. vomiting.--ice dissolved in the mouth, often cures vomiting when all remedies fail. much depends on the diet of persons liable to such attacts; this should be easily digestible food, taken often and in small quantities. vomiting can often be arrested by applying a mustard paste over the region of the stomach. it is not necessary to allow it to remain until the parts are blistered, but it may be removed when the part becomes thoroughly red, and reapplied if required after the redness has disappeared. one of the secrets to relieve vomiting is to give the stomach perfect rest, not allowing the patient even a glass of water, as long as the tendency remains to throw it up again. nervous headache.--extract hyoscymus five grains, pulverized camphor five grains. mix. make four pills, one to be taken when the pain is most severe in nervous headache. or three drops tincture nux vomica in a spoonful of water, two or three times a day. bleeding from the nose.--from whatever cause--may generally be stopped by putting a plug of lint into the nostril; if this does not do, apply a cold lotion to the forehead; raise the head and place both arms over the head, so that it will rest on both hands; dip the lint plug, slightly moistened, in some powdered gum arabic, and plug the nostrils again; or dip the plug into equal parts of gum arabic and alum. an easier and simpler method is to place a piece of writing paper on the gums of the upper jaw, under the upper lip, and let it remain there for a few minutes. boils.--these should be brought to a head by warm poultices of camomile flowers, or boiled white lily root, or onion root, by fermentation with hot water, or by stimulating plasters. when ripe they should be destroyed by a needle or lancet. but this should not be attempted until they are thoroughly proved. bunions may be checked in their early development by binding the joint with adhesive plaster, and keeping it on as long as any uneasiness is felt. the bandaging should be perfect, and it might be well to extend it round the foot an inflamed bunion should be poulticed, and larger shoes be worn. iodine grains, lard or spermaceti ointment half an ounce, makes a capital ointment for bunions. it should be rubbed on gently twice or three times a day. felons.--one table-spoonful of red lead, and one tablespoonful of castile soap, and mix them with as much weak lye as will make it soft enough to spread like a salve, and apply it on the first appearance of the felon, and it will cure in ten or twelve days. care for warts.--the easiest way to get rid of warts, is to pare off the thickened skin which covers the prominent wart; cut it off by successive layers and shave it until you come to the surface of the skin, and till you draw blood in two or three places. then rub the part thoroughly over with lunar caustic, and one effective operation of this kind will generally destroy the wart; if not, you cut off the black spot which has been occasioned by the caustic, and apply it again; or you may apply acetic acid, and thus you will get rid of it. care must be taken in applying these acids, not to rub them on the skin around the wart. wens.--take the yoke of some eggs, beat up, and add as much fine salt as will dissolve, and apply a plaster to the wen every ten hours. it cures without pain or any other inconvenience. * * * * * how to cure apoplexy, bad breath and quinsy. . apoplexy.--apoplexy occurs only in the corpulent or obese, and those of gross or high living. _treatment_--raise the head to a nearly upright position; loosen all tight clothes, strings, etc., and apply cold water to the head and warm water and warm cloths to the feet. have the apartment cool and well ventilated. give nothing by the mouth until the breathing is relieved, and then only draughts of cold water. . bad breath.--bad or foul breath will be removed by taking a teaspoonful of the following mixture after each meal: one ounce chloride of soda, one ounce liquor of potassa, one and one-half ounces phosphate of soda, and three ounces of water. . quinsy.--this is an inflammation of the tonsils, or common inflammatory sore throat; commences with a slight feverish attack, with considerable pain and swelling of the tonsils, causing some difficulty in swallowing; as the attack advances, these symptoms become more intense, there is headache, thirst, a painful sense of tension, and acute darting pains in the ears. the attack is generally brought on by exposure to cold, and lasts from five to seven days, when it subsides naturally, or an abscess may form in tonsils and burst, or the tonsils may remain enlarged, the inflammation subsiding. _home treatment._--the patient should remain in a warm room, the diet chiefly milk and good broths, some cooling laxative and diaphoretic medicine may be given; but the greatest relief will be found in the frequent inhalation of the steam of hot water through an inhaler, or in the old-fashioned way through the spout of a teapot. * * * * * sensible rules for the nurse. "remember to be extremely neat in dress; a few drops of hartshorn in the water used for _daily_ bathing will remove the disagreeable odors of warmth and perspiration. "never speak of the symptoms of your patient in his presence, unless questioned by the doctor, whose orders you are always to obey _implicitly_. "remember never to be a gossip or tattler, and always to hold sacred the knowledge which, to a certain extent, you must obtain of the private affairs of your patient and the household in which you nurse. "never contradict your patient, nor argue with him, nor let him see that you are annoyed about anything. "never _whisper_ in the sick room. if your patient be well enough, and wishes you to talk to him, speak in a low, distinct voice, on cheerful subjects. don't relate painful hospital experiences, nor give details of the maladies of former patients, and remember never to startle him with accounts of dreadful crimes or accidents that you have read in the newspapers. "_write_ down the orders that the physician gives you as to time for giving the medicines, food, etc. "keep the room bright (unless the doctor orders it darkened). "let the air of the room be as pure as possible, and keep everything in order, but without being fussy and bustling. "the only way to remove dust in a sick room is to wipe everything with a damp cloth. "remember to carry out all vessels covered. empty and wash them immediately, and keep some disinfectant in them. "remember that to leave the patient's untasted food by his side, from meal to meal, in hopes that he will eat it in the interval, is simply to prevent him from taking any food at all. "medicines, beef tea or stimulants, should never be kept where the patient can see them or smell them. "light-colored clothing should be worn by those who have the care of the sick, in preference to dark-colored apparel; particularly if the disease is of a contagious nature. experiments have shown that black and other dark colors will absorb more readily the subtle effluvia that emanates from sick persons than white or light colors." * * * * * longevity. the following table exhibits very recent mortality statistics, showing the average duration of life among persons of various classes: employment. years. judges farmers bank officers coopers public officers clergymen shipwrights hatters lawyers rope makers blacksmiths merchants calico printers physicians butchers carpenters masons traders tailors jewelers manufacturers bakers painters shoemakers mechanics editors musicians printers machinists teachers clerks operatives "it will be easily seen, by these figures, how a quiet or tranquil life affects longevity. the phlegmatic man will live longer, all other things being equal, than the sanguine, nervous individual. marriage is favorable to longevity, and it has also been ascertained that women live longer than men." [illustration: hot water throat bag.] [illustration: hot water bag.] * * * * * how to apply and use hot water in all diseases. . the hot water throat bag. the hot water throat bag is made from fine white rubber fastened to the head by a rubber band (see illustration), and is an unfailing remedy for catarrh, hay fever, cold, toothache, headache, earache, neuralgia, etc. . the hot water bottle. no well regulated house should be without a hot water bottle. it is excellent in the application of hot water for inflammations, colic, headache, congestion, cold feet, rheumatism, sprains, etc., etc. it is an excellent warming pan and an excellent feet and hand warmer when riding. these hot water bags in any variety can be purchased at any drug store. . boiling water may be used in the bags and the heat will be retained many hours. they are soft and pliable and pleasant to the touch, and can be adjusted to any part of the body. . hot water is good for constipation, torpid liver and relieves colic and flatulence, and is of special value. . _caution._ when hot water bags or any hot fomentation is removed, replace dry flannel and bathe parts in tepid water and rub till dry. . by inflammations it is best to use hot water and then cold water. it seems to give more immediate relief. hot water is a much better remedy than drugs, paragoric, dover's powder or morphine. always avoid the use of strong poisonous drugs when possible. . those who suffer from cold feet there is no better remedy than to bathe the feet in cold water before retiring and then place a hot water bottle in the bed at the feet. a few weeks of such treatment results in relief if not cure of the most obstinate case. how to use cold water. use a compress of cold water for acute or chronic inflammation, such as sore throat, bronchitis, croup, inflammation of the lungs, etc. if there is a hot and aching pain in the back apply a compress of cold water on the same, or it may simply be placed across the back or around the body. the most depends upon the condition of the patient. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * practical rules for bathing. . bathe at least once a week all over, thoroughly. no one can preserve his health by neglecting personal cleanliness. remember, "cleanliness is akin to godliness." . only mild soap should be used in bathing the body. . wipe quickly and dry the body thoroughly with a moderately coarse towel. rub the skin vigorously. . many people have contracted severe and fatal diseases by neglecting to take proper care of the body after bathing. . if you get up a good reaction by thorough rubbing in a mild temperature, the effect is always good. . never go into a cold room, or allow cold air to enter the room until you are dressed. . bathing in cold rooms and in cold water is positively injurious, unless the person possesses a very strong and vigorous constitution, and then there is great danger of laying the foundation of some serious disease. . never bathe within two hours after eating. it injures digestion. . never bathe when the body or mind is much exhausted. it is liable to check the healthful circulation. . a good time for bathing is just before retiring. the morning hour is a good time also, if a warm room and warm water can be secured. . never bathe a fresh wound or broken skin with cold water; the wound absorbs water, and causes swelling and irritation. . a person not robust should be very careful in bathing; great care should be exercised to avoid any chilling effects. * * * * * all the different kinds of baths, and how to prepare them. the sulphur bath. for the itch, ringworm, itching, and for other slight irritations, bathe in water containing a little sulphur. the salt bath. to open the pores of the skin, put a little common salt into the water. borax, baking soda or lime used in the same way are excellent for cooling and cleansing the skin. a very small quantity in a bowl of water is sufficient. the vapor bath. . for catarrh, bronchitis, pleurisy, inflammation of the lungs, rheumatism, fever, affections of the bowels and kidneys, and skin diseases, the vapor-bath is an excellent remedy. . apparatus.--use a small alcohol lamp, and place over it a small dish containing water. light the lamp and allow the water to boil. place a cane bottom chair over the lamp, and seat the patient on it. wrap blankets or quilts around the chair and around the patient, closing it tightly about the neck. after free perspiration is produced the patient should be wrapped in warm blankets, and placed in bed, so as to continue the perspiration for some time. . a convenient alcohol lamp may be made by taking a tin box, placing a tube in it, and putting in a common lamp wick. any tinner can make one in a few minutes, at a trifling cost. the hot-air bath. . place the alcohol lamp under the chair, without the dish of water. then place the patient on the chair, as in the vapor bath, and let him remain until a gentle and free perspiration is produced. this bath may be taken from time to time, as may be deemed necessary. . while remaining in the hot-air bath the patient may drink freely of cold or tepid water. . as soon as the bath is over the patient should be washed with hot water and soap. . the hot-air bath is excellent for colds, skin diseases, and the gout. the sponge bath. . have a large basin of water of the temperature of or degrees. as soon as the patient rises rub the body over with a soft, dry towel until it becomes warm. . now sponge the body with water and a little soap, at the same time keeping the body well covered, except such portions as are necessarily exposed. then dry the skin carefully with a soft, warm towel. rub the skin well for two or three minutes, until every part becomes red and perfectly dry. . sulphur, lime or salt, and sometimes mustard, may be used in any of the sponge baths, according to the disease. the foot bath. . the foot bath, in coughs, colds, asthma, headaches and fevers, is excellent. one or two tablespoonfuls of ground mustard added to a gallon of hot water, is very beneficial. . heat the water as hot as the patient can endure it, and gradually increase the temperature by pouring in additional quantities of hot water during the bath. the sitz bath. a tub is arranged so that the patient can sit down in it while bathing. fill the tub about one-half full of water. this is an excellent remedy for piles, constipation, headache, gravel, and for acute and inflammatory affections generally. the acid bath. place a little vinegar in water, and heat to the usual temperature. this is an excellent remedy for the disorders of the liver. a sure cure for prickly heat. . prickly heat is caused by hot weather, by excess of flesh, by rough flannels, by sudden changes of temperature, or by over-fatigue. . treatment--bathe two or three times a day with warm water, in which a moderate quantity of bran and common soda has been stirred. after wiping the skin dry, dust the affected parts with common cornstarch. * * * * * digestibility of food. article of food; condition; hours required rice; boiled; . eggs, whipped; raw; . trout, salmon, fresh; boiled; . apples, sweet and mellow; raw; . venison steak; broiled; . tapioca; boiled; . barley; boiled; . milk; boiled; . bullock's liver, fresh; broiled; . fresh eggs; raw; . codfish, cured and dry; boiled; . milk; raw; . wild turkey; roasted; . domestic turkey; roasted; . ; goose; roasted; . suckling pig; roasted; . fresh lamb; broiled; . hash, meat and vegetables; warmed; . beans and pod; boiled; . parsnips; boiled; . irish potatoes; roasted; . chicken; fricassee; . custard; baked; . salt beef; boiled; . sour and hard apples; raw; . fresh oysters; raw; . fresh eggs; soft boiled; . beef, fresh, lean and rare; roasted; . beef steak; broiled; . pork, recently salted; stewed; . fresh mutton; boiled; . soup, beans; boiled; . soup, chicken; boiled; . apple dumpling; boiled; . fresh oysters; roasted; . pork steak; broiled; . fresh mutton; roasted; . corn bread; baked; . carrots; boiled; . fresh sausage; broiled; . fresh flounder; fried; . fresh catfish; fried; . fresh oysters; stewed; . butter; melted; . old, strong cheese; raw; . mutton soup; boiled; . oyster soup; boiled; . fresh wheat bread; baked; . flat turnips; boiled; . irish potatoes; boiled; . fresh eggs; hard boiled; . fresh eggs; fried; . green corn and beans; boiled; . beets, boiled; . fresh, lean beef; fried; . fresh veal; broiled; . domestic fowls; roasted; . ducks, roasted; . beef soup, vegetables and bread boiled; . pork, recently salted; boiled; . fresh veal; fried; . cabbage, with vinegar; boiled; . pork, fat and lean; roasted; . * * * * * how to cook for the sick. useful dietetic recipes. gruels. . oatmeal gruel.--stir two tablespoonfuls of coarse oatmeal into a quart of boiling water, and let it simmer two hours. strain, if preferred. . beef tea and oatmeal.--beat two tablespoonfuls of fine oatmeal, with two tablespoonfuls of cold water until very smooth, then add a pint of hot beef tea. boil together six or eight minutes, stirring constantly. strain through a fine sieve. . milk gruel.--into a pint of scalding milk stir two tablespoonfuls of fine oatmeal. add a pint of boiling water, and boil until the meal is thoroughly cooked. . milk porridge.--place over the fire equal parts of milk and water. just before it boils, add a small quantity (a tablespoonful to a pint of water) of graham flour or cornmeal, previously mixed with water, and boil three minutes. . sago gruel.--take two tablespoonfuls of sago and place them in a small saucepan, moisten gradually with a little cold water. set the preparation on a slow fire, and keep stirring till it becomes rather stiff and clear. add a little grated nutmeg and sugar to taste; if preferred, half a pat of butter may also be added with the sugar. . cream gruel.--put a pint and a half of water on the stove in a saucepan. take one tablespoon of flour and the same of cornmeal, mix this with cold water, and as soon as the water in the saucepan boils, stir it in slowly. let it boil slowly about twenty minutes, stirring constantly then add a little salt and a gill of sweet cream. do not let it boil after putting in the cream, but turn into a bowl and cover tightly. serve in a pretty cup and saucer. drinks. . apple water.--cut two large apples into slices and pour a quart of boiling water on them, or on roasted apples; strain in two or three hours and sweeten slightly. . orangeade.--take the thin peel of two oranges and of one lemon; add water and sugar the same as for hot lemonade. when cold add the juice of four or five oranges and one lemon and strain off. . hot lemonade.--take two thin slices and the juice of one lemon; mix with two tablespoonfuls of granulated sugar, and add one-half pint of boiling water. . flaxseed lemonade.--two tablespoonfuls of whole flaxseed to a pint of boiling water, let it steep three hours, strain when cool and add the juice of two lemons and two tablespoonfuls of honey. if too thick, put in cold water. splendid for colds and suppression of urine. . jelly water.--sour jellies dissolved in water make a pleasant drink for fever patients. . toast water.--toast several thin pieces of bread a slice deep brown, but do not blacken or burn. break into small pieces and put into a jar. pour over the pieces a quart of boiling water; cover the jar and let it stand an hour before using. strain if desired. . white of egg and milk.--the white of an egg beaten to a stiff froth, and stirred very quickly into a glass of milk, is a very nourishing food for persons whose digestion is weak, also for children who cannot digest milk alone. . egg cocoa.--one-half teaspoon cocoa with enough hot water to make a paste. take one egg, beat white and yolk separately. stir into a cup of milk heated to nearly boiling. sweeten if desired. very nourishing. . egg lemonade.--white of one egg, one tablespoonful pulverized sugar, juice of one lemon and one goblet of water. beat together. very grateful in inflammation of of lungs, stomach or bowels. . beef tea.--for every quart of tea desired use one pound of fresh beef, from which all fat, bones and sinews have been carefully removed; cut the beef into pieces a quarter of an inch thick and mix with a pint of cold water. let it stand an hour, then pour into a glass fruit can and place in a vessel of water; let it heat on the stove another hour, but do not let it boil. strain before using. jellies. . sago jelly.--simmer gently in a pint of water two tablespoonfuls of sago until it thickens, frequently stirring. a little sugar may be added if desired. . chicken jelly.--take half a raw chicken, tie in a coarse cloth and pound, till well mashed, bones and meat together. place the mass in a covered dish with water sufficient to cover it well. allow it to simmer slowly till the liquor is reduced about one-half and the meat is thoroughly cooked. press through a fine sieve or cloth, and salt to taste. place on the stove to simmer about five minutes when cold remove all particles of grease. . mulled jelly.--take one tablespoonful of currant or grape jelly; beat it with the white of one egg and a little loaf sugar; pour on it one-half pint of boiling water and break in a slice of dry toast or two crackers. . bread jelly.--pour boiling water over bread crumbs place the mixture on the fire and let it boil until it is perfectly smooth. take it off, and after pouring off the water, flavor with something agreeable, as a little raspberry or currant jelly water. pour into a mold until required for use. . lemon jelly.--moisten two tablespoonfuls of cornstarch, stir into one pint boiling water; add the juice of two lemons and one-half cup of sugar. grate in a little of the rind. put in molds to cool. miscellaneous. . to cook rice.--take two cups of rice and one and one-half pints of milk. place in a covered dish and steam in a kettle of boiling water until it is cooked through, pour into cups and let it stand until cold. serve with cream. . rice omelet.--two cups boiled rice, one cup sweet milk, two eggs. stir together with egg beater, and put into a hot buttered skillet. cook slowly ten minutes, stirring frequently. . browned rice.--parch or brown rice slowly. steep in milk for two hours. the rice or the milk only is excellent in summer complaint. . stewed oysters.--take one pint of milk, one cup of water, a teaspoon of salt; when boiling put in one pint of bulk oysters. stir occasionally and remove from the stove before it boils. an oyster should not be shriveled in cooking. . broiled oysters.--put large oysters on a wire toaster hold over hot coals until heated through. serve on toast moistened with cream. very grateful in convalescence. . oyster toast.--pour stewed oysters over graham or bread toasted. excellent for breakfast. . graham crisps.--mix graham flour and cold water into a very stiff dough. knead, roll very thin, and bake quickly in a hot oven. excellent food for dyspeptics. . apple snow.--take seven apples, not very sweet ones, and bake till soft and brown. then remove the skins and cores; when cool, beat them smooth and fine; add one-half cup of granulated sugar and the white of one egg. beat till the mixture will hold on your spoon. serve with soft custard. . eggs on toast.--soften brown bread toast with hot water, put on a platter and cover with poached or scrambled eggs. . boiled eggs.--an egg should never be boiled. place in boiling water and set back on the stove for from seven to ten minutes. a little experience will enable anyone to do it successfully. . cracked wheat pudding.--in a deep two-quart pudding dish put layers of cold, cooked, cracked wheat, and tart apples sliced thin, with four tablespoonfuls of sugar. raisins can be added if preferred. fill the dish, having the wheat last, add a cup of cold water. bake two hours. . pie for dyspeptics.--four tablespoonfuls of oatmeal, one pint of water; let stand for a few hours, or until the meal is swelled. then add two large apples, pared and sliced, a little salt, one cup of sugar, one tablespoonful of flour. mix all well together and bake in a buttered dish; makes a most delicious pie, which can be eaten with safety by the sick or well. . apple tapioca pudding.--soak a teacup of tapioca in a quart of warm water three hours. cut in thin slices six tart apples, stir them lightly with the tapioca, add half cup sugar. bake three hours. to be eaten with whipped cream. good either warm or cold. . graham muffins.--take one pint of new milk, one pint graham or entire wheat flour; stir together and add one beaten egg. can be baked in any kind of gem pans or muffin rings. salt must not be used with any bread that is made light with egg. . strawberry dessert.--place alternate layers of hot cooked cracked wheat and strawberries in a deep dish; when cold, turn out on platter; cut in slices and serve with cream and sugar, or strawberry juice. wet the molds with cold water before using. this, molded in small cups, makes a dainty dish for the sick. wheatlet can be used in the same way. . fruit blanc mange.--one quart of juice of strawberries, cherries, grapes or other juicy fruit; one cup water. when boiling, add two tablespoonfuls sugar and four tablespoonfuls cornstarch wet in cold water; let boil five or six minutes, then mold in small cups. serve without sauce, or with cream or boiled custard. lemon juice can be used the same, only requiring more water. this is a very valuable dish for convalescents and pregnant women, when the stomach rejects solid food. [illustration] * * * * * save the girls. . public balls.--the church should turn its face like flint against the public ball. its influence is evil, and nothing but evil. it is a well known fact that in all cities and large towns the ball room is the recruiting office for prostitution. . thoughtless young women.--in cities public balls are given every night, and many thoughtless young women, mostly the daughters of small tradesmen and mechanics, or clerks or laborers, are induced to attend "just for fun." scarcely one in a hundred of the girls attending these balls preserve their purity. they meet the most desperate characters, professional gamblers, criminals and the lowest debauchees. such an assembly and such influence cannot mean anything but ruin for an innocent girl. . vile women.--the public ball is always a resort of vile women who picture to innocent girls the ease and luxury of a harlot's life, and offer them all manner of temptations to abandon the paths of virtue. the public ball is the resort of the libertine and the adulterer, and whose object is to work the ruin of every innocent girl that may fall into their clutches. . the question.--why does society wonder at the increase of prostitution, when the public balls and promiscuous dancing is so largely endorsed and encouraged? . working girls.--thousands of innocent working girls enter innocently and unsuspectingly into the paths which lead them to the house of evil, or who wander the streets as miserable outcasts all through the influence of the dance. the low theatre and dance halls and other places of unselected gatherings are the milestones which mark the working girl's downward path from virtue to vice, from modesty to shame. . the saleswoman, the seamstress, the factory girl or any other virtuous girl had better, far better, die than take the first step in the path of impropriety and danger. better, a thousand times better, better for this life, better for the life to come, an existence of humble, virtuous industry than a single departure from virtue, even though it were paid with a fortune. . temptations.--there is not a young girl but what is more or less tempted by some unprincipled wretch who may have the reputation of a genteel society man. it behooves parents to guard carefully the morals of their daughters, and be vigilant and cautious in permitting them to accept the society of young men. parents who desire to save their daughters from a fate which is worse than death, should endeavor by every means in their power to keep them from falling into traps cunningly devised by some cunning lover. there are many good young men, but not all are safe friends to an innocent, confiding young girl. . prostitution.--some girls inherit their vicious tendency; others fall because of misplaced affections; many sin through a love of dress, which is fostered by society and by the surroundings amidst which they may be placed; many, very many, embrace a life of shame to escape poverty while each of these different phases of prostitution require a different remedy, we need better men, better women, better laws and better protection for the young girls. [illustration: a russian spinning girl.] . a startling fact.--startling as it may seem to some, it is a fact in our large cities that there are many girls raised by parents with no other aim than to make them harlots. at a tender age they are sold by fathers and mothers into an existence which is worse than slavery itself. it is not uncommon to see girls at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen--mere children--hardened courtesans, lost to all sense of shame and decency. they are reared in ignorance, surrounded by demoralizing influences, cut off from the blessings of church and sabbath school, see nothing but licentiousness, intemperance and crime. these young girls are lost forever. they are beyond the reach of the moralist or preacher and have no comprehension of modesty and purity. virtue to them is a stranger, and has been from the cradle. . a great wrong.--parents too poor to clothe themselves bring children into the world, children for whom they have no bread, consequently the girl easily falls a victim in early womanhood to the heartless libertine. the boy with no other schooling but that of the streets soon masters all the qualifications for a professional criminal. if there could be a law forbidding people to marry who have no visible means of supporting a family, or if they should marry, if their children could be taken from them and properly educated by the state, it would cost the country less and be a great step in advancing our civilization. . the first step.--thousands of fallen women could have been saved from lives of degradation and deaths of shame had they received more toleration and loving forgiveness in their first steps of error. many women naturally pure and virtuous have fallen to the lowest depths because discarded by friends, frowned upon by society, and sneered at by the world, after they had taken a single mis-step. society forgives man, but woman never. . in the beginning of every girl's downward career there is necessarily a hesitation. she naturally ponders over what course to take, dreading to meet friends and looking into the future with horror. that moment is the vital turning point in her career; a kind word of forgiveness, a mother's embrace a father's welcome may save her. the bloodhounds, known as the seducer, the libertine, the procurer, are upon her track; she is trembling on the frightful brink of the abyss. extend a helping hand and save her! . father, if your daughter goes astray, do not drive her from your home. mother, if your child errs, do not close your heart against her. sisters and brothers and friends, do not force her into the pathway of shame, but rather strive to win her back into the eden of virtue, an in nine cases out of ten you will succeed. . society evils.--the dance, the theater, the wine-cup, the race-course, the idle frivolity and luxury of summer watering places, all have a tendency to demoralize the young. . bad society.--much of our modern society admits libertines and seducers to the drawing-room, while it excludes their helpless and degraded victims, consequently it is not strange that there are skeletons in many closets, matrimonial infelicity and wayward girls. . "'know thyself,'" says dr. saur, "is an important maxim for us all, and especially is it true for girls. "all are born with the desire to become attractive girls especially want to grow up, not only attractive, but beautiful. some girls think that bright eyes, pretty hair and fine clothes alone make them beautiful. this is not so. real beauty depends upon good health, good manners and a pure mind. "as the happiness of our girls depends upon their health, it behoves us all to guide the girls in such a way as to bring forward the best of results. . "there is no one who stands so near the girl as the mother. from early childhood she occupies the first place in the little one's confidence she laughs, plays, and corrects, when necessary, the faults of her darling. she should be equally ready to guide in the important laws of life and health upon which rest her future. teach your daughters that in all things the 'creative principle' has its source in life itself. it originates from divine life, and when they know that it may be consecrated to wise and useful purposes, they are never apt to grow up with base thoughts or form bad habits. their lives become a happiness to themselves and a blessing to humanity. . teach wisely.--"teach your daughters that _all life_ originates from a seed a germ. knowing this law, you need have no fears that base or unworthy thoughts of the reproductive function can ever enter their minds. the growth, development and ripening of human seed becomes a beautiful and sacred mystery. the tree, the rose and all plant life are equally as mysterious and beautiful in their reproductive life. does not this alone prove to us, conclusively, that there is a divinity in the background governing, controlling and influencing our lives? nature has no secrets, and why should we? none at all. the only care we should experience is in teaching wisely. "yes lead them wisely teach them that the seed, the germ of a new life, is maturing within them. teach them that between the ages of eleven and fourteen this maturing process has certain physical signs. the breasts grow round and full, the whole body, even the voice, undergoes a change. it is right that they should be taught the natural law of life in reproduction and the physiological structure of their being. again we repeat that these lessons should be taught by the mother, and in a tender, delicate and confidential way. become, oh, mother, your daughter's companion, and she will not go elsewhere for this knowledge which must come to all in time, but possibly too late and through sources that would prove more harm than good. . the organs of creative life in women are: ovaries, fallopian tubes, uterus, vagina and mammary glands. the _ovaries_ and _fallopian tubes_ have already been described under "the female generative organs." "the _uterus_ is a pear-shaped muscular organ, situated in the lower portion of the pelvis, between the bladder and the rectum. it is less than three inches in length and two inches in width and one in thickness. "the _vagina_ is a membranous canal which joins the internal outlet with the womb, which projects slightly into it. the opening into the vagina is nearly oval, and in those who have never indulged in sexual intercourse or in handling the sexual organs is more or less closed by a membrane termed the _hymen_. the presence of this membrane was formerly considered as undoubted evidence of virginity; its absence, a lack of chastity. "the _mammary glands_ are accessory to the generative organs. they secrete milk, which the all-wise gatherer provided for the nourishment of the child after birth. . "menstruation, which appears about the age of thirteen years, is the flow from the uterus that occurs every month as the seed-germ ripens in the ovaries. god made the sexual organs so that the race should not die out. he gave them to us so that we may reproduce life, and thus fill the highest position in the created universe. the purpose for which they are made is high and holy and honorable, and if they are used only for this purpose and they must not be used at all until they are fully matured they will be a source of greatest blessing to us all. [illustration: the two paths--what will the girl become? at : bad literature at : flirting & coquettery at : fast life & dissipation at : an outcast at : study & obedience at : virtue & devotion at : a loving mother at : an honored grandmother] . "a careful study of this organ, of its location, of its arteries and nerves, will convince the growing girl that her body should never submit to corsets and tight lacing in response to the demands of fashion, even though nature has so bountifully provided for the safety of this important organ. by constant pressure the vagina and womb may be compressed into one-third their natural length or crowded into an unnatural position. we can readily see, then, the effect of lacing or tight clothing. under these circumstances the ligaments lose their elasticity, and as a result we have prolapsus or falling of the womb. . "i am more anxious for growing girls than for any other earthly object. these girls are to be the mothers of future generations; upon them hangs the destiny of the world in coming time, and if they can be made to understand what is right and what is wrong with regard to their own bodies now, while they are young, the children they will give birth to and the men and women who shall call them mother will be of a higher type and belong to a nobler class than those of the present day. . "all women cannot have good features, but they can look well, and it is possible to a great extent to correct deformity and develop much of the figure. the first step to good looks is good health, and the first element of health is cleanliness. keep clean wash freely, bathe regularly. all the skin wants is leave to act, and it takes care of itself. . "girls sometimes get the idea that it is nice to be 'weak' and 'delicate,' but they cannot get a more false idea! god meant women to be strong and able-bodied, and only by being so can they be happy and capable of imparting happiness to others. it is only by being strong and healthy that they can be perfect in their sexual nature; and it is only by being perfect in this part of their being that you can become a noble, grand and beautiful woman. . "up to the age of puberty, if the girl has grown naturally, waist, hips and shoulders are about the same in width, the shoulders being, perhaps, a trifle the broadest. up to this time the sexual organs have grown but little. now they take a sudden start and need more room. nature aids the girls; the tissues and muscles increase in size and the pelvis bones enlarge. the limbs grow plump, the girl stops growing tall and becomes round and full. unsuspected strength comes to her; tasks that were once hard to perform are now easy; her voice becomes sweeter and stronger. the mind develops more rapidly even than the body; her brain is more active and quicker; subjects that once were dull and dry have unwonted interest; lessons are more easily learned; the eyes sparkle with intelligence, indicating increased mental power; her manner denotes the consciousness of new power; toys of childhood are laid away; womanly thoughts and pursuits fill her mind; budding childhood has become blooming womanhood. now, if ever, must be laid the foundation of physical vigor and of a healthy body. girls should realize the significance of this fact. do not get the idea that men admire a weakly, puny, delicate, small-waisted, languid, doll-like creature, a libel on true womanhood. girls admire men with broad chests, square shoulders, erect form, keen bright eyes, hard muscles and undoubted vigor. men also turn naturally to healthy, robust, well-developed girls, and to win their admiration girls must meet their ideals. a good form, a sound mind and a healthy body are within the reach of nine out of ten of our girls by proper care and training. physical bankruptcy may claim the same proportion if care and training are neglected. . "a woman five feet tall should measure two feet around the waist and thirty-three inches around the hips. a waist less than this proportion indicates compression either by lacing or tight clothing. exercise in the open air, take long walks and vigorous exercise, using care not to overdo it. housework will prove a panacea for many of the ills which flesh is heir to. one hour's exercise at the wash-tub is of far more value, from a physical standpoint, than hours at the piano. boating is most excellent exercise and within the reach of many. care in dressing is also important, and, fortunately, fashion is coming to the rescue here. it is essential that no garments be suspended from the waist. let the shoulders bear the weight of all the clothing, so that the organs of the body may be left free and unimpeded. . "sleep should be had regularly and abundantly. avoid late hours, undue excitement, evil associations; partake of plain, nutritious food, and health will be your reward. there is one way of destroying health, which, fortunately, is not as common among girls as boys, and which must be mentioned ere this chapter closes. self-abuse is practised among growing girls to such an extent as to arouse serious alarm. many a girl has been led to handle and play with her sexual organs through the advice of some girl who has obtained temporary pleasure in that way; or, perchance, chafing has been followed by rubbing until the organs have become congested with blood, and in this accidental manner the girl discovered what seems to her a source of pleasure, but which, alas, is a source of misery, and even death. . "as in the boy, so in the girl, self-abuse causes an undue amount of blood to flow to those organs, thus depriving other parts of the body of its nourishment, the weakest part first showing the effect of want of sustenance. all that has been said upon this loathsome subject in the preceding chapter for boys might well be repeated here, but space forbids. read that chapter again, and know that the same signs that betray the boy will make known the girl addicted to the vice. the bloodless lips, the dull, heavy eye surrounded with dark rings, the nerveless hand, the blanched cheek, the short breath, the old, faded look, the weakened memory and silly irritability tell the story all too plainly. the same evil result follows, ending perhaps in death, or worse, in insanity. aside from the injury the girl does herself by yielding to this habit, there is one other reason which appeals to the conscience, and that is, self-abuse is an offence against moral law it is putting to a vile, selfish use the organs which were given for a high, sacred purpose. . "let them alone, except to care for them when care is needed, and they may prove the greatest blessing you have ever known. they were given you that you might become a mother, the highest office to which god has ever called one of his creatures. do not debase yourself and become lower than the beasts of the field. if this habit has fastened itself upon any one of our readers, stop it now. do not allow yourself to think about it, give up all evil associations, seek pure companions, and go to your mother, older sister, or physician for advice. . "and you, mother, knowing the danger that besets your daughters at this critical period, are you justified in keeping silent? can you be held guiltless if your daughter ruins body and mind because you were too modest to tell her the laws of her being? there is no love that is dearer to your daughter than yours, no advice that is more respected than yours, no one whose warning would be more potent. fail not in your duty. as motherhood has been your sweetest joy, so help your daughter to make it hers." [illustration: young garfield driving team on the canal.] * * * * * save the boys. plain words to parents. . with a shy look, approaching his mother when she was alone, the boy of fifteen said, "there are some things i want to ask you. i hear the boys speak of them at school, and i don't understand, and a fellow doesn't like to ask any one but his mother." . drawing him down to her, in the darkness that was closing about them, the mother spoke to her son and the son to his mother freely of things which everybody must know sooner or later, and which no boy should learn from "anyone but his mother" or father. . if you do not answer such a natural question your boy will turn for answer to others, and learn things, perhaps, which your cheeks may well blush to have him know. . our boys and girls are growing faster than we think. the world moves; we can no longer put off our children with the old nurses' tales; even macdonald's beautiful statement, "out of the everywhere into the there", does not satisfy them when they reverse his question and ask, "where did i come from?" . they must be answered. if we put them off, they may be tempted to go elsewhere for information, and hear half-truths, or whole truths so distorted, so mingled with what is low and impure that, struggle against it as they may in later years, their minds will always retain these early impressions. . it is not so hard if you begin early. the very flowers are object lessons. the wonderful mystery of life is wrapped in one flower, with its stamens, pistils and ovaries. every child knows how an egg came in the nest, and takes it as a matter of course; why not go one step farther with them and teach the wonder, the beauty, the holiness that surrounds maternity anywhere? why, centuries ago the romans honored, and taught their boys to honor, the women in whose safety was bound up the future of their existence as a nation! why should we do less? . your sons and mine, your daughters and mine, need to be wisely taught and guarded just along these lines, if your sons and mine, your daughters and mine, are to grow up into a pure, healthy, christian manhood and womanhood. [illustration] .[_footnote: this quotation is an appeal to mothers by mrs. p.b. saur, m.d._] "how grand is the boy who has kept himself undefiled! his complexion clear, his muscles firm, his movements vigorous, his manner frank, his courage undaunted, his brain active, his will firm, his self-control perfect, his body and mind unfolding day by day. his life should be one song of praise and thanksgiving. if you want your boy to be such a one, train him, my dear woman, _to-day_, and his _to-morrow_ will take care of itself. . "think you that good seed sown will bring forth bitter fruit? a thousand times, no! as we sow, so shall we reap. train your boys in morality, temperance and virtue. teach them to embrace good and shun evil. teach them the true from the false; the light from the dark. teach them that when they take a thing that is not their own, they commit a sin. teach them that _sin means disobedience of god's laws of every kind_. . "god made every organ of our body with the intention that it should perform a certain work. if we wish to see, we use our eyes; if we want to hear, our ears are called into use. in fact, nature teaches us the proper use of _all our organs_. i say to you, mother, and oh, so earnestly: 'go teach your boy that which you may never be ashamed to do, about these organs that make him _specially a boy_.' . "teach him they are called _sexual organs_; that they are not impure, but of special importance, and made by god for a definite purpose. teach him that there are impurities taken from the system in fluid form called urine, and that it passes through the sexual organs, but that nature takes care of that. teach him that these organs are given as a sacred trust, that in maturer years he may be the means of giving life to those who shall live forever. . "impress upon him that if these organs are abused, or if they are put to any use besides that for which god made them and he did not intend they should be used at all until man is fully grown they will bring disease and ruin upon those who abuse and disobey the laws which god has made to govern them. if he has ever learned to handle his _sexual organs_, or to touch them in any way except to keep them clean, not to do it again. if he does he will not grow up happy, healthy and strong. . "teach him that when he handles or excites the sexual organs all parts of the body suffer, because they are connected by nerves that run throughout the system; this is why it is called 'self-abuse.' the whole body is abused when this part of the body is handled or excited in any manner whatever. teach them to shun all children who indulge in this loathsome habit, or all children who talk about these things. the sin is terrible, and is, in fact, worse than lying or stealing. for, although these are wicked and will ruin their souls, yet this habit of self-abuse will ruin both soul and body. . "if the sexual organs are handled, it brings too much blood to these parts, and this produces a diseased condition; it also causes disease in other organs of the body, because they are left with a less amount of blood than they ought to have. the sexual organs, too, are very closely connected with the spine and the brain by means of the nerves, and if they are handled, or if you keep thinking about them, these nerves get excited and become exhausted, and this makes the back ache, the brain heavy and the whole body weak. . "it lays the foundation for consumption, paralysis and heart disease. it weakens the memory, makes a boy careless, negligent and listless. it even makes many lose their minds; others, when grown, commit suicide. how often mothers see their little boys handling themselves, and let it pass, because they think the boy will outgrow the habit, and do not realize the strong hold it has upon them. i say to you who love your boys 'watch!' . "don't think it does no harm to your boy because he does not suffer now, for the effects of this vice come on so slowly that the victim is often very near death before you realize that he has done himself harm. the boy with no knowledge of the consequences, and with no one to warn him, finds momentary pleasure in its practice, and so contracts a habit which grows upon him, undermining his health, poisoning his mind, arresting his development, and laying the foundation for future misery. . "do not read this book and forget it, for it contains earnest and living truths. do not let false modesty stand in your way, but from this time on keep this thought in mind 'the saving of your boy.' follow its teachings and you will bless god as long as you live. read it to your neighbors, who, like yourself, have growing boys, and urge them for the sake of humanity to heed its advice. . "right here we want to emphasize the importance of _cleanliness_. we verily believe that oftentimes these habits originate in a burning and irritating sensation about the organs, caused by a want of thorough washing. . "it is worthy of note that many eminent physicians now advocate the custom of circumcision, claiming that the removal of a little of the foreskin induces cleanliness, thus preventing the irritation and excitement which come from the gathering of the whiteish matter under the foreskin at the beginning of the glands. this irritation being removed, the boy is less apt to tamper with his sexual organs. the argument seems a good one, especially when we call to mind the high physical state of those people who have practiced the custom. . "happy is the mother who can feel she has done her duty, in this direction, while her boy is still a child. for those mothers, though, whose little boys have now grown to boyhood with the evil still upon them, and _you_, through ignorance, permitted it, we would say, 'begin at once; it is never too late.' if he has not lost all will power, he can be saved. let him go in confidence to a reputable physician and follow his advice. simple diet, plentiful exercise in open air and congenial employment will do much. do not let the mind dwell upon evil thoughts, shun evil companions, avoid vulgar stories, sensational novels, and keep the thoughts pure. . "let him interest himself in social and benevolent affairs, participate in sunday-school work, farmers' clubs, or any organizations which tend to elevate and inspire noble sentiment. let us remember that 'a perfect man is the noblest work of god.' god has given us a life which is to last forever, and the little time we spend on earth is as nothing to the ages which we are to spend in the world beyond; so our earthly life is a very important part of our existence, for it is here that the foundation is laid for either happiness or misery in the future. it is here that we decide our destiny, and our efforts to know and obey god's laws in our bodies as well as in our souls will not only bring blessings to us in this life, but never-ending happiness throughout eternity." . a question. how can a father chew and smoke tobacco, drink and swear, use vulgar language, tell obscene stories, and raise a family of pure, clean-minded children? let the echo answer. [illustration: "suffer little children, and forbid them not, to come unto me: for of such is the kingdom of heaven-"--_matt. : _] * * * * * the inhumanities of parents. . not long ago a presbyterian minister in western new york whipped his three-year-old boy to death for refusing to say his prayers. the little fingers were broken; the tender flesh was bruised and actually mangled; strong men wept when they looked on the lifeless body. think of a strong man from one hundred and fifty to two hundred pounds in weight, pouncing upon a little child, like a tiger upon a lamb, and with his strong arm inflicting physical blows on the delicate tissues of a child's body. see its frail and trembling flesh quiver and its tender nervous organization shaking with terror and fear. . how often is this the case in the punishment of children all over this broad land! death is not often the immediate consequence of this brutality as in the above stated case, but the punishment is often as unjust, and the physical constitution of children is often ruined and the mind by fright seriously injured. . everyone knows the sudden sense of pain, and sometimes dizziness and nausea follow, as the results of an accidental hitting of the ankle, knee or elbow against a hard substance, and involuntary tears are brought to the eyes; but what is such a pain as this compared with the pains of a dozen or more quick blows on the body of a little helpless child from the strong arm of a parent in a passion? add to this overwhelming terror of fright, the strangulating effects of sighing and shrieking, and you have a complete picture of child-torture. . who has not often seen a child receive, within an hour or two of the first whipping, a second one, for some small ebullition of nervous irritability, which was simply inevitable from its spent and worn condition? . would not all mankind cry out at the inhumanity of one who, as things are to-day, should propose the substitution of pricking or cutting or burning for whipping? it would, however, be easy to show that small jabs or pricks or cuts are more human than the blows many children receive. why may not lying be as legitimately cured by blisters made with hot coals as by black and blue spots made with a ruler or whip? the principle is the same; and if the principle is right, why not multiply methods? . how many loving mothers will, without any thought of cruelty, inflict half a dozen quick blows on the little hand of her child and when she could no more take a pin and make the same number of thrusts into the tender flesh, than she could bind the baby on a rack. yet the pin-thrust would hurt far less, and would probably make a deeper impression on the child's mind. [illustration] . we do not intend to be understood that a child must have everything that it desires and every whim and wish to receive special recognition by the parents. children can soon be made to understand the necessity of obedience, and punishment can easily be brought about by teaching them self-denial. deny them the use of a certain plaything, deny them the privilege of visiting certain of their little friends, deny them the privilege of the table, etc., and these self-denials can be applied according to the age and condition of the child, with firmness and without any yielding. children will soon learn obedience if they see the parents are sincere. lessons of home government can be learned by the children at home as well as they can learn lessons at school. . the trouble is, many parents need more government, more training and more discipline than the little ones under their control. . scores of times during the day a child is told in a short, authoritative way to do or not to do certain little things, which we ask at the hands of elder persons as favors. when we speak to an elder person, we say, would you be so kind as to close the door, when the same person making the request of a child will say, _"shut the door."_ _"bring me the chair."_ _"stop that noise."_ _"sit down there."_ whereas, if the same kindness was used towards the child it would soon learn to imitate the example. . on the other hand, let a child ask for anything without saying "please," receive anything without saying "thank you," it suffers a rebuke and a look of scorn at once. often a child insists on having a book, chair or apple to the inconveniencing of an elder, and what an outcry is raised: "such rudeness;" "such an ill-mannered child;" "his parents must have neglected him strangely." not at all: the parents may have been steadily telling him a great many times every day not to do these precise things which you dislike. but they themselves have been all the time doing those very things before him, and there is no proverb that strikes a truer balance between two things than the old one which weighs example over against precept. . it is a bad policy to be rude to children. a child will win and be won, and in a long run the chances are that the child will have better manners than its parents. give them a good example and take pains in teaching them lessons of obedience and propriety, and there will be little difficulty in raising a family of beautiful and well-behaved children. . never correct a child in the presence of others; it is a rudeness to the child that will soon destroy its self-respect. it is the way criminals are made and should always and everywhere be condemned. . but there are no words to say what we are or what we deserve if we do this to the little children whom we have dared for our own pleasure to bring into the perils of this life, and whose whole future may be blighted by the mistakes of our careless hands. there are thousands of young men and women to-day groaning under the penalties and burdens of life, who owe their misfortunes, their shipwreck and ruin to the ignorance or indifference of parents. . parents of course love their children, but with that love there is a responsibility that cannot be shirked. the government and training of children is a study that demands a parent's time and attention often much more than the claims of business. . parents, study the problems that come up every day in your home. remember, your future happiness, and the future welfare of your children, depend upon it. . criminals and heredity. wm. m.f. round was for many years in charge of the house of refuge on randall's island, new york, and his opportunities for observation in the work among criminals surely make him a competent judge, and he says in his letter to the new york observer: "among this large number of young offenders i can state with entire confidence that not one per cent. were children born of criminal parents; and with equal confidence i am able to say that the common cause of their delinquency was found in bad parental training, in bad companionship, and in lack of wholesome restraint from evil associations and influences. it was this knowledge that led to the establishing of the house of refuge nearly three-quarters of a century ago." . bad training. thus it is seen from one of the best authorities in the united states that criminals are made either by the indifference or the neglect of parents, or both, or by too much training without proper judgment and knowledge. give your children a good example, and never tell a child to do something and then become indifferent as to whether they do it or not. a child should never be told twice to do the same thing. teach the child in childhood obedience and never vary from that rule. do it kindly but firmly. . if your children do not obey or respect you in their childhood and youth, how can you expect to govern them when older and shape their character for future usefulness and good citizenship? . the fundamental rule. never tell a child twice to do the same thing. command the respect of your children, and there will be no question as to obedience. * * * * * chastity and purity of character. [illustration] . chastity is the purest and brightest jewel in human character. dr. pierce in his widely known _medical adviser_ says: for the full and perfect development of mankind, both mental and physical, chastity is necessary. the health demands abstinence from unlawful intercourse. therefore children should be instructed to avoid all impure works of fiction, which tend to inflame the mind and excite the passions. only in total abstinence from illicit pleasures is there safety, morals, and health, while integrity, peace and happiness are the conscious rewards of virtue. impurity travels downward with intemperance, obscenity and corrupting diseases, to degradation and death. a dissolute, licentious, free-and-easy life is filled with the dregs of human suffering, iniquity and despair. the penalties which follow a violation of the law of chastity are found to be severe and swiftly retributive. . the union of the sexes in holy matrimony is a law of nature, finding sanction in both morals and legislation. even some of the lower animals unite in this union for life and instinctively observe the law of conjugal fidelity with a consistency which might put to blush other animals more highly endowed. it seems important to discuss this subject and understand our social evils, as well as the intense passional desires of the sexes, which must be controlled, or they lead to ruin. . sexual propensities are possessed by all, and these must be held in abeyance, until they are needed for legitimate purposes. hence parents ought to understand the value to their children of mental and physical labor, to elevate and strengthen the intellectual and moral faculties, to develop the muscular system and direct the energies of the blood into healthful channels. vigorous employment of mind and body engrosses the vital energies and diverts them from undue excitement of the sexual desires. _give your young people plenty of outdoor amusement; less of dancing and more of croquet and lawn tennis. stimulate the methods of pure thoughts in innocent amusement, and your sons and daughters will mature to manhood and womanhood pure and chaste in character._ . ignorance does not mean innocence.--it is a current idea, especially among our good common people, that the child should be kept in ignorance regarding the mystery of his own body and how he was created or came into the world. this is a great mistake. parents must know that the sources of social impurity are great, and the child is a hundred times more liable to have his young mind poisoned if entirely ignorant of the functions of his nature than if judiciously enlightened on these important truths by the parent. the parent must give him weapons of defense against the putrid corruption he is sure to meet outside the parental roof. the child cannot get through the a, b, c period of school without it. . conflicting views.--there is a great difference of opinion regarding the age at which the child should be taught the mysteries of nature: some maintain that he cannot comprehend the subject before the age of puberty; others say "they will find it out soon enough, it is not best to have them over-wise while they are so young. wait a while." that is just the point (_they will find it out_), and we ask in all candor, is it not better that they learn it from the pure loving mother, untarnished from any insinuating remark, than that they should learn it from some foul-mouthed libertine on the street, or some giddy girl at school? mothers! fathers! which think you is the most sensible and fraught with the least danger to your darling boy or girl? . delay is fraught with danger.--knowledge on a subject so vitally connected with moral health must not be deferred. it is safe to say that no child, no boy at least in these days of excitement and unrest, reaches the age of ten years without getting some idea of nature's laws regarding parenthood. and ninety-nine chances to one, those ideas will be vile and pernicious unless they come from a wise, loving and pure parent. now, we entreat you, parents, mothers! do not wait; begin before a false notion has had chance to find lodgment in the childish mind. but remember this is a lesson of life, it cannot be told in one chapter, it is as important as the lessons of love and duty. . the first lessons.--should you be asked by your four or five-year old, "mamma, where did you get me?" instead of saying, "the doctor brought you," or "god made you and a stork brought you from babyland on his back," tell him the truth as you would about any ordinary question. one mother's explanation was something like this: "my dear, you were not made any more than apples are made, or the little chickens are made. your dolly was made, but it has no life like you have. god has provided that all living things such as plants, trees, little chickens, little kittens, little babies, etc., should grow from seeds or little tiny eggs. apples grow, little chickens grow, little babies grow. apple and peach trees grow from seeds that are planted in the ground, and the apples and peaches grow on the trees. baby chickens grow inside the eggs that are kept warm by the mother hen for a certain time. baby boys and girls do not grow inside an egg, but they start to grow inside of a snug warm nest, from an egg that is so small you cannot see it with just your eye." this was not given at once, but from time to time as the child asked questions and in the simplest language, with many illustrations from plant and animal life. it may have occupied months, but in time the lesson was fully understood. . the second lesson.--the second lesson came with the question, "but _where_ is the nest?" the ice is now broken, as it were; it was an easy matter for the mother to say, "the nest in which you grew, dear, was close to your mother's heart inside her body. all things that do not grow inside the egg itself, and which are kept warm by the mother's body, begin to grow from the egg in a nest inside the mother's body." it may be that this mother had access to illustrations of the babe in the womb which were shown and explained to the child, a boy. he was pleased and satisfied with the explanations. it meant nothing out of the ordinary any more than a primary lesson on the circulatory system did, it was knowledge on nature in its purity and simplicity taught by mother, and hence caused no surprise. the subject of the male and female generative organs came later; the greatest pains and care was taken to make it clear, the little boy was taught that the _sexual organs_ were made for a high and holy purpose, that their office at present is only to carry off impurities from the system in the fluid form called urine, and that he must never handle his _sexual organs_ nor touch them in any way except to keep them clean, and if he does this, he will grow up a bright, happy and healthy boy. but if he excites or _abuses_ them, he will become puny, sickly and unhappy. all this was explained in language pure and simple. there is now in the boy a sturdy base of character building along the line of virtue and purity through knowledge. . silly dirty trash.--but i hear some mother say "such silly dirty trash to tell a child!" it is not dirty nor silly; it is nature's untarnished truth. god has ordained that children should thus be brought into the world, do you call the works of god silly? remember, kind mother, and don't forget it, if you fail to teach your children, boys or girls, these important lessons early in life, they will learn them from other sources, perhaps long ere you dream of it, and ninety-nine times out of one hundred they will get improper, perverted, impure and vile ideas of these important truths; besides you nave lost their confidence and you will never regain it in these matters. they will never come to mamma for information on these subjects. and, think you, that your son and daughter, later in life will make you their confidant as they ought? will your beautiful daughter hand the first letters she receives from her lover to mamma to read, and seek her counsel and advice when she replies to them? will she ask mamma whether it is ever proper to sit in her lover's lap? i think not; you have blighted her confidence and alienated her affections. you have kept knowledge from her that she had a right to know; you even failed to teach her the important truths of menstruation. troubled and excited at the first menstrual flow, she dashed her feet in cold water hoping to stop the flow. you know the results she is now twenty-five but is suffering from it to this day. you, her mother, over fastidious, _so very nice_ you would never mention "_such silly trash_" but by your consummate foolishness and mock modesty you have ruined your daughter's health, and though in later years she may forgive you, yet she can never love and respect you as she ought. . "knowledge the preserver of purity."--laura e. scammon, writing on this subject, in the arena of november, , says: "when questions arise that can not be answered by observation, reply to each as simply and directly as you answer questions upon other subjects, giving scientific names and facts, and such explanations as are suited to the comprehension of the child. treat nature and her laws always with serious, respectful attention. treat the holy mysteries of parenthood reverently, never losing sight of the great law upon which are founded all others the law of love. say it and sing it, play it and pray it into the soul of your child, that _love is lord of all_." . conclusion of the whole matter.--observation and common sense should teach every parent that lack of knowledge on these subjects and proper counsel and advice in later years is the main cause of so many charming girls being seduced and led astray, and so many bright promising boys wrecked by _self-abuse or social impurity_. make your children your confidants early in life, especially in these things, have frequent talks with them on nature, and you will never, other things being equal, mourn over a ruined daughter or a wreckless, debased son. * * * * * exciting the passions in children. . conversation before children.--the conduct and conversation of adults before children and youth, how often have i blushed with shame, and kindled with indignation at the conversation of parents, and especially of mothers, to their children: "john, go and kiss harriet, for she is your sweet-heart." well may shame make him hesitate and hang his head. "why, john, i did not think you so great a coward. afraid of the girls, are you? that will never do. come, go along, and hug and kiss her. there, that's a man. i guess you will love the girls yet." continually is he teased about the girls and being in love, till he really selects a sweet-heart. . the loss of maiden purity and natural delicacy.--i will not lift the veil, nor expose the conduct of children among themselves. and all this because adults have filled their heads with those impurities which surfeit their own. what could more effectually wear off that natural delicacy, that maiden purity and bashfulness, which form the main barriers against the influx of vitiated amativeness? how often do those whose modesty has been worn smooth, even take pleasure in thus saying and doing things to raise the blush on the cheek of youth and innocence, merely to witness the effect of this improper illusion upon them; little realizing that they are thereby breaking down the barriers of their virtue, and prematurely kindling the fires of animal passion! . balls. parties and amusements.--the entire machinery of balls and parties, of dances and other amusements of young people, tend to excite and inflame this passion. thinking it a fine thing to get in love, they court and form attachments long before either their mental or physical powers are matured. of course, these young loves, these green-house exotics, must be broken off, and their miserable subjects left burning up with the fierce fires of a flaming passion, which, if left alone, would have slumbered on for years, till they were prepared for its proper management and exercise. . sowing the seeds for future ruin.--nor is it merely the conversation of adults that does all this mischief; their manners also increase it. young men take the hands of girls from six to thirteen years old, kiss them, press them, and play with them so as, in a great variety of ways, to excite their innocent passions, combined, i grant, with friendship and refinement--for all this is genteely done. they intend no harm, and parents dream of none: and yet their embryo love is awakened, to be again still more easily excited. maiden ladies, and even married women, often express similar feelings towards lads, not perhaps positively improper in themselves, yet injurious in their ultimate effects. . reading novels.--how often have i seen girls not twelve years old, as hungry for a story or novel as they should be for their dinners! a sickly sentimentalism is thus formed, and their minds are sullied with impure desires. every fashionable young lady must of course read every new novel, though nearly all of them contain exceptionable allusions, perhaps delicately covered over with a thin gauze of fashionable refinement; yet, on that very account, the more objectionable. if this work contained one improper allusion to their ten, many of those fastidious ladies who now eagerly devour the vulgarities of dumas, and the double-entendres of bulwer, and even converse with gentlemen about their contents, would discountenance or condemn it as improper. _shame on novel-reading women_; for they cannot have pure minds or unsullied feelings, but cupid and the beaux, and waking of dreams of love, are fast consuming their health and virtue. . theater-going.--theaters and theatrical dancing, also inflame the passions, and are "the wide gate" of "the broad road" of moral impurity. fashionable music is another, especially the verses set to it, being mostly love-sick ditties, or sentimental odes, breathing this tender passion in its most melting and bewitching strains. improper prints often do immense injury in this respect, as do also balls, parties, annuals, newspaper articles, exceptional works, etc. . the conclusion of the whole matter.--stop for one moment and think for yourself and you will be convinced that the sentiment herein announced is for your good and the benefit of all mankind. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * puberty, virility and hygienic laws. . what is puberty?--the definition is explained in another portion of this book, but it should be understood that it is not a prompt or immediate change; it is a slow extending growth and may extend for many years. the ripening of physical powers do not take place when the first signs of puberty appear. . proper age.--the proper age for puberty should vary from twelve to eighteen years. as a general rule, in the more vigorous and the more addicted to athletic exercise or out-door life, this change is slower in making its approach. . hygienic attention.--youths at this period should receive special private attention. they should be taught the purpose of the sexual organs and the proper hygienic laws that govern them, and they should also be taught to rise in the morning and not to lie in bed after waking up, because it is largely owing to this habit that the secret vice is contracted. one of the common causes of premature excitement in many boys is a tight foreskin. it may cause much evil and ought always to be remedied. ill-fitting garments often cause much irritation in children and produce unnatural passions. it is best to have boys sleep in separate beds and not have them sleep together if it can be avoided. . proper influence.--every boy and girl should be carefully trained to look with disgust on everything that is indecent in word or action. let them be taught a sense of shame in doing shameful things, and teach them that modesty is honorable, and that immodesty is indecent and dishonorable. careful training at the proper age may save many a boy or girl from ruin. . sexual passions.--the sexual passions may be a fire from heaven, or a subtle flame from hell. it depends upon the government and proper control. the noblest and most unselfish emotions take their arise in the passion of sex. its sweet influence, its elevating ties, its vibrations and harmony, all combine to make up the noble and courageous traits of man. . when passions begin.--it is thought by some that passions begin at the age of puberty, but the passions may be produced as early as five or ten years. all depends upon the training or the want of it. self-abuse is not an uncommon evil at the age of eight or ten. a company of bad boys often teach an innocent child that which will develop his ruin. a boy may feel a sense of pleasure at eight and produce a slight discharge, but not of semen. thus it is seen that parents may by neglect do their child the greatest injury. . false modesty.--let there be no false modesty on part of the parents. give the child the necessary advice and instructions as soon as necessary. . the man unsexed, by mutilation or masturbation. eunuchs are proverbial for tenor cruelty and crafty and unsympathizing dispositions. their mental powers are feeble and their physical strength is inferior. they lack courage and physical endurance. when a child is operated upon before the age of puberty, the voice retains its childish treble, the limbs their soft and rounded outlines, and the neck acquires a feminine fulness; no beard makes its appearance. in ancient times and up to this time in oriental nations eunuchs are found. they are generally slaves who have suffered mutilation at a tender age. it is a scientific fact that where boys have been taught the practice of masturbation in their early years, say from eight to fourteen years of age, if they survive at all they often have their powers reduced to a similar condition of a eunuch. they generally however suffer a greater disadvantage. their health will be more or less injured. in the eunuch the power of sexual intercourse is not entirely lost, but of course there is sterility, and little if any satisfaction, and the same thing may be true of the victim of self-abuse. . signs of virility.--as the young man develops in strength and years the sexual appetite will manifest itself. the secretion of the male known as the seed or semen depends for the life-transmitting power upon little minute bodies called spermatozoa. these are very active and numerous in a healthy secretion, being many hundreds in a single drop and a single one of them is capable to bring about conception in a female. dr. napheys in his "transmission of life," says: "the secreted fluid has been frozen and kept at a temperature of zero for four days, yet when it was thawed these animalcules, as they are supposed to be, were as active as ever. they are not, however, always present, and when present may be of variable activity. in young men, just past puberty, and in aged men, they are often scarce and languid in motion." at the proper age the secretion is supposed to be the most active, generally at the age of twenty-five, and decreases as age increases. . hygienic rule.--the man at mid-life should guard carefully his passions and the husband his virile powers, and as the years progress, steadily wean himself more from his desire, for his passions will become weaker with age and any excitement in middle life may soon debilitate and destroy his virile powers. . follies of youth.--dr. napheys says: "not many men can fritter away a decade or two of years in dissipation and excess, and ever hope to make up their losses by rigid surveillance in later years." "the sins of youth are expiated in age," is a proverb which daily examples illustrate. in proportion as puberty is precocious, will decadence be premature; the excesses of middle life draw heavily on the fortune of later years. "the mill of the gods grinds slow, but it grinds exceedingly fine," and though nature may be a tardy creditor, she is found at last to be an inexorable one. * * * * * our secret sins. . passions.--every healthful man has sexual desires and he might as well refuse to satisfy his hunger as to deny their existence. the creator has given us various appetites intended they should be indulged, and has provided the means. . reason.--while it is true that a healthy man has strongly developed sexual passions, yet, god has crowned man with reason, and with a proper exercise of this wonderful faculty of the human mind no lascivious thoughts need to control the passions. a pure heart will develop pure thoughts and bring out a good life. . rioting in visions.--dr. lewis says: "rioting in visions of nude women may exhaust one as much as an excess in actual intercourse. there are multitudes who would never spend the night with an abandoned female, but who rarely meet a young girl that their imaginations are not busy with her person. this species of indulgence is well-nigh universal; and it is the source of all other forms the fountain from which the external vices spring, and the nursery of masturbation." . committing adultery in the heart.--a young man who allows his mind to dwell upon the vision of nude women will soon become a victim of ruinous passion, and either fall under the influence of lewd women or resort to self-abuse. the man who has no control over his mind and allows impure thoughts to be associated with the name of every female that may be suggested to his mind, is but committing adultery in his heart, just as guilty at heart as though he had committed the deed. . unchastity.--so far as the record is preserved, unchastity has contributed above all other causes, more to the ruin and exhaustion and demoralization of the race than all other wickedness. and we shall not be likely to vanquish the monster, even in ourselves, unless we make the thoughts our point of attack. so long as they are sensual we are indulging in sexual abuse, and are almost sure, when temptation is presented, to commit the overt acts of sin. if we cannot succeed within, we may pray in vain for help to resist the tempter outwardly. a young man who will indulge in obscene language will be guilty of a worse deed if opportunity is offered. . bad dressing.--if women knew how much mischief they do men they would change some of their habits of dress. the dress of their busts, the padding in different parts, are so contrived as to call away attention from the soul and fix it on the bosom and hips. and then, many, even educated women, are careful to avoid serious subjects in our presence one minute before a gentleman enters the room they may be engaged in thoughtful discussion, but the moment he appears their whole style changes; they assume light fascinating ways, laugh sweet little bits of laughs, and turn their heads this way and that, all which forbids serious thinking and gives men over to imagination. . the lustful eye.--how many men there are who lecherously stare at every woman in whose presence they happen to be. these monsters stare at women as though they were naked in a cage on exhibition. a man whose whole manner is full of animal passion is not worthy of the respect of refined women. they have no thoughts, no ideas, no sentiments, nothing to interest them but the bodies of women whom they behold. the moral character of young women has no significance or weight in their eyes. this kind of men are a curse to society and a danger to the community. no young lady is safe in their company. . rebuking sensualism.--if the young women would exercise an honorable independence and heap contempt upon the young men that allow their imagination to take such liberties, a different state of things would soon follow. men of that type of character should have no recognition in the presence of ladies. . early marriages.--there can be no doubt that early marriages are bad for both parties. for children of such a marriage always lack vitality. the ancient germans did not marry until the twenty-fourth or twenty-fifth year, previous to which they observed the most rigid chastity, and in consequence they acquired a size and strength that excited the astonishment of europe. the present incomparable vigor of that race, both physically and mentally, is due in a great measure to their long established aversion to marrying young. the results of too early marriages are in brief, stunted growth and impaired strength on the part of the male; delicate if not utterly bad health in the female; the premature old age or death of one or both, and a puny, sickly offspring. . signs of excesses.--dr. dio lewis says: "some of the most common effects of sexual excess are backache, lassitude, giddiness, dimness of sight, noises in the ears, numbness of the fingers, and paralysis. the drain is universal, but the more sensitive organs and tissues suffer most. so the nervous system gives way and continues the principal sufferer throughout. a large part of the premature loss of sight and hearing, dizziness, numbness and pricking in the hands and feet, and other kindred developments, are justly chargeable to unbridled venery. not unfrequently you see men whose head or back or nerve testifies of such reckless expenditure." . non-completed intercourse.--withdrawal before the emission occurs is injurious to both parties. the soiling of the conjugal bed by the shameful manoeuvres is to be deplored. . the extent of the practice.--one cannot tell to what extent this vice is practiced, except by observing its consequences, even among people who fear to commit the slightest sin, to such a degree is the public conscience perverted upon this point. still, many husbands know that nature often renders nugatory the most subtle calculations, and reconquers the rights which they have striven to frustrate. no matter; they persevere none the less, and by the force of habit they poison the most blissful moments of life, with no surety of averting the result that they fear. so who knows if the too often feeble and weakened infants are not the fruit of these in themselves incomplete procreations, and disturbed by preoccupations foreign to the natural act. . health of women.--furthermore, the moral relations existing between the married couple undergo unfortunate changes; this affection, founded upon reciprocal esteem, is little by little effaced by the repetition of an act which pollutes the marriage bed. if the good harmony of families and the reciprocal relations are seriously menaced by the invasion of these detestable practices, the health of women, as we have already intimated, is fearfully injured. . crowning sin of the age.--then there is the crime of abortion which is so prevalent in these days. it is the crowning sin of the age, though in a broader sense it includes all those sins that are committed to limit the size of the family. "it lies at the root of our spiritual life," says rev. b.d. sinclair, "and though secret in its nature, paralyzes christian life and neutralizes every effort for righteousness which the church puts forth." . sexual exhaustion.--every sexual excitement is exhaustive in proportion to its intensity and continuance. if a man sits by the side of a woman, fondles and kisses her three or four hours, and allows his imagination to run riot with sexual visions, he will be five times as much exhausted as he would by the act culminating in emission. it is the sexual excitement more than the emission which exhausts. as shown in another part of this work, thoughts of sexual intimacies, long continued, lead to the worst effects. to a man, whose imagination is filled with erotic fancies the emission comes as a merciful interruption to the burning, harassing and wearing excitement which so constantly goads him. . the desire of good.--the desire of good for its own sake--this is love. the desire of good for bodily pleasure--this is lust. man is a moral being, and as such should always act in the animal sphere according to the spiritual law. hence, to break the law of the highest creative action for the mere gratification of animal instinct is to perform the act of sin and to produce the corruption of nature. . cause of prostitution.--dr. dio lewis says: "occasionally we meet a diseased female with excessive animal passion, but such a case is very rare. the average woman has so little sexual desire that if licentiousness depended upon her, uninfluenced by her desire to please man or secure his support, there would be very little sexual excess. man is strong he has all the money and all the facilities for business and pleasure; and woman is not long in learning the road to his favor. many prostitutes who take no pleasure in their unclean intimacies not only endure a disgusting life for the favor and means thus gained, but affect intense passion in their sexual contacts because they have learned that such exhibitions gratify men." . husband's brutality.--husbands! it is your licentiousness that drives your wives to a deed so abhorrent to their every wifely, womanly and maternal instinct a deed which ruins the health of their bodies, prostitutes their souls, and makes marriage, maternity and womanhood itself degrading and loathsome. no terms can sufficiently characterize the cruelty, meanness and disgusting selfishness of your conduct when you impose on them a maternity so detested as to drive them to the desperation of killing their unborn children and often themselves. . what drunkards bequeath to their offspring.--organic imperfections unfit the brain for sane action, and habit confirms the insane condition; the man's brain has become unsound. then comes in the law of hereditary descent, by which the brain of a man's children is fashioned after his own not as it was originally, but as it has become, in consequence of frequent functional disturbance. hence, of all appetites, the inherited appetite for drunkenness is the most direful. natural laws contemplate no exceptions, and sins against them are never pardoned. . the reports of hospitals.--the reports of hospitals for lunatics almost universally assign intemperance as one of the causes which predispose a man's offspring to insanity. this is even more strikingly manifested in the case of congenital idiocy. they come generally from a class of families which seem to have degenerated physically to a low degree. they are puny and sickly. . secret diseases.--see the weakly, sickly and diseased children who are born only to suffer and die, all because of the private disease of the father before his marriage. oh, let the truth be told that the young men of our land may learn the lessons of purity of life. let them learn that in morality there is perfect protection and happiness. [illustration: getting a divorce.] [illustration: the degenerate turk.] * * * * * physical and moral degeneracy. . moral principle.--"edgar allen poe, lord byron, and robert burns," says dr. geo. f. hall, "were men of marvelous strength intellectually. but measured by the true rule of high moral principle, they were very weak. superior endowment in a single direction--physical, mental, or spiritual--is not of itself sufficient to make one strong in all that that heroic word means. . insane asylum.--many a good man spiritually has gone to an untimely grave because of impaired physical powers. many a good man spiritually has gone to the insane asylum because of bodily and mental weaknesses. many a good man spiritually has fallen from virtue in an evil moment because of a weakened will, or a too demanding fleshly passion, or, worse than either, too lax views on the subject of personal chastity." . boys learning vices.--some ignorant and timid people argue that boys and young men in reading a work of this character will learn vices concerning which they had never so much as dreamed of before. this is, however, certain, that vices cannot be condemned unless they are mentioned; and if the condemnation is strong enough it surely will be a source of strength and of security. if light and education, on these important subjects, does injury, then all knowledge likewise must do more wrong than good. knowledge is power, and the only hope of the race is enlightenment on all subjects pertaining to their being. . moral manhood.--it is clearly visible that the american manhood is rotting down--decaying at the center. the present generation shows many men of a small body and weak principles, and men and women of this kind are becoming more and more prevalent. dissipation and indiscretions of all kind are working ruin. purity of life and temperate habits are being too generally disregarded. . young women.--the vast majority of graduates from the schools and colleges of our land to-day, and two-thirds of the membership of our churches, and three-fourths of the charitable workers, are females. everywhere girls are carrying off most of the prizes in competitive examinations, because women, as a sex, naturally maintain a better character, take better care of their bodies, and are less addicted to bad and injurious habits. while all this is true in reference to females, you will find that the male sex furnishes almost the entire number of criminals. the saloons, gambling dens, the brothels, and bad literature are drawing down all that the public schools can build up. seventy per cent. of the young men of this land do not darken the church door. they are not interested in moral improvement or moral education. eighty-five per cent. leave school under years of age; prefer the loafer's honors to the benefit of school. . promotion.--the world is full of good places for good young men, and all the positions of trust now occupied by the present generation will soon be filled by the competent young men of the coming generation; and he that keeps his record clean, lives a pure life, and avoids excesses or dissipations of all kinds, and fortifies his life with good habits, is the young man who will be heard from, and a thousand places will be open for his services. . personal purity.--dr. george f. hall says: "why not pay careful attention to man in all his elements of strength, physical, mental, and moral? why not make personal purity a fixed principle in the manhood of the present and coming generation, and thus insure the best men the world has ever seen? it can be done. let every reader of these lines resolve that he will be one to help do it." [illustration: charles dickens' chair and desk.] * * * * * immorality, disease and death. . the policy of silence.--there is no greater delusion than to suppose that vast number of boys know nothing about practices of sin. some parents are afraid that unclean thoughts may be suggested by these very defences. the danger is slight. such cases are barely possible, but when the untold thousands are thought of on the other side, who have been demoralized from childhood through ignorance, and who are to-day suffering the result of these vicious practices, the policy of silence stands condemned, and intelligent knowledge abundantly justified. the emphatic words of scripture are true in this respect also, "the people are destroyed for lack of knowledge." . living illustration.--without fear of truthful contradiction, we affirm that the homes, public assemblies, and streets of all our large cities abound to-day with living illustrations and proofs of the widespread existence of this physical and moral scourge. an enervated and stunted manhood, a badly developed physique, a marked absence of manly and womanly strength and beauty, are painfully common everywhere. boys and girls, young men and women, exist by thousands, of whom it may be said, they were badly born and ill-developed. many of them are, to some extent, bearing the penalty of the [transcriber's note: the text appears to read "sins" but it is unclear] and excesses of their parents, especially their fathers, whilst the great majority are reaping the fruits of their own immorality in a dwarfed and ill-formed body, and effeminate appearance, weak and enervated mind. . effeminate and sickly young men.--the purposeless and aimless life of any number of effeminate and sickly young men, is to be distinctly attributed to these sins. the large class of mentally impotent "ne'er-do-wells" are being constantly recruited and added to by those who practice what the celebrated erichson calls "that hideous sin engendered by vice, and practiced in solitude"--the sin, be it observed, which is the common cause of physical and mental weakness, and of the fearfully impoverishing night-emissions, or as they are commonly called, "wet-dreams." . weakness, disease, deformity, and death.--through self-pollution and fornication the land is being corrupted with weakness, disease, deformity, and death. we regret to say that we cannot speak with confidence concerning the moral character of the jew; but we have people amongst us who have deservedly a high character for the tone of their moral life--we refer to the members of the society of friends. the average of life amongst these reaches no less than fifty-six years; and, whilst some allowance must be made for the fact that amongst the friends the poor have not a large representation, these figures show conclusively the soundness of this position. . sowing their wild oats.--it is monstrous to suppose that healthy children should die just as they are coming to manhood. the fact that thousands of young people do reach the age of sixteen or eighteen, and then decline and die, should arouse parents to ask the question: why? certainly it would not be difficult to tell the reason in thousands of instances, and yet the habit and practice of the deadly sin of self-pollution is actually ignored; it is even spoken of as a boyish folly not to be mentioned, and young men literally burning up with lust are mildly spoken of as "sowing their wild oats." thus the cemetery is being filled with masses of the youth of america who, as in egypt of old, fill up the graves of uncleanness and lust. some time since a prominent christian man was taking exception to my addressing men on this subject; observe this! one of his own sons was at that very time near the lunatic asylum through these disgusting sins. what folly and madness this is! . death to true manhood.--the question for each one is, "in what way are you going to divert the courses of the streams of energy which pertain to youthful vigor and manhood?" to be destitute of that which may be described as raw material in the human frame, means that no really vigorous manhood can have place; to burn up the juices of the system in the fires of lust is madness and wanton folly, but it can be done. to divert the currents of life and energy from blood and brain, from memory and muscle, in order to secrete it for the shambles of prostitution, is death to true manhood; but remember, it can be done! the generous liquid life may inspire the brain and blood with noble impulse and vital force, or it may be sinned away and drained out of the system until the jaded brain, the faded cheek, the enervated young manhood, the gray hair, narrow chest, weak voice, and the enfeebled mind show another victim in the long catalogue of the degraded through lust. . the sisterhood of shame and death.--whenever we pass the sisterhood of death, and hear the undertone of song, which is one of the harlot's methods of advertising, let us recall the words, that these represent the "pestilence which walketh in darkness, the destruction that wasteth at noonday." the allusion, of course, is to the fact that the great majority of these harlots are full of loathsome physical and moral disease; with the face and form of an angel, these women "bite like a serpent and sting like an adder;" their traffic is not for life, but inevitably for shame, disease, and death. betrayed and seduced themselves, they in their turn betray and curse others. . warning others.--have you never been struck with the argument of the apostle, who, warning others from the corrupt example of the fleshy esau, said, "lest there be any fornicator or profane person as esau, who for one mess of meat sold his own birthright. for ye know that even afterward, when he desired to inherit the blessing, he was rejected, he found no place for repentance, though he sought it diligently with tears." terrible and striking words are these. his birthright sold for a mess of meat. the fearful costs of sin--yes, that is the thought, particularly the sin of fornication! engrave that word upon your memories and hearts--"one mess of meat." . the harlot's mess of meat.--remember it, young men, when you are tempted to this sin. for a few minutes' sensual pleasure, for a mess of harlot's meat, young men are paying out the love of the son and brother; they are deceiving, lying, and cheating for a mess of meat; for a mess, not seldom of putrid flesh, men have paid down purity and prayer, manliness and godliness; for a mess of meat some perhaps have donned their best attire, and assumed the manners of the gentleman, and then, like an infernal hypocrite flogged the steps of maiden or harlot to satisfy their degrading lust; for a mess of meat young men have deceived father and mother, and shrunk from the embrace of love of the pure-minded sister. for the harlot's mess of meat some listening to me have spent scores of hours of invaluable time. they have wearied the body, diseased and demoralized the mind. the pocket has been emptied, theft committed, lies unnumbered told, to play the part of the harlot's mate--perchance a six-foot fool, dragged into the filth and mire of the harlot's house. you called her your friend, when, but for her mess of meat, you would have passed her like dirt in the street. . seeing life.--you consorted with her for your mutual shame and death, and then called it "seeing life." had your mother met you, you would have shrunk away like a craven cur. had your sister interviewed you, she had blushed to bear your name; or had she been seen by you in company with some other whoremaster, for similar commerce, you would have wished that she had been dead. now what think you of this "seeing life?" and it is for this that tens of thousands of strong men in our large cities are selling their birthright. . the devil's decoys.--some may be ready to affirm that physical and moral penalties do not appear to overtake all men; that many men known to be given to intemperance and sensuality are strong, well, and live to a good age. let us not make any mistake concerning these; they are exceptions to the rule; the appearance of health in them is but the grossness of sensuality. you have only carefully to look into the faces of these men to see that their countenances, eyes, and speech betray them. they are simply the devil's decoys. . grossness of sensuality.--the poor degraded harlot draws in the victims like a heavily charged lodestone; these men are found in large numbers throughout the entire community; they would make fine men were they not weighted with the grossness of sensuality; as it is, they frequent the race-course, the card-table, the drinking-saloon, the music-hall, and the low theaters, which abound in our cities and towns; the great majority of these are men of means and leisure. idleness is their curse, their opportunity for sin; you may know them as the loungers over refreshment-bars, as the retailers of the latest filthy joke, or as the vendors of some disgusting scandal; indeed, it is appalling the number of these lepers found both in our business and social circles. [illustration: palestine water carriers.] * * * * * poisonous literature and bad pictures. . obscene literature.--no other source contributes so much to sexual immorality as obscene literature. the mass of stories published in the great weeklies and the cheap novels are mischievous. when the devil determines to take charge of a young soul, be often employs a very ingenious method. he slyly hands a little novel filled with "voluptuous forms," "reclining on bosoms," "languishing eyes," etc. . moral forces.--the world is full of such literature. it is easily accessible, for it is cheap, and the young will procure it, and therefore become easy prey to its baneful influence and effects. it weakens the moral forces of the young, and they thereby fall an easy prey before the subtle schemes of the libertine. . bad books.--bad books play not a small part in the corruption of the youth. a bad book is as bad as an evil companion. in some respects it is even worse than a living teacher of vice, since it may cling to an individual at all times. it will follow him and poison his mind with the venom of evil. the influence of bad books in making bad boys and men is little appreciated. few are aware how much evil seed is being sown among the young everywhere through the medium of vile books. . sensational story books.--much of the evil literature which is sold in nickel and dime novels, and which constitutes the principal part of the contents of such papers as the "police gazette," the "police news," and a large proportion of the sensational story books which flood the land. you might better place a coal of fire or a live viper in your bosom, than allow yourself to read such a book. the thoughts that are implanted in the mind in youth will often stick there through life, in spite of all efforts to dislodge them. . papers and magazines.--many of the papers and magazines sold at our news stands, and eagerly sought after by young men and boys, are better suited for the parlors of a house of ill-fame than for the eyes of pure-minded youth. a newsdealer who will distribute such vile sheets ought to be dealt with as an educator in vice and crime, an agent of evil, and a recruiting officer of hell and perdition. . sentimental literature of low fiction.--sentimental literature, whether impure in its subject matter or not, has a direct tendency in the direction of impurity. the stimulation of the emotional nature, the instilling of sentimental ideas into the minds of the young, has a tendency to turn the thoughts into a channel which leads in the direction of the formation of vicious habits. . impressions left by reading questionable literature.--it is painful to see strong intelligent men and youths reading bad books, or feasting their eyes on filthy pictures, for the practice is sure to affect their personal purity. impressions will be left which cannot fail to breed a legion of impure thoughts, and in many instances criminal deeds. thousands of elevator boys, clerks, students, traveling men, and others, patronize the questionable literature counter to an alarming extent. . the nude in art.--for years there has been a great craze after the nude in art, and the realistic in literature. many art galleries abound in pictures and statuary which cannot fail to fan the fires of sensualism, unless the thoughts of the visitor are trained to the strictest purity. why should artists and sculptors persist in shocking the finer sensibilities of old and young of both sexes by crowding upon their view representations of naked human forms in attitudes of luxurious abandon? public taste may demand it. but let those who have the power endeavor to reform public taste. . widely diffused.--good men have ever lamented the pernicious influence of a depraved and perverted literature. but such literature has never been so systematically and widely diffused as at the present time. this is owing to two causes, its cheapness and the facility of conveyance. . inflame the passions.--a very large proportion of the works thus put in circulation are of the worst character, tending to corrupt the principles, to inflame the passions, to excite impure desire, and spread a blight over all the powers of the soul. brothels are recruited from this more than any other source. those who search the trunks of convicted criminals are almost sure to find in them one of more of these works; and few prisoners who can read at all fail to enumerate among the causes which led them into crime the unhealthy stimulus of this depraved and poisonous literature. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * startling sins. . nameless crimes.--the nameless crimes identified with the hushed-up sodomite cases; the revolting condition of the school of sodomy; the revelations of the divorce court concerning the condition of what is called national nobility, and upper classes, as well as the unclean spirit which attaches to "society papers," has revealed a condition which is perfectly disgusting. . unfaithfulness.--unfaithfulness amongst husbands and wives in the upper classes is common and adultery rife everywhere; mistresses are kept in all directions; thousands of these rich men have at least two, and not seldom three establishments. . a frightful increase.--facts which have come to light during the past ten years show a frightful increase in every form of licentiousness; the widely extended area over which whoredom and degrading lust have thrown the glamor of their fascinating toils is simply appalling. . moral carnage.--we speak against the fearful moral carnage; would to god that some unmistakable manifestation of the wrath of god should come in and put a stop to this huge seed-plot of national demoralization! we are reaping in this disgusting center the harvest of corruption which has come from the toleration and encouragements given by the legislature, the police, and the magistrates to immorality, vice and sin; the awful fact is that we are in the midst of the foul and foetid harvest of lust. aided by some of the most exalted personages in the land, assisted by thousands of educated and wealthy whoremongers and adulterers, we are reaping also, in individual physical ugliness and deformity, that which has been sown; the puny, ill-formed and mentally weak youths and maidens, men and women, to be seen in large numbers in our principal towns and cities, represent the widespread nature of the curse, which has, in a marked manner, impaired the physique, the morality, and the intelligence of the nation. . daily press.--the daily press has not had the moral courage to say one word; the quality of demoralizing novels such as have been produced from the impure brain and unclean imaginations; the subtle, clever and fascinating undermining of the white-winged angel of purity by modern sophists, whose purient and vicious volumes were written to throw a halo of charm and beauty about the brilliant courtesan and the splendid adulteress; the mixing up of lust and love; the making of corrupt passion to stand in the garb of a deep, lasting, and holy affection--these are some of the hidious seedlings which, hidden amid the glamor and fascination of the seeming "angel of light," have to so large an extent corrupted the morality of the country. . nightly exhibitions.--some of you know what the nightly exhibitions in these garlanded temples of whorish incentive are. there is the variety theatre with its disgusting ballet dancing, and its shamelessly indecent photographs exhibited in every direction. what a clear gain to morality it would be if the accursed houses were burnt down, and forbidden by law ever to be re-built or re-opened; the whole scene is designed to act upon and stimulate the lusts and evil passions of corrupt men and women. . confidence and exposure.--i hear some of you say, cannot some influence be brought to bear upon this plague-spot? will the legislature or congress do nothing? is the law and moral right to continue to be trodden under foot? are the magistrates and the police powerless? the truth is, the harlots and whoremongers are master of the situation; the moral sense of the legislators, the magistrates, and the police is so low that anything like confidence is at present out of the question. . the sisterhood of shame and death.--it is enough to make angels weep to see a great mass of america's wealthy and better-class sons full of zeal and on fire with interest in the surging hundreds of the sisterhood of shame and death. many of these men act as if they were--if they do not believe they are--dogs. no poor hunted dog in the streets was ever tracked by a yelping crowd of curs more than is the fresh girl or chance of a maid in the accursed streets of our large cities. price is no object, nor parentage, nor home; it is the truth to affirm that hundreds and thousands of well-dressed and educated men come in order to the gratification of their lusts, and to this end they frequent this whole district; they have reached this stage, they are being burned up in this fire of lust; men of whom god says, "having eyes full of adultery and that cannot cease sin." . law makers.--now should any member of the legislature rise up and testify against this "earthly hell," and speak in defence of the moral manhood and womanhood of the nation, he would be greeted as a fanatic, and laughed down amid derisive cheers; such has been the experience again and again. therefore attack this great stronghold which for the past thirty years has warred and is warring against our social manhood and womanhood, and constantly undermining the moral life of the nation; against this citadel of licentiousness, this metropolitan centre of crime, and vice, and sin, direct your full blast of righteous and manly indignation. . temples of lust.--here stand the foul and splendid temples of lust, intemperance, and passion, into whose vortex tens of thousands of our sons and daughters are constantly being drawn. let it be remembered that this whole area represents the most costly conditions, and proves beyond question that an enormous proportion of the wealthy manhood of the nation, and we as citizens sustain, partake, and share in this carnival of death. is it any wonder that the robust type of godly manhood which used to be found in the legislature is sadly wanting now, or that the wretched caricatures of manhood which find form and place in such papers as "truth" and the "world" are accepted as representing "modern society?" . puritanic manhood.--it is a melancholy fact that, by reason of uncleanness, we have almost lost regard for the type of puritanic manhood which in the past held aloft the standard of a chaste and holy life; such men in this day are spoken of as "too slow" as "weak-kneed," and "goody-goody" men. let me recall that word, the fast and indecently-dressed "things," the animals of easy virtue, the "respectable" courtesans that flirt, chaff, gamble, and waltz with well-known high-class licentious lepers--such is the ideal of womanhood which a large proportion of our large city society accepts, fawns upon, and favors. [illustration] . shameful conditions.--perhaps one of the most inhuman and shameful conditions of modern fashionable society, both in england and america, is that which wealthy men and women who are married destroy their own children in the embryo stage of being, and become murderers thereby. this is done to prevent what should become one of our chief glories, viz., large and well-developed [transcriber's note: the text appears to read "home" but it is unclear] and family life. * * * * * the prostitution of men. cause and remedy. . exposed youth.--generally even in the beginning of the period when sexual uneasiness begins to show itself in the boy, he is exposed in schools, institutes, and elsewhere to the temptations of secret vice, which is transmitted from youth to youth, like a contagious corruption, and which in thousands destroys the first germs of virility. countless numbers of boys are addicted to these vices for years. that they do not in the beginning of nascent puberty proceed to sexual intercourse with women, is generally due to youthful timidity, which dares not reveal its desire, or from want of experience for finding opportunities. the desire is there, for the heart is already corrupted. . boyhood timidity overcome.--too often a common boy's timidity is overcome by chance or by seduction, which is rarely lacking in great cities where prostitution is flourishing, and thus numbers of boys immediately after the transition period of youth, in accordance with the previous secret practice, accustom themselves to the association with prostitute women, and there young manhood and morals are soon lost forever. . marriage-bed resolutions.--most men of the educated classes enter the marriage-bed with the consciousness of leaving behind them a whole army of prostitutes or seduced women, in whose arms they cooled their passions and spent the vigor of their youth. but with such a past the married man does not at the same time leave behind him its influence on his inclinations. the habit of having a feminine being at his disposal for every rising appetite, and the desire for change inordinately indulged for years, generally make themselves felt again as soon as the honeymoon is over. marriage will not make a morally corrupt man all at once a good man and a model husband. . the injustice of man.--now, although many men are in a certain sense "not worthy to unloose the latchet of the shoes" of the commonest woman, much less to "unfasten her girdle," yet they make the most extravagant demands on the feminine sex. even the greatest debauchee, who has spent his vigor in the arms of a hundred courtesans, will cry out fraud and treachery if he does not receive his newly married bride as an untouched virgin. even the most dissolute husband will look on his wife as deserving of death if his daily infidelity is only once reciprocated. . unjust demands.--the greater the injustice a husband does to his wife, the less he is willing to submit to from her; the oftener he becomes unfaithful to her, the stricter he is in demanding faithfulness from her. we see that despotism nowhere denies its own nature: the more a despot deceives and abuses his people, the more submissiveness and faithfulness he demands of them. . suffering women.--who can be astonished at the many unhappy marriages, if he knows how unworthy most men are of their wives? their virtues they rarely can appreciate, and their vices they generally call out by their own. thousands of women suffer from the results of a mode of life of which they, having remained pure in their thought, have no conception whatever; and many an unsuspecting wife nurses her husband with tenderest care in sicknesses which are nothing more than the consequences of his amours with other women. . an inhuman criminal.--when at last, after long years of delusion and endurance, the scales drop from the eyes of the wife, and revenge or despair drives her into a hostile position towards her lord and master, she is an inhuman criminal, and the hue and cry against the fickleness of women and the falsity of their nature is endless. oh, the injustice of society and the injustice of cruel man. is there no relief for helpless women that are bound by the ties of marriage to men who are nothing but rotten corruption? . vulgar desire.--the habit of regarding the end and aim of woman only from the most vulgar side--not to respect in her the noble human being, but to see in her only the instrument of sensual desire--is carried so far among men that they will allow it to force into the background considerations among themselves, which they otherwise pretend to rank very high. . the only remedy.--but when the feeling of women has once been driven to indignation with respect to the position which they occupy, it is to be hoped that they will compel men to be pure before marriage, and they will remain loyal after marriage. . worse than savages.--with all our civilization we are put to shame even by the savages. the savages know of no fastidiousness of the sexual instinct and of no brothels. we are, indeed, likewise savages, but in quite a different sense. proof of this is especially furnished by our youth. but that our students, and young men in general, usually pass through the school of corruption and drag the filth of the road which they have traversed before marriage along with them throughout life, is not their fault so much as the fault of prejudices and of our political and social conditions that prohibits a proper education, and the placing of the right kind of literature on these subjects into the hands of young people. [illustration] . reason and remedy.--keep the youth pure by a thorough system of plain unrestricted training. the seeds of immorality are sown in youth, and the secret vice eats out their young manhood often before the age of puberty. they develop a bad character as they grow older. young girls are ruined, and licentiousness and prostitution flourish. keep the boys pure and the harlot would soon lose her vocation. elevate the morals of the boys, and you will have pure men and moral husbands. [illustration: suicide lake.] * * * * * the road to shame. . insult to mother or sister.--young men, it can never tinder any circumstances be right for you to do to a woman that, which, if another man did to your mother or sister, you could never forgive! the very thought is revolting. let us suppose a man guilty of this shameful sin, and i apprehend that each of us would feel ready to shoot the villain. we are not justifying the shooting, but appealing to your instinctive sense of right, in order to show the enormity of this fearful crime, and to fasten strong conviction in your mind against this sin. . a ruined sister.--what would you think of a man, no matter what his wealth, culture, or gentlemanly bearing, who should lay himself out for the seduction and shame of your beloved sister? her very name now reminds you of the purest affection: think of her, if you can bear it, ruined in character, and soon to become an unhappy mother. to whom can you introduce her? what can you say concerning her? how can her own brothers and sisters associate with her? and, mark! all this personal and relative misery caused by this genteel villain's degrading passion. . young man lost.--another terrible result of this sin is the practical overthrow of natural affection which it effects. a young man comes from his father's house to chicago. either through his own lust or through the corrupt companions that he finds in the house of business where he resides, he becomes the companion of lewd women. the immediate result is a bad conscience, a sense of shame, and a breach in the affections of home. letters are less frequent, careless, and brief. he cannot manifest true love now. he begins to shrink from his sister and mother, and well he may. . the harlot's influence.--he has spent the strength of his affection and love for home. in their stead the wretched harlot has filled him with unholy lust. his brain and heart refuse to yield him the love of the son and brother. his hand can not write as aforetime, or at best, his expressions become a hypocritical pretence. fallen into the degradation of the fornicator, he has changed a mother's love and sister's affection for the cursed fellowship of the woman "whose house is the way to hell." (prov. vii. .) . the way of death.--observe, that directly the law of god is broken, and wherever promiscuous intercourse between the sexes takes place, gonorrhoea, syphilis, and every other form of venereal disease is seen in hideous variety. it is only true to say that thousands of both sexes are slain annually by these horrible diseases. what must be the moral enormity of a sin, which, when committed, produces in vast numbers of cases such frightful physical and moral destruction as that which is here portrayed? . a harlot's woes.--would to god that something might be done to rescue fallen women from their low estate. we speak of them as "fallen women". fallen, indeed, they are, but surely not more deserving of the application of that term than the "fallen men" who are their partners and paramours. it is easy to use the words "a fallen woman," but who can apprehend all that is involved in the expression, seeing that every purpose for which god created woman is prostituted and destroyed? she is now neither maiden, wife, nor mother; the sweet names of sister and betrothed can have no legitimate application in her case. . the penalties for lost virtue.--can the harlot be welcomed where either children, brothers, sisters, wife, or husband are found? surely, no. home is a sphere alien to the harlot's estate. see such an one wherever you may--she is a fallen outcast from woman's high estate. her existence--for she does not live--now culminates in one dread issue, viz., prostitution. she sleeps, but awakes a harlot. she rises in the late morning hours, but her object is prostitution; she washes, dresses, and braids her hair, but it is with one foul purpose before her. to this end she eats, drinks, and is clothed. to this end her house is hidden and the blinds are drawn. . lost forever.--to this end she applies the unnatural cosmetique, and covers herself with sweet perfumes, which vainly try to hide her disease and shame. to this end she decks herself with dashing finery and tawdry trappings, and with bold, unwomanly mien essays the streets of the great city. to this end she is loud and coarse and impudent. to this end she is the prostituted "lady," with simpering words, and smiles, and glamour of refined deceit. to this end an angel face, a devil in disguise. there is one foul and ghastly purpose towards which all her energies now tend. so low has she fallen, so lost is she to all the design of woman, that she exists for one foul purpose only, viz., to excite, stimulate, and gratify the lusts of degraded, ungodly men. verily, the word "prostitute" has an awful meaning. what plummet can sound the depths of a woman's fall who has become a harlot? . sound the alarm.--remember, young man, you can never rise above the degradation of the companionship of lewd women. your virtue once lost is lost forever. remember, young woman, your wealth or riches is your good name and good character--you have nothing else. give a man your virtue and he will forsake you, and you will be forsaken by all the world. remember that purity of purpose brings nobility of character, and an honorable life is the joy and security of mankind. [illustration: the great philanthropist.] * * * * * the curse of manhood. . moral lepers.--we cannot but denounce, in the strongest terms, the profligacy of many married men. not content with the moderation permitted in the divine appointed relationship of marriage, they become adulterers, in order to gratify their accursed lust. the man in them is trodden down by the sensual beast which reigns supreme. these are the moral outlaws that make light of this scandalous social iniquity, and by their damnable example encourage young men to sin. . a sad condition.--it is constantly affirmed by prostitutes, that amongst married men are found their chief supporters. evidence from such a quarter must be received with considerable caution. nevertheless, we believe that there is much truth in this statement. here, again, we lay the ax to the root of the tree; the married man who dares affirm that there is a particle of physical necessity for this sin, is a liar, and the truth is not in him. whether these men be princes, peers, legislators, professional men, mechanics, or workmen, they are moral pests, a scandal to the social state, and a curse to the nation. . excesses.--many married men exhaust themselves by these excesses; they become irritable, liable to cold, to rheumatic affections, and nervous depression. they find themselves weary when they rise in the morning. unfitted for close application to business, they become dilatory and careless, often lapsing into entire lack of energy, and not seldom into the love of intoxicating stimulants. numbers of husbands and wives entering upon these experiences lose the charm of health, the cheerfulness of life and converse. home duties become irksome to the wife; the brightness, vivacity, and bloom natural to her earlier years, decline; she is spoken of as highly nervous, poorly, and weak, when the whole truth is that she is suffering from physical exhaustion which she cannot bear. her features become angular, her hair prematurely gray, she rapidly settles down into the nervous invalid, constantly needing medical aid, and, if possible, change of air. . ignorance.--these conditions are brought about in many cases through ignorance on the part of those who are married. multitudes of men have neither read, heard, nor known the truth of this question. we sympathize with our fellow-men in this, that we have been left in practical ignorance concerning the exceeding value and legitimate uses of these functions of our being. some know, that, had they known these things in the early days of their married life, it would have proved to them knowledge of exceeding value. if this counsel is followed, thousands of homes will scarcely know the need of the physician's presence. . animal passion.--commonsense teaches that children who are begotten in the heat of animal passion, are likely to be licentious when they grow up. many parents through excesses of eating and drinking, become inflamed with wine and strong drink. they are sensualists, and consequently, morally diseased. now, if in such conditions men beget their children, who can affect surprise if they develop licentious tendencies? are not such parents largely to blame? are they not criminals in a high degree? have they not fouled their own nest, and transmitted to their children predisposition to moral evil? . fast young men.--many of our "fast young men" have been thus corrupted, even as the children of the intemperate are proved to have been. certainly no one can deny that many of our "well-bred" young men are little better than "high-class dogs" so lawless are they, and ready for the arena of licentiousness. . the pure-minded wife.--happily, as tens of thousands of husbands can testify, the pure-minded wife and mother is not carried away, as men are liable to be, with the force of animal passion. were it not so, the tendencies to licentiousness in many sons would be stronger than they are. in the vast majority of cases suggestion is never made except by the husband, and it is a matter of deepest gratitude and consideration, that the true wife may become a real helpmeet in restraining this desire in the husband. . young wife and children.--we often hear it stated that a young wife has her children quickly. this cannot happen to the majority of women without injury to health and jeopardy to life. the law which rendered it imperative for the land to lie fallow in order to rest and gain renewed strength, is only another illustration of the unity which pervades physical conditions everywhere. it should be known that if a mother nurses her own babe, and the child is not weaned until it is nine or ten months old, the mother, except in rare cases, will not become enceinte again, though cohabitation with the husband takes place. . selfish and unnatural conduct.--it is natural and rational that a mother should feed her own children; in the selfish and unnatural conduct of many mothers, who, to avoid the self-denial and patience which are required, hand the little one over to the wet-nurse, or to be brought up by hand, is found in many cases the cause and reason of the unnatural haste of child-bearing. mothers need to be taught that the laws of nature cannot be broken without penalty. for every woman whose health has been weakened through nursing her child, a hundred have lost strength and health through marital excesses. the haste of having children is the costly penalty which women pay for shirking the mother's duty to the child. . law of god.--so graciously has the law of god been arranged in regard to the mother's strength, that, if it be obeyed, there will be, as a rule, an interval of at least from eighteen months to two years between the birth of one child and that of another. every married man should abstain during certain natural seasons. in this periodical recurrance god has instituted to every husband the law of restraint, and insisted upon self-control. . to young people who are married.--be exceedingly careful of license and excess in your intercourse with one another. do not needlessly expose, by undress, the body. let not the purity of love degenerate into unholy lust! see to it that you walk according to the divine word. "dwelling together as being heirs of the grace of life, that your prayers be not hindered." . lost powers.--many young men after their union showed a marked difference. they lost much of their natural vivacity, energy, and strength of voice. their powers of application, as business men, students, and ministers, had declined, as also their enterprise, fervor, and kindliness. they had become irritable, dull, pale, and complaining. many cases of rheumatic fever have been induced through impoverishment, caused by excesses on the part of young married men. . middle age.--after middle age the sap of a man's life declines in quantity. a man who intends close application to the ministry, to scientific or literary pursuits, where great demands are made upon the brain, must restrain this passion. the supplies for the brain and nervous system are absorbed, and the seed diverted through sexual excesses in the marriage relationship, by fornication, or by any other form of immorality, the man's power must decline: that to this very cause may be attributed the failure and breakdown of so many men of middle age. . intoxicating drinks.--by all means avoid intoxicating drinks. immorality and alcoholic stimulants, as we have shown, are intimately related to one another. wine and strong drink inflame the blood, and heat the passions. attacking the brain, they warp the judgment, and weaken the power of restraint. avoid what is called good living: it is madness to allow the pleasures of the table to corrupt and corrode the human body. we are not designed for gourmands, much less for educated pigs. cold water bathing, water as a beverage, simple and wholesome food, regularity of sleep, plenty of exercise; games such as cricket, football, tennis, boating, or bicycling, are among the best possible preventives against lust and animal passion. . beware of idleness.--indolent leisure means an unoccupied mind. when young men lounge along the streets, in this condition they become an easy prey to the sisterhood of shame and death. bear in mind that evil thoughts precede evil actions. the hand of the worst thief will not steal until the thief within operates upon the hand without. the members of the body which are capable of becoming instruments of sin, are not involuntary actors. lustful desires must proceed from brain and heart, ere the fire that consumes burns in the member. [illustration: young lincoln starting to school.] * * * * * a private talk to young men. . the most valuable and useful organs of the body are those which are capable of the greatest dishonor, abuse and corruption. what a snare the wonderful organism of the eye may become when used to read corrupt books or look upon licentious scenes at the theatre, or when used to meet the fascinating gaze of the harlot! what an instrument for depraving the whole man may be found in the matchless powers of the brain, the hand, the ear, the mouth, or the tongue! what potent instruments may these become in accomplishing the ruin of the whole being for time and eternity! . in like manner the organ concerning the uses of which i am to speak, has been, and continues to be, made one of the chief instruments of man's immorality, shame, disease, and death. how important to know what the legitimate uses of this member of the body are, and how great the dignity conferred upon us in the possession of this gift. on the human side this gift may be truly said to bring men nearer to the high and solemn relationship of the creator than any other which they possess. . i first deal with the destructive sin of self-abuse. there can be little doubt that vast numbers of boys are guilty of this practice. in many cases the degrading habit has been taught by others, e.g., by elder boys at school, where association largely results in mutual corruption. with others, the means of sensual gratification is found out by personal action; whilst in other cases fallen and depraved men have not hesitated to debauch the minds of mere children by teaching them this debasing practice. . thousands of youths and young men have only to use the looking-glass to see the portrait of one guilty of this loathsome sin. the effects are plainly discernible in the boy's appearance. the face and hands become pale and bloodless. the eye is destitute of its natural fire and lustre. the flesh is soft and flabby, the muscles limp and lacking healthy firmness. in cases where the habit has become confirmed, and where the system has been drained of this vital force, it is seen in positive ugliness, in a pale and cadaverous appearance, slovenly gait, slouching walk, and an impaired memory. . it is obvious that if the most vital physical force of a boy's life is being spent through this degrading habit--a habit, be it observed, of rapid growth, great strength, and difficult to break--he must develop badly. in thousands of cases the result is seen in a low stature, contracted chest, weak lungs, and liability to sore throat. tendency to cold, indigestion, depression, drowsiness, and idleness, are results distinctly traceable to this deadly practice. pallor of countenance, nervous and rheumatic affections, loss of memory, epilepsy, paralysis, and insanity find their principal predisposing cause in the same shameful waste of life. the want of moral force and strength of mind often observable in youths and young men is largely induced by this destructive and deadly sin. . large numbers of youths pass from an exhausted boyhood into the weakness, intermittent fevers, and consumption, which are said to carry off so many. if the deaths were attributed primarily to loss of strength occasioned by self-pollution, it would be much nearer the truth. it is monstrous to suppose that a boy who comes from healthy parents should decline and die. without a shade of doubt the chief cause of decay and death amongst youths and young men, is to be traced to this baneful habit. . it is a well-known fact that any man who desires to excel and retain his excellence as an accurate shot, an oarsman, a pedestrian, a pugilist, a first-class cricketer, bicyclist, student, artist, or literary man, must abstain from self-pollution and fornication. thousands of school boys and students lose their positions in the class, and are plucked at the time of their examination by reason of failure of memory, through lack of nerve and vital force, caused mainly by draining the physical frame of the seed which is the vigor of the life. . it is only true to say that thousands of young men in the early stages of a licentious career would rather lose a right hand than have their mothers or sisters know what manner of men they are. from the side of the mothers and sisters it may also be affirmed that, were they aware of the real character of those brothers and sons, they would wish that they had never been born. . let it be remembered that sexual desire is not in itself dishonorable or sinful, any more than hunger, thirst, or any other lawful and natural desire is. it is the gratification by unlawful means of this appetite which renders it so corrupting and iniquitous. . leisure means the opportunity to commit sin. unclean pictures are sought after and feasted upon, paragraphs relating to cases of divorce and seduction are eagerly read, papers and books of an immoral character and tendency greedily devoured, low and disgusting conversation indulged in and repeated. . the practical and manly counsel to every youth and young man is, entire abstinence from indulgence of the sexual faculty until such time as the marriage relationship is entered upon. neither is there, nor can there be, any exception to this rule. . no man can affirm that self-denial ever injured him. on the contrary, self-restraint has been liberty, strength and blessing. beware of the deceitful streams of temporary gratification, whose eddying current drifts towards license, shame, disease and death. remember, how quickly moral power declines, how rapidly the edge of the fatal maelstrom is reached, how near the vortex, how terrible the penalty, how fearful the sentence of everlasting punishment. . be a young man of principle, honor, and preserve your powers. how can you look an innocent girl in the face when you are degrading your manhood with the vilest practice? keep your mind and life pure and nobility will be your crown. * * * * * remedies for the social evil. . man responsible.--every great social reform must begin with the male sex. they must either lead, or give it its support. prostitution is a sin wholly of their own making. all the misery, all the lust, as well as all the blighting consequences, are chargeable wholly to the uncontrolled sexual passion of the male. to reform sinful women, _reform the men_. teach them that the physiological truth means permanent moral, physical and mental benefit, while seductive indulgence blights and ruins. . contagious diseases.--a man or woman cannot long live an impure life without sooner or later contracting disease which brings to every sufferer not only moral degradation, but often serious and vital injuries and many times death itself becomes the only relief. . should it be regulated by law?--dr. g.j. ziegler, of philadelphia, in several medical articles says that the act of sexual connection should be made in itself the solemnization of marriage, and that when any such single act can be proven against an unmarried man, by an unmarried woman, the latter be at once invested with all the legal privileges of a wife. by bestowing this power on women very few men would risk the dangers of the society of a dissolute and scheming woman who might exercise the right to force him to a marriage and ruin his reputation and life. the strongest objection of this would be that it would increase the temptation to destroy the purity of married women, for they could be approached without danger of being forced into another marriage. but this objection could easily be harmonized with a good system of well regulated laws. many means have been tried to mitigate the social evils, but with little encouragement. in the city of paris a system of registration has been inaugurated and houses of prostitution are under the supervision of the police, yet prostitution has not been in any degree diminished. similar methods have been tried in other european towns, but without satisfactory results. . moral influence.--let it be an imperative to every clergyman, to every educator, to every statesman and to every philanthropist, to every father and to every mother, to impart that moral influence which may guide and direct the youth of the land into the natural channels of morality, chastity and health. then, and not till then, shall we see righteous laws and rightly enforced for the mitigation and extermination of the modern house of prostitution. [illustration: a turkish cigarette girl.] * * * * * the selfish slaves of doses of disease and death. . most devilish intoxication.--what is the most devilish, subtle alluring, unconquerable, hopeless and deadly form of intoxication, with which science struggles and to which it often succumbs; which eludes the restrictive grasp of legislation; lurks behind lace curtains, hides in luxurious boudoirs, haunts the solitude of the study, and with waxen face, furtive eyes and palsied step totters to the secret recesses of its self-indulgence? it is the drunkenness of drugs, and woe be unto him that crosseth the threshold of its dream-curtained portal, for though gifted with the strength of samson, the courage of richard and the genius of archimedes, he shall never return, and of him it is written that forever he leaves hope behind. . the material satan.--the material satan in this sensuous syndicate of soul and body-destroying drugs is opium, and next in order of hellish potency come cocaine and chloral. . gum opium.--gum opium, from which the sulphate of morphine is made, is the dried juice of the poppy, and is obtained principally in the orient. taken in moderate doses it acts specially upon the nervous system, deadens sensibility, and the mind becomes inactive. when used habitually and excessively it becomes a tonic, which stimulates the whole nervous system, producing intense mental exaltation and delusive visions. when the effects wear off, proportionate lassitude follows, which begets an insatiate and insane craving for the drug. under the repeated strain of the continually increasing doses, which have to be taken to renew the desired effect, the nervous system finally becomes exhausted, and mind and body are utterly and hopelessly wrecked. . cocaine.--cocaine is extracted from the leaves of the peruvian cocoa tree, and exerts a decided influence upon the nervous system, somewhat akin to that of coffee. it increases the heart action and is said to be such an exhilarant that the natives of the andes are enabled to make extra-ordinary forced marches by chewing the leaves containing it. its after effects are more depressing even than those of opium, and insanity more frequently results from its use. . chloral.--the name which is derived from the first two syllables of chlorine and alcohol, is made by passing dry chlorine gas in a continuous stream through absolute alcohol for six or eight weeks. it is a hypnotic or sleep-producing drug, and in moderate doses acts on the caliber of the blood vessels of the brain, producing a soothing effect, especially in cases of passive congestion. some patent medicines contain chloral, bromide and hyoseamus, and they have a large sale, being bought by persons of wealth, who do not know what they are composed of and recklessly take them for the effect they produce. . victims rapidly increasing.--"from my experience," said a leading and conservative druggist, "i infer that the number of what are termed opium, cocaine, and chloral "fiends" is rapidly increasing, and is greater by two or three hundred percent than a year ago, with twice as many women as men represented. i should say that one person out of every fifty is a victim of this frightful habit, which claims its doomed votaries from the extremes of social life, those who have the most and the least to live for, the upper classes and the cyprian, professional men of the finest intelligence, fifty per cent. of whom are doctors and walk into the pit with eyes wide open. and lawyers and other professional men must be added to this fated vice." . destroys the moral fiber.--"it is a habit which utterly destroys the moral fiber of its slaves, and makes unmitigated liars and thieves and forgers of them, and even murder might be added to the list of crimes, were no other road left open to the gratification of its insatiate and insane appetite. i do not know of a single case in which it has been mastered, but i do know of many where the end has been unspeakable misery, disgrace, suffering, insanity and death." . shameful death.--to particularize further would be profitless so far as the beginners are concerned, but would to heaven that those not within the shadow of this shameful death would take warning from those who are. there are no social or periodical drunkards in this sort of intoxication. the vice is not only solitary, unsocial and utterly selfish, but incessant and increasing in its demands. . appetite stronger than for liquor.--this appetite is far stronger and more uncontrollable than that for liquor, and we can spot its victim as readily as though he were an ordinary bummer. he has a pallid complexion, a shifting, shuffling manner and can't look you in the face. if you manage to catch his eye for an instant you will observe that its pupil is contracted to an almost invisible point. it is no exaggeration to say that he would barter his very soul for that which indulgence has made him too poor to purchase, and where artifice fails he will grovel in abject agony of supplication for a few grains. at the same time he resorts to all kinds of miserable and transparent shifts, to conceal his degradation. he never buys for himself, but always for some fictitious person, and often resorts to purchasing from distant points. . opium smoking.--"opium smoking," said another representative druggist, "is almost entirely confined to the chinese and they seem to thrive on it. very few others hit the pipe that we know of." . malt and alcoholic drunkenness.--alcoholic stimulants have a record of woe second to nothing. its victims are annually marching to drunkards' graves by the thousands. drunkards may be divided into three classes: first, the accidental or social drunkard; second, the periodical or spasmodic drunkard; and third, the sot. . the accidental or social drunkard is yet on safe ground. he has not acquired the dangerous craving for liquor. it is only on special occasions that he yields to excessive indulgence; sometimes in meeting a friend, or at some political blow-out. on extreme occasions he will indulge until he becomes a helpless victim, and usually as he grows older occasions will increase, and step by step he will be lead nearer to the precipice of ruin. . the periodical or spasmodic drunkard, with whom it is always the unexpected which occurs, and who at intervals exacts from his accumulated capital the usury of as prolonged a spree as his nerves and stomach will stand. science is inclined to charitably label this specimen of man a sort of a physiologic puzzle, to be as much pitied as blamed. given the benefit of every doubt, when he starts off on one of his hilarious tangents, he becomes a howling nuisance; if he has a family, keeps them continually on the ragged edge of apprehension, and is unanimously pronounced a "holy terror" by his friends. his life and future is an uncertainty. he is unreliable and cannot be long trusted. total reformation is the only hope, but it rarely is accomplished. . the sot.--a blunt term that needs no defining, for even the children comprehend the hopeless degradation it implies. laws to restrain and punish him are framed; societies to protect and reform him are organized, and mostly in vain. he is prone in life's very gutter; bloated, reeking and polluted with the doggery's slops and filth. he can fall but a few feet lower, and not until he stumbles into an unmarked, unhonored grave, where kind mother earth and the merciful mantle of oblivion will cover and conceal the awful wreck he made of god's own image. to the casual observer, the large majority of the community, these three phases, at whose vagaries many laugh, and over whose consequences millions mourn, comprehend intoxication and its results, from the filling of the cup to its shattering fall from the nerveless hand, and this is the end of the matter. would to god that it were! for at that it would be bad enough. but it is not, for wife, children and friends must suffer and drink the cup of trouble and sorrow to its dregs. * * * * * object lessons of the effects of alcohol and cigarette smoking. by prof. george henkle, who personally made the post-mortem examinations and drew the following illustrations from the diseased organs just as they appeared when first taken from the bodies of the unfortunate victims. [illustration: the stomach of an habitual drinker of alcoholic stimulants, showing the ulcerated condition of the mucous membrane, incapacitating this important organ for digestive functions.] [illustration: the stomach (interior view) of a healthy person with the first section of the small intestines.] [illustration: the liver of a drunkard who died of cirrhosis of the liver, also called granular liver, or "gin drinker's liver." the organ is much shrunken and presents rough, uneven edges, with carbuncular non-suppurative sores. in this self-inflicted disease the tissues of the liver undergo a cicatrical retraction which strangulates and partly destroys the parenchyma of the liver.] [illustration: the liver in health.] [illustration: the kidney of a man who died a drunkard, showing in upper portion the sores so often found on kidneys of hard drinkers, and in the lower portion, the obstruction formed in the internal arrangement of this organ. alcohol is a great enemy to the kidneys, and after this poison has once set in on its destructive course in these organs no remedial agents are known to exist to stop the already established disease.] [illustration: the kidney in health, with the lower section removed, to show the filtering apparatus (malphigian pyramids). natural size.] [illustration: the lungs and heart of a boy who died from the effects of cigarette smoking, showing the nicotine sediments in lungs and shrunken condition of the heart.] [illustration: the lungs and heart in health.] [illustration: a section of the diseased lung of a cigarette smoker, highly magnified.] * * * * * the destructive effects of cigarette smoking. cigarettes have been analyzed, and the most physicians and chemists were surprised to find how much opium is put into them. a tobacconist himself says that "the extent to which drugs are used in cigarettes is appalling." "havana flavoring" for this same purpose is sold everywhere by the thousand barrels. this flavoring is made from the tonka-bean, which contains a deadly poison. the wrappers, warranted to be rice paper, are sometimes made of common paper, and sometimes of the filthy scrapings of ragpickers bleached white with arsenic. what a thing for human lungs. the habit burns up good health, good resolutions, good manners, good memories, good faculties, and often honesty and truthfulness as well. cases of epilepsy, insanity and death are frequently reported as the result of smoking cigarettes, while such physicians as dr. lewis sayre, dr. hammond, and sir morell mackenzie of england, name heart trouble, blindness, cancer and other diseases as occasioned by it. leading physicians of america unanimously condemn cigarette smoking as "one of the vilest and most destructive evils that ever befell the youth of any country," declaring that "its direct tendency is a deterioration of the race." look at the pale, wilted complexion of a boy who indulges to excessive cigarette smoking. it takes no physician to diagnose his case, and death will surely mark for his own every boy and young man who will follow up the habit. it is no longer a matter of guess. it is a scientific fact which the microscope in every case verifies. [illustration: _illustrating the shrunken condition of one of the lungs of an excessive smoker_] [illustration: innocent youth.] * * * * * the dangerous vices. few persons are aware of the extent to which masturbation or self-pollution is practiced by the young of both sexes in civilized society. symptoms. the hollow, sunken eye, the blanched cheek, the withered hands, and emaciated frame, and the listless life, have other sources than the ordinary illnesses of all large communities. when a child, after having given proofs of memory and intelligence, experiences daily more and more difficulty in retaining and understanding what is taught him, it is not only from unwillingness and idleness, as is commonly supposed, but from a disease eating out life itself, brought on by a self-abuse of the private organs. besides the slow and progressive derangement of his or her health, the diminished energy of application, the languid movement, the stooping gait, the desertion of social games, the solitary walk, late rising, livid and sunken eye, and many other symptoms, will fix the attention of every intelligent and competent guardian of youth that something is wrong. [illustration: guard well the cradle. education cannot begin too young.] married people. nor are many persons sufficiently aware of the ruinous extent to which the amative propensity is indulged by married persons. the matrimonial ceremony does, indeed, sanctify the act of sexual intercourse, but it can by no means atone for nor obviate the consequences of its abuse. excessive indulgence in the married relation is, perhaps, as much owing to the force of habit, as to the force of the sexual appetite. extreme youth. more lamentable still is the effect of inordinate sexual excitement of the young and unmarried. it is not very uncommon to find a confirmed onanist, or, rather, masturbator, who has not yet arrived at the period of puberty. many cases are related in which young boys and girls, from eight to ten years of age, were taught the method of self-pollution by their older playmates, and had made serious encroachments on the fund of constitutional vitality even before any considerable degree of sexual appetite was developed. force of habit. here, again, the fault was not in the power of passion, but in the force of habit. parents and guardians of youth can not be too mindful of the character and habits of those with whom they allow young persons and children under their charge to associate intimately, and especially careful should they be with whom they allow them to sleep. sin of ignorance. it is customary to designate self-pollution as among the "vices." i think misfortune is the more appropriate term. it is true, that in the physiological sense, it is one of the very worst "transgressions of the law." but in the moral sense it is generally the sin of ignorance in the commencement, and in the end the passive submission to a morbid and almost resistless impulse. quacks. the time has come when the rising generation must be thoroughly instructed in this matter. that quack specific "ignorance" has been experimented with quite too long already. the true method of insuring all persons, young or old, against the abuses of any part, organ, function, or faculty of the wondrous machinery of life, is to teach them its use. "train a child in the way it should go" or be sure it will, amid the ten thousand surrounding temptations, find out a way in which it should not go. keeping a child in ignorant innocence is, i aver, no part of the "training" which has been taught by a wiser than solomon. boys and girls do know, will know, and must know, that between them are important anatomical differences and interesting physiological relations. teach them, i repeat, their use, or expect their abuse. hardly a young person in the world would ever become addicted to self-pollution if he or she understood clearly the consequences; if he or she knew at the outset that the practice was directly destroying the bodily stamina, vitiating the moral tone, and enfeebling the intellect. no one would pursue the disgusting habit if he or she was fully aware that it was blasting all prospects of health and happiness in the approaching period of manhood and womanhood. general symptoms of the secret habit. the effects of either self-pollution or excessive sexual indulgence, appear in many forms. it would seem as if god had written an instinctive law of remonstrance, in the innate moral sense, against this filthy vice. all who give themselves up to the excesses of this debasing indulgence, carry about with them, continually, a consciousness of their defilement, and cherish a secret suspicion that others look upon them as debased beings. they feel none of that manly confidence and gallant spirit, and chaste delight in the presence of virtuous females, which stimulate young men to pursue the course of ennobling refinement, and mature them for the social relations and enjoyments of life. this shamefacedness, or unhappy quailing of the countenance, on meeting the look of others, often follows them through life, in some instances even after they have entirely abandoned the habit, and became married men and respectable members of society. in some cases, the only complaint the patient will make on consulting you, is that he is suffering under a kind of continued fever. he will probably present a hot, dry skin, with something of a hectic appearance. though all the ordinary means of arresting such symptoms have been tried, he is none the better. the sleep seems to be irregular and unrefreshing--restlessness during the early part of the night, and in the advanced stages of the disease, profuse sweats before morning. there is also frequent starting in the sleep, from disturbing dreams. the characteristic feature is, that your patient almost always dreams of sexual intercourse. this is one of the earliest, as well as most constant symptoms. when it occurs most frequently, it is apt to be accompanied with pain. a gleety discharge from the urethra may also be frequently discovered, especially if the patient examine when at stool or after urinating. other common symptoms are nervous headache, giddiness, ringing in the ears, and a dull pain in the back part of the head. it is frequently the case that the patient suffers a stiffness in the neck, darting pains in the forehead, and also weak eyes are among the common symptoms. one very frequent, and perhaps early symptom (especially in young females) is solitariness--a disposition to seclude themselves from society. although they may be tolerably cheerful when in company, they prefer rather to be alone. the countenance has often a gloomy and worn-down expression. the patient's friends frequently notice a great change. large livid spots under the eyes is a common feature. sudden flashes of heat may be noticed passing over the patient's face. he is liable also to palpitations. the pulse is very variable, generally too slow. extreme emaciation, without any other assignable cause for it, may be set down as another very common symptom. if the evil has gone on for several years, there will be a general unhealthy appearance, of a character so marked as to enable an experienced observer at once to detect the cause. in the case of onanists especially there is a peculiar rank odor emitted from the body, by which they may be readily distinguished. one striking peculiarity of all these patients is, that they cannot look a man in the face! cowardice is constitutional with them. home treatment of the secret habit. . the first condition of recovery is a prompt and permanent abandonment of the ruinous habit. without a faithful adherence to this prohibitory law on the part of the patient all medication on the part of the physician will assuredly fail. the patient must plainly understand that future prospects, character, health, and life itself, depend on an unfaltering resistance to the morbid solicitation; with the assurance, however, that a due perseverance will eventually render, what now seems like a resistless and overwhelming propensity, not only controllable but perfectly loathsome and undesirable. . keep the mind employed by interesting the patient in the various topics of the day, and social features of the community. . plenty of bodily out of door exercise, hoeing in the garden, walking, or working on the farm; of course not too heavy work must be indulged in. . if the patient is weak and very much emaciated, cod liver oil is an excellent remedy. . diet. the patient should live principally on brown bread, oat meal, graham crackers, wheat meal, cracked or boiled wheat, or hominy, and food of that character. no meats should be indulged in whatever; milk diet if used by the patient is an excellent remedy. plenty of fruit should be indulged in; dried toast and baked apples make an excellent supper. the patient should eat early in the evening, never late at night. . avoid all tea, coffee, or alcoholic stimulants of any kind. . "early to bed and early to rise," should be the motto of every victim of this vice. a patient should take a cold bath every morning after rising. a cold water injection in moderate quantities before retiring has cured many patients. . if the above remedies are not sufficient, a family physician should be consulted. . never let children sleep together, if possible, to avoid it. discourage the children of neighbors and friends from sleeping with your children. . have your children rise early. it is the lying in bed in the morning that plays the mischief. [illustration: healthy semen, greatly magnified.] [illustration: the semen of a victim of masturbation.] * * * * * nocturnal emissions. involuntary emissions of semen during amorous dreams at night is not at all uncommon among healthy men. when this occurs from one to three or four times a month, no anxiety or concern need be felt. when the emissions take place without dreams, manifested only by stained spots in the morning on the linen, or take place at stool and are entirely beyond control, then the patient should at once seek for remedies or consult a competent physician. when blood stains are produced, then medical aid must be sought at once. home treatment for nocturnal emissions. sleep in a hard bed, and rise early and take a sponge bath in cold water every morning. eat light suppers and refrain from eating late in the evening. empty the bladder thoroughly before retiring, bathe the spine and hips with a sponge dipped in cold water. _never sleep lying on the back._ avoid all highly seasoned food and read good books, and keep the mind well employed. take regular and vigorous outdoor exercise every day. avoid all coffee, tea, wine, beer and all alcoholic liquors. don't use tobacco, and keep the bowels free. [illustration: healthy testicle.] [illustration: a testicle wasted by masturbation.] prescription.--ask your druggist to put you up a good iron tonic and take it regularly according to his directions. beware of advertising quacks. beware of these advertising schemes that advertise a speedy cure for "loss of youth," "lost vitality," "a cure for impotency," "renewing of old age," etc. do not allow these circulating pamphlets and circulars to concern you the least. if you have a few _nocturnal emissions_, remember it is only a mark of vitality and health, and not a sign of a deathly disease, as many of these advertising quacks would lead you to believe. use your private organs only for what your creator intended they should be used, and there will be no occasion for you to be frightened by the deception of quacks. [illustration: the two paths--what will the boy become? at : study & cleanliness at : purity & economy at : honorable success at : venerable old age at : cigarettes & self-abuse at : impurity & dissipation at : vice & degeneracy at : moral-physical wreck] * * * * * lost manhood restored. . resolute desistence.--the first step towards the restoration of lost manhood is a resolute desistence from these terrible sins. each time the temptation is overcome, the power to resist becomes stronger, and the fierce fire declines. each time the sin is committed, its hateful power strengthens, and the fire of lust is increased. remember, that you cannot commit these sins, and maintain health and strength. . avoid being alone.--avoid being alone when the temptation comes upon you to commit self-abuse. change your thoughts at once; "keep the heart diligently, for out of it are the issues of life." . avoid evil companions.--avoid evil companions, lewd conversation, bad pictures, corrupt and vicious novels, books, and papers. abstain from all intoxicating drinks. these inflame the blood, excite the passions, and stimulate sensuality; weakening the power of the brain, they always impair the power of self-restraint. smoking is very undesirable. keep away from the moral pesthouses. remember that these houses are the great resort of fallen and depraved men and women. the music, singing, and dancing are simply a blind to cover the intemperance and lust, which hold high carnival in these guilded hells. this, be it remembered, is equally true of the great majority of the theatres. . avoid strong tea, or coffee.--take freely of cocoa, milk, and bread and milk, or oatmeal porridge. meats, such as beef and mutton, use moderately. we would strongly recommend to young men of full habit, vegetarian diet. fruits in their season, partake liberally; also fresh vegetables. brown bread and toast, as also rice, and similar puddings, are always suitable. avoid rich pastry and new bread. . three meals a day are abundant.--avoid suppers, and be careful, if troubled with nightly emissions, not to take any liquid, not even water, after seven o'clock in the evening, at latest. this will diminish the secretions of the body, when asleep, and the consequent emissions, which in the early hours of the morning usually follow the taking of any kind of drink. do not be anxious or troubled by an occasional emission, say, for example, once a fortnight. . rest on a hard mattress.--keep the body cool when asleep; heat arising from a load of bed-clothes, is most undesirable. turn down the counterpane, and let the air have free course through the blankets. . relieve the system.--as much as possible relieve the system of urine before going to sleep. on rising, bathe if practicable. if you cannot bear cold water, take the least possible chill off the water (cold water, however, is best). if bathing is not practicable, wash the body with cold water, and keep scrupulously clean. the reaction caused by cold water, is most desirable. rub the body dry with a rough towel. drink a good draught of cold water. . exercise.--get fifteen minutes' brisk walk, if possible before breakfast. if any sense of faintness exists, eat a crust of bread, or biscuit. be regular in your meals, and do not fear to make a hearty breakfast. this lays a good foundation for the day. take daily good, but not violent exercise. walk until you can distinctly feel the tendency to perspiration. this will keep the pores of the skin open and in healthy condition. . medicines.--take the medicines, if used, regularly and carefully. bromide of potassium is a most valuable remedy in allaying lustful and heated passions and appetites. unless there is actual venereal disease, medicine should be very little resorted to. . avoid the streets at night.--beware of corrupt companions. fast young men and women should be shunned everywhere. cultivate a taste for good reading and evening studies. home life with its gentle restraints, pure friendships, and healthful discipline, should be highly valued. there is no liberty like that of a well-regulated home. to large numbers of young men in business houses, home life is impracticable. . be of good cheer and courage.--recovery will be gradual, and not sudden; vital force is developed slowly from within. the object aimed at by medicine and counsel, is to aid and increase nervous and physical vigor, and give tone to the demoralized system. do not pay the slightest heed to the exaggerated statements of the wretched quack doctors, who advertise everywhere. avoid them as you would a pestilence. their great object is, through exciting your fears, to get you into their clutches, in order to oppress you with heavy and unjust payments. be careful, not to indulge in fancies, or morbid thoughts and feelings. be hopeful, and play the part of a man determined to overcome. * * * * * manhood wrecked and rescued. . the noblest functions of manhood.--the noblest functions of manhood are brought into action in the office of the parent. it is here that man assumes the prerogative of a god and becomes a creator. how essential that every function of his physical system should be perfect, and every faculty of his mind free from that which would degrade; yet how many drag their purity through the filth of masturbation, revel in the orgies of the debauchee, and worship at the shrine of the prostitute, until, like a tree blighted by the livid lightning, they stand with all their outward form of men, but without life. . threshold of honor.--think of a man like that; in whom the passions and vices have burned themselves out, putting on the airs of a saint and claiming to have reformed. aye, reformed, when there is no longer sweetness in the indulgence of lust. think of such loathsome bestiality, dragging its slimy body across the threshold of honor and nobility and asking a pure woman, with the love-light of heaven in her eyes, to pass her days with him; to accept him as her lord; to be satisfied with the burnt-out, shriveled forces of manhood left; to sacrifice her purity that he may be redeemed, and to respect in a husband what she would despise in the brute. . stop.--if you are, then, on the highway to this state of degradation, stop. if already you have sounded the depths of lost manhood, then turn, and from the fountain of life regain your power, before you perpetrate the terrible crime of marriage, thus wrecking a woman's life and perhaps bringing into the world children who will live only to suffer and curse the day on which they were born and the father who begat them. . sexual impotency.--sexual impotency means sexual starvation, and drives many wives to ruin, while a similar lack among wives drives husbands to libertinism. nothing so enhances the happiness of married couples as this full, life-abounding, sexual vigor in the husband, thoroughly reciprocated by the wife, yet completely controlled by both. . two classes of sufferers.--there are two classes of sufferers. first, those who have only practiced self-abuse and are suffering from emissions. second, those who by overindulgence in marital relations, or by dissipation with women, have ruined their forces. . the remedy.--for self-abuse: when the young man has practiced self-abuse for some time, he finds, upon quitting the habit, that he has nightly emissions. he becomes alarmed, reads every sensational advertisement in the papers, and at once comes to the conclusion that he must take something. _drugs are not necessary._ . stop the cause.--the one thing needful, above all others, is to stop the cause. i have found that young men are invariably mistaken as to what is the cause. when asked as to the first cause of their trouble, they invariably say it was self-abuse, etc., but it is not. _it is the thought._ this precedes the handling, and, like every other cause, must be removed in order to have right results. . stop the thought.--but remember, _stop the thought_! you must not look after every woman with lustful thoughts, nor go courting girls who will allow you to hug, caress and kiss them, thus rousing your passions almost to a climax. do not keep the company of those whose only conversation is of a lewd and depraved character, but keep the company of those ladies who awaken your higher sentiments and nobler impulses, who appeal to the intellect and rouse your aspiration, in whose presence you would no more feel your passions aroused than in the presence of your own mother. . you will get well.--remember you will get well. don't fear. fear destroys strength and therefore increases the trouble. many get downhearted, discouraged, despairing--the very worst thing that can happen, doing as much harm, and in many cases more, than their former dissipation. brooding kills; hope enlivens. then sing with joy that the savior of knowledge has vanquished the death-dealing ignorance of the past; that the glorious strength of manhood has awakened and cast from you forever the grinning skeleton of vice. be your better self, proud that your thoughts in the day-time are as pure as you could wish your dreams to be at night. . helps.--do not use tobacco or liquor. they inflame the passions and irritate the nervous system; they only gratify base appetites and never rouse the higher feelings. highly spiced food should be eschewed, not chewed. meat should be eaten sparingly, and never at the last meal. . don't eat too much.--if not engaged in hard physical labor, try eating two meals a day. never neglect the calls of nature, and if possible have a passage from the bowels every night before retiring. when this is not done the feces often drop into the rectum during sleep, producing heat which extends to the sexual organs, causing the lascivious dreams and emission. this will be noticed especially in the morning, when the feces usually distend the rectum and the person nearly always awakes with sexual passions aroused. if necessary, use injections into the rectum of from one to two quarts of water, blood heat, two or three times a week. be sure to keep clean and see to it that no matter collects under the foreskin. wash off the organ every night and take a quick, cold hand-bath every morning. have something to do. never be idle. idleness always worships at the shrine of passion. . the worst time of all.--many are ruined by allowing their thoughts to run riot in the morning. owing to the passions being roused as stated above, the young man lies half awake and half dozing, rousing his passions and reveling in lascivious thought for hours perhaps, thus completely sapping the fountains of purity, establishing habits of vice that will bind him with iron bands, and doing his physical system more injury than if he had practiced self-abuse, and had the emission in a few minutes. jump out of bed at once on waking, and never allow the thought to master you. . a hand bath.--a hand bath in cold water every morning will diminish those rampant sexual cravings, that crazy, burning, lustful desire so sensualizing to men by millions; lessen prostitution by toning down that passion which alone patronizes it, and relieve wives by the millions of those excessive conjugal demands which ruin their sexual health; besides souring their tempers, and then demanding millions of money for resultant doctor bills. . will get well.--feel no more concern about yourself. say to yourself, "i shall and will get well under this treatment," as you certainly will. pluck is half the battle. mind acts and reads directly on the sexual organs. determining to get well gets you well; whilst all fear that you will become worse makes you worse. all worrying over your case as if it were hopeless, all moody and despondent feelings, tear the life right out of these organs, whilst hopefulness puts new life into them. [illustration] [illustration: innocent childhood.] * * * * * the curse and consequence of secret diseases. . the sins of the fathers are visited on the children.--if persons who contract secret diseases were the only sufferers, there would be less pity and less concern manifested by the public and medical profession. . there are many secret diseases which leave an hereditary taint, and innocent children and grandchildren are compelled to suffer as well as those who committed the immoral act. . gonorrhoea (clap) is liable to leave the parts sensitive and irritable, and the miseries of spermatorrhoea, impotence, chronic rheumatism, stricture and other serious ailments may follow. . syphilis (pox).--statistics prove that over per cent. of the children born alive perish within the first year. outside of this frightful mortality, how many children are born, inheriting eruptions of the skin, foul ulcerations swelling of the bones, weak eyes or blindness, scrofula, idiocy, stunted growth, and finally insanity, all on account of the father's early vices. the weaknesses and afflictions of parents are by natural laws visited upon their children. . the mother often takes the disease from her husband, and she becomes an innocent sufferer to the dreaded disease. however, some other name generally is applied to the disease, and with perfect confidence in her husband she suffers pain all her life, ignorant of the true cause. her children have diseases of the eyes, skin, glands and bones, and the doctor will apply the term scrofula, when the result is nothing more or less than inherited syphilis. let every man remember, the vengeance to a vital law knows only justice, not mercy, and a single moment of illicit pleasure will bring many curses upon him, and drain out the life of his innocent children, and bring a double burden of disease and sorrow to his wife. . if any man who has been once diseased is determined to marry, he should have his constitution tested thoroughly and see that every seed of the malady in the system has been destroyed. he should bathe daily in natural sulphur waters, as, for instance, the hot springs in arkansas, or the sulphur springs in florida, or those springs known as specific remedies for syphilic diseases. as long as the eruptions on the skin appear by bathing in sulphur water there is danger, and if the eruptions cease and do not appear, it is very fair evidence that the disease has left the system, yet it is not an infallible test. . how many bright and intelligent young men have met their doom and blighted the innocent lives of others, all on account of the secret follies and vices of men. . protection.--girls, you, who are too poor and too honest to disguise aught in your character, with your sweet soul shining through every act of your lives, beware of the men who smile upon you. study human nature, and try and select a virtuous companion. . syphilitic poison ineradicable.--many of our best and ablest physicians assert that syphilitic poison, once infected, there can be no total disinfection during life; some of the virus remains in the system, though it may seem latent. boards of state charities in discussing the causes of the existence of whole classes of defectives hold to the opinion given above. the massachusetts board in its report has these strong words on the subject: "the worst is that, though years may have passed since its active stage, it permeates the very seed of life and causes strange affections or abnormalities in the offspring, or it tends to lessen their vital force, to disturb or to repress their growth, to lower their standard of mental and bodily vigor, and to render life puny and short." . a serpent's tooth.--"_the direct blood-poisoning, caused by the absorption into the system of the virus (syphilis) is more hideous and terrible in its effect than that of a serpent's tooth._ this may kill outright, and there's an end; but that, stingless and painless, slowly and surely permeates and vitiates the whole system of which it becomes part and parcel, like myriads of trichinae, and can never be utterly cast out, even by salivation. "woe to the family and to the people in whose veins the poison courses! "it would seem that nothing could end the curse except utter extermination. that, however, would imply a purpose of eternal vengeance, involving the innocent with the guilty." this disease compared with small-pox is as an ulcer upon a finger to an ulcer in the vitals. small-pox does not vitiate the blood of a people; this disease does. its existence in a primary form implies moral turpitude. . cases cited.--many cases might be cited. we give but one. a man who had contracted the disease reformed his ways and was apparently cured. he married, and although living a moral life was compelled to witness in his little girl's eye-balls, her gums, and her breath the result of his past sins. no suffering, no expense, no effort would have been too great could he but be assured that his offspring might be freed from these results. . prevention better than cure.--here is a case where the old adage, "an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure," may be aptly applied. our desire would be to herald to all young men in stentorian tones the advice, "avoid as a deadly enemy any approaches or probable pitfalls of the disease. let prevention be your motto and then you need not look for a cure." . help proffered.--realizing the sad fact that many are afflicted with this disease we would put forth our utmost powers to help even these, and hence give on the following pages some of the best methods of cure. how to cure gonorrhoea (clap). causes, impure connections, etc. symptoms.--as the disease first commences to manifest itself, the patient notices a slight itching at the point of the male organ, which is shortly followed by a tingling or smarting sensation, especially on making water. this is on account of the inflammation, which now gradually extends backward, until the whole canal is involved. the orifice of the urethra is now noticed to be swollen and reddened, and on inspection a slight discharge will be found to be present. and if the penis is pressed between the finger and thumb, matter or pus exudes. as the inflammatory stage commences, the formation of pus is increased, which changes from a thin to a thick yellow color, accompanied by a severe scalding on making water. the inflammation increases up to the fifth day, often causing such pain, on urinating, that the patient is tortured severely. when the disease reaches its height, the erections become somewhat painful, when the discharge may be streaked with blood. home treatment. first, see that the bowels are loose--if not, a cathartic should be given. if the digestive powers are impaired, they should be corrected and the general health looked after. if the system is in a good condition, give internally five drops of gelseminum every two hours. the first thing to be thought of is to pluck the disease in its bud, which is best done by injections. the best of these are: tinct. hydrastis, one drachm; pure water, four ounces; to be used three times a day after urinating. zinc, sulphate, ten grains; pure water, eight ounces; to be used after urinating every morning and night. equal parts of red wine and pure water are often used, and are of high repute, as also one grain of permanganate of potash to four ounces of water. if the above remedies are ineffectual, a competent physician should be consulted. general treatment.--one of the best injections for a speedy cure is: hydrastis, oz. water, oz. mix and with a small syringe inject into the penis four or five times a day after urinating, until relieved, and diminish the number of injections as the disease disappears. no medicine per mouth need be given, unless the patient is in poor health. syphilis (pox). . this is the worst of all diseases except cancer--no tissue of the body escapes the ravages of this dreadful disease--bone, muscle, teeth, skin and every part of the body are destroyed by its deforming and corroding influence. . symptoms.--about eight days after the exposure a little redness and then a pimple, which soon becomes an open sore, makes its appearance, on or about the end of the penis in males or on the external or inner parts of the uterus of females. pimples and sores soon multiply, and after a time little hard lumps appear in the groin, which soon develop into a blue tumor called _bubo._ copper colored spots may appear in the face, hair fall out, etc. canker and ulcerations in the mouth and various parts of the body soon develop. . treatment.--secure the very best physician your means will allow without delay. . local treatment of buboes.--to prevent suppuration, treatment must be instituted as soon as they appear. compresses, wet in a solution composed of half an ounce of muriate of ammonia, three drachms of the fluid extract of belladonna, and a pint of water, are beneficial, and should be continuously applied. the tumor may be scattered by painting it once a day with tincture of iodine. . for eruptions.--the treatment of these should be mainly constitutional. perfect cleanliness should be observed, and the sulphur, spirit vapor, or alkaline bath freely used. good diet and the persistent use of alteratives will generally prove successful in removing this complication. recipe for syphilis. bin-iodide of mercury, gr. extract of licorice, gr. make into pills. take one morning and night. _lotion._ bichloride of mercury, gr. lime water, pt. shake well, and wash affected parts night and morning. for eruptions on tongue. cyanide of silver, / gr. powdered iridis, gr. divide into parts. to be rubbed on tongue once a day. for eruptions in syphilis. a per cent. ointment of carbolic acid, in a good preparation. bubo. treatment. warm poultice of linseed meal, mercurial plaster, lead ointment. gleet (chronic clap). . symptoms.--when gonorrhoea is not cured at the end of twenty-one or twenty-eight days, at which time all discharge should have ceased, we have a condition known as chronic clap, which is nothing more or less than gleet. at this time most of the symptoms have abated, and the principal one needing medical attention is the discharge, which is generally thin, and often only noticed in the morning on arising, when a scab will be noticed, glutinating the lips of the external orifice. or, on pressing with the thumb and finger from behind, forward, a thin, white discharge can be noticed. . home treatment.--the diet of patients affected with this disease is all-important, and should have careful attention. the things that should be avoided are highly spiced and stimulating foods and drinks, as all forms of alcohol, or those containing acids. indulgence in impure thoughts is often sufficient to keep a discharge, on account of the excitement it produces to the sensitive organs, thus inducing erections, which always do harm. . general treatment.--the best injection is: nitrate of silver, / grain pure water, oz. inject three or four times a day after urinating. stricture of the urethra. symptoms.--the patient experiences difficulty in voiding the urine, several ineffectual efforts being made before it will flow. the stream is diminished in size, of a flattened or spiral form, or divided in two or more parts, and does not flow with the usual force. treatment.--it is purely a surgical case and a competent surgeon must be consulted. phimosis. . cause.--is a morbid condition of the penis, in which the glans penis cannot be uncovered, either on account of a congenital smallness of the orifice of the foreskin, or it may be due to the acute stage of gonorrhoea, or caused by the presence of soft chancre. . symptoms.--it is hardly necessary to give a description of the symptoms occurring in this condition, for it will be easily diagnosed, and its appearances are so indicative that all that is necessary is to study into its cause and treat the disease with reference to that. treatment.--if caused from acute gonorrhoea, it should be treated first by hot fomentations, to subdue the swelling, when the glans penis can be uncovered. if the result of the formation of chancre under the skin, they should be treated by a surgeon, for it may result in the sloughing off of the end of the penis, unless properly treated. [illustration: illustrating magnetic influences. animal magnetism is supposed to radiate from and encircle every human being.] * * * * * animal magnetism. what it is and how to use it. . magnetism existing between the bodies of mankind.--it is rational to believe that there is a magnetism existing between the bodies of mankind, which may have either a beneficial or a damaging effect upon our health, according to the conditions which are produced, or the nature of the individuals who are brought in contact with each other. as an illustration of this point we might consider that, all nature is governed by the laws of attraction and repulsion, or in other words, by positive and negative forces. these subtle forces or laws in nature which we call attraction or repulsion, are governed by the affinity--or sameness--or the lack of affinity--or sameness--which exists between what may be termed the combination of atoms or molecules which goes to make up organic structure. . law of attraction.--where this affinity--or sameness--exists between the different things, there is what we term the law of attraction, or what may be termed the disposition to unite together. where there is no affinity existing between the nature of the different particles of matter, there is what may be termed the law of repulsion, which has a tendency to destroy the harmony which would otherwise take place. . magnetism of the mind.--now, what is true of the magnet and steel, is also true--from the sameness of their nature--of two bodies. and what is true of the body in this sense, is also true of the sameness or magnetism of the mind. hence, _by the laying on of hands_, or by the association of the minds of individuals, we reach the same result as when a combination is produced in any department of nature. where this sameness of affinity exists, there will be a blending of forces, which has a tendency to build up vitality. . a proof.--as a proof of this position, how often have you found the society of strangers to be so repulsive to your feelings, that you have no disposition to associate. others seem to bring with them a soothing influence that draws you closer to them. all these involuntary likes and dislikes are but the results of the _animal magnetism_ that we are constantly throwing off from our bodies,--although seemingly imperceptible to our internal senses.--the dog can scent his master, and determine the course which he pursues, no doubt from similar influences. . home harmony.--many of the infirmities that afflict humanity are largely due to a want of an understanding of its principles, and the right applications of the same. i believe that if this law of magnetism was more fully understood and acted upon, there would be a far greater harmony in the domestic circle; the health of parents and children might often be preserved where now sickness and discord so frequently prevail. . the law of magnetism.--when two bodies are brought into contact with each other, the weak must naturally draw from the strong until both have become equal. and as long as this equality exists there will be perfect harmony between individuals, because of the reciprocation which exists in their nature. . survival of the fittest.--but if one should gain the advantage of the other in magnetic attraction, the chances are that through the law of development, or what has been termed the "survival of the fittest"--the stronger will rob the weaker until one becomes robust and healthy, while the other grows weaker and weaker day by day. this frequently occurs with children sleeping together, also between husband and wife. . sleeping with invalids.--healthy, hearty, vigorous persons sleeping with a diseased person is always at a disadvantage. the consumptive patient will draw from the strong, until the consumptive person becomes the strong patient and the strong person will become the consumptive. there are many cases on record to prove this statement. a well person should never sleep with an invalid if he desires to keep his health unimpaired, for the weak will take from the strong, until the strong becomes the weak and the weak the strong. many a husband has died from a lingering disease which saved his wife from an early grave. he took the disease from his wife because he was the stronger, and she became better and he perished. . husband and wife.--it is not always wise that husband and wife should sleep together, nor that children--whose temperament does not harmonize--should be compelled to sleep in the same bed. by the same law it is wrong for the young to sleep with old persons. some have slept in the same bed with persons, when in the morning they have gotten up seemingly more tired than when they went to bed. at other times with different persons, they have lain awake two-thirds of the night in pleasant conversation and have gotten up in the morning without scarcely realizing that they had been to sleep at all, yet have felt perfectly rested and refreshed. . magnetic healing, or what has been known as the laying on of hands.--a nervous prostration is a negative condition beneath the natural, by the laying on of hands a person in a good, healthy condition is capable of communicating to the necessity of the weak. for the negative condition of the patient will as naturally draw from the strong, as the loadstone draws from the magnet, until both become equally charged. and as fevers are a positive condition of the system "beyond the natural," the normal condition of the healer will, by the laying on of the hands, absorb these positive atoms, until the fever of the patient becomes reduced or cured. as a proof of this the magnetic healer often finds himself or herself prostrated after treating the weak, and excited or feverish after treating a feverish patient. [illustration: well mated.] * * * * * how to read character. how to tell disposition and character by the nose. . large noses.--bonaparte chose large-nosed men for his generals, and the opinion prevails that large noses indicate long heads and strong minds. not that great noses cause great minds, but that the motive or powerful temperament cause both. . flat noses.--flat noses indicate flatness of mind and character, by indicating a poor, low organic structure. . broad noses.--broad noses indicate large passage-ways to the lungs, and this, large lungs and vital organs and this, great strength of constitution, and hearty animal passions along with selfishness; for broad noses, broad shoulders, broad heads, and large animal organs go together. but when the nose is narrow at the base, the nostrils are small, because the lungs are small and need but small avenues for air; and this indicates a predisposition to consumptive complaints, along with an active brain and nervous system, and a passionate fondness for literary pursuits. . sharp noses.--sharp noses indicate a quick, clear, penetrating, searching, knowing, sagacious mind, and also a scold; indicate warmth of love, hate, generosity, moral sentiment--indeed, positiveness in everything. . blunt noses.--blunt noses indicate and accompany obtuse intellects and perceptions, sluggish feelings, and a soulless character. . roman noses.--the roman nose indicates a martial spirit, love of debate, resistance, and strong passions, while hollow, pug noses indicate a tame, easy, inert, sly character, and straight, finely-formed grecian noses harmonious characters. seek their acquaintance. disposition and character by stature. . tall persons.--tall persons have high heads, and are aspiring, aim high, and seek conspicuousness, while short ones have flat heads, and seek the lower forms of worldly pleasures. tall persons are rarely mean, though often grasping; but very penurious persons are often broad-built. . small persons.--small persons generally have exquisite mentalities, yet less power--the more precious the article, the smaller the package in which it is done up,--while great men are rarely dwarfs, though great size often co-exists with sluggishness. disposition and character by the walk. . awkward.--those whose motions are awkward yet easy, possess much efficiency and positiveness of character, yet lack polish; and just in proportion as they become refined in mind will their movements be correspondingly improved. a short and quick step indicates a brisk and active but rather contracted mind, whereas those who take long steps generally have long heads; yet if the step is slow, they will make comparatively little progress, while those whose step is long and quick will accomplish proportionately much, and pass most of their competitors on the highway of life. . a dragging step.--those who sluff or drag their heels, drag and drawl in everything; while those who walk with a springing, bouncing step, abound in mental snap and spring. those whose walk is mincing, affected, and artificial, rarely, if ever, accomplish much; whereas those who walk carelessly, that is, naturally, are just what they appear to be, and put on nothing for outside show. . the different modes of walking.--in short, every individual has his own peculiar mode of moving, which exactly accords with his mental character; so that, as far as you can see such modes, you can decipher such outlines of character. the disposition and character by laughing. . laughter expressive of character.--laughter is very expressive of character. those who laugh very heartily have much cordiality and whole-souledness of character, except that those who laugh heartily at trifles have much feeling, yet little sense. those whose giggles are rapid but light, have much intensity of feeling, yet lack power; whereas those who combine rapidity with force in laughing, combine them in character. . vulgar laugh.--vulgar persons always laugh vulgarly, and refined persons show refinement in their laugh. those who ha, ha right out, unreservedly, have no cunning, and are open-hearted in everything; while those who suppress laughter, and try to control their countenances in it, are more or less secretive. those who laugh with their mouths closed are non-committal; while those who throw it wide open are unguarded and unequivocal in character. . suppressed laughter.--those who, suppressing laughter for a while, burst forth volcano-like, have strong characteristics, but are well-governed, yet violent when they give way to their feelings. then there is the intellectual laugh, the love laugh, the horse laugh, the philoprogenitive laugh, the friendly laugh, and many other kinds of laugh, each indicative of corresponding mental developments. disposition and character by the mode of shaking hands. their expression of character.--thus, those who give a tame and loose hand, and shake lightly, have a cold, if not heartless and selfish disposition, rarely sacrificing much for others, are probably conservatives, and lack warmth and soul. but those who grasp firmly, and shake heartily, have a corresponding whole-souledness of character, are hospitable, and will sacrifice business to friends; while those who bow low when they shake hands, add deference to friendship, and are easily led, for good or bad, by friends. [illustration: an easy-going disposition.] the disposition and character by the mouth and eyes. . different forms of mouths.--every mouth differs from every other, and indicates a coincident character. large mouths express a corresponding quantity of mentality, while small ones indicate a lesser amount. a coarsely-formed mouth indicates power, while one finely-formed indicates exquisite susceptibilities. hence small, delicately formed mouths indicate only common minds, with very fine feelings and much perfection of character. . characteristics.--whenever the muscles about the mouth are distinct, the character is correspondingly positive, and the reverse. those who open their mouths wide and frequently, thereby evince an open soul, while closed mouths, unless to hide deformed teeth, are proportionately secretive. . eyes.--those who keep their eyes half shut are peek-a-boos and eaves-droppers. . expressions of the eye.--the mere expression of the eye conveys precise ideas of the existing and predominant states of the mentality and physiology. as long as the constitution remains unimpaired, the eye is clear and bright, but becomes languid and soulless in proportion as the brain has been enfeebled. wild, erratic persons have a half-crazed expression of eye, while calmness, benignancy, intelligence, purity, sweetness, love, lasciviousness, anger, and all the other mental affections, express themselves quite as distinctly by the eye as voice, or any other mode. . color of the eyes.--some inherit fineness from one parent, and coarseness from the other, while the color of the eye generally corresponds with that of the skin, and expresses character. light eyes indicate warmth of feeling, and dark eyes power. . garments.--those, who keep their coats buttoned up, fancy high-necked and closed dresses, etc., are equally non-communicative, but those who like open, free, flowing garments, are equally open-hearted and communicative. the disposition and character by the color of the hair. . different colors.--coarseness and fineness of texture in nature indicate coarse and fine-grained feelings and characters, and since black signifies power, and red ardor, therefore coarse black hair and skin signify great power of character of some kind, along with considerable tendency to the sensual; yet fine black hair and skin indicate strength of character, along with purity and goodness. . coarse hair.--coarse black hair and skin, and coarse red hair and whiskers, indicate powerful animal passions, together with corresponding strength of character; while fine or light, or auburn hair indicates quick susceptibilities, together with refinement and good taste. . fine hair.--fine dark or brown hair indicates the combination of exquisite susceptibilities with great strength of character, while auburn hair, with a florid countenance, indicates the highest order of sentiment and intensity of feeling, along with corresponding purity of character, combined with the highest capacities for enjoyment and suffering. . curly hair.--curly hair or beard indicates a crisp, excitable, and variable disposition, and much diversity of character--now blowing hot, now cold--along with intense love and hate, gushing, glowing emotions, brilliancy, and variety of talent. so look out for ringlets; they betoken april weather--treat them gently, lovingly, and you will have the brightest, clearest sunshine, and the sweetest balmiest breezes. . straight hair.--straight, even, smooth, and glossy hair indicate strength, harmony, and evenness of character, and hearty, whole-souled affections, as well as a clear head and superior talents; while straight, stiff, black hair and beard indicate a coarse, strong, rigid, straight-forward character. . abundance of hair.--abundance of hair and beard signifies virility and a great amount of character; while a thin beard signifies sterility and a thinly settled upper story, with rooms to let, so that the beard is very significant of character. . fiery red hair indicates a quick and fiery disposition. persons with such hair generally have intense feelings--love and hate intensely--yet treat them kindly, and you have the warmest friends, but ruffle them, and you raise a hurricane on short notice. this is doubly true of auburn curls. it takes but little kindness, however, to produce a calm and render them as fair as a summer morning. red-headed people in general are not given to hold a grudge. they are generally of a very forgiving disposition. secretive dispositions. . a man that naturally wears his hat upon the top or back of the head is frank and outspoken; will easily confide and have many confidential friends, and is less liable to keep a secret. he will never do you any harm. . if a man wears his hat well down on the forehead, shading the eyes more or less, will always keep his own counsel. he will not confide a secret, and if criminally inclined will be a very dangerous character. . if a lady naturally inclines to high-necked dresses and collars, she will keep her secrets to herself if she has any. in courtship or love she is an uncertainty, as she will not reveal sentiments of her heart. the secretive girl, however, usually makes a good housekeeper and rarely gets mixed into neighborhood difficulties. as a wife she will not be the most affectionate, nor will she trouble her husband with many of her trials or difficulties. * * * * * twilight sleep. some years ago two german physicians, kroenig and grauss, of the university of baden, startled the world by announcing: "dammerschlaf" or "twilight sleep," a treatment which rendered childbirth almost painless and free from dangerous complications. a woman's clinic was established at freiburg where a combination of scopolamine and morphine was given. the muscular activity of the pelvic organs was not lessened, the length of labor was shortened, and instruments were rarely necessary. abbott's h-m-c is another sedative composed of hyoseine, morphine, and cactoid. it is less dangerous than the other remedy, and accomplishes the same result, hence is greatly preferred. the utmost caution is necessary in the administration of either of these drugs, and the most competent medical supervision is essential to their success. cautions.--the patient should not be left a moment without medical supervision. the lying in chamber should be darkened, and kept as quiet as possible. * * * * * painless childbirth. why should a woman suffer?--childbirth is a natural function, as natural as eating, sleeping or walking. if the laws of nature are complied with it loses most, if not all, of its terrors. the facts show that indian women, and those of other uncivilized races have children without experiencing pain, and with none of the so common modern complications. what is the reason?--they live a natural, out of doors life, free from the evils and restrictions of present day civilization in dress and habits of life. a normal life.--the expectant mother should therefore live a perfectly rational life, keeping the stomach and intestines especially healthy and active, and hence the general physical condition good. an abundance of fresh air, hearty exercise, and childbirth will pass over without any abnormal consequences. * * * * * the diseases of women. the woman's place is in the home.--for centuries the world has stuck to this rule. because the woman has been considered less fit for the struggles of the active workaday world, she has been kept at home, shut in from the air and sunshine, deprived of healthy exercise, and obliged to live a life of confinement and inactivity. what is the result?--in connection with menstruation, pregnancy and child bearing a long list of diseases peculiar to woman have arisen, most of which through proper food and exercise could be avoided. in matters so vital to posterity false modesty and ignorance can no longer be tolerated. chlorosis or anaemia. _home treatment_: plenty of good food and fresh air will do much to restore the blood. keep the bowels free. satisfactory results have been brought about by a systematic use of iron as a tonic. disorders of the menses. retention of menstruation. _treatment_: when due to the condition of the blood, recommend good food, fresh air, and sunshine to improve circulation. if the result of cold and exposure means and appliances for restoring the circulation must be adopted. in either case the bowels should be kept open by injections. vicarious menstruation. _treatment_: no attempt should be made to stop the hemorrhage during the monthly period. the discharge is usually light although it occasionally causes great weakness. this disorder is caused by the suppression of the menses, and must be treated accordingly between periods. cessation of the menses. commonly called "change of life." _treatment_: at this dangerous and trying period in a woman's life she must adopt the utmost regularity in the habits of her existence. hot baths, taken just before retiring, will relieve the uncomfortable feeling so common at this time of life. disorders of the womb. cancer of the womb. _treatment_: call at once a competent physician. displacement of the womb. _treatment_: evacuate the bowels and the bladder by means of injections, and the catheter. place the fingers in the vagina, locate the mouth of the womb, insert finger into it, and gently pull the organ into its natural position. dropsy of the womb. _treatment_: use tonics freely together with vapor baths, and frequent hot hip baths. falling of the womb. _treatment_: build up the physical condition by an abundance of good food, fresh air and sunshine, with moderate exercise. astringent injections and vaginal suppositories of oak bark, myrrh, and cocoa-butter will usually bring relief. inflammation of the womb. _treatment_: apply stimulating liniment to the abdomen. keep body warm and moist especially at extremities. add - drops of carbolic acid to one quart of warm water and use as a vaginal douche. keep bowels open. furnish light, nourishing diet, and give tonics. neuralgia of the womb. _treatment_: keep feet warm and give injections to the bowels of lobelia, lady slipper, and skullcap. rub the abdomen with liniment. absolute quiet, above all else, will bring relief. diseases of the vagina. vaginitis, or inflammation of the vagina. _treatment_: complete rest. use distilled sweet clover with a slight infusion of lady slipper warm, three times a day as a vaginal injection. prolapsus of the vagina. _treatment_: when the walls of the vagina become folded upon themselves through abortion, rupture during delivery, excessive indulgence, masturbation, etc. it is called prolapsus. use an astringent suppository or injection. spasm of the vagina. _treatment_: this is nothing more than a nervous condition causing the muscles of the vagina to spasm thus closing the passage, and rendering conception almost impossible. outdoor exercise, light but nourishing diet, and general attention to the nervous system will bring prompt relief. intercourse, if attempted, should be quiet and unfrequent. an effort should be made to keep the thoughts on other subjects. diseases of the external female genitals. inflammation and abscess. _treatment_: wash the parts often with warm water, distilled witch hazel, and strong infusion of lobelia. keep the bowels free. in severe cases apply poultices of ground flaxseed, sprinkled over with golden seal and lobelia. after poultices are removed, cleanse parts with warm water, containing a little tincture of myrrh. pruritis. _treatment_: a very mortifying and uncomfortable affliction, accompanied by an almost uncontrollable desire to scratch the parts. the itching is due to uncleanliness, excessive masturbation, violent intercourse, inflammation of the bladder, stomach or liver trouble etc. bathe the affected parts well with borax water, and apply a wash of equal parts witch hazel, and an infusion of lobelia. use mild laxatives to keep the bowels open. diseases of the ovaries. dropsy of the ovaries. _treatment_: an accumulation of fluid in the membranous sack about the ovaries. an operation is necessary and is almost always successful. inflammation of the ovaries. _treatment_: in mild cases rub abdomen with liniment and apply hot water bottles. perfect quiet is essential to an early recovery. tumors of the ovaries. _treatment_: a surgical operation is the only means of cure. * * * * * remedies for diseases of women. after pains: salophen in fifteen grain doses. if necessary take another dose in two hours. should the pains reappear the next day, repeat the dosage. amenorrhea: tincture chloride of iron, three drams; tincture cantharides, one dram; tincture guaiac ammon., one-half dram; tincture aloe, one-half ounce; syrup enough to make six ounces. dose: tablespoonful after meals. cancer of the womb: make a solution and use in douches: picric acid, two one-half dram; water one and one-half pint; the patient must lie flat on back while fluid runs up into the vagina, hips must be raised; retain the fluid as long as possible. later on make a cotton tampon, saturated with chloral hydrate, one-half dram; cocaine hydrochloride, one and one-half grain; dissolve in five drams of water. use injection and tampon morning and night. dysmenorrhea: asafoetida, forty grains; ext. valerian, twenty grains; ext. cannabis indica, five grains; make twenty pills. dose: one pill after meals. use the following ointment for the pain in the back: ext. hyoscyamus, thirty grains; ext. belladonna, thirty grains; adipis, one ounce. apply locally night and morning. emmenagogue: ergotin, twenty grains; ext. cotton root bark, twenty grains; purified aloes, twenty grains; dried ferrous sulphate, twenty grains; ext. savine, ten grains. make twenty pills. dose: one pill four times a day. endometritis: ext. viburnum prun, forty grains; ext. hamamelis, twenty grains; ergotin, ten grains; ext. nux vomica, two grains; hydrastin, one grain. make twenty pills. dose: one pill morning and night. fibroid tumors: chromium sulphate, four-grain tablets. dose: one tablet after meals. fissure of nipples: apply iodoform, one dram; carbolic acid, twenty grains; white petrolatum, one ounce. apply at night; requires thorough washing next morning. helonias composition: helonias, fifteen grains; squaw wine, sixty grains; viburnum opulus, fifteen grains; caulophyllum, fifteen grains; syrup, two ounces. dose: teaspoonful every two hours. leucorrhoea: ext. hyoscyamus, one dram; ext. hamamelis, one dram; tannic acid, one dram; ext. helonias, one-half dram; salicylic acid, one dram; alum, three drams; boric acid, five drams. dissolve flat teaspoonful in half cup of water, soak a cotton tampon and place way up in the vagina. as a tonic take: tincture cinchona comp., two ounces; tincture gentian comp., two ounces. dose: dessertspoonful after meals. menopause: ammonium bromide, two drams; potassium bromide, four drams; aromatii spirits amoniae, six drams; camphor water enough to make six ounces. dose: one dessertspoonful, three times a day. menorrhagia: gallic acid, fifty grains; ergotin, twenty grains; hydrastin, ten grains. make twenty pills. dose: one pill after meals. another prescription: calcium chloride, two and one-half drams; syrup, fifteen drams; water, six ounces. dose: one tablespoonful morning and night. menstrual irregularities: extracts of cramp bark, forty grains; blue cohosh, ten grains; squaw wine, forty grains; pokeberry, twenty grains; strychnine, one grain. make forty pills. dose: one pill four times a day until relieved. menstruation, profuse: extracts of white ash bark, two drams; black haw, two drams; cramp bark, two drams; unicorn root, one dram; squaw wine, one dram; blue cohosh, one dram. steep hours in one-half pint of water, add one-half pint of alcohol. dose: tablespoonful three times a day. neuralgia of womb: fl. ext. henbane, two drams; fl. ext. indian hemp, one dram; fl. ext. snake root, four drams; spirits of camphor, two drams; compound spirits of ether, three ounces. dose: one teaspoonful in water three times a day. medicated hot sitz bath. ovarian congestion: black haw, sixty grains; golden seal, sixty grains; jamaica dogwood, thirty grains; syrup and water, four ounces. dose: one teaspoonful three or four times a day. ovarian sedative: lupulin, ten grains; ergotin, five grains; scutellarin, ten grains; zinc bromide, two grains. make twenty pills. dose: one pill after meals. vaginismus: strontium bromide, two drams; potassium bromide, two drams; ammonium bromide, two drams; water to make ten ounces. dose: tablespoonful morning and night. make a suppository and insert night: cocaine hydrochlorate, two grains; ext. belladonna, one and one-half grains; strontium bromide, four grains; oil theobromat, two drams. use every night one such suppository, placed high up in the vagina until all signs of the difficulty are gone. vaginitis: resorcine, forty grains; salicylic acid, eight grains; betanaphtholis, one grain; add enough water to make it eight ounces. dose: add to this mixture one tablespoonful to a quart of warm water and douche vagina in above stated manner. use also suppository as in vaginismus. vulva itching: apply externally morning and night the following salve: boric acid, thirty grains; oxide of zinc, sixty grains. powdered starch, sixty grains; petrolatum, one ounce. apply on cotton and to affected parts. ulcerations of vagina or womb: insert a suppository each one made of boric acid, five grains; powdered alum, five grains. or the following composition; black haw, two grains; golden seal, two grains; add enough cocoa butter to make one suppository. insert and keep in over night after a hot medicated vaginal douche is taken. uterine astringent: alum, three drams; zinc sulphate, two drams; morphine sulphate, one grain; tannic acid, two drams; boric acid, six drams. mix and use of it one tablespoonful dissolved in pint of warm water. inject slowly into vagina in recumbent position, retain the douche fluid as long as possible. later on insert when retiring a vaginal suppository. uterine hemorrhages: take stypticin tablets according to printed direction on the package. uterine tonic: helonin, three grains; caulophyllin, three grains; macrotin, three grains; hyoscyamine, three grains. make twenty pills. dose: one pill after meals. uterine tonic and stimulant: take elixir of helonias, which can be bought in drug stores, or get the following tinctures and make it at home: partridge berry, ninety-six grains; unicorn root, forty-eight grains; blue cohosh, forty-eight grains; cramp bark, forty-eight grains. steep these for hours in one-half pint of water, add one-half pint of alcohol, then strain and bottle. dose: one teaspoonful three times a day. whites: dried alum, one-half ounce; borax, two ounces; boric acid, four ounces; thymol, ten grains; eucalyptol, ten grains; oil of peppermint, two drams. dissolve, one teaspoonful of the mixture in a pint of hot water and use as a douche morning and night. womb spasms: cramp bark, one ounce; skullcap, one ounce; skunk cabbage, four drams. steep hours in one-half pint of water, add one-half pint of alcohol. dose: one tablespoonful three times a day. * * * * * [transcriber's note: the following "alphabetical index" is as it appears in the original book. it is not in alphabetical order.] alphabetical index. a abstention, abstinence, abuse after marriage, abortion or miscarriage, abortion, causes and symptoms, abortion, home treatment, abortion, prevention of, abortion, the sin of herod, abortion, the violation of all law, absence of physician, abraham a polygamist, a broken heart, aboriginal, australian, admired and beloved, advantages of wedlock, advice to newly married couples, advice to married and unmarried, advice to bridegroom, advice to young mothers, advice to young married people, advice to young men, adultery in the heart, after birth, affectionate parents, amenorrhoea, amativeness or connubial love, animal passions, animal impulse, apoplexy, artificial impregnation, arms, beautiful, assassin of garfield, asking an honest question, associates, influence of, authority of the wife, b bad company, the result of, bad society, bad dressing, bad books, bad breath, bathing, rules for, - bath, the, barber's shampoos, bad breast, bastards or illegitimates, beginning of life, begin at right place, begin well, beauty and style, beauty a dangerous gift, beautiful women, beware of, beauty in dress, beauty, - beauty which perishes not, beauty, sensible hints to, beautiful arms, "be ye fruitful and multiply", beautiful children, how to have, birth, conditions of, biliousness, , , bites and stings of insects, bloom and grace of youth, black-heads, and flesh worms, blue feelings, bleeding, both puzzled, bodily symmetry, , boils, breath, the, broad hips, breach of confidence, bride, the, "bridal tour", breasts, swelled and sore, burns, , , busts, full, bunions, bubo treatment, c care of the person, care of the hair, cause of family troubles, calamities of lust, - causes of sterility, causes of divorce, - care of new-born infant, cataracts of the eyes, causes of prostitution, celibacy, disadvantages of, chinese marriage system, children, healthy and beautiful, - children, idiots, criminals and lunatics, children's condition depends on parents, children, all, may die, children, too many, children, foolish dread of, character lost, character, formation of, character, essence, character exhibits itself, character, beauty of, child, an honored, character, school of, child, the, is father of the man, character, female, influence of, children, fond of, character, influence of good, character is property, child bearing without pain, , chickenpox, , chapped hands, , chilblains, child training, chastity and purity, character, how to read, civilization, circumcision, cigarette smoking, effects of, , clap--gonorrhoea, clap--gonorrhoea treatment, corsets, - corset, egyptian, coloring for eyelashes and eyebrows, confidence, connubial love, concubinage and polygamy, courtship and marriage, court scientifically, consummation of marriage, conception, conception, its limitations, conceptions and accidents of lust, courtship and marriage, control, self, coarseness, correspondence, conversation, conception or impregnation, conception, the proper time for, colic, , , convulsions, infantile, constipation, to prevent, , coughs, colds, etc., cold water for diseases, cook for the sick, how to, cramps, , croup, how to treat, crimping hair, criminals and heredity, crowning sin of the age, cuts, , cultivate modesty, cultivate personal attractiveness, cultivate physical attractiveness, curse of manhood, the, d day dreaming, dangerous diseases, danger in lack of knowledge, deformities, development of the individual, desertion and divorce, desire, stimulated by drugs, desire moderated by drugs, deformities, desire, want of, deafness, how to cure, devil's decoys, the, disadvantages of celibacy, diseased, parents, disrupted love, divorces, distress during consummation, diseases, heredity and transmission of, diseases of pregnancy, diseases of infants and children, diarrhoea, , diphtheria, diseases of women and treatment, , - disinfectant, digestibility of food, dietetic recipes, diseases of women, dictionary of medical terms, drink, dress, dress affects our manners, drugs which stimulate desire, drugs which moderate desire, drug habit, the, dude of the th century, duration of pregnancy, dyspepsia cure, e early marriages, , education of child in the womb, effects of cigarette smoking, - egyptian dancer, an, eruptions on the skin, etiquette, rules on, etiquette of calls, etiquette in your speech, etiquette of dress and habits, etiquette on the street, etiquette between sexes, eugenic baby party, eunuchs, evidence of conception, expectant mother, the, exciting the passions in children, exposed youth, excesses by married men, eye wash, f fame, family group, blessing the, family government, false beautifiers, false appearance, family troubles, cause of, families, small, fallopian tubes, fake medical advice, , fainting, falling of the womb, fast young men, female character, influence of, female beauty, feet, small, female organs, conditions of, female magnetism, female sexual organs, feeding infants, fevers, feet with bad odor, felon, , female organs of creative life, first love, first conjugal approach, flirting, , flirting and its dangers, form, male and female, former customs, fondling and caressing, folly of follies, foetal heart, follies of youth, free lovers, frequency of intercourse, full busts, g garden of eden, gathered breast, generosity, generative organs, male, generative organs, female, girls, save the, gland, the penal, gland, the prostate, gladstone, gleet, symptoms and treatment of, good character, gout, gonorrhoea (clap), gonorrhoea (clap), remedy for, grace, gray hair, grave-yard statistics, grossness of sensuality, h hawaiian islands and marriage, harlot's woes, a, habits, hair and beard, hand in hand, hair, the care of, - hate-spats, hap-hazard marriages, hair, how to remove, harlot's mess of meat, the, harlot's influence, health a duty, helps to beauty, heart, a broken, healthy wives and mothers, hereditary descent, healthy people--most children, heartburn, , headache, , , , health rules for babies, history of marriage, hints on courtship and marriage, - hints in choosing a partner, hives, , home ties, , home, the best regulated, honesty or knavery, home power, home makes the man, home the best of schools, homely men, honeymoon, how to perpetuate, home treatment, diseases of children, home treatment of the secret habit, how to write letters, - how to write love letters, how to write social letters, how to determine perfect human figure, how to be a good wife, how to be a good husband, how to calculate time of labor, how to keep a baby well, - how to cook for the sick, how many girls are ruined, how to overcome "secret habit", how to tell a victim of the "secret habit", how to tell children the story of life, - , - hot water for all diseases, husband, whom to choose for a, husband's brutality, hymen or vaginal valve, , , hysteria, i ignorance, illicit pleasures, illegitimates or bastards, illegitimates, character of, impulse, impolite, improper liberties, improvement of the race, impotence and sterility impotence, lack of sexual vigor, improper liberties during courtship, impregnation or conception, , impregnation artificial, immorality, disease and death, independence, the growth of, influences, integrity, influence, the mother's, influence of women, intelligence, - intercourse, proper, indulgence, the time for, intercourse, frequency of, intercourse during pregnancy, , infanticide, infantile convulsions, indigestion, infant teething, inflammation of womb, inhumanities of parents, itching of external parts, j jealousy, jealousy--its cause and cure, juke family, the, k kalmuck tartar and marriage, keep the boys pure, kindness, kissing, knowledge is safety, l ladies' society, lady's dress in days of greece, lacing, large men, lack of knowledge, letter writing, - letters, social, leucorrhoea, , lessons for parents, life methods, licentiousness, beginning of, limitation of offspring, liver-spots, love letters, love, - love, power and peculiarities of, love, turkish way of making, love and common sense, love-spats, love for the dead, loss of desire, longevity, loss of maiden purity, low fiction, lost manhood restored, lung trouble, lustful eyes, m marriage excesses, matrimonial infelicity, male sexual organs, maternity a diadem of beauty, marks and deformities, maternity, preparation for, marrying too early, marry, time to, man unsexed, marriage bed resolutions, man's lost powers, man, the ideal, masculine attention, maternal love, manners, table, male form, marriage, history of, marriage, marriages, too early, - maids, old, - marry, when and whom to, marrying first cousins, marriage, hints on, marriages, unhappy, matrimonial pointers, marriage securities, marrying for wealth, marriage, time for, marriage and motherhood, marriage, consummation of, manhood wrecked and rescued, magnetism, - men haters, membership in society, mental derangements, menstruation during pregnancy, menstruation during nursing, measles, , , menstruation, , men demand purity, miscarriage, , , miscarriage, causes and symptoms, miscarriage home treatment, miscarriage prevention, middle age, mistakes often fatal, mistakes of parents, moderation, morning sickness and remedy, , modified milk, moral degeneracy, moral manhood, moral lepers, moral principle, mother's influence, mother, a devoted, mohammedanism, mormonism, monogamy (single wife), motherhood, morganic marriages, murder of the innocents, mumps, , n name, a good, name, an empty or an evil, nature's remedy, natural waist, newly married couples, advice to, neuralgia, , need of early instruction, non-completed intercourse, nocturnal emissions and home treatment, nurseries, nuptial chamber, - nursing, nursing sick children, nude in art, the, o obscene literature, offspring, the improvement of, old maids, - ornaments, our secret sins, ovaries, - over-indulgence, over-worked mothers, p parents must obey, parents, feeble and diseased, palpitation of the heart, pains and ills in nursing, parents must teach children, passions in children, passionate men, parents, diseased, parents' participation, penal gland, personal purity, , penmanship, personality of others, person, care of the, perfect human figure, penalties for lost virtue, physical and moral degeneracy, physical deformities, physical perfection, physical relations of marriage, phimosis, symptoms and treatment, piles, , pimples or facial eruptions, plea for purity, a, plain words to parents, pleasures, illicit, population limited, poison ivy, poison sumach, policy of silence in sex matters, pollution, sinks of, pollution, sow, politeness, polygamy, - popping the question, poisonous literature, pox-syphilis, pox-symptoms and treatment, prevention of conception, , , - prevention, nature's method, prenatal influences, prostate gland, producing boys or girls at will, preparation for maternity, pregnancy signs and symptoms, pregnancy, diseases of, pregnancy, duration of, prescription for diseases, prickly heat, cure for, principle moral, prisons, practical rules on table manners, prostitution, , proposing, a romantic way, proper intercourse, pregnancy, restraint during, preparation for parenthood, prostitution of men, private talk to young men, puberty, virility and hygienic laws, purity, puberty, puritanic manhood, pure minded wife, q quacks and methods exposed, , , quickening, quinsy, r reputation, value of, reputation, selling out their, religion in women, restraint during pregnancy, revelation for women, remedies for sterility, remedies for diseases, recruiting office for prostitution, remedy for "secret habit", rebuking sensualism, remedies for the social evil, remedies for diseases of women, - rival the boys, ring worm, rights of lovers, right of children to be born right, roman ladies, road to shame, the, rules on etiquette, - rules on table manners, ruin and seduction, rules for the nurse, ruined sister, a, s save the girls, save the boys, scientific theories of life, scarlet fever, , , schedule for feeding babies, sexual passions, sexual exhaustion, secret diseases, seeing life, sexual impotency, the remedy, secret diseases, seed of life, sexual organs, male, sexual organs, female, seducer, the, self abuse or "secret habit", sex instruction for children, , , sexual propensities, self-control, self-denial, practice, selfishness, self-forgetfulness, sensible helps to beauty, - sexual excitement, sexual vigor, seduction and ruin, seducer, a, sensuality and unnatural passion, - sexual life, rightly beginning, sexual proprieties and improprieties, separate beds, sexual control, - shall sickly people raise children, shall pregnant women work, shy people, signs and symptoms of labor, signs of virility, signs of excesses, sisterhood of shame, the, , slaves of injurious drugs, sleeplessness, small families, small and weakly men, sore nipples, society evils, society, govern, social letters, social duties, society, membership in, soiled garments, soft men, solomon and polygamy, society rules and customs, sowing wild oats, social evil, speech, improved by reading, special safeguards in confinement, sprains, startling sins, sterility in females, sterility, sterility, remedies for, sterility common to women, stomachache, stabs, story of life for children, stranger, silken enticements of, style of beauty, summer complaint, success or failure, swollen legs during pregnancy, symptoms of the "secret habit", syphilitic poison, syphilis (pox), , syphilis (pox) treatment of, syphilis, recipe for, syringes, whirling spray, t table manners, tables for feeding a baby, teeth, test of virginity, , teething, , teach sex truths to children, , temples of lust, thinking only of dress, throat troubles, tight lacing, time to marry, too many children, toothache, true kind of beauty, twins, twilight sleep, u unwelcome child, union of the sexes, the, unchastity, unfaithfulness, unjust demands, underclothing, uniformed men, unhappy marriages, urethra, urethra, stricture of--symptoms and treatment, v vaginal cleanliness, vice or virtue, virtues, root of all the, virtue, a new, virginity, test of, , vile women, vomiting, vulgar desire, vulgar, society of the, w warning, waist, natural, wasp waists, warts, cure for, wealth, wedlock, advantages of, wedding rings, wedding, the proper time, weaning, wens, what women love in men, what men love in women, when and whom to marry, why children die, when conception takes place, whites, the, what a mother should know, whooping cough, , why girls go astray, what is puberty, when passion begins, wife, how to be a good, words, power of, woman, the best educator, women, young, women, influence of, woman haters, woman the perfect type of beauty, woman's love, women who makes best wives, worms and remedy, womb, inflammation of, womb falling of, y young mothers, advice to, young man's personal appearance, youth, bloom and grace of, youthful sexual excitement, [transcriber's note: most probable typos in the original paper book have been retained as printed, e.g. saguine, excercise, diagnotic, attacts. however, two occurrences of "prostrate" have been changed to "prostate" when referring to the prostate gland.] produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) the art of life series _the super race_ the art of life series _edward howard griggs, editor_ the super race an american problem by scott nearing, ph.d. wharton school, university of pennsylvania author of "social adjustment," etc. new york b. w. huebsch copyright, , by b. w. huebsch first printing, may, second printing, may, printed in u. s. a. to the mothers and fathers of the super race foreword for ages men have sought to perpetuate their memories in enduring monuments of brass and of stone. yet, in their efforts to build lasting memorials they have neglected the most enduring monument of all--the monument of posterity. these farseeing ones have overlooked their real opportunity; for in posterity--in the achievements of their children's children, men may best hope to reflect a lasting greatness. contents chapter page i the call of the super race ii eugenics--the science of race culture iii social adjustment--the science of molding institutions iv education--the science of individual development v the american opportunity _the super race_ chapter i the call of the super race as a very small boy, i distinctly remember that stories of the discovery of america and australia, of the exploration of central africa and of the invention of the locomotive, the steamboat, and the telegraph made a deep impression on my childish mind; and i shall never forget going one day to my mother and saying:-- "oh, dear, i wish i had been born before everything was discovered and invented. now, there is nothing left for me to do." brooding over it, and wondering why it should be so, my boyish soul felt deeply the tragedy of being born into an uneventful age. i fully believed that the great achievements of the world were in the past. imagine then my joy when, in the course of my later studies, it slowly dawned upon me that the age in which i lived was, after all, an age of unparalleled activity. i saw the much vaunted discoveries and inventions of by-gone days in their true proportions. they no longer preëmpted the whole world--present and future, as well as past, but, freed from romance, they ranged themselves in the form of a foundation upon which the structure of civilization is building. the successive steps in human achievement, from the use of fire to the harnessing of electricity, constituted a process of evolution creating "a stage where every man must play his part"--a part expanding and broadening with each succeeding generation; and i saw that i had a place among the actors in this play of progress. the forward steps of the past need not, and would not prevent me from achieving in the present--nay, they might even make a place, if i could but find it, for my feet; they might hold up my hands, and place within my grasp the keen tools with which i should do my work. the school boy, passing from an attitude of contemplation and wonder before the things of the past into an attitude of active recognition of the necessities of the present, passed through the evolutionary process of the race. the savage, sir henry maine tells us, lives in a state of abject fear, bound hand and foot by the sayings and doings of his ancestors and blinded by the terrors of nature. the lightning flashes, and the untutored mind, trembling, bows before the wrath of a jealous god; the harvest fails, and the savage humbly submits to the vengeance of an incensed deity; pestilence destroys the people, and the primitive man sees in this catastrophe a punishment inflicted on him for his failure to propitiate an exacting spirit--in these and a thousand other ways uncivilized peoples accept the phenomena in which nature displays her power, as the expressed will of an omnipotent being. one course alone is open to them; they must bow down before the unknown, accepting as inevitable those forces which they neither can understand nor conquer. civilization has meant enlightenment and achievement. in lightning, franklin saw a potent giant which he enslaved for the service of man; in famine, burbank discovered a lack of proper adjustment between the soil and the crops that men were cultivating--thereupon he produced a wheat that would thrive on an annual rainfall of twelve inches; in pestilence, pasteur recognized the ravages of an organism which he prepared to study and destroy. lightning, famine and pestilence are, to the primitive man, the threatening of a wrathful god; but to the progressive thinker they are merely forces which must be utilized or counteracted in the work of human achievement. as a boy, i believed my opportunities to be limited by the achievements of the past. as a man, i see in these past achievements not hindrances, but the foundation stones which the past has laid down, upon which the present must build, in order that the future may erect the perfected structure of a higher civilization. i see all of this clearly, and i see one thing more. in the old days which i had erstwhile envied, one event of world import might have been chronicled for each decade, but in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such an event may be chronicled for each year, or month or even for each day. the achievements of the past were noteworthy: these of the present are stupendous. the process of social evolution reveals itself in these progressive steps. because the past has built, the present is building--building in order that the future may stand higher in its realization of potential life. the past was an age of uncertain, hesitating advance. the present, an age of dynamic achievement, leads on into the future of human development. in the twentieth century: . knowledge provides a basis for activity. . the social atmosphere palpitates with enthusiastic resolve and abounds in noble endeavor. . there is work for each one to perform. the despondent boy has thus evolved into the enthusiastic worker whose watchword is "forward!"--forward towards a new goal, whose very existence is made attainable through the achievements of the past: a goal before which the triumphs of bygone ages pale into insignificance. the past worked with things. pyramids were built, cities constructed, mountains tunneled, trade augmented, fortunes amassed. hear ruskin's comment on this devotion to material wealth: "nevertheless, it is open, i repeat, to serious question, ... whether, among national manufactures, that of souls of a good quality may not at last turn out a quite lucrative one. nay, in some far-away and yet undreamed of hour, i can even imagine that england ... as a christian mother, may at last attain to the virtues and the treasures of a heathen one, and be able to lead forth her sons, saying: 'these are my jewels.'"[ ] the past worked with things: the future, rising higher in the scale of civilization, must work with men--with the plastic, living clay of humanity. as solomon long ago said, "he that ruleth his own spirit is greater than he that taketh a city." the men of the past built cities and took them. they brought the forces of nature into subjection and remodeled the world as a living place for humanity, yet, save for a shadow in rome and an echo from greece, there is scarcely a trace in history of a consistent attempt to evolve nobler men. material objects have cost the nations untold effort, but human fiber--the life blood of nations--has been overlooked or forgotten. the world is weary of this emphasis on things and this forgetfulness of men; the ether trembles with the clamor for manhood. the fields, white to harvest, are awaiting the laborers who, building on the discoveries and inventions of things in the past, will so mold the human clay of the present that the future may boast a society of men and women possessing the qualities of the super race. what is a super race? nothing more nor less than a race representing, in the aggregate, the qualities of the super man--the qualities which enable one possessing them to live what herbert spencer described so luminously as a "complete life," namely,-- . physical normality. . mental capacity. . concentration. . aggressiveness. . sympathy. . vision. these characteristics of the super man express themselves in his activity: . physical normality provides energy. . mental capacity gives mental grasp. . aggressiveness. } } produce efficiency. . concentration. } . sympathy leads to harmony with things and coöperation with men. . vision shows itself in ideals. the energy to do; and the mental grasp to appreciate; together with the capacity to choose efficiently, furnish the basis for achievement. achievement, however, is not in itself a guarantee of worth unless its course is shaped by sympathy and directed toward a goal which is determined by the prophetic power of vision. such are the characteristics which, combined in one individual, insure completeness of life. about them, philosophers have reasoned and poets have sung. they are the acme of human perfection--the ideal of individual attainment. though they have been thus idealized, these qualities are not new. they have existed for ages, as they exist to-day, occasionally combined in one individual but usually appearing separately in members of the social group. they form part of the heritage of the human race, and in spite of neglect and lack of fostering, they are widespread in all sections of the population. the production of a race of men and women, a great majority of whom shall possess these qualities, will mean the next great step in human achievement. the super man has lived for ages. the greeks traced the descent of their heroes and heroines--their super men--from the gods. it was thus that they explained exceptional ability. exceptional men live to-day, as they did in ancient greece, directing the thought and work of the times. they possess the qualities of the super man--physical normality, mental capacity, aggressiveness, concentration, sympathy and vision; and, above all, we now understand that they are not the offspring of the gods, but the sons of men and women whose combined parental qualities inevitably produced super men. the super man is not a theory, nor an accident, but a natural product of natural conditions. though the super man may be met with occasionally in modern society, and though the qualities ascribed to him are manifest everywhere among those who have had an opportunity for their development; opinions still differ as to the possibility of producing a super race. an even greater difference of opinion is encountered when an attempt is made to formulate the means which should be adopted to secure such an end; yet there can be little difference of opinion as to the desirability, from a national as well as from an individual standpoint, of creating a race of super men. the call of the present age for a super race is thus voiced by yeats,[ ] "o silver trumpets! be you lifted up, and cry to the great race that is to come. long throated swans, amid the waves of time, sing loudly, for beyond the wall of the world it waits, and it may hear and come to us." we long for the coming of the super race. we aim toward this goal. can it be compassed in finite time? is nietzsche right when he says,--"i teach you beyond-man." "all beings hitherto have created something beyond themselves." "what is great in man is that he is a bridge and not a goal." "not whence ye come, be your honor in the future, but whither ye go!" "in your children ye shall make amends for being your father's children. thus ye shall redeem all that is past."[ ] shall we make amends to the future? come, then, let us reason together concerning the measures which must be adopted to raise the standard of succeeding generations. there are three means which lie ready at hand: three sciences which lend themselves to our task: three tools with which we may shape the super race. they are: . eugenics--the science of race culture. . social adjustment--the science of molding institutions. . education--the science of individual development. the science of eugenics treats of those forces which, through the biologic processes of heredity, may be relied upon to provide the inherited qualities of the super race. the science of social adjustment treats of those forces which, through the modification of social institutions, may be relied upon to provide a congenial environment for the super race. the science of education aims to assist the child in unfolding and developing the hereditary qualities of the super man, provided through eugenic guarantees. hence, eugenics, social adjustment and education are sciences, the mastery of which is a pre-requisite to the development of the super race. chapter ii eugenics--the science of race culture the object of eugenics is the conscious improvement of the human race by the application of the laws of heredity to human mating. eugenics is the logical fruition of the progress in biologic science made during the nineteenth century. the laws of heredity, studied in minute detail, have been applied with marvelous success in the vegetable and animal kingdoms. "is there any good reason," demands the eugenist, "why the formulas which have operated to re-combine the physical properties of plants and animals, should not in like measure operate to modify the physical properties of men and women?" the studies which have been made of eye color, length of arm, head shape, and other physical traits show that the same laws of heredity which apply in the animal and vegetable kingdoms apply as well in the kingdom of man. since the species of plants and animals with which man has experimented have been improved by selective breeding, there seems to be no good reason why the human race should not be susceptible of similar improvement. what intelligent farmer sows blighted potatoes? where is the dog fancier who would strive to rear a st. bernard from a mongrel dam? neither yesterday nor yet to-morrow do men gather grapes of thorns. those who have to do with life in any form, aware of this fact, refuse to permit propagation except among the best members of a species: hence with each succeeding generation the ox increases in size and strength; the apple in color; the sweet pea in perfume; and the horse in speed. is this law of improving species a universal law? alas, no! it rarely if ever applies in the selection of men and women for parenthood. the human species has not, during historic times, improved either in physique, in mental capacity, in aggressiveness, in concentration, in sympathy or in vision. nay, there are not wanting thoughtful students who affirm that in almost every one of these respects the exact contrary holds true. there appears to be some question as to whether the best of the greek athletes exceeded in strength and skill the modern professional athlete, but there is no doubt at all that the average citizen of athens was a more perfect specimen physically than the average citizen of twentieth century america. some students insist that the level of intellectual capacity has been raised, yet galton, after a careful survey of the field, concludes in his _hereditary genius_ that the average citizen of athens was at least two degrees higher in the scale of intellectual attainment than the average englishman; carl snyder[ ] boldly maintains that the intellectual ability of scientific men is less to-day than it was in past centuries; while mrs. martin,[ ] in a study more novel than scientific, insists that the genius of the modern world is on a level distinctly below that of the genius of greece. perhaps american commercial aggressiveness is equal to the military aggressiveness of the romans, the early germans, and the followers of attila. we have concentrated most of our efforts upon industry, yet even here, our concentration is no greater than that of the poets of the elizabethan era, or the religious zealots of the middle ages. our sympathy with beauty is at so low an ebb that we fail even to approach the standard of past ages. neither in art, in sculpture, nor in poetry do our achievements compare with those of the earlier mediterranean civilizations; while our knowledge of men as revealed in our literature is not above that of the romans or the athenians. as for vision, we still accept and strive to fulfill the commandments of the prophet of nazareth. in all of these fields, twentieth century america is equaled, if not outdone by the past. thus the distinctive qualities of the super man appear in the past with an intensity equal if not superior to that of the present. history records the transmutation of vegetable and animal species, the revolution of industry, the modification of social institutions, and the transformation of governmental systems; but in all historic time, it affirms no perceptible improvement in the qualities of man. "we must replace the man by the super man," writes g. bernard shaw.[ ] "it is frightful for the citizen, as the years pass him, to see his own contemporaries so exactly reproduced by the younger generation." nevertheless, the possibility of race improvement exists. "what now characterizes the exceptionally high may be expected eventually to characterize all, for that which the best human nature is capable of is within the reach of human nature at large."[ ] after years of intensive study, spencer thus confidently expressed himself. since he ceased to work, each bit of scientific data along eugenic lines serves to confirm his opinion. armed with such a belief and with the assurance which scientific research has afforded, we are preparing in this eleventh hour to fulfill spencer's predictions. there are two fields in which eugenics may be applied--the first, negative, the second, positive. through the establishment of negative eugenics the unfit will be restrained from mating and perpetuating their unfitness in the future. through positive eugenics the fit may be induced to mate, and by combining their fitness in their offspring, to raise up each new generation out of the flower of the old. negative eugenics eliminates the unfit; positive eugenics perpetuates the fit. the field of negative eugenics has been well explored. no question exists as to the transmission through heredity of feeble mindedness, idiocy, insanity and certain forms of criminality. "there is one way, only one way, out of this difficulty. modern society ... must declare that there shall be no unfit and defective citizens in the state."[ ] the greeks eliminated unfitness by the destruction of defective children; though we may deplore such a practice in the light of our modern ethical codes, we recognize the end as one essential to race progress. by denying the right of parenthood to any who have transmissible disease or defect, our modern knowledge enables us to accomplish the same end without recourse to the destruction of human life. sir francis galton, the founder of the science of eugenics, writes, in his last important work, "i think that stern compulsion ought to be exerted to prevent the free propagation of the stock of those who are seriously afflicted by lunacy, feeble-mindedness, habitual criminality and pauperism."[ ] yet society, in dealing with hereditary defect, presents some of its most grotesque inconsistencies. "it is a curious comment on the artificiality of our social system that no stigma attaches to preventable ill-health." an empty purse, or a ruined home may mean social ostracism, but "break-down in person, whatever the cause, evokes sympathy, subscription and silence."[ ] certain defects are known to be transmissible by heredity from parent to child, until the _crétin_ of balzac's _country doctor_ is reproduced for centuries. the remedy for this form of social self-torture lies in the denial of parenthood to those who have transmissible defects. individually, such a denial works hardships in this generation: socially, and to the future generations, it means comparative freedom from individual, and hence from social defect. the problem of positive eugenics presents an essentially different aspect. as ruskin so well observes--"it is a matter of no final concern, to any parent, whether he shall have two children or four; but matter of quite final concern whether those he has shall or shall not deserve to be hanged." the quality is always the significant factor. whether in family or national progress, an effort must be made to insure against hanging, or against any tendency that leads gallowsward. positive eugenics is the science of race building through wise mating. "as long as ability marries ability, a large proportion of able offspring is a certainty."[ ] what prospective parent does not fondly imagine that his children will be at least near-great? yet how many individuals, in their choice of a mate, set out with the deliberate intention of securing a life partner whose qualities, when combined with his own, must produce greatness? the darwin-galton-wedgwood families boast sixteen men of world fame in five generations; in the bach family there were fifty-seven musicians of note in eight generations; wood's study of _heredity in royalty_ shows the evident transmission of special ability; yet men and women of ability, anxious for able offspring, mate without any rational effort to secure the end which they desire. "ninety-nine times out of a hundred our mathematician marries a woman whose family did not count a single astronomer, physicist or other mathematical mind among it members. the result of such a union is what could be expected. although genius does not generally die out right away in the first generation, it decreases by half, and further dilutions soon bring it down to nothingness."[ ] this, in brief, is the problem of negative and of positive eugenics. both defect and ability are transmitted by heredity; both are the product of the mating process known as marriage; since society can and does control marriage, it may, through this control, exercise a real influence upon the character of future generations. the science of eugenics is in its infancy, yet, widely established and vigorously applied, it may revolutionize the human species. the super race may come, because "looked at from the social standpoint, we see how exceptional families, by careful marriages, can within even a few generations, obtain an exceptional stock, and how directly this suggests assortative mating as a moral duty for the highly endowed. on the other hand, the exceptionally degenerate isolated in the slums of our modern cities can easily produce permanent stock also: a stock which no change of environment will permanently elevate, and which nothing but mixture with better blood will improve. but this is an improvement of the bad by a social waste of the better. we do not want to eliminate bad stock by watering it with good, but by placing it under conditions where it is relatively or absolutely infertile."[ ] "but what of love?" wails the sentimentalist; "in your scheme eugenics outweighs cupid!" perhaps, but what of it? cupid has proved in the past a sad bungler, whose mistakes and failures grimace from every page of our divorce court records. far from hindering his activities, however, eugenics will assist cupid by bringing together persons truly congenial--hence capable of an enduring love. too many men have married a natty easter bonnet, or a cleverly tailored suit. too many women have fallen a prey to a tempting bank account or a pair of glorious mustachios. blind cupid limps but lamely over the rugged path of matrimonial bliss. the questionable success of his best efforts proves his sure need of a guide. eugenics represents an effort to bring together those people who have complementary qualities and complementary interests; who are capable of maintaining congenial relationships in the present; and creating able offspring in the future. selection and parenthood are the cradle of the future. hence the individual who, in the exercise of his choice, overlooks their significance overlooks one of his most important racial responsibilities. society is interested in eugenics, because it is through eugenics that the hereditary traits of the super race are perpetuated and perfected. eugenics, rightly understood and applied, is a social asset of unexcelled value. how long, then, shall our society continue to feed on the husks, neglecting the grain which lies everywhere ready at hand? eugenics is indeed one means of race salvation, yet what care do we take to perfect eugenic measures? "if through sheer chance, some great mathematician is evolved one day out of the crowd, the state--who should be ever on the watch for such events and whose main care should be to preserve and increase such sources of light, progress and national glory--does nothing to protect the man of genius against care, disease or anything likely to shorten life nor to multiply the splendid thinking machine."[ ] a great state must have for its component parts great men and women. did we truly seek greatness, how many measures for its attainment lie neglected at our very doors! every well regulated state of antiquity eliminated defectives in the interest of the group, and of the future. what more effective means of social preservation could be imagined than some measure through whose operation the defective classes in society would be eliminated, and the social structure, bulwarked by stalwart manhood and womanhood, made proof against the ravages of time. how serious a thing is the propagation of defect! murder is a crime, punishable by death, yet a murderer merely eliminates one unit from the social group. the destruction of this one life may cause sorrow; it may deprive society of a valued member; but it is, after all, a comparatively insignificant offense. the perpetuation of hereditary defect is infinitely worse than murder. consider, for example, a marriage, sanctioned by church and state, between two persons both having in their blood hereditary feeble-mindedness. investigations of thousands of feeble-minded families show that, in such a case, every one of the offspring may be and probably will be feeble-minded--a curse to himself and a burden to society. pauperism, crime, social dependence, vice, all follow in the train of mental defect, and the mentally defective parents hand on for untold generations their taint--sometimes in more, sometimes in less virulent form, but always bringing into the world beings not only incapable of caring for themselves, but fatally capable of handing on their defect to the future. the murderer robs society; the mentally defective parent curses society, both in the present and in the future, with the taint of degeneracy. the murderer takes away a life; but the feeble-minded parent passes on to the future the seeds of racial decay. the first step in eugenics progress--the elimination of defect by preventing the procreation of defectives--is easily stated, and may be almost as easily attained. the price of six battleships ($ , , ) would probably provide homes for all of the seriously defective men, women and children now at large in the united states. thus could the scum of society be removed, and a source of social contamination be effectively regulated. yet with tens of thousands of defectives, freely propagating their kind, we continue to build battleships, fondly believing that rifled cannon and steel armor plate will prove sufficient for national defense. this is but a part, and by far the least important part, of the eugenic programme. the elimination of defect prevents degeneracy, but does not insure the physical normality, mental capacity, aggressiveness, concentration, sympathy and vision of the super man. while the elimination of defect is imperative, it is after all only the first step toward the creation of positive qualities. positive eugenics may be as obvious as negative eugenics, but the promulgation of its doctrines is not equally easy. a series of legislative enactments will prevent the mating of the hereditarily defective; nothing but the most painstaking education can be relied upon to secure the mating of those eugenically fit. nevertheless for that modern state which seeks to persist and dominate, no lesser measure will suffice. after all, why should not society educate its youth to a sense of wisdom in mating? the united states spends each year some four hundred millions of dollars in public education, teaching children to read, to spell, to sew, to draw. the importance of these studies is obvious, yet, from a social standpoint, they cannot compare in significance with such training in the laws of heredity and biology as will insure wise choice in mating. the state, in its efforts at self preservation, cannot lay too much emphasis on the training for eugenic choice. biology, through the laws of heredity, applied in the science of eugenics, holds out every hope for the coming of the super man and of the super race. not in our knowledge of its laws, but in the practice of its precepts, are we lacking. eugenics, it is true, in its negative and positive phases, holds out a great hope for the future. but eugenics alone will not suffice. the science of eugenics must be coupled with the science of social adjustment to insure the production of a super race. the necessity of this union is well recognized by the students of heredity, while the students of social adjustment found their theories on premises essentially biologic in origin. one of the most widely known writers on heredity concludes a recent book with the statement that--"at present, we can only indicate that the future of our race depends on eugenics (in some form or other), combined with the simultaneous evolution of eutechnics and eutopias. 'brave words,' of course; but surely not 'eutopian'!"[ ] thus the knowledge and practice of the laws of heredity must be supplemented by a knowledge and practice of the laws of social adjustment. chapter iii social adjustment--the science of molding institutions after a gardener has produced his seed, guaranteeing a good heredity by breeding together those individual plants which possess in the highest degree the qualities he desires to secure, he turns his attention to the seed bed. first of all, the location must be good--the bed must be on a southern slope, where it will benefit by the first warm rays of the spring sun; then the soil must be finely pulverized, in order that the tiny rootlets may easily force their way downward, finding nourishment ready at hand; when the seeds have been planted, in ground well prepared and fertilized, they must be watered, cultivated, weeded; and as they develop into larger plants, thinned, transplanted, pruned and sprayed. the wise gardener considers environment as well as heredity. by sowing choice seeds in well prepared soil, he ensures the excellence of his crop. modern society may well be compared to a garden. the plants are living, moving beings, with some freedom to act on their own initiative. moreover, it is they who make and tend the gardens in which they grow. like the gardener in the story, they must look to environment as well as to heredity. the seed bed must be carefully prepared, and the young plants, as they appear, must be given all the attention which science makes possible. modern society is a garden of which the products are men and women. the sowing, weeding, cultivating--carried forward through social institutions--determines by its character whether the race shall decay, as other races have done, or progress toward the super man. the science of social gardening--social adjustment--has been given a great impetus, in recent years, by the increased knowledge of the relative influences of heredity and environment in determining the status of the individual. this knowledge has led us to a belief in men. earlier beliefs conceived of the majority of men as utterly depraved. some indeed were among the elect, but the remainder, born to the lowest depths of the social gehenna, were outcasts and pariahs, helpless in this world and hopeless in the next. this doctrine of total depravity set at nought all progressive effort. here stands a man--society has called him a criminal. last year he attempted to steal an automobile, less than three weeks after his release from serving a two-year sentence for grand larceny. to-day he is in court again, charged with entering a lodging house and stealing three pairs of trousers and an overcoat. the man is on trial for burglary--what shall be the social verdict regarding him? "alas," mourns the advocate of total depravity, "god so made him. it is not our right to interfere." "wait," says the social scientist, "until i investigate the case." the case is held over while the scientist makes his investigation. after careful inquiry, he reports that the young man's criminal record began at the age of nine, when he was arrested for stealing bananas from a freight car. locked up with older criminals, he soon learned their tricks. he was "nimble" and could "handle himself," so his prison mates taught him the science of pocket picking, and initiated him into the gentle art of "shop lifting." he was released, after two months of this schooling, and slipping out into the big, black city, he tried an experiment. succeeding, he tried again, and yet again. before the month was out, he was detected stealing a silk handkerchief, and was back in prison. there his education was perfected, and he entered the world to try once more. from the world to jail, from jail to the world--this boy's life history from the age of nine, had been one long attempt to learn his trade; fortunately or unfortunately, he was somewhat of a bungler, and sooner or later he was always caught. when he was a boy, he sneaked up a dingy court, and three pairs of dirty stairs to a landing where, in the rear of a battered tenement, was an abode which he had been taught to call home. his father, a dock laborer, earned, on the average, about $ a year. sometimes he worked steadily, day and night, for a week, and earned $ or $ ; then there would be no work for ten days or perhaps two weeks; the money would run out; the grocer would refuse credit; and the family would be hungry. it was during one of these hungry intervals that the nine-year-old urchin made his descent on the bananas in the freight car, and received his first jail sentence. his mother, good hearted but woefully ignorant, made the best of things, taking in washing, doing odd jobs here and there, tending to her children, when opportunity offered, and at other times letting them run the streets. "there," concludes the social scientist, "is the story of that boy's life. his only picture of manhood is an inefficient father who cannot earn enough to support his family; his concept of a mother expresses itself in good hearted ignorance; his view of society has been secured from the rear of a shabby tenement, the curb of a narrow street and a cell in the county jail. the seed bed has been neither prepared, watered, nor tended, and the young shoot has grown wild." the social scientist has not been content with an analysis of social maladjustment; going further, he has transplanted the young shoots from the defective seed bed to better ground. dr. bernardo organized a system for taking the boy criminals out of the slums of english cities, and sending them to farms in australia, south africa and canada. nearly , boys have been thus disposed of. though in their home cities many of them had already entered a criminal life, in their new surroundings less than two per cent. of them showed any tendency to revert to their former criminal practices. a little tending and transplanting into a congenial environment, proved the salvation of these boys, who would otherwise have thronged the jails of england. careful analysis has convinced the social scientist that, in the absence of malformation of the brain, or of some other physical defect, the average man is largely made by his environment. as serious physical defect is quite rare, being present in less than five per cent. of the population; and as only a small percentage of the population, perhaps two or three per cent., is above the average in ability, more than nine-tenths of the people remain average--shaped by their environment; capable of good or of evil, according as the good or evil forces of society influence their youth and early maturity. the eighteenth century philosophers had embodied the same conclusion in the doctrine that all men are created free and equal. victor hugo, in the first half of the nineteenth century, based most of his inspiring novels on the theory that in every man there is a divine spark--a conscience--which will be developed by a good environment or crushed and blackened by a bad one. each year added new proofs of the theory of universal capacity, until ward was able to write his _applied sociology_, demonstrating that opportunity is the key-note of social progress.[ ] for, says he, up to the present time nine-tenths of the men, and ten-tenths of the women (nineteen twentieths of society) have been denied a legitimate opportunity for development. grant this opportunity, and at once, without any change in hereditary characteristics, you can increase, nineteen fold, the achievements of society. ward's estimate may be or may not be exactly correct. his contention that universalized opportunity would greatly augment social achievement is, however, fundamentally sound. social adjustment aims, through the shaping social institutions, to provide every individual with an opportunity to secure a strong body, a trained mind, an aggressive attitude, the power of concentration, and the vision of a goal toward which he is working.[ ] in short, the object of social adjustment is the provision of universal opportunity. the dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear many a gem of purest ray serene. even the most gifted individual, thrown into an adverse environment, will either fail utterly to develop his powers, or else will develop them so incompletely that they can never come to their full fruition. thomas a. edison cast away on an island in the south pacific would be useless to his fellows. abraham lincoln, living among the apache indians, would have left small impress on the world. a sculptor, to be really great, must go to rome, because it is in rome that the great works of sculptured art are to be found. it is in rome, furthermore, that the great sculptors work and teach. a lawyer can scarcely achieve distinction while practicing in a backwoods county court, nor can a surgeon remain proficient in his science unless he keep in constant touch with the world of surgery. "i must go to the city," cried a woman with an unusual voice. "here in the country i can sing, but i cannot study music." she must, of necessity, go to the city because in the city alone exists the stimulus and the example which are necessary for the perfection of her art. a congenial environment is necessary for the perfection of any hereditary talent. lester f. ward concludes, after an exhaustive analysis of self-made men, that such men are the exception. that they exist he must admit, but that their abilities would have come to a much more complete development in a congenial environment he clearly demonstrates. the rigorous persecution of the middle ages eliminated any save the most daring thinkers. men of science, who presumed to assert facts in contradiction of the accepted dogmas of the church, were ruthlessly silenced, hence the ages were very dark. the nineteenth century, on the contrary, through its cultivation of science and scientific attainments, has reaped a harvest of scientific achievement unparalleled in the history of the world. men to-day enter scientific pursuits for the same reason that they formerly entered the military service--because every emphasis is laid on scientific endeavor. the nineteenth century scientist is the logical outcome of the nineteenth century desires for scientific progress. the environment shapes the man. yet, equally, does the man shape the environment. a high standard individual may be handicapped by social tradition, but, in like manner, progressive social institutions are inconceivable in the absence of high standard men and women. the institutions of a society--its homes, schools, government, industry--are created by the past and shaped by the present. institutions are not subjected to sudden changes, yet one generation, animated by the effort to realize a high ideal, may reshape the social structure. can one conceive of a paper strewn campus in a college where the spirit is strong? parisians believe in beauty, hence paris is beautiful. social institutions combine the achievements of the past with the ethics of the present. "let me see where you live and i will tell you what you are," is a true saying. the social environment, moldable in each generation, is an accurate index to the ideals and aspirations of the generation in which it exists. chapter iv education--the science of individual development eugenics provides the hereditary qualities of the super man; social adjustment furnishes the environment in which these qualities are to develop; there still remains the development of the individual through education, a word which means, for our purposes, all phases of character shaping from birth-day to death-day. the individual has been rediscovered during the past three centuries. he was known in some of the earlier civilizations, but during the middle ages the place that had seen him knew him no more. he was submerged in the group and forced to subordinate his interests to the demands of group welfare. the distinctive work of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been a reversal of this enforced individual oblivion and the formulation of a demand for individual initiative and activity. the individual, pushed forward in politics, in religion, and in commerce has freely asserted and successfully maintained his right to consideration, until the opportunities of the twentieth century free citizen far exceed those of the convention-bound citizen of the middle ages. the twentieth century citizen is free because he makes efficient choices. the continuance of his freedom depends upon the continued wisdom of his choice. the chief objective point of modern endeavor has been individual freedom of choice. the _laissez-faire_ doctrine in commercial relations, democracy in politics, the natural philosophy and natural theology of the eighteenth century are all expressions of a belief in equality. when men are made free to choose, they are placed on a basis of equality, since they have a like opportunity to succeed or fail. the man who chooses rightly wins success--the man who chooses wrongly fails. thus the freedom to choose is for the average man a right of inestimable value, because it places in his hands the opportunity to achieve. rights do not, however, come alone. the freeman is bound in his choices to recognize the law that rights are always accompanied by duties. each right is accompanied by a proportionate responsibility--there is no dinner without its dishwashing. to be sure, you may shift the burden of dishwashing to the maid, and the burden of voting to the "other fellow," but the responsibility is none the less present. garbage is still garbage, even when thrown into the well, and your responsibilities, shifted to the maid and the other voter, return to plague you in the form of a servant problem and of vicious politics. men who have a right to choose have also a duty to fulfill, and this right and this duty are inseparable. the eighteenth century began the discovery of the individual man; the nineteenth century--at least the latter half of it--was responsible for the discovery of the individual woman. even to-day in many civilized lands, the woman is merely an appendage. men innumerable write in the hotel register "john edwards and wife," yet if the truth were told they should often write "jane edwards and john edwards," and perhaps sometimes "jane edwards and husband." western civilization, a good unthinking creature, has insisted bravely on the development of the individual man, while largely overlooking the existence of the individual woman; yet the studies of heredity show very clearly that at least as many qualities are inherited from the female as from the male. nay, further, since the female is less specialized, the distinctive race qualities are inherited from her, rather than from the more specialized male. in short, the super man will have a mother as well as a father. the fact that the average man has as many female as he had male ancestors is very frequently overlooked. yet it is a fact that inevitably carries with it the imputation, that if his ancestors were thus equally apportioned, he must have inherited his qualities from both sexes. therefore, in the production of the super man, the qualities of the woman are of equal importance with the qualities of the man. the individual is the goal and education the means, since education is the science of individual development. through education, we shall enable the individual to live completely. but what is complete life? how shall we compass or define it? two laws are laid down as fundamental in nature--the laws of self preservation and of self perpetuation. with the development of society, and social relations, the individual must recognize himself, not as an individual only, but likewise as a unit in a social group. hence, for him, self preservation and self perpetuation necessarily involve group preservation and group perpetuation. his code of life must therefore formulate itself in this wise-- the objects of endeavor _immediate_ _ultimate_ ---- ---- individual self expression super man { eugenics social { social adjustment super race { education the individual, for self preservation, demands self expression; for self perpetuation he demands that the standard of his children be higher than his own. as a member of the social group, he looks to eugenics, social adjustment, and education as the immediate means of raising social standards, and the ultimate means of providing a super race. such are the abstract ideals--how may they be practically applied? how shall the individual express, through eugenics, social adjustment, and education his desire for the development of a super race? do you, sir, enjoy living in the neighborhood of vandals and thieves? well, hardly. one could not be expected to take so frivolous a view of life, therefore you will in self defense take every possible precaution to suppress vandalism and thievery? never, my dear sir, never! you must take every possible precaution to reduce the spirit of vandalism and of thievery. the acts are in themselves unconsequential--they are but the product of a diseased mind or an indifferent training. the spirit, here as elsewhere, is all important. are you a scientist? do you admire pasteur and herbert spencer? you are a "practical" man--see what edison has done for you. as a statesman, you revere lincoln and daniel webster. you cannot, as an artist, overlook the portraits of rembrandt or the water scenes of ruysdael. you must agree with me that these and a thousand others that i might mention--men called geniuses by their contemporaries or their descendants--have contributed untold worth to the society of which they were a part. they chose rightly. they are looked upon, and justly, as the salt of the earth. you admit the value of geniuses, in civilization, and you would, of course, do anything to increase their number? then, let me say to you that the first thing for you to decide is that your own children shall be neither vandals nor thieves. the second thing for you to decide is that they shall, in so far as you are able to determine the matter, possess all of your good qualities, coupled with the good qualities which you lack, supplied by an able mate. in short, you must choose your life partner with a view to the elimination of anti-social tendencies, on the one hand, and on the other to the development of the qualities which distinguish the super man. how obvious is this statement, yet how haphazard has been the production of greatness. only once in a generation does a man, in his choice of a wife, follow the example of john newcomb. in a truly scientific spirit he enumerated on paper the qualities which he possessed; placed opposite them the qualities in which he was lacking; and then set out to find the woman who should supply his deficiencies. when he had located his future helpmeet, playing hymn tunes on an organ in a little red school house, and upon further acquaintance, had assured himself that she really possessed the needed qualities, he married her, with the determination that their first child should be a great mathematician. their first child was simon newcomb, one of the leading astronomers of the nineteenth century. john newcomb was a village school master, and his wife a village maiden, but in their choice they combined two sets of qualities which would inevitably produce a super man. john newcomb was a pioneer eugenist. he chose a mate with the thought of the future foremost in his mind. too often, however, the men of parts follow the example of the brilliant professor who married a "social butterfly." "why in the world did you do it?" asked an old friend. "oh, well," answered the professor, "i felt that i had brains enough for both." true, professor, but according to the mendelian law of heredity, those brains of yours will be halved in each of your children, and quartered in each of your grandchildren. why should not the future be at least as brilliant as your own generation? human marriage is ordinarily a hit or miss affair. men and women, inspired by the loftiest motives, and animated in most matters by supreme good sense, not infrequently grope blindly toward matrimony; often marry uncongenially; and finally bring disgrace upon their own heads, and misery upon their families. stevenson, with such marriages in mind, writes to the average prospective bridegroom-- "what! you have had one life to manage, and have failed so strangely, and now can see nothing wiser than to conjoin with it the management of some one else's? because you have been unfaithful in a very little, you propose yourself to be a ruler over ten cities. you are no longer content to be your own enemy; you must be your wife's also. god made you, but you marry yourself; no one is responsible but you. you have eternally missed your way in life, with consequences that you still deplore, and yet you masterfully seize your wife's hand, and blindfold, drag her after you to ruin. and it is your wife, you observe, whom you select. she, whose happiness you most desire, you choose to be your victim. you would earnestly warn her from a tottering bridge or bad investment. if she were to marry some one else, how you would tremble for her fate! if she were only your sister and you thought half as much of her, how doubtfully would you entrust her future to a man no better than yourself!"[ ] here, then, lies the path of eugenic activity for the individual--clear, straight, unmistakable. in the first place, he must never transmit to the future any defect. if he has a transmissible defect, he must have no offspring. this seems but reasonable--an obligation to bring no unnecessary misery into a world where so much already exists. but the individual--free to choose--must go one step further, and in his selection, must seek a mate with the qualities which are complementary to his own. looked at from the standpoint of society, there is no single choice which compares in importance to the choice of a mate; for on that choice depend the qualities which this generation will transmit to the next, and from which the next generation must create its follower. furthermore, there is no choice which, in modern society, is more completely individual--more freed from social interference, than the choice of a life mate. the man in choosing his life partner, chooses the future. civilization hangs expectant on his decision. the super race, dim and indistinct, may be made a living reality by a eugenic choice in the present--a choice for which each man and woman who marries is in part responsible. with the advance of woman's emancipation, with the increasing range of her activity, comes an ever increasing opportunity to exercise such a choice. she, as well as the man, may now assist in the determination of the future. she as well as the man may now be held accountable for the non-appearance of the super race. does the burden of eugenic choice rest heavily upon the shoulders of the individual? does he hesitate to assume the responsibility of the future race? the burden of shaping social adjustments is no less onerous. briefly, then, what changes may the individual make in institutions to develop the qualities of the super man? the social institutions with which the average man comes into the most intimate contact are: . the home. . the school. . the government. the home as an institution must provide for the super man enough food, clothing and shelter to guarantee him a good physique; enough training in coöperation and mutual helpfulness to give him the vision of a super race; and a supply of enthusiasm sufficient to enable him to work with increasing energy for the fulfillment of those things in which he believes. in order that the home may supply these things, it must have an income sufficient to provide all of the necessaries and some of the comforts of life. it must further be dominated by a spirit of sympathetic democracy. while the present system of wealth distribution is so grotesquely unscientific that men are forced to rear families on incomes that will not provide the necessaries, to say nothing of the comforts, of life, no true home can be established nor can a super race be produced. if the child is an asset to the state, the state should support the child, guaranteeing to it an income sufficient to provide for its material welfare. why prate of home virtue? why discourse learnedly on the possibilities of a developed manhood to a father earning nine dollars a week? if you can guarantee such a man an income of three dollars a week for each child, in addition to the nine dollars for his wife and himself, you may well air your views regarding a super race; but until your lowest income is high enough to guarantee the necessaries of life to a family of five; or until the state guarantees an income to each child in its early life, "you may as well go stand upon the beach and bid the main flood bate his usual height," as to demand that a man, working for starvation wages, provide a home in which super men can be reared. when income has been provided; when there is food for every mouth, warm clothing for every back, enough fuel for winter, and a few pennies each week for recreation, then indeed you may begin to speak in terms of social improvement. then, and then only, you may tell the father and the mother that upon their efforts during the first seven years of their children's lives depends the attitude which those children will assume when they go out into the world; that the home in which tyranny is unknown, in which the family rules the family, will produce the noblest citizens for the noblest state; that the home is still the most fundamental institution in civilization, the conservator of our ideals, and visions of the better things that are to come in the future--these things you may say, emphasizing the fact, that without a well rounded home-training in youth, even the noblest talents cannot come to their full fruition. the school is a specialized form of home. in early days, when life was simple, and specialization was unknown, education was given almost wholly in the home; but with the growth of specialized tasks, the home could no longer fulfill its function as educator and the school was introduced. education, whether given in the home or in the school, has as its object a complete life. the purpose of education is to enable the pupil to live completely--to be a rounded being, in whatever station he may be called upon to fill. would you mold the school to fit the needs of the children? then, the system of education must be so shaped that children are prepared to live their lives completely. they must understand themselves. "know thyself" is a command worthy of their attention. the child's body, in the period of change from childhood to adulthood, is an organism of the most delicate nature, barely reaching adjustment under the most auspicious conditions, and more than frequently failing signally from a lack of knowledge, or from the absence of sympathetic understanding. the child--the father of the man--must be taught to appreciate the human machine of which he is given charge. it is in the school, with its corps of specialists, that this work can be most effectively done. then, one by one, the school may take up and foster the qualities of the super man. physique must come first. it is blatant mockery to speak of educating minds that dwell in anæmic bodies. every boy and girl has a right to a strong, well knit frame, and the school must teach the best methods of securing it. mental grasp--the power to see and judge a situation or combination of facts, may also come through the school. in fact, the school course, as at present organized, aims to secure that and little else. as the science of education advances, the same material which now comprises the entire course will be taught in less time and in wiser ways, so that the child shall be free to learn some of those other things so important to his soul's welfare. aggressiveness and concentration are methods rather than ends, and can be made a part of every game, every competition, and every study, so that the child absorbs them as he absorbs the atmosphere, without knowing that they become a part of his being. whether the school can instill sympathy and inspire vision is a question that the future alone must decide. both may be given by individual teachers, and both may be possible to the school, though, if the home is doing its work, these things will come more effectively there than through the school. most or all of the essential qualities of the super man can and will come through a well organized and properly directed educational system. the government--providing the machinery of state administration, furnishing the school, the playground, and the library; affording an opportunity for the exercise of citizenship and the expression of those advancing ideas which must gradually remold the social institutions of each age in response to the demands of the new generation--affords one of the most potent forces for the development of the super man. the school is the big home; the government is the big school. the child leaves the home, and enters the school; leaves the school and enters the state. in the home he is acted upon; in the school he, himself, begins to act; but in the government he is the sole actor--he is the state. a home must be higher than the children; the school must be more advanced than the pupils; but the state reflects exactly the character of its citizens. it is in the state that the super man, crystallizing his convictions and beliefs into the form of legislative enactments, must prepare the way for the super race. the super race is the produce of heredity, of social environment, and of individual development. heredity supplies the raw material--the individual human being, while education and social environment, operating upon this raw stuff, determine the course of its development. steel is not made from bee's wax, nor is the super man created out of a defective heredity. in like manner, since those who are in rome do as the romans do, the raw material, no matter what its quality, is shaped by its surroundings. the old saying "as the twig is bent, the tree's inclined," should be modified in this one particular--the force which bends the twig must continue in the tree, else the latter will turn and grow toward the sky. the stock of the super man will be secured by the mating of persons possessing the super-race qualities; yet, reared in an unfavorable environment, these qualities cannot produce the highest result. neither biologic nor social forces are alone adequate to develop the super race. physique, mental capacity, aggressiveness, concentration, sympathy and vision are the products of heredity, social environment and training. the system of human mating must be perfected and the status of social institutions must be raised in order that the individuals produced in each generation may attain an additional increment of the qualities which will, in the end, produce the super race. chapter v the american opportunity here, in brief compass, are laid down the general principles upon which a nation must rely for the raising of its standard of human excellence. in general, we are convinced that the super race is possible. specifically--and here is the next point--there are more possibilities for the development of the super race in the united states to-day than there have been in any nation of the past; or than there are in any nation of the present. the super race is america's distinctive opportunity. the factors which may play so significant a part in establishing a super race in the united states are here set down in an order which permits of sequential treatment-- . natural resources. . the stock of the dominant races. . leisure. . the emancipation of women. . the abandonment of war. . a knowledge of race making. . a knowledge of social adjustment. . a widespread educational machinery. natural resources are an indispensable element in national progress. a congenial climate is a pre-requisite to social development. no permanently successful civilization can be erected on the shores of hudson bay, or in the torrid heat of the amazon valley. the temperate zones, with their variable climate, and their wide range of vegetable products, seem to provide the foundation for the successful civilizations of the immediate future. no less necessary to civilization are harbors for the maintenance of commerce; and an abundance of minerals, the sinews of industry; and most important of all, fertile agricultural land. in its possession of these natural resources, the united states is unexcelled. its climate, while generally temperate, varies sufficiently to give an excellent range of products; harbors and rivers are abundant; forests and minerals are scattered everywhere; and the agricultural land, rich and well watered, is as extensive and as potentially productive as any equivalent area in the world. so far as natural resources provide a basis for a super race, the united states occupies a position of almost unique prominence. the stock of the dominant races may or may not be a cant phrase. notwithstanding the effective work done by ripley in his _races of europe_,[ ] an impression still prevails that certain races are, from their racial characteristics, specially fitted to dominate others. woodruff, in his _expansion of races_,[ ] takes this view, strongly urging the claim of the northwestern european to the distinction of world ruler. whether race be a matter of supreme or of little concern, in determining the development of a super race, the united states possesses an admirable blending of the western european peoples who now occupy the dominant position in the commercial and military affairs of the world. if racial stock be a matter of no importance, it requires no emphasis; if, on the other hand, it be a significant factor in the creation of the super race, then the united states holds an enviable position in its racial qualities. thus the raw materials of nation building--the natural resources and the racial qualities, are possessed by the united states in generous abundance. has our use of them tended toward the development of the super race? leisure is an opportunity for the pursuit of a congenial avocation. it must be carefully differentiated from the idleness with which it is so often considered synonymous. satan still finds mischief for idle hands. the man who idles in leisure time is as likely now as ever in the past to find himself breaking several of the commandments. leisure merely provides an opportunity for free choice. unwisely used, it leads to individual dissipation and social degeneracy. wisely employed, it is a most important means for the promotion of social progress. most of the great things of the world have been done in leisure time. a poet cannot create, nor can a mechanic devise, if he is forced during twelve hours each day to struggle for the bare necessities of life. a study of the lives of those who have made notable achievements in art, science, literature, and diplomacy shows that they were free, for the most part, from the bread and butter struggle. they had estates, they were the recipients of pensions, but they did not submit to the soul-destroying monotony of repeating the same task endlessly through the long reaches of a twelve hour day. primitive society demands the service of even its immature members. children are adults before their childhood is well begun. civilization, recognizing the possibility of self preservation through lengthened youth, has said to the child "play." long youth means long life. play time--leisure--for the youth is the bone and sinew of a high standard maturity. leisure in youth for play, leisure in mature life for reflection and creation--these are two of the most precious gifts of civilization to social progress. the united states has led the nations in providing opportunity for leisure time. labor saving devices have been brought to a higher perfection there than in any other part of the world. nowhere are children kept longer from assuming the responsibilities of adult life; in few countries is the workday shorter for adults. probably no other people in the world can supply themselves with the necessaries of life in so short a working time as can the inhabitants of the united states. if every able bodied adult engaged for five hours each day in gainful activity, enough economic goods could be created to provide all the necessaries and many of the comforts of life. the leisure obtained through american industry, if rightly directed, may provide for every child born a thorough education--an ample opportunity to express the qualities which are latent in him--and a thorough preparation for life. the emancipation of women is another force which may be directed toward the improvement of race qualities. women bear the race in their bodies; at least half of the qualities of the offspring are inherited from them; as mothers, they educate the children during the first six years of their lives, and then, as school teachers and mothers they play the leading part in education until the children reach the age of twelve or fourteen. the youth of the race is in women's keeping. they shape the child clay. the twig is bent, the tree is inclined by women's hands. the emancipation of woman means her individualization. both in primitive custom and in early law her individuality is merged in that of the man. "wives," wrote paul, "be obedient unto your husbands, for this is the law." mohammedan women wear veils that they may not be seen; chinese women bind their feet that they may not escape; the women of continental europe spend their lives in ministering to the comfort of their liege lords. they are dependent--almost abject. from such a sowing, what must be the reaping? into the hands of these subject creatures, men have committed the training of their sons. can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit? if women are inferior to men, can they be worthy to train their future superiors--their sons? if they are of a lower mentality than men, how is it that, in the school as well as in the home, men have given into their hands the power to shape the destinies of the race? would you have your sons trained by a free man or by a slave? do noble civic ideals flow from a citizen of a free commonwealth, or from the subjects of a despot? only the woman who is a human being, with power and freedom to choose, may teach the son of a free man. emancipation has given to women the power of choice. the women of america have been partially emancipated. in some states, they may vote, sue for divorce, collect their own wages, hold property, and transact business. everywhere they are filling the high schools and colleges; participating in industry and entering the professions. american women are independent beings--distinctive units in a great organic society. in so far as the qualities of the super man are developed and perfected by the teachings of women, they will be more effectually rounded by the emancipated woman than by the serf. the mothers of america are prepared to teach their sons and daughters because they have been taught to think the noblest thoughts and do the strongest things. the abandonment of war removes one of the most destructive forces of the past, because war has always tended to eliminate the best of every race. in the flower of their manhood, the noblest died on the field of battle--their lives uncompleted; their tasks unfinished--leaving, perhaps, no offspring to bear their qualities in the succeeding generation. although the law of nature is the survival of the fittest, "in the red field of human history the natural process of selection is often reversed."[ ] the best perish in war, leaving the less fit to carry forward the affairs of state, and to propagate. "the man who is left holds in his grasp the history of the future,"[ ] and if, as is frequently the case, he is the one least fitted to survive, the race is constantly breeding from the unfit rather than from the fit. where the human harvest is bad, the nation must perish. so long as war persisted, so long as the best left their bones on the battle field, while the worst left their descendants to man the state, a bad human harvest was inevitable. war ate into the heart of national vitality by destroying the nation's best blood. war, however, has practically ceased. the movement for peace, in which the united states, both by precept and practice, is a leader, stands as one of the signal achievements of the new century. the abandonment of war has laid a basis for the super race by permitting the most fit to live and to hand on their special qualities to coming generations. in the united states, as elsewhere in the civilized world, the science of race making has recently undergone great development. while the movement began in england, it has spread rapidly, until at the present time its significance is universally recognized by scientists. the principles of artificial selection have been applied in the creation of vegetable and animal prodigies; the knowledge of biologic and selective principles is wide-spread; and the educated men and women of the united states generally understand the potency of these forces. important steps have already been taken to prevent the propagation of the unfit. born criminals are in some states deprived of the power of reproduction; in most of the states, the marriage of diseased persons is prohibited; here and there attempts have been made to prohibit the marriage of any suffering from a transmissible defect. on the other hand, mentally defective persons are being segregated in institutions--guarded against the dangers which beset the men and particularly the women of weak mind. during the past two decades great strides have been made in educating the american public to a higher standard of health and efficiency. though the science of race making, as such, has not been given a prominent place in public discussion, the principles on which race making is based have formed an important element in public education. the desire to make a super race in america is as yet in its infancy, but the ground has been thoroughly prepared, and a foundation laid upon which such a super-structure of desire for race making can be speedily and effectively erected. meanwhile, the science of social adjustment has occupied the most prominent place in american thought. if the american people have under-emphasized eugenics they have over-emphasized social adjustment. from ocean to ocean, the country has been swept, during the past three decades, by a whirlwind of legislation directed toward the adjustment of social institutions to human needs. trusts, factories, food, railroads, liquor selling and a hundred other subjects have been kept in the foreground of public attention. the american people might almost plead guilty to adjustment madness. from the foundation of the earliest colonies, the basis, in theory at least, was laid for the development of the individual. the colonists believed in the worth-whileness of men, they lived in an age of natural philosophy; they were the products of an effort to secure religious and political freedom; they therefore emphasized the individual conscience, and the right of the individual to think and act for himself. each individual was a man, to be so regarded, and so honored. their new life was a hard one. nature presented an aspect on the rocky, untilled new england coast different from that in the civilized countries of the old world. there was but one way to meet these new conditions--the individual must carve out his own future. throughout the united states, the watchword of the people has been opportunity. without opportunity, the people perish--hence opportunity must stand waiting for each succeeding generation. in the turmoil of commercial life, in the ebb and flow of the immigrant tide, the reality has been frequently lost; yet the ideal of opportunity remains as firmly rooted as ever. the worth-whileness of men, the social control of the environment, and a free opportunity for the development of the individual constitute the basis for social advance in the united states. the ideal is firmly rooted; the possibility of its realization is an everpresent reality. with a boundless wealth of natural resources; bulwarked by the stock of the dominant races; with abundant leisure; granting freedom and individuality to women; foregoing war; cognizant of the principles of race making; social adjustment and of education, the american nation is thrown into the foreground, as the land for the development of the super race. the american people have within their grasp the torch of social progress. can they carry it in the van, lighting the dark caverns of the future? can they develop a race of men who shall set a standard for the world--men of physical and mental power, efficient, broadly sympathetic, actuated by the highest ideals, striving toward a vision of human nobleness? the answer rests with this and the succeeding generations. given ten talents of opportunity, are we as a nation worthy to be made the rulers over ten cities? provided with the raw stuff of a super race, can we mold it into "a mightier race than any that has been?" the past worked with things: the present works with men. "we stand at the verge of a state of culture, which will be that of the depths, not, as heretofore, of the surface alone; a stage which will not be merely a culture through mankind, but a culture of mankind. for the first time the great fashioners of culture will be able to work in marble instead of, as heretofore, being forced to work in snow."[ ] bulwarked by this pregnant thought, and assured by ruskin that, "there is as yet no ascertained limit to the noblesse of person and mind which the human creature may attain," we press forward confidently, advocating and practicing those measures which will create the energy, mental grasp, efficiency, sympathy and vision of the super man and the super race. footnotes: [ ] john ruskin, _unto this last_--essay ii. [ ] william b. yeats, _poetic works_, vol. ii, p. . macmillan co., n. y. [ ] frederick nietzsche, _thus spoke zarathustra_, pp. - . macmillan co., n. y. [ ] carl snyder, _the world machine_. new york, longmans, green & co., . [ ] prestonia mann martin, _is mankind advancing?_ new york, baker & taylor co., . [ ] g. bernard shaw, _man and super man_, p. - . n. y., brentano's. [ ] herbert spencer, _the data of ethics_. para. . n. y., d. appleton & co., . [ ] saml. z. batten, _the redemption of the unfit_, american journal of sociology, vol. , p. ( ). [ ] francis galton, _memoirs of my life_, p. . n. y., e. p. dutton, . [ ] arnold white, _efficiency and empire_, p. . london, methuen & co., . [ ] w. c. & c. d. whetham, _the family and the nations_, p. . n. y., longmans, . [ ] gustave michaud, _shall we improve our race_, the popular science monthly, vol. , p. ( ). [ ] j. a. thompson, _heredity_, p. . n. y., g. p. putnam's sons, . [ ] gustave michaud, _shall we improve our race?_ popular science monthly, vol. , p. ( ). [ ] j. arthur thompson, _heredity_, p. . n. y., g. p. putnam's sons, . [ ] lester f. ward, _applied sociology_, pp. - . boston, ginn & co., . [ ] for a more complete statement of the problem, see _social adjustment_, scott nearing, new york: macmillan company, . [ ] robert louis stevenson, _virginibus puerisque_. [ ] wm. z. ripley, _races of europe_. n. y., d. appleton & co., . [ ] c. e. woodruff, _the expansion of races_. n. y., rebman, . [ ] d. s. jordan, _the human harvest_, p. . boston, american unitarian association, . [ ] _ibid_, p. . [ ] ellen key, _love and marriage_, p. . n. y., putnam, . [illustration: book cover] the crux books by charlotte perkins gilman women and economics $ . concerning children . in this our world (verse) . the yellow wallpaper (story) . the home . human work . what diantha did (novel) . the man-made world; or, our androcentric culture . moving the mountain . the crux . suffrage songs . the crux a novel by charlotte perkins gilman charlton company new york copyright, by charlotte perkins gilman the co-operative press, spruce street, new york preface this story is, first, for young women to read; second, for young men to read; after that, for anybody who wants to. anyone who doubts its facts and figures is referred to "social diseases and marriage," by dr. prince morrow, or to "hygiene and morality," by miss lavinia dock, a trained nurse of long experience. some will hold that the painful facts disclosed are unfit for young girls to know. young girls are precisely the ones who must know them, in order that they may protect themselves and their children to come. the time to know of danger is before it is too late to avoid it. if some say "innocence is the greatest charm of young girls," the answer is, "what good does it do them?" contents chapter page i. the back way ii. bainville effects iii. the outbreak iv. transplanted v. contrasts vi. new friends and old vii. side lights viii. a mixture ix. consequences x. determination xi. thereafter xii. achievements _who should know but the woman?--the young wife-to-be? whose whole life hangs on the choice; to her the ruin, the misery; to her, the deciding voice._ _who should know but the woman?--the mother-to-be? guardian, giver, and guide; if she may not foreknow, forejudge and foresee, what safety has childhood beside?_ _who should know but the woman?--the girl in her youth? the hour of the warning is then, that, strong in her knowledge and free in her truth, she may build a new race of new men._ chapter i the back way along the same old garden path, sweet with the same old flowers; under the lilacs, darkly dense, the easy gate in the backyard fence-- those unforgotten hours! the "foote girls" were bustling along margate street with an air of united purpose that was unusual with them. miss rebecca wore her black silk cloak, by which it might be seen that "a call" was toward. miss jessie, the thin sister, and miss sallie, the fat one, were more hastily attired. they were persons of less impressiveness than miss rebecca, as was tacitly admitted by their more familiar nicknames, a concession never made by the older sister. even miss rebecca was hurrying a little, for her, but the others were swifter and more impatient. "do come on, rebecca. anybody'd think you were eighty instead of fifty!" said miss sallie. "there's mrs. williams going in! i wonder if she's heard already. do hurry!" urged miss josie. but miss rebecca, being concerned about her dignity, would not allow herself to be hustled, and the three proceeded in irregular order under the high-arched elms and fence-topping syringas of the small new england town toward the austere home of mr. samuel lane. it was a large, uncompromising, square, white house, planted starkly in the close-cut grass. it had no porch for summer lounging, no front gate for evening dalliance, no path-bordering beds of flowers from which to pluck a hasty offering or more redundant tribute. the fragrance which surrounded it came from the back yard, or over the fences of neighbors; the trees which waved greenly about it were the trees of other people. mr. lane had but two trees, one on each side of the straight and narrow path, evenly placed between house and sidewalk--evergreens. mrs. lane received them amiably; the minister's new wife, mrs. williams, was proving a little difficult to entertain. she was from cambridge, mass., and emanated a restrained consciousness of that fact. mr. lane rose stiffly and greeted them. he did not like the foote girls, not having the usual american's share of the sense of humor. he had no enjoyment of the town joke, as old as they were, that "the three of them made a full yard;" and had frowned down as a profane impertinent the man--a little sore under some effect of gossip--who had amended it with "make an 'ell, i say." safely seated in their several rocking chairs, and severally rocking them, the misses foote burst forth, as was their custom, in simultaneous, though by no means identical remarks. "i suppose you've heard about morton elder?" "what do you think mort elder's been doing now?" "we've got bad news for poor miss elder!" mrs. lane was intensely interested. even mr. lane showed signs of animation. "i'm not surprised," he said. "he's done it now," opined miss josie with conviction. "i always said rella elder was spoiling that boy." "it's too bad--after all she's done for him! he always was a scamp!" thus miss sallie. "i've been afraid of it all along," miss rebecca was saying, her voice booming through the lighter tones of her sisters. "i always said he'd never get through college." "but who is morton elder, and what has he done?" asked mrs. williams as soon as she could be heard. this lady now proved a most valuable asset. she was so new to the town, and had been so immersed in the suddenly widening range of her unsalaried duties as "minister's wife," that she had never even heard of morton elder. a new resident always fans the languishing flame of local conversation. the whole shopworn stock takes on a fresh lustre, topics long trampled flat in much discussion lift their heads anew, opinions one scarce dared to repeat again become almost authoritative, old stories flourish freshly, acquiring new detail and more vivid color. mrs. lane, seizing her opportunity while the sisters gasped a momentary amazement at anyone's not knowing the town scapegrace, and taking advantage of her position as old friend and near neighbor of the family under discussion, swept into the field under such headway that even the foote girls remained silent perforce; surcharged, however, and holding their breaths in readiness to burst forth at the first opening. "he's the nephew--orphan nephew--of miss elder--who lives right back of us--our yards touch--we've always been friends--went to school together, rella's never married--she teaches, you know--and her brother--he owned the home--it's all hers now, he died all of a sudden and left two children--morton and susie. mort was about seven years old and susie just a baby. he's been an awful cross--but she just idolizes him--she's spoiled him, i tell her." mrs. lane had to breathe, and even the briefest pause left her stranded to wait another chance. the three social benefactors proceeded to distribute their information in a clattering torrent. they sought to inform mrs. williams in especial, of numberless details of the early life and education of their subject, matters which would have been treated more appreciatively if they had not been blessed with the later news; and, at the same time, each was seeking for a more dramatic emphasis to give this last supply of incident with due effect. no regular record is possible where three persons pour forth statement and comment in a rapid, tumultuous stream, interrupted by cross currents of heated contradiction, and further varied by the exclamations and protests of three hearers, or at least, of two; for the one man present soon relapsed into disgusted silence. mrs. williams, turning a perplexed face from one to the other, inwardly condemning the darkening flood of talk, yet conscious of a sinful pleasure in it, and anxious as a guest, _and_ a minister's wife, to be most amiable, felt like one watching three kinetescopes at once. she saw, in confused pictures of blurred and varying outline, orella elder, the young new england girl, only eighteen, already a "school ma'am," suddenly left with two children to bring up, and doing it, as best she could. she saw the boy, momentarily changing, in his shuttlecock flight from mouth to mouth, through pale shades of open mischief to the black and scarlet of hinted sin, the terror of the neighborhood, the darling of his aunt, clever, audacious, scandalizing the quiet town. "boys are apt to be mischievous, aren't they?" she suggested when it was possible. "he's worse than mischievous," mr. lane assured her sourly. "there's a mean streak in that family." "that's on his mother's side," mrs. lane hastened to add. "she was a queer girl--came from new york." the foote girls began again, with rich profusion of detail, their voices rising shrill, one above the other, and playing together at their full height like emulous fountains. "we ought not to judge, you know;" urged mrs. williams. "what do you say he's really done?" being sifted, it appeared that this last and most terrible performance was to go to "the city" with a group of "the worst boys of college," to get undeniably drunk, to do some piece of mischief. (here was great licence in opinion, and in contradiction.) "_anyway_ he's to be suspended!" said miss rebecca with finality. "suspended!" miss josie's voice rose in scorn. "_expelled!_ they said he was expelled." "in disgrace!" added miss sallie. vivian lane sat in the back room at the window, studying in the lingering light of the long june evening. at least, she appeared to be studying. her tall figure was bent over her books, but the dark eyes blazed under their delicate level brows, and her face flushed and paled with changing feelings. she had heard--who, in the same house, could escape hearing the misses foote?--and had followed the torrent of description, hearsay, surmise and allegation with an interest that was painful in its intensity. "it's a _shame_!" she whispered under her breath. "a _shame_! and nobody to stand up for him!" she half rose to her feet as if to do it herself, but sank back irresolutely. a fresh wave of talk rolled forth. "it'll half kill his aunt." "poor miss elder! i don't know what she'll do!" "i don't know what _he'll_ do. he can't go back to college." "he'll have to go to work." "i'd like to know where--nobody'd hire him in this town." the girl could bear it no longer. she came to the door, and there, as they paused to speak to her, her purpose ebbed again. "my daughter, vivian, mrs. williams," said her mother; and the other callers greeted her familiarly. "you'd better finish your lessons, vivian," mr. lane suggested. "i have, father," said the girl, and took a chair by the minister's wife. she had a vague feeling that if she were there, they would not talk so about morton elder. mrs. williams hailed the interruption gratefully. she liked the slender girl with the thoughtful eyes and pretty, rather pathetic mouth, and sought to draw her out. but her questions soon led to unfortunate results. "you are going to college, i suppose?" she presently inquired; and vivian owned that it was the desire of her heart. "nonsense!" said her father. "stuff and nonsense, vivian! you're not going to college." the foote girls now burst forth in voluble agreement with mr. lane. his wife was evidently of the same mind; and mrs. williams plainly regretted her question. but vivian mustered courage enough to make a stand, strengthened perhaps by the depth of the feeling which had brought her into the room. "i don't know why you're all so down on a girl's going to college. eve marks has gone, and mary spring is going--and both the austin girls. everybody goes now." "i know one girl that won't," was her father's incisive comment, and her mother said quietly, "a girl's place is at home--'till she marries." "suppose i don't want to marry?" said vivian. "don't talk nonsense," her father answered. "marriage is a woman's duty." "what do you want to do?" asked miss josie in the interests of further combat. "do you want to be a doctor, like jane bellair?" "i should like to very much indeed," said the girl with quiet intensity. "i'd like to be a doctor in a babies' hospital." "more nonsense," said mr. lane. "don't talk to me about that woman! you attend to your studies, and then to your home duties, my dear." the talk rose anew, the three sisters contriving all to agree with mr. lane in his opinions about college, marriage and dr. bellair, yet to disagree violently among themselves. mrs. williams rose to go, and in the lull that followed the liquid note of a whippoorwill met the girl's quick ear. she quietly slipped out, unnoticed. the lane's home stood near the outer edge of the town, with an outlook across wide meadows and soft wooded hills. behind, their long garden backed on that of miss orella elder, with a connecting gate in the gray board fence. mrs. lane had grown up here. the house belonged to her mother, mrs. servilla pettigrew, though that able lady was seldom in it, preferring to make herself useful among two growing sets of grandchildren. miss elder was vivian's favorite teacher. she was a careful and conscientious instructor, and the girl was a careful and conscientious scholar; so they got on admirably together; indeed, there was a real affection between them. and just as the young laura pettigrew had played with the younger orella elder, so vivian had played with little susie elder, miss orella's orphan niece. susie regarded the older girl with worshipful affection, which was not at all unpleasant to an emotional young creature with unemotional parents, and no brothers or sisters of her own. moreover, susie was morton's sister. the whippoorwill's cry sounded again through the soft june night. vivian came quickly down the garden path between the bordering beds of sweet alyssum and mignonette. a dew-wet rose brushed against her hand. she broke it off, pricking her fingers, and hastily fastened it in the bosom of her white frock. large old lilac bushes hung over the dividing fence, a thick mass of honeysuckle climbed up by the gate and mingled with them, spreading over to a pear tree on the lane side. in this fragrant, hidden corner was a rough seat, and from it a boy's hand reached out and seized the girl's, drawing her down beside him. she drew away from him as far as the seat allowed. "oh morton!" she said. "what have you done?" morton was sulky. "now vivian, are you down on me too? i thought i had one friend." "you ought to tell me," she said more gently. "how can i be your friend if i don't know the facts? they are saying perfectly awful things." "who are?" "why--the foote girls--everybody." "oh those old maids aren't everybody, i assure you. you see, vivian, you live right here in this old oyster of a town--and you make mountains out of molehills like everybody else. a girl of your intelligence ought to know better." she drew a great breath of relief. "then you haven't--done it?" "done what? what's all this mysterious talk anyhow? the prisoner has a right to know what he's charged with before he commits himself." the girl was silent, finding it difficult to begin. "well, out with it. what do they say i did?" he picked up a long dry twig and broke it, gradually, into tiny, half-inch bits. "they say you--went to the city--with a lot of the worst boys in college----" "well? many persons go to the city every day. that's no crime, surely. as for 'the worst boys in college,'"--he laughed scornfully--"i suppose those old ladies think if a fellow smokes a cigarette or says 'darn' he's a tough. they're mighty nice fellows, that bunch--most of 'em. got some ginger in 'em, that's all. what else?" "they say--you drank." "o ho! said i got drunk, i warrant! well--we did have a skate on that time, i admit!" and he laughed as if this charge were but a familiar joke. "why morton elder! i think it is a--disgrace!" "pshaw, vivian!--you ought to have more sense. all the fellows get gay once in a while. a college isn't a young ladies' seminary." he reached out and got hold of her hand again, but she drew it away. "there was something else," she said. "what was it?" he questioned sharply. "what did they say?" but she would not satisfy him--perhaps could not. "i should think you'd be ashamed, to make your aunt so much trouble. they said you were suspended--or--_expelled_!" he shrugged his big shoulders and threw away the handful of broken twigs. "that's true enough--i might as well admit that." "oh, _morton_!--i didn't believe it. _expelled!_" "yes, expelled--turned down--thrown out--fired! and i'm glad of it." he leaned back against the fence and whistled very softly through his teeth. "sh! sh!" she urged. "please!" he was quiet. "but morton--what are you going to do?--won't it spoil your career?" "no, my dear little girl, it will not!" said he. "on the contrary, it will be the making of me. i tell you, vivian, i'm sick to death of this town of maiden ladies--and 'good family men.' i'm sick of being fussed over for ever and ever, and having wristers and mufflers knitted for me--and being told to put on my rubbers! there's no fun in this old clamshell--this kitchen-midden of a town--and i'm going to quit it." he stood up and stretched his long arms. "i'm going to quit it for good and all." the girl sat still, her hands gripping the seat on either side. "where are you going?" she asked in a low voice. "i'm going west--clear out west. i've been talking with aunt rella about it. dr. bellair'll help me to a job, she thinks. she's awful cut up, of course. i'm sorry she feels bad--but she needn't, i tell her. i shall do better there than i ever should have here. i know a fellow that left college--his father failed--and he went into business and made two thousand dollars in a year. i always wanted to take up business--you know that!" she knew it--he had talked of it freely before they had argued and persuaded him into the college life. she knew, too, how his aunt's hopes all centered in him, and in his academic honors and future professional life. "business," to his aunt's mind, was a necessary evil, which could at best be undertaken only after a "liberal education." "when are you going," she asked at length. "right off--to-morrow." she gave a little gasp. "that's what i was whippoorwilling about--i knew i'd get no other chance to talk to you--i wanted to say good-by, you know." the girl sat silent, struggling not to cry. he dropped beside her, stole an arm about her waist, and felt her tremble. "now, viva, don't you go and cry! i'm sorry--i really am sorry--to make _you_ feel bad." this was too much for her, and she sobbed frankly. "oh, morton! how could you! how could you!--and now you've got to go away!" "there now--don't cry--sh!--they'll hear you." she did hush at that. "and don't feel so bad--i'll come back some time--to see you." "no, you won't!" she answered with sudden fierceness. "you'll just go--and stay--and i never shall see you again!" he drew her closer to him. "and do you care--so much--viva?" "of course, i care!" she said, "haven't we always been friends, the best of friends?" "yes--you and aunt rella have been about all i had," he admitted with a cheerful laugh. "i hope i'll make more friends out yonder. but viva,"--his hand pressed closer--"is it only--friends?" she took fright at once and drew away from him. "you mustn't do that, morton!" "do what?" a shaft of moonlight shone on his teasing face. "what am i doing?" he said. it is difficult--it is well nigh impossible--for a girl to put a name to certain small cuddlings not in themselves terrifying, nor even unpleasant, but which she obscurely feels to be wrong. viva flushed and was silent--he could see the rich color flood her face. "come now--don't be hard on a fellow!" he urged. "i shan't see you again in ever so long. you'll forget all about me before a year's over." she shook her head, still silent. "won't you speak to me--viva?" "i wish----" she could not find the words she wanted. "oh, i wish you--wouldn't!" "wouldn't what, girlie? wouldn't go away? sorry to disoblige--but i have to. there's no place for me here." the girl felt the sad truth of that. "aunt rella will get used to it after a while. i'll write to her--i'll make lots of money--and come back in a few years--astonish you all!--meanwhile--kiss me good-by, viva!" she drew back shyly. she had never kissed him. she had never in her life kissed any man younger than an uncle. "no, morton--you mustn't----" she shrank away into the shadow. but, there was no great distance to shrink to, and his strong arms soon drew her close again. "suppose you never see me again," he said. "then you'll wish you hadn't been so stiff about it." she thought of this dread possibility with a sudden chill of horror, and while she hesitated, he took her face between her hands and kissed her on the mouth. steps were heard coming down the path. "they're on," he said with a little laugh. "good-by, viva!" he vaulted the fence and was gone. "what are you doing here, vivian?" demanded her father. "i was saying good-by to morton," she answered with a sob. "you ought to be ashamed of yourself--philandering out here in the middle of the night with that scapegrace! come in the house and go to bed at once--it's ten o'clock." bowing to this confused but almost equally incriminating chronology, she followed him in, meekly enough as to her outward seeming, but inwardly in a state of stormy tumult. she had been kissed! her father's stiff back before her could not blot out the radiant, melting moonlight, the rich sweetness of the flowers, the tender, soft, june night. "you go to bed," said he once more. "i'm ashamed of you." "yes, father," she answered. her little room, when at last she was safely in it and had shut the door and put a chair against it--she had no key--seemed somehow changed. she lit the lamp and stood looking at herself in the mirror. her eyes were star-bright. her cheeks flamed softly. her mouth looked guilty and yet glad. she put the light out and went to the window, kneeling there, leaning out in the fragrant stillness, trying to arrange in her mind this mixture of grief, disapproval, shame and triumph. when the episcopal church clock struck eleven, she went to bed in guilty haste, but not to sleep. for a long time she lay there watching the changing play of moonlight on the floor. she felt almost as if she were married. chapter ii. bainville effects. lockstep, handcuffs, ankle-ball-and-chain, dulltoil and dreary food and drink; small cell, cold cell, narrow bed and hard; high wall, thick wall, window iron-barred; stone-paved, stone-pent little prison yard-- young hearts weary of monotony and pain, young hearts weary of reiterant refrain: "they say--they do--what will people think?" at the two front windows of their rather crowded little parlor sat miss rebecca and miss josie foote, miss sallie being out on a foraging expedition--marketing, as it were, among their neighbors to collect fresh food for thought. a tall, slender girl in brown passed on the opposite walk. "i should think vivian lane would get tired of wearing brown," said miss rebecca. "i don't know why she should," her sister promptly protested, "it's a good enough wearing color, and becoming to her." "she could afford to have more variety," said miss rebecca. "the lanes are mean enough about some things, but i know they'd like to have her dress better. she'll never get married in the world." "i don't know why not. she's only twenty-five--and good-looking." "good-looking! that's not everything. plenty of girls marry that are not good-looking--and plenty of good-looking girls stay single." "plenty of homely ones, too. rebecca," said miss josie, with meaning. miss rebecca certainly was not handsome. "going to the library, of course!" she pursued presently. "that girl reads all the time." "so does her grandmother. i see her going and coming from that library every day almost." "oh, well--she reads stories and things like that. sallie goes pretty often and she notices. we use that library enough, goodness knows, but they are there every day. vivian lane reads the queerest things--doctor's books and works on pedagoggy." "godgy," said miss rebecca, "not goggy." and as her sister ignored this correction, she continued: "they might as well have let her go to college when she was so set on it." "college! i don't believe she'd have learned as much in any college, from what i hear of 'em, as she has in all this time at home." the foote girls had never entertained a high opinion of extensive culture. "i don't see any use in a girl's studying so much," said miss rebecca with decision. "nor i," agreed miss josie. "men don't like learned women." "they don't seem to always like those that aren't learned, either," remarked miss rebecca with a pleasant sense of retribution for that remark about "homely ones." the tall girl in brown had seen the two faces at the windows opposite, and had held her shoulders a little straighter as she turned the corner. "nine years this summer since morton elder went west," murmured miss josie, reminiscently. "i shouldn't wonder if vivian had stayed single on his account." "nonsense!" her sister answered sharply. "she's not that kind. she's not popular with men, that's all. she's too intellectual." "she ought to be in the library instead of sue elder," miss rebecca suggested. "she's far more competent. sue's a feather-headed little thing." "she seems to give satisfaction so far. if the trustees are pleased with her, there's no reason for you to complain that i see," said miss rebecca with decision. * * * * * vivian lane waited at the library desk with an armful of books to take home. she had her card, her mother's and her father's--all utilized. her grandmother kept her own card--and her own counsel. the pretty assistant librarian, withdrawing herself with some emphasis from the unnecessary questions of a too gallant old gentleman, came to attend her. "you _have_ got a load," she said, scribbling complex figures with one end of her hammer-headed pencil, and stamping violet dates with the other. she whisked out the pale blue slips from the lid pockets, dropped them into their proper openings in the desk and inserted the cards in their stead with delicate precision. "can't you wait a bit and go home with me?" she asked. "i'll help you carry them." "no, thanks. i'm not going right home." "you're going to see your saint--i know!" said miss susie, tossing her bright head. "i'm jealous, and you know it." "don't be a goose, susie! you know you're my very best friend, but--she's different." "i should think she was different!" susie sharply agreed. "and you've been 'different' ever since she came." "i hope so," said vivian gravely. "mrs. st. cloud brings out one's very best and highest. i wish you liked her better, susie." "i like you," susie answered. "you bring out my 'best and highest'--if i've got any. she don't. she's like a lovely, faint, bright--bubble! i want to prick it!" vivian smiled down upon her. "you bad little mouse!" she said. "come, give me the books." "leave them with me, and i'll bring them in the car." susie looked anxious to make amends for her bit of blasphemy. "all right, dear. thank you. i'll be home by that time, probably." * * * * * in the street she stopped before a little shop where papers and magazines were sold. "i believe father'd like the new centurion," she said to herself, and got it for him, chatting a little with the one-armed man who kept the place. she stopped again at a small florist's and bought a little bag of bulbs. "your mother's forgotten about those, i guess," said mrs. crothers, the florist's wife, "but they'll do just as well now. lucky you thought of them before it got too late in the season. bennie was awfully pleased with that red and blue pencil you gave him, miss lane." vivian walked on. a child ran out suddenly from a gate and seized upon her. "aren't you coming in to see me--ever?" she demanded. vivian stooped and kissed her. "yes, dear, but not to-night. how's that dear baby getting on?" "she's better," said the little girl. "mother said thank you--lots of times. wait a minute--" the child fumbled in vivian's coat pocket with a mischievous upward glance, fished out a handful of peanuts, and ran up the path laughing while the tall girl smiled down upon her lovingly. a long-legged boy was lounging along the wet sidewalk. vivian caught up with him and he joined her with eagerness. "good evening, miss lane. say--are you coming to the club to-morrow night?" she smiled cordially. "of course i am, johnny. i wouldn't disappoint my boys for anything--nor myself, either." they walked on together chatting until, at the minister's house, she bade him a cheery "good-night." mrs. st. cloud was at the window pensively watching the western sky. she saw the girl coming and let her in with a tender, radiant smile--a lovely being in a most unlovely room. there was a chill refinement above subdued confusion in that cambridge-bainville parlor, where the higher culture of the second mrs. williams, superimposed upon the lower culture of the first, as that upon the varying tastes of a combined ancestry, made the place somehow suggestive of excavations at abydos. it was much the kind of parlor vivian had been accustomed to from childhood, but mrs. st. cloud was of a type quite new to her. clothed in soft, clinging fabrics, always with a misty, veiled effect to them, wearing pale amber, large, dull stones of uncertain shapes, and slender chains that glittered here and there among her scarfs and laces, sinking gracefully among deep cushions, even able to sink gracefully into a common bainville chair--this beautiful woman had captured the girl's imagination from the first. clearly known, she was a sister of mrs. williams, visiting indefinitely. vaguely--and very frequently--hinted, her husband had "left her," and "she did not believe in divorce." against her background of dumb patience, he shone darkly forth as a brute of unknown cruelties. nothing against him would she ever say, and every young masculine heart yearned to make life brighter to the ideal woman, so strangely neglected; also some older ones. her young men's bible class was the pride of mr. williams' heart and joy of such young men as the town possessed; most of bainville's boys had gone. "a wonderful uplifting influence," mr. williams called her, and refused to say anything, even when directly approached, as to "the facts" of her trouble. "it is an old story," he would say. "she bears up wonderfully. she sacrifices her life rather than her principles." to vivian, sitting now on a hassock at the lady's feet and looking up at her with adoring eyes, she was indeed a star, a saint, a cloud of mystery. she reached out a soft hand, white, slender, delicately kept, wearing one thin gold ring, and stroked the girl's smooth hair. vivian seized the hand and kissed it, blushing as she did so. "you foolish child! don't waste your young affection on an old lady like me." "old! you! you don't look as old as i do this minute!" said the girl with hushed intensity. "life wears on you, i'm afraid, my dear.... do you ever hear from him?" to no one else, not even to susie, could vivian speak of what now seemed the tragedy of her lost youth. "no," said she. "never now. he did write once or twice--at first." "he writes to his aunt, of course?" "yes," said vivian. "but not often. and he never--says anything." "i understand. poor child! you must be true, and wait." and the lady turned the thin ring on her finger. vivian watched her in a passion of admiring tenderness. "oh, you understand!" she exclaimed. "you understand!" "i understand, my dear," said mrs. st. cloud. when vivian reached her own gate she leaned her arms upon it and looked first one way and then the other, down the long, still street. the country was in sight at both ends--the low, monotonous, wooded hills that shut them in. it was all familiar, wearingly familiar. she had known it continuously for such part of her lifetime as was sensitive to landscape effects, and had at times a mad wish for an earthquake to change the outlines a little. the infrequent trolley car passed just then and sue elder joined her, to take the short cut home through the lane's yard. "here you are," she said cheerfully, "and here are the books." vivian thanked her. "oh, say--come in after supper, can't you? aunt rella's had another letter from mort." vivian's sombre eyes lit up a little. "how's he getting on? in the same business he was last year?" she asked with an elaborately cheerful air. morton had seemed to change occupations oftener than he wrote letters. "yes, i believe so. i guess he's well. he never says much, you know. i don't think it's good for him out there--good for any boy." and susie looked quite the older sister. "what are they to do? they can't stay here." "no, i suppose not--but we have to." "dr. bellair didn't," remarked vivian. "i like her--tremendously, don't you?" in truth, dr. bellair was already a close second to mrs. st. cloud in the girl's hero-worshipping heart. "oh, yes; she's splendid! aunt rella is so glad to have her with us. they have great times recalling their school days together. aunty used to like her then, though she is five years older--but you'd never dream it. and i think she's real handsome." "she's not beautiful," said vivian, with decision, "but she's a lot better. sue elder, i wish----" "wish what?" asked her friend. sue put the books on the gate-post, and the two girls, arm in arm, walked slowly up and down. susie was a round, palely rosy little person, with a delicate face and soft, light hair waving fluffily about her small head. vivian's hair was twice the length, but so straight and fine that its mass had no effect. she wore it in smooth plaits wound like a wreath from brow to nape. after an understanding silence and a walk past three gates and back again, vivian answered her. "i wish i were in your shoes," she said. "what do you mean--having the doctor in the house?" "no--i'd like that too; but i mean work to do--your position." "oh, the library! you needn't; it's horrid. i wish i were in your shoes, and had a father and mother to take care of me. i can tell you, it's no fun--having to be there just on time or get fined, and having to poke away all day with those phooty old ladies and tiresome children." "but you're independent." "oh, yes, i'm independent. i have to be. aunt rella _could_ take care of me, i suppose, but of course i wouldn't let her. and i dare say library work is better than school-teaching." "what'll we be doing when we're forty, i wonder?" said vivian, after another turn. "forty! why i expect to be a grandma by that time," said sue. she was but twenty-one, and forty looked a long way off to her. "a grandma! and knit?" suggested vivian. "oh, yes--baby jackets--and blankets--and socks--and little shawls. i love to knit," said sue, cheerfully. "but suppose you don't marry?" pursued her friend. "oh, but i shall marry--you see if i don't. marriage"--here she carefully went inside the gate and latched it--"marriage is--a woman's duty!" and she ran up the path laughing. vivian laughed too, rather grimly, and slowly walked towards her own door. the little sitting-room was hot, very hot; but mr. lane sat with his carpet-slippered feet on its narrow hearth with a shawl around him. "shut the door, vivian!" he exclaimed irritably. "i'll never get over this cold if such draughts are let in on me." "why, it's not cold out, father--and it's very close in here." mrs. lane looked up from her darning. "you think it's close because you've come in from outdoors. sit down--and don't fret your father; i'm real worried about him." mr. lane coughed hollowly. he had become a little dry old man with gray, glassy eyes, and had been having colds in this fashion ever since vivian could remember. "dr. bellair says that the out-door air is the best medicine for a cold," remarked vivian, as she took off her things. "dr. bellair has not been consulted in this case," her father returned wheezingly. "i'm quite satisfied with my family physician. he's a man, at any rate." "save me from these women doctors!" exclaimed his wife. vivian set her lips patiently. she had long since learned how widely she differed from both father and mother, and preferred silence to dispute. mr. lane was a plain, ordinary person, who spent most of a moderately useful life in the shoe business, from which he had of late withdrawn. both he and his wife "had property" to a certain extent; and now lived peacefully on their income with neither fear nor hope, ambition nor responsibility to trouble them. the one thing they were yet anxious about was to see vivian married, but this wish seemed to be no nearer to fulfillment for the passing years. "i don't know what the women are thinking of, these days," went on the old gentleman, putting another shovelful of coal on the fire with a careful hand. "doctors and lawyers and even ministers, some of 'em! the lord certainly set down a woman's duty pretty plain--she was to cleave unto her husband!" "some women have no husbands to cleave to, father." "they'd have husbands fast enough if they'd behave themselves," he answered. "no man's going to want to marry one of these self-sufficient independent, professional women, of course." "i do hope, viva," said her mother, "that you're not letting that dr. bellair put foolish ideas into your head." "i want to do something to support myself--sometime, mother. i can't live on my parents forever." "you be patient, child. there's money enough for you to live on. it's a woman's place to wait," put in mr. lane. "how long?" inquired vivian. "i'm twenty-five. no man has asked me to marry him yet. some of the women in this town have waited thirty--forty--fifty--sixty years. no one has asked them." "i was married at sixteen," suddenly remarked vivian's grandmother. "and my mother wasn't but fifteen. huh!" a sudden little derisive noise she made; such as used to be written "humph!" for the past five years, mrs. pettigrew had made her home with the lanes. mrs. lane herself was but a feeble replica of her energetic parent. there was but seventeen years difference in their ages, and comparative idleness with some ill-health on the part of the daughter, had made the difference appear less. mrs. pettigrew had but a poor opinion of the present generation. in her active youth she had reared a large family on a small income; in her active middle-age, she had trotted about from daughter's house to son's house, helping with the grandchildren. and now she still trotted about in all weathers, visiting among the neighbors and vibrating as regularly as a pendulum between her daughter's house and the public library. the books she brought home were mainly novels, and if she perused anything else in the severe quiet of the reading-room, she did not talk about it. indeed, it was a striking characteristic of mrs. pettigrew that she talked very little, though she listened to all that went on with a bright and beady eye, as of a highly intelligent parrot. and now, having dropped her single remark into the conversation, she shut her lips tight as was her habit, and drew another ball of worsted from the black bag that always hung at her elbow. she was making one of those perennial knitted garments, which, in her young days, were called "cardigan jackets," later "jerseys," and now by the offensive name of "sweater." these she constructed in great numbers, and their probable expense was a source of discussion in the town. "how do you find friends enough to give them to?" they asked her, and she would smile enigmatically and reply, "good presents make good friends." "if a woman minds her p's and q's she can get a husband easy enough," insisted the invalid. "just shove that lamp nearer, vivian, will you." vivian moved the lamp. her mother moved her chair to follow it and dropped her darning egg, which the girl handed to her. "supper's ready," announced a hard-featured middle-aged woman, opening the dining-room door. at this moment the gate clicked, and a firm step was heard coming up the path. "gracious, that's the minister!" cried mrs. lane. "he said he'd be in this afternoon if he got time. i thought likely 'twould be to supper." she received him cordially, and insisted on his staying, slipping out presently to open a jar of quinces. the reverend otis williams was by no means loathe to take occasional meals with his parishioners. it was noted that, in making pastoral calls, he began with the poorer members of his flock, and frequently arrived about meal-time at the houses of those whose cooking he approved. "it is always a treat to take supper here," he said. "not feeling well, mr. lane? i'm sorry to hear it. ah! mrs. pettigrew! is that jacket for me, by any chance? a little sombre, isn't it? good evening, vivian. you are looking well--as you always do." vivian did not like him. he had married her mother, he had christened her, she had "sat under" him for long, dull, uninterrupted years; yet still she didn't like him. "a chilly evening, mr. lane," he pursued. "that's what i say," his host agreed. "vivian says it isn't; i say it is." "disagreement in the family! this won't do, vivian," said the minister jocosely. "duty to parents, you know! duty to parents!" "does duty to parents alter the temperature?" the girl asked, in a voice of quiet sweetness, yet with a rebellious spark in her soft eyes. "huh!" said her grandmother--and dropped her gray ball. vivian picked it up and the old lady surreptitiously patted her. "pardon me," said the reverend gentleman to mrs. pettigrew, "did you speak?" "no," said the old lady, "seldom do." "silence is golden, mrs. pettigrew. silence is golden. speech is silver, but silence is golden. it is a rare gift." mrs. pettigrew set her lips so tightly that they quite disappeared, leaving only a thin dented line in her smoothly pale face. she was called by the neighbors "wonderfully well preserved," a phrase she herself despised. some visitor, new to the town, had the hardihood to use it to her face once. "huh!" was the response. "i'm just sixty. henry haskins and george baker and stephen doolittle are all older'n i am--and still doing business, doing it better'n any of the young folks as far as i can see. you don't compare them to canned pears, do you?" mr. williams knew her value in church work, and took no umbrage at her somewhat inimical expression; particularly as just then mrs. lane appeared and asked them to walk out to supper. vivian sat among them, restrained and courteous, but inwardly at war with her surroundings. here was her mother, busy, responsible, serving creamed codfish and hot biscuit; her father, eating wheezily, and finding fault with the biscuit, also with the codfish; her grandmother, bright-eyed, thin-lipped and silent. vivian got on well with her grandmother, though neither of them talked much. "my mother used to say that the perfect supper was cake, preserves, hot bread, and a 'relish,'" said mr. williams genially. "you have the perfect supper, mrs. lane." "i'm glad if you enjoy it, i'm sure," said that lady. "i'm fond of a bit of salt myself." "and what are you reading now, vivian," he asked paternally. "ward," she answered, modestly and briefly. "ward? dr. ward of the _centurion_?" vivian smiled her gentlest. "oh, no," she replied; "lester f. ward, the sociologist." "poor stuff, i think!" said her father. "girls have no business to read such things." "i wish you'd speak to vivian about it, mr. williams. she's got beyond me," protested her mother. "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew. "i'd like some more of that quince, laura." "my dear young lady, you are not reading books of which your parents disapprove, i hope?" urged the minister. "shouldn't i--ever?" asked the girl, in her soft, disarming manner. "i'm surely old enough!" "the duty of a daughter is not measured by years," he replied sonorously. "does parental duty cease? are you not yet a child in your father's house?" "is a daughter always a child if she lives at home?" inquired the girl, as one seeking instruction. he set down his cup and wiped his lips, flushing somewhat. "the duty of a daughter begins at the age when she can understand the distinction between right and wrong," he said, "and continues as long as she is blessed with parents." "and what is it?" she asked, large-eyed, attentive. "what is it?" he repeated, looking at her in some surprise. "it is submission, obedience--obedience." "i see. so mother ought to obey grandmother," she pursued meditatively, and mrs. pettigrew nearly choked in her tea. vivian was boiling with rebellion. to sit there and be lectured at the table, to have her father complain of her, her mother invite pastoral interference, the minister preach like that. she slapped her grandmother's shoulder, readjusted the little knit shawl on the straight back--and refrained from further speech. when mrs. pettigrew could talk, she demanded suddenly of the minister, "have you read campbell's new theology?" and from that on they were all occupied in listening to mr. williams' strong, clear and extensive views on the subject--which lasted into the parlor again. vivian sat for awhile in the chair nearest the window, where some thin thread of air might possibly leak in, and watched the minister with a curious expression. all her life he had been held up to her as a person to honor, as a man of irreproachable character, great learning and wisdom. of late she found with a sense of surprise that she did not honor him at all. he seemed to her suddenly like a relic of past ages, a piece of an old parchment--or papyrus. in the light of the studies she had been pursuing in the well-stored town library, the teachings of this worthy old gentleman appeared a jumble of age-old traditions, superimposed one upon another. "he's a palimpsest," she said to herself, "and a poor palimpsest at that." she sat with her shapely hands quiet in her lap while her grandmother's shining needles twinkled in the dark wool, and her mother's slim crochet hook ran along the widening spaces of some thin, white, fuzzy thing. the rich powers of her young womanhood longed for occupation, but she could never hypnotize herself with "fancywork." her work must be worth while. she felt the crushing cramp and loneliness of a young mind, really stronger than those about her, yet held in dumb subjection. she could not solace herself by loving them; her father would have none of it, and her mother had small use for what she called "sentiment." all her life vivian had longed for more loving, both to give and take; but no one ever imagined it of her, she was so quiet and repressed in manner. the local opinion was that if a woman had a head, she could not have a heart; and as to having a body--it was indelicate to consider such a thing. "i mean to have six children," vivian had planned when she was younger. "and they shall never be hungry for more loving." she meant to make up to her vaguely imagined future family for all that her own youth missed. even grandma, though far more sympathetic in temperament, was not given to demonstration, and vivian solaced her big, tender heart by cuddling all the babies she could reach, and petting cats and dogs when no children were to be found. presently she arose and bade a courteous goodnight to the still prolix parson. "i'm going over to sue's," she said, and went out. * * * * * there was a moon again--a low, large moon, hazily brilliant. the air was sweet with the odors of scarce-gone summer, of coming autumn. the girl stood still, half-way down the path, and looked steadily into that silver radiance. moonlight always filled her heart with a vague excitement, a feeling that something ought to happen--soon. this flat, narrow life, so long, so endlessly long--would nothing ever end it? nine years since morton went away! nine years since the strange, invading thrill of her first kiss! back of that was only childhood; these years really constituted life; and life, in the girl's eyes, was a dreary treadmill. she was externally quiet, and by conscience dutiful; so dutiful, so quiet, so without powers of expression, that the ache of an unsatisfied heart, the stir of young ambitions, were wholly unsuspected by those about her. a studious, earnest, thoughtful girl--but study alone does not supply life's needs, nor does such friendship as her life afforded. susie was "a dear"--susie was morton's sister, and she was very fond of her. but that bright-haired child did not understand--could not understand--all that she needed. then came mrs. st. cloud into her life, stirring the depths of romance, of the buried past, and of the unborn future. from her she learned to face a life of utter renunciation, to be true, true to her ideals, true to her principles, true to the past, to be patient; and to wait. so strengthened, she had turned a deaf ear to such possible voice of admiration as might have come from the scant membership of the young men's bible class, leaving them the more devoted to scripture study. there was no thin ring to turn upon her finger; but, for lack of better token, she had saved the rose she wore upon her breast that night, keeping it hidden among her precious things. and then, into the gray, flat current of her daily life, sharply across the trend of mrs. st. cloud's soft influence, had come a new force--dr. bellair. vivian liked her, yet felt afraid, a slight, shivering hesitancy as before a too cold bath, a subtle sense that this breezy woman, strong, cheerful, full of new ideas, if not ideals, and radiating actual power, power used and enjoyed, might in some way change the movement of her life. change she desired, she longed for, but dreaded the unknown. slowly she followed the long garden path, paused lingeringly by that rough garden seat, went through and closed the gate. chapter iii. the outbreak there comes a time after white months of ice-- slow months of ice--long months of ice-- there comes a time when the still floods below rise, lift, and overflow-- fast, far they go. miss orella sat in her low armless rocker, lifting perplexed, patient eyes to look up at dr. bellair. dr. bellair stood squarely before her, stood easily, on broad-soled, low-heeled shoes, and looked down at miss orella; her eyes were earnest, compelling, full of hope and cheer. "you are as pretty as a girl, orella," she observed irrelevantly. miss orella blushed. she was not used to compliments, even from a woman, and did not know how to take them. "how you talk!" she murmured shyly. "i mean to talk," continued the doctor, "until you listen to reason." reason in this case, to dr. bellair's mind, lay in her advice to miss elder to come west with her--to live. "i don't see how i can. it's--it's such a complete change." miss orella spoke as if change were equivalent to sin, or at least to danger. "do you good. as a physician, i can prescribe nothing better. you need a complete change if anybody ever did." "why, jane! i am quite well." "i didn't say you were sick. but you are in an advanced stage of _arthritis deformans_ of the soul. the whole town's got it!" the doctor tramped up and down the little room, freeing her mind. "i never saw such bed-ridden intellects in my life! i suppose it was so when i was a child--and i was too young to notice it. but surely it's worse now. the world goes faster and faster every day, the people who keep still get farther behind! i'm fond of you, rella. you've got an intellect, and a conscience, and a will--a will like iron. but you spend most of your strength in keeping yourself down. now, do wake up and use it to break loose! you don't have to stay here. come out to colorado with me--and grow." miss elder moved uneasily in her chair. she laid her small embroidery hoop on the table, and straightened out the loose threads of silk, the doctor watching her impatiently. "i'm too old," she said at length. jane bellair laughed aloud, shortly. "old!" she cried. "you're five years younger than i am. you're only thirty-six! old! why, child, your life's before you--to make." "you don't realize, jane. you struck out for yourself so young--and you've grown up out there--it seems to be so different--there." "it is. people aren't afraid to move. what have you got here you so hate to leave, rella?" "why, it's--home." "yes. it's home--now. are you happy in it?" "i'm--contented." "don't you deceive yourself, rella. you are not contented--not by a long chalk. you are doing your duty as you see it; and you've kept yourself down so long you've almost lost the power of motion. i'm trying to galvanize you awake--and i mean to do it." "you might as well sit down while you're doing it, anyway," miss elder suggested meekly. dr. bellair sat down, selecting a formidable fiddle-backed chair, the unflinching determination of its widely-placed feet being repeated by her own square toes. she placed herself in front of her friend and leaned forward, elbows on knees, her strong, intelligent hands clasped loosely. "what have you got to look forward to, rella?" "i want to see susie happily married--" "i said _you_--not susie." "oh--me? why, i hope some day morton will come back----" "i said _you_--not morton." "why i--you know i have friends, jane--and neighbors. and some day, perhaps--i mean to go abroad." "are you scolding aunt rella again, dr. bellair. i won't stand it." pretty susie stood in the door smiling. "come and help me then," the doctor said, "and it won't sound so much like scolding." "i want mort's letter--to show to viva," the girl answered, and slipped out with it. she sat with vivian on the stiff little sofa in the back room; the arms of the two girls were around one another, and they read the letter together. more than six months had passed since his last one. it was not much of a letter. vivian took it in her own hands and went through it again, carefully. the "remember me to viva--unless she's married," at the end did not seem at all satisfying. still it might mean more than appeared--far more. men were reticent and proud, she had read. it was perfectly possible that he might be concealing deep emotion under the open friendliness. he was in no condition to speak freely, to come back and claim her. he did not wish her to feel bound to him. she had discussed it with mrs. st. cloud, shrinkingly, tenderly, led on by tactful, delicate, questions, by the longing of her longing heart for expression and sympathy. "a man who cannot marry must speak of marriage--it is not honorable," her friend had told her. "couldn't he--write to me--as a friend?" and the low-voiced lady had explained with a little sigh that men thought little of friendship with women. "i have tried, all my life, to be a true and helpful friend to men, to such men as seemed worthy, and they so often--misunderstood." the girl, sympathetic and admiring, thought hotly of how other people misunderstood this noble, lovely soul; how they even hinted that she "tried to attract men," a deadly charge in bainville. "no," mrs. st. cloud had told her, "he might love you better than all the world--yet not write to you--till he was ready to say 'come.' and, of course, he wouldn't say anything in his letters to his aunt." so vivian sat there, silent, weaving frail dreams out of "remember me to viva--unless she's married." that last clause might mean much. dr. bellair's voice sounded clear and insistent in the next room. "she's trying to persuade aunt rella to go west!" said susie. "wouldn't it be funny if she did!" in susie's eyes her aunt's age was as the age of mountains, and also her fixity. since she could remember, aunt rella, always palely pretty and neat, like the delicate, faintly-colored spring flowers of new england, had presided over the small white house, the small green garden and the large black and white school-room. in her vacation she sewed, keeping that quiet wardrobe of hers in exquisite order--and also making susie's pretty dresses. to think of aunt orella actually "breaking up housekeeping," giving up her school, leaving bainville, was like a vision of trees walking. to dr. jane bellair, forty-one, vigorous, successful, full of new plans and purposes, miss elder's life appeared as an arrested girlhood, stagnating unnecessarily in this quiet town, while all the world was open to her. "i couldn't think of leaving susie!" protested miss orella. "bring her along," said the doctor. "best thing in the world for her!" she rose and came to the door. the two girls make a pretty picture. vivian's oval face, with its smooth madonna curves under the encircling wreath of soft, dark plaits, and the long grace of her figure, delicately built, yet strong, beside the pink, plump little susie, roguish and pretty, with the look that made everyone want to take care of her. "come in here, girls," said the doctor. "i want you to help me. you're young enough to be movable, i hope." they cheerfully joined the controversy, but miss orella found small support in them. "why don't you do it, auntie!" susie thought it an excellent joke. "i suppose you could teach school in denver as well as here. and you could vote! oh, auntie--to think of your voting!" miss elder, too modestly feminine, too inherently conservative even to be an outspoken "anti," fairly blushed at the idea. "she's hesitating on your account," dr. bellair explained to the girl. "wants to see you safely married! i tell her you'll have a thousandfold better opportunities in colorado than you ever will here." vivian was grieved. she had heard enough of this getting married, and had expected dr. bellair to hold a different position. "surely, that's not the only thing to do," she protested. "no, but it's a very important thing to do--and to do right. it's a woman's duty." vivian groaned in spirit. that again! the doctor watched her understandingly. "if women only did their duty in that line there wouldn't be so much unhappiness in the world," she said. "all you new england girls sit here and cut one another's throats. you can't possible marry, your boys go west, you overcrowd the labor market, lower wages, steadily drive the weakest sisters down till they--drop." they heard the back door latch lift and close again, a quick, decided step--and mrs. pettigrew joined them. miss elder greeted her cordially, and the old lady seated herself in the halo of the big lamp, as one well accustomed to the chair. "go right on," she said--and knitted briskly. "do take my side, mrs. pettigrew," miss orella implored her. "jane bellair is trying to pull me up by the roots and transplant me to colorado." "and she says i shall have a better chance to marry out there--and ought to do it!" said susie, very solemnly. "and vivian objects to being shown the path of duty." vivian smiled. her quiet, rather sad face lit with sudden sparkling beauty when she smiled. "grandma knows i hate that--point of view," she said. "i think men and women ought to be friends, and not always be thinking about--that." "i have some real good friends--boys, i mean," susie agreed, looking so serious in her platonic boast that even vivian was a little amused, and dr. bellair laughed outright. "you won't have a 'friend' in that sense till you're fifty, miss susan--if you ever do. there can be, there are, real friendships between men and women, but most of that talk is--talk, sometimes worse. "i knew a woman once, ever so long ago," the doctor continued musingly, clasping her hands behind her head, "a long way from here--in a college town--who talked about 'friends.' she was married. she was a 'good' woman--perfectly 'good' woman. her husband was not a very good man, i've heard, and strangely impatient of her virtues. she had a string of boys--college boys--always at her heels. quite too young and too charming she was for this friendship game. she said that such a friendship was 'an ennobling influence' for the boys. she called them her 'acolytes.' lots of them were fairly mad about her--one young chap was so desperate over it that he shot himself." there was a pained silence. "i don't see what this has to do with going to colorado," said mrs. pettigrew, looking from one to the other with a keen, observing eye. "what's your plan, dr. bellair?" "why, i'm trying to persuade my old friend here to leave this place, change her occupation, come out to colorado with me, and grow up. she's a case of arrested development." "she wants me to keep boarders!" miss elder plaintively protested to mrs. pettigrew. that lady was not impressed. "it's quite a different matter out there, mrs. pettigrew," the doctor explained. "'keeping boarders' in this country goes to the tune of 'come ye disconsolate!' it's a doubtful refuge for women who are widows or would be better off if they were. where i live it's a sure thing if well managed--it's a good business." mrs. pettigrew wore an unconvinced aspect. "what do you call 'a good business?'" she asked. "the house i have in mind cleared a thousand a year when it was in right hands. that's not bad, over and above one's board and lodging. that house is in the market now. i've just had a letter from a friend about it. orella could go out with me, and step right into mrs. annerly's shoes--she's just giving up." "what'd she give up for?" mrs. pettigrew inquired suspiciously. "oh--she got married; they all do. there are three men to one woman in that town, you see." "i didn't know there was such a place in the world--unless it was a man-of-war," remarked susie, looking much interested. dr. bellair went on more quietly. "it's not even a risk, mrs. pettigrew. rella has a cousin who would gladly run this house for her. she's admitted that much. so there's no loss here, and she's got her home to come back to. i can write to dick hale to nail the proposition at once. she can go when i go, in about a fortnight, and i'll guarantee the first year definitely." "i wouldn't think of letting you do that, jane! and if it's as good as you say, there's no need. but a fortnight! to leave home--in a fortnight!" "what are the difficulties?" the old lady inquired. "there are always some difficulties." "you are right, there," agreed the doctor. "the difficulties in this place are servants. but just now there's a special chance in that line. dick says the best cook in town is going begging. i'll read you his letter." she produced it, promptly, from the breast pocket of her neat coat. dr. bellair wore rather short, tailored skirts of first-class material; natty, starched blouses--silk ones for "dress," and perfectly fitting light coats. their color and texture might vary with the season, but their pockets, never. "'my dear jane' (this is my best friend out there--a doctor, too. we were in the same class, both college and medical school. we fight--he's a misogynist of the worst type--but we're good friends all the same.) 'why don't you come back? my boys are lonesome without you, and i am overworked--you left so many mishandled invalids for me to struggle with. your boarding house is going to the dogs. mrs. annerly got worse and worse, failed completely and has cleared out, with a species of husband, i believe. the owner has put in a sort of caretaker, and the roomers get board outside--it's better than what they were having. moreover, the best cook in town is hunting a job. wire me and i'll nail her. you know the place pays well. now, why don't you give up your unnatural attempt to be a doctor and assume woman's proper sphere? come back and keep house!' "he's a great tease, but he tells the truth. the house is there, crying to be kept. the boarders are there--unfed. now, orella elder, why don't you wake up and seize the opportunity?" miss orella was thinking. "where's that last letter of morton's?" susie looked for it. vivian handed it to her, and miss elder read it once more. "there's plenty of homeless boys out there besides yours, orella," the doctor assured her. "come on--and bring both these girls with you. it's a chance for any girl, miss lane." but her friend did not hear her. she found what she was looking for in the letter and read it aloud. "i'm on the road again now, likely to be doing colorado most of the year if things go right. it's a fine country." susie hopped up with a little cry. "just the thing, aunt rella! let's go out and surprise mort. he thinks we are just built into the ground here. won't it be fun, viva?" vivian had risen from her seat and stood at the window, gazing out with unseeing eyes at the shadowy little front yard. morton might be there. she might see him. but--was it womanly to go there--for that? there were other reasons, surely. she had longed for freedom, for a chance to grow, to do something in life--something great and beautiful! perhaps this was the opening of the gate, the opportunity of a lifetime. "you folks are so strong on duty," the doctor was saying, "why can't you see a real duty in this? i tell you, the place is full of men that need mothering, and sistering--good honest sweethearting and marrying, too. come on, rella. do bigger work than you've ever done yet--and, as i said, bring both these nice girls with you. what do you say, miss lane?" vivian turned to her, her fine face flushed with hope, yet with a small greek fret on the broad forehead. "i'd like to, very much, dr. bellair--on some accounts. but----" she could not quite voice her dim objections, her obscure withdrawals; and so fell back on the excuse of childhood--"i'm sure mother wouldn't let me." dr. bellair smiled broadly. "aren't you over twenty-one?" she asked. "i'm twenty-five," the girl replied, with proud acceptance of a life long done--as one who owned to ninety-seven. "and self-supporting?" pursued the doctor. vivian flushed. "no--not yet," she answered; "but i mean to be." "exactly! now's your chance. break away now, my dear, and come west. you can get work--start a kindergarten, or something. i know you love children." the girl's heart rose within her in a great throb of hope. "oh--if i _could_!" she exclaimed, and even as she said it, rose half-conscious memories of the low, sweet tones of mrs. st. cloud. "it is a woman's place to wait--and to endure." she heard a step on the walk outside--looked out. "why, here is mrs. st. cloud!" she cried. "guess i'll clear out," said the doctor, as susie ran to the door. she was shy, socially. "nonsense, jane," said her hostess, whispering. "mrs. st. cloud is no stranger. she's mrs. williams' sister--been here for years." she came in at the word, her head and shoulders wreathed in a pearl gray shining veil, her soft long robe held up. "i saw your light, miss elder, and thought i'd stop in for a moment. good evening, mrs. pettigrew--and miss susie. ah! vivian!" "this is my friend, dr. bellair--mrs. st. cloud," miss elder was saying. but dr. bellair bowed a little stiffly, not coming forward. "i've met mrs. st. cloud before, i think--when she was 'mrs. james.'" the lady's face grew sad. "ah, you knew my first husband! i lost him--many years ago--typhoid fever." "i think i heard," said the doctor. and then, feeling that some expression of sympathy was called for, she added, "too bad." not all miss elder's gentle hospitality, mrs. pettigrew's bright-eyed interest, susie's efforts at polite attention, and vivian's visible sympathy could compensate mrs. st. cloud for one inimical presence. "you must have been a mere girl in those days," she said sweetly. "what a lovely little town it was--under the big trees." "it certainly was," the doctor answered dryly. "there is such a fine atmosphere in a college town, i think," pursued the lady. "especially in a co-educational town--don't you think so?" vivian was a little surprised. she had had an idea that her admired friend did not approve of co-education. she must have been mistaken. "such a world of old memories as you call up, dr. bellair," their visitor pursued. "those quiet, fruitful days! you remember dr. black's lectures? of course you do, better than i. what a fine man he was! and the beautiful music club we had one winter--and my little private dancing class--do you remember that? such nice boys, miss elder! i used to call them my acolytes." susie gave a little gulp, and coughed to cover it. "i guess you'll have to excuse me, ladies," said dr. bellair. "good-night." and she walked upstairs. vivian's face flushed and paled and flushed again. a cold pain was trying to enter her heart, and she was trying to keep it out. her grandmother glanced sharply from one face to the other. "glad to've met you, mrs. st. cloud," she said, bobbing up with decision. "good-night, rella--and susie. come on child. it's a wonder your mother hasn't sent after us." for once vivian was glad to go. "that's a good scheme of jane bellair's, don't you think so?" asked the old lady as they shut the gate behind them. "i--why yes--i don't see why not." vivian was still dizzy with the blow to her heart's idol. all the soft, still dream-world she had so labored to keep pure and beautiful seemed to shake and waver swimmingly. she could not return to it. the flat white face of her home loomed before her, square, hard, hideously unsympathetic-- "grandma," said she, stopping that lady suddenly and laying a pleading hand on her arm, "grandma, i believe i'll go." mrs. pettigrew nodded decisively. "i thought you would," she said. "do you blame me, grandma?" "not a mite, child. not a mite. but i'd sleep on it, if i were you." and vivian slept on it--so far as she slept at all. chapter iv transplanted sometimes a plant in its own habitat is overcrowded, starved, oppressed and daunted; a palely feeble thing; yet rises quickly, growing in height and vigor, blooming thickly, when far transplanted. the days between vivian's decision and her departure were harder than she had foreseen. it took some courage to make the choice. had she been alone, independent, quite free to change, the move would have been difficult enough; but to make her plan and hold to it in the face of a disapproving town, and the definite opposition of her parents, was a heavy undertaking. by habit she would have turned to mrs. st. cloud for advice; but between her and that lady now rose the vague image of a young boy, dead,--she could never feel the same to her again. dr. bellair proved a tower of strength. "my dear girl," she would say to her, patiently, but with repressed intensity, "do remember that you are _not_ a child! you are twenty-five years old. you are a grown woman, and have as much right to decide for yourself as a grown man. this isn't wicked--it is a wise move; a practical one. do you want to grow up like the rest of the useless single women in this little social cemetery?" her mother took it very hard. "i don't see how you can think of leaving us. we're getting old now--and here's grandma to take care of----" "huh!" said that lady, with such marked emphasis that mrs. lane hastily changed the phrase to "i mean to _be with_--you do like to have vivian with you, you can't deny that, mother." "but mama," said the girl, "you are not old; you are only forty-three. i am sorry to leave you--i am really; but it isn't forever! i can come back. and you don't really need me. sarah runs the house exactly as you like; you don't depend on me for a thing, and never did. as to grandma!"--and she looked affectionately at the old lady--"she don't need me nor anybody else. she's independent if ever anybody was. she won't miss me a mite--will you grandma?" mrs. pettigrew looked at her for a moment, the corners of her mouth tucked in tightly. "no," she said, "i shan't miss you a mite!" vivian was a little grieved at the prompt acquiescence. she felt nearer to her grandmother in many ways than to either parent. "well, i'll miss you!" said she, going to her and kissing her smooth pale cheek, "i'll miss you awfully!" mr. lane expressed his disapproval most thoroughly, and more than once; then retired into gloomy silence, alternated with violent dissuasion; but since a woman of twenty-five is certainly free to choose her way of life, and there was no real objection to this change, except that it _was_ a change, and therefore dreaded, his opposition, though unpleasant, was not prohibitive. vivian's independent fortune of $ . , the savings of many years, made the step possible, even without his assistance. there were two weeks of exceeding disagreeableness in the household, but vivian kept her temper and her determination under a rain of tears, a hail of criticism, and heavy wind of argument and exhortation. all her friends and neighbors, and many who were neither, joined in the effort to dissuade her; but she stood firm as the martyrs of old. heredity plays strange tricks with us. somewhere under the girl's dumb gentleness and patience lay a store of quiet strength from some pilgrim father or mother. never before had she set her will against her parents; conscience had always told her to submit. now conscience told her to rebel, and she did. she made her personal arrangements, said goodbye to her friends, declined to discuss with anyone, was sweet and quiet and kind at home, and finally appeared at the appointed hour on the platform of the little station. numbers of curious neighbors were there to see them off, all who knew them and could spare the time seemed to be on hand. vivian's mother came, but her father did not. at the last moment, just as the train drew in, grandma appeared, serene and brisk, descending, with an impressive amount of hand baggage, from "the hack." "goodbye, laura," she said. "i think these girls need a chaperon. i'm going too." so blasting was the astonishment caused by this proclamation, and so short a time remained to express it, that they presently found themselves gliding off in the big pullman, all staring at one another in silent amazement. "i hate discussion," said mrs. pettigrew. * * * * * none of these ladies were used to traveling, save dr. bellair, who had made the cross continent trip often enough to think nothing of it. the unaccustomed travelers found much excitement in the journey. as women, embarking on a new, and, in the eyes of their friends, highly doubtful enterprise, they had emotion to spare; and to be confronted at the outset by a totally unexpected grandmother was too much for immediate comprehension. she looked from one to the other, sparkling, triumphant. "i made up my mind, same as you did, hearing jane bellair talk," she explained. "sounded like good sense. i always wanted to travel, always, and never had the opportunity. this was a real good chance." her mouth shut, tightened, widened, drew into a crinkly delighted smile. they sat still staring at her. "you needn't look at me like that! i guess it's a free country! i bought my ticket--sent for it same as you did. and i didn't have to ask _anybody_--i'm no daughter. my duty, as far as i know it, is _done_! this is a pleasure trip!" she was triumph incarnate. "and you never said a word!" this from vivian. "not a word. saved lots of trouble. take care of me indeed! laura needn't think i'm dependent on her _yet_!" vivian's heart rather yearned over her mother, thus doubly bereft. "the truth is," her grandmother went on, "samuel wants to go to florida the worst way; i heard 'em talking about it! he wasn't willing to go alone--not he! wants somebody to hear him cough, i say! and laura couldn't go--'mother was so dependent'--_huh!_" vivian began to smile. she knew this had been talked over, and given up on that account. she herself could have been easily disposed of, but mrs. lane chose to think her mother a lifelong charge. "act as if i was ninety!" the old lady burst forth again. "i'll show 'em!" "i think you're dead right, mrs. pettigrew," said dr. bellair. "sixty isn't anything. you ought to have twenty years of enjoyable life yet, before they call you 'old'--maybe more." mrs. pettigrew cocked an eye at her. "my grandmother lived to be a hundred and four," said she, "and kept on working up to the last year. i don't know about enjoyin' life, but she was useful for pretty near a solid century. after she broke her hip the last time she sat still and sewed and knitted. after her eyes gave out she took to hooking rugs." "i hope it will be forty years, mrs. pettigrew," said sue, "and i'm real glad you're coming. it'll make it more like home." miss elder was a little slow in accommodating herself to this new accession. she liked mrs. pettigrew very much--but--a grandmother thus airily at large seemed to unsettle the foundations of things. she was polite, even cordial, but evidently found it difficult to accept the facts. "besides," said mrs. pettigrew, "you may not get all those boarders at once and i'll be one to count on. i stopped at the bank this morning and had 'em arrange for my account out in carston. they were some surprised, but there was no time to ask questions!" she relapsed into silence and gazed with keen interest at the whirling landscape. throughout the journey she proved the best of travelers; was never car-sick, slept well in the joggling berth, enjoyed the food, and continually astonished them by producing from her handbag the most diverse and unlooked for conveniences. an old-fashioned traveller had forgotten her watchkey--grandma produced an automatic one warranted to fit anything. "takes up mighty little room--and i thought maybe it would come in handy," she said. she had a small bottle of liquid court-plaster, and plenty of the solid kind. she had a delectable lotion for the hands, a real treasure on the dusty journey; also a tiny corkscrew, a strong pair of "pinchers," sewing materials, playing cards, string, safety-pins, elastic bands, lime drops, stamped envelopes, smelling salts, troches, needles and thread. "did you bring a trunk, grandma?" asked vivian. "two," said grandma, "excess baggage. all paid for and checked." "how did you ever learn to arrange things so well?" sue asked admiringly. "read about it," the old lady answered. "there's no end of directions nowadays. i've been studying up." she was so gleeful and triumphant, so variously useful, so steadily gay and stimulating, that they all grew to value her presence long before they reached carston; but they had no conception of the ultimate effect of a resident grandmother in that new and bustling town. to vivian the journey was a daily and nightly revelation. she had read much but traveled very little, never at night. the spreading beauty of the land was to her a new stimulus; she watched by the hour the endless panorama fly past her window, its countless shades of green, the brown and red soil, the fleeting dashes of color where wild flowers gathered thickly. she was repeatedly impressed by seeing suddenly beside her the name of some town which had only existed in her mind as "capital city" associated with "principal exports" and "bounded on the north." at night, sleeping little, she would raise her curtain and look out, sideways, at the stars. big shadowy trees ran by, steep cuttings rose like a wall of darkness, and the hilly curves of open country rose and fell against the sky line like a shaken carpet. she faced the long, bright vistas of the car and studied people's faces--such different people from any she had seen before. a heavy young man with small, light eyes, sat near by, and cast frequent glances at both the girls, going by their seat at intervals. vivian considered this distinctly rude, and sue did not like his looks, so he got nothing for his pains, yet even this added color to the day. the strange, new sense of freedom grew in her heart, a feeling of lightness and hope and unfolding purpose. there was continued discussion as to what the girls should do. "we can be waitresses for auntie till we get something else," sue practically insisted. "the doctor says it will be hard to get good service and i'm sure the boarders would like us." "you can both find work if you want it. what do you want to do, vivian?" asked dr. bellair, not for the first time. vivian was still uncertain. "i love children best," she said. "i could teach--but i haven't a certificate. i'd _love_ a kindergarten; i've studied that--at home." "shouldn't wonder if you could get up a kindergarten right off," the doctor assured her. "meantime, as this kitten says, you could help miss elder out and turn an honest penny while you're waiting." "wouldn't it--interfere with my teaching later?" the girl inquired. "not a bit, not a bit. we're not so foolish out here. we'll fix you up all right in no time." it was morning when they arrived at last and came out of the cindery, noisy crowded cars into the wide, clean, brilliant stillness of the high plateau. they drew deep breaths; the doctor squared her shoulders with a glad, homecoming smile. vivian lifted her head and faced the new surroundings as an unknown world. grandma gazed all ways, still cheerful, and their baggage accrued about them as a rampart. a big bearded man, carelessly dressed, whirled up in a dusty runabout, and stepped out smiling. he seized dr. bellair by both hands, and shook them warmly. "thought i'd catch you, johnny," he said. "glad to see you back. if you've got the landlady, i've got the cook!" "here we are," said she. "miss orella elder--dr. hale; mrs. pettigrew, miss susie elder, miss lane--dr. richard hale." he bowed deeply to mrs. pettigrew, shook hands with miss orella, and addressed himself to her, giving only a cold nod to the two girls, and quite turning away from them. susie, in quiet aside to vivian, made unfavorable comment. "this is your western chivalry, is it?" she said. "even bainville does better than that." "i don't know why we should mind," vivian answered. "it's dr. bellair's friend; he don't care anything about us." but she was rather of sue's opinion. the big man took dr. bellair in his car, and they followed in a station carriage, eagerly observing their new surroundings, and surprised, as most easterners are, by the broad beauty of the streets and the modern conveniences everywhere--electric cars, electric lights, telephones, soda fountains, where they had rather expected to find tents and wigwams. the house, when they were all safely within it, turned out to be "just like a real house," as sue said; and proved even more attractive than the doctor had described it. it was a big, rambling thing, at home they would have called it a hotel, with its neat little sign, "the cottonwoods," and vivian finally concluded that it looked like a seaside boarding house, built for the purpose. a broad piazza ran all across the front, the door opening into a big square hall, a sort of general sitting-room; on either side were four good rooms, opening on a transverse passage. the long dining-room and kitchen were in the rear of the hall. dr. bellair had two, her office fronting on the side street, with a bedroom behind it. they gave mrs. pettigrew the front corner room on that side and kept the one opening from the hall as their own parlor. in the opposite wing was miss elder's room next the hall, and the girls in the outer back corner, while the two front ones on that side were kept for the most impressive and high-priced boarders. mrs. pettigrew regarded her apartments with suspicion as being too "easy." "i don't mind stairs," she said. "dr. bellair has to be next her office--but why do i have to be next dr. bellair?" it was represented to her that she would be nearer to everything that went on and she agreed without more words. dr. hale exhibited the house as if he owned it. "the agent's out of town," he said, "and we don't need him anyway. he said he'd do anything you wanted, in reason." dr. bellair watched with keen interest the effect of her somewhat daring description, as miss orella stepped from room to room examining everything with a careful eye, with an expression of growing generalship. sue fluttered about delightedly, discovering advantages everywhere and making occasional disrespectful remarks to vivian about dr. hale's clothes. "looks as if he never saw a clothes brush!" she said. "a finger out on his glove, a button off his coat. no need to tell us there's no woman in his house!" "you can decide about your cook when you've tried her," he said to miss elder. "i engaged her for a week--on trial. she's in the kitchen now, and will have your dinner ready presently. i think you'll like her, if----" "good boy!" said dr. bellair. "sometimes you show as much sense as a woman--almost." "what's the 'if'" asked miss orella, looking worried. "question of character," he answered. "she's about forty-five, with a boy of sixteen or so. he's not over bright, but a willing worker. she's a good woman--from one standpoint. she won't leave that boy nor give him up to strangers; but she has a past!" "what is her present?" dr. bellair asked, "that's the main thing." dr. hale clapped her approvingly on the shoulder, but looked doubtingly toward miss orella. "and what's her future if somebody don't help her?" vivian urged. "can she cook?" asked grandma. "is she a safe person to have in the house?" inquired dr. bellair meaningly. "she can cook," he replied. "she's french, or of french parentage. she used to keep a little--place of entertainment. the food was excellent. she's been a patient of mine--off and on--for five years--and i should call her perfectly safe." miss orella still looked worried. "i'd like to help her and the boy, but would it--look well? i don't want to be mean about it, but this is a very serious venture with us, dr. hale, and i have these girls with me." "with you and dr. bellair and mrs. pettigrew the young ladies will be quite safe, miss elder. as to the woman's present character, she has suffered two changes of heart, she's become a religious devotee--and a man-hater! and from a business point of view, i assure you that if jeanne jeaune is in your kitchen you'll never have a room empty." "johnny jones! queer name for a woman!" said grandma. they repeated it to her carefully, but she only changed to "jennie june," and adhered to one or the other, thereafter. "what's the boy's name?" she asked further. "theophile," dr. hale replied. "huh!" said she. "why don't she keep an eating-house still?" asked dr. bellair rather suspiciously. "that's what i like best about her," he answered. "she is trying to break altogether with her past. she wants to give up 'public life'--and private life won't have her." they decided to try the experiment, and found it worked well. there were two bedrooms over the kitchen where "mrs. jones" as grandma generally called her, and her boy, could be quite comfortable and by themselves; and although of a somewhat sour and unsociable aspect, and fiercely watchful lest anyone offend her son, this questionable character proved an unquestionable advantage. with the boy's help, she cooked for the houseful, which grew to be a family of twenty-five. he also wiped dishes, helped in the laundry work, cleaned and scrubbed and carried coal; and miss elder, seeing his steady usefulness, insisted on paying wages for him too. this unlooked for praise and gain won the mother's heart, and as she grew more at home with them, and he less timid, she encouraged him to do the heavier cleaning in the rest of the house. "huh!" said grandma. "i wish more sane and moral persons would work like that!" vivian watched with amazement the swift filling of the house. there was no trouble at all about boarders, except in discriminating among them. "make them pay in advance, rella," dr. bellair advised, "it doesn't cost them any more, and it is a great convenience. 'references exchanged,' of course. there are a good many here that i know--you can always count on mr. dykeman and fordham grier, and john unwin." before a month was over the place was full to its limits with what sue called "assorted boarders," the work ran smoothly and the business end of miss elder's venture seemed quite safe. they had the twenty dr. bellair prophesied, and except for her, mrs. pettigrew, miss peeder, a teacher of dancing and music; mrs. jocelyn, who was interested in mining, and sarah hart, who described herself as a "journalist," all were men. fifteen men to eight women. miss elder sat at the head of her table, looked down it and across the other one, and marvelled continuously. never in her new england life had she been with so many men--except in church--and they were more scattered. this houseful of heavy feet and broad shoulders, these deep voices and loud laughs, the atmosphere of interchanging jests and tobacco smoke, was new to her. she hated the tobacco smoke, but that could not be helped. they did not smoke in her parlor, but the house was full of it none the less, in which constant presence she began to reverse the irishman's well known judgment of whiskey, allowing that while all tobacco was bad, some tobacco was much worse than others. chapter v contrasts old england thinks our country is a wilderness at best-- and small new england thinks the same of the large free-minded west. some people know the good old way is the only way to do, and find there must be something wrong in anything that's new. to vivian the new life offered a stimulus, a sense of stir and promise even beyond her expectations. she wrote dutiful letters to her mother, trying to describe the difference between this mountain town and bainville, but found the new england viewpoint an insurmountable obstacle. to bainville "out west" was a large blank space on the map, and the blank space in the mind which matched it was but sparsely dotted with a few disconnected ideas such as "cowboy," "blizzard," "prairie fire," "tornado," "border ruffian," and the like. the girl's painstaking description of the spreading, vigorous young town, with its fine, modern buildings, its banks and stores and theatres, its country club and parks, its pleasant social life, made small impression on the bainville mind. but the fact that miss elder's venture was successful from the first did impress old acquaintances, and mrs. lane read aloud to selected visitors her daughter's accounts of their new and agreeable friends. nothing was said of "chaps," "sombreros," or "shooting up the town," however, and therein a distinct sense of loss was felt. much of what was passing in vivian's mind she could not make clear to her mother had she wished to. the daily presence and very friendly advances of so many men, mostly young and all polite (with the exception of dr. hale, whose indifference was almost rude by contrast), gave a new life and color to the days. she could not help giving some thought to this varied assortment, and the carefully preserved image of morton, already nine years dim, waxed dimmer. but she had a vague consciousness of being untrue to her ideals, or to mrs. st. cloud's ideals, now somewhat discredited, and did not readily give herself up to the cheerful attractiveness of the position. susie found no such difficulty. her ideals were simple, and while quite within the bounds of decorum, left her plenty of room for amusement. so popular did she become, so constantly in demand for rides and walks and oft-recurring dances, that vivian felt called upon to give elder sisterly advice. but miss susan scouted her admonitions. "why shouldn't i have a good time?" she said. "think how we grew up! half a dozen boys to twenty girls, and when there was anything to go to--the lordly way they'd pick and choose! and after all our efforts and machinations most of us had to dance with each other. and the quarrels we had! here they stand around three deep asking for dances--and _they_ have to dance with each other, and _they_ do the quarreling. i've heard 'em." and sue giggled delightedly. "there's no reason we shouldn't enjoy ourselves, susie, of course, but aren't you--rather hard on them?" "oh, nonsense!" sue protested. "dr. bellair said i should get married out here! she says the same old thing--that it's 'a woman's duty,' and i propose to do it. that is--they'll propose, and i won't do it! not till i make up my mind. now see how you like this!" she had taken a fine large block of "legal cap" and set down their fifteen men thereon, with casual comment. . mr. unwin--too old, big, quiet. . mr. elmer skee--big, too old, funny. . jimmy saunders--middle-sized, amusing, nice. . p. r. gibbs--too little, too thin, too cocky. . george waterson--middling, pretty nice. . j. j. cuthbert--big, horrid. . fordham greer--big, pleasant. . w. s. horton--nothing much. . a. l. dykeman--interesting, too old. . professor toomey--little, horrid. . arthur fitzwilliam--ridiculous, too young. . howard winchester--too nice, distrust him. . lawson w. briggs--nothing much. . edward s. jenks--fair to middling. . mr. a. smith--minus. she held it up in triumph. "i got 'em all out of the book--quite correct. now, which'll you have." "susie elder! you little goose! do you imagine that all these fifteen men are going to propose to you?" "i'm sure i hope so!" said the cheerful damsel. "we've only been settled a fortnight and one of 'em has already!" vivian was impressed at once. "which?--you don't mean it!" sue pointed to the one marked "minus." "it was only 'a. smith.' i never should be willing to belong to 'a. smith,' it's too indefinite--unless it was a last resort. several more are--well, extremely friendly! now don't look so severe. you needn't worry about me. i'm not quite so foolish as i talk, you know." she was not. her words were light and saucy, but she was as demure and decorous a little new englander as need be desired; and she could not help it if the hearts of the unattached young men of whom the town was full, warmed towards her. dr. bellair astonished them at lunch one day in their first week. "dick hale wants us all to come over to tea this afternoon," she said, as if it was the most natural thing in the world. "tea? where?" asked mrs. pettigrew sharply. "at his house. he has 'a home of his own,' you know. and he particularly wants you, mrs. pettigrew--and miss elder--the girls, of course." "i'm sure i don't care to go," vivian remarked with serene indifference, but susie did. "oh, come on, vivian! it'll be so funny! a man's home!--and we may never get another chance. he's such a bear!" dr. hale's big house was only across the road from theirs, standing in a large lot with bushes and trees about it. "he's been here nine years," dr. bellair told them. "that's an old inhabitant for us. he boarded in that house for a while; then it was for sale and he bought it. he built that little office of his at the corner--says he doesn't like to live where he works, or work where he lives. he took his meals over here for a while--and then set up for himself." "i should think he'd be lonely," miss elder suggested. "oh, he has his boys, you know--always three or four young fellows about him. it's a mighty good thing for them, too." dr. hale's home proved a genuine surprise. they had regarded it as a big, neglected-looking place, and found on entering the gate that the inside view of that rampant shrubbery was extremely pleasant. though not close cut and swept of leaves and twigs, it still was beautiful; and the tennis court and tether-ball ring showed the ground well used. grandma looked about her with a keen interrogative eye, and was much impressed, as, indeed, were they all. she voiced their feelings justly when, the true inwardness of this pleasant home bursting fully upon them, she exclaimed: "well, of all things! a man keeping house!" "why not?" asked dr. hale with his dry smile. "is there any deficiency, mental or physical, about a man, to prevent his attempting this abstruse art?" she looked at him sharply. "i don't know about deficiency, but there seems to be somethin' about 'em that keeps 'em out of the business. i guess it's because women are so cheap." "no doubt you are right, mrs. pettigrew. and here women are scarce and high. hence my poor efforts." his poor efforts had bought or built a roomy pleasant house, and furnished it with a solid comfort and calm attractiveness that was most satisfying. two chinamen did the work; cooking, cleaning, washing, waiting on table, with silent efficiency. "they are as steady as eight-day clocks," said dr. hale. "i pay them good wages and they are worth it." "sun here had to go home once--to be married, also, to see his honored parents, i believe, and to leave a grand-'sun' to attend to the ancestors; but he brought in another chink first and trained him so well that i hardly noticed the difference. came back in a year or so, and resumed his place without a jar." miss elder watched with fascinated eyes these soft-footed servants with clean, white garments and shiny coils of long, braided hair. "i may have to come to it," she admitted, "but--dear me, it doesn't seem natural to have a man doing housework!" dr. hale smiled again. "you don't want men to escape from dependence, i see. perhaps, if more men knew how comfortably they could live without women, the world would be happier." there was a faint wire-edge to his tone, in spite of the courteous expression, but miss elder did not notice it and if mrs. pettigrew did, she made no comment. they noted the varied excellences of his housekeeping with high approval. "you certainly know how, dr. hale," said miss orella; "i particularly admire these beds--with the sheets buttoned down, german fashion, isn't it? what made you do that?" "i've slept so much in hotels," he answered; "and found the sheets always inadequate to cover the blankets--and the marks of other men's whiskers! i don't like blankets in my neck. besides it saves washing." mrs. pettigrew nodded vehemently. "you have sense," she said. the labor-saving devices were a real surprise to them. a "chute" for soiled clothing shot from the bathroom on each floor to the laundry in the basement; a dumbwaiter of construction large and strong enough to carry trunks, went from cellar to roof; the fireplaces dropped their ashes down mysterious inner holes; and for the big one in the living-room a special "lift" raised a box of wood up to the floor level, hidden by one of the "settles." "saves work--saves dirt--saves expense," said dr. hale. miss hale and her niece secretly thought the rooms rather bare, but dr. bellair was highly in favor of that very feature. "you see dick don't believe in jimcracks and dirt-catchers, and he likes sunlight. books all under glass--no curtains to wash and darn and fuss with--none of those fancy pincushions and embroidered thingummies--i quite envy him." "why don't you have one yourself, johnny?" he asked her. "because i don't like housekeeping," she said, "and you do. masculine instinct, i suppose!" "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew with her sudden one-syllable chuckle. the girls followed from room to room, scarce noticing these comments, or the eager politeness of the four pleasant-faced young fellows who formed the doctor's present family. she could not but note the intelligent efficiency of the place, but felt more deeply the underlying spirit, the big-brotherly kindness which prompted his hospitable care of these nice boys. it was delightful to hear them praise him. "o, he's simply great," whispered archie burns, a ruddy-cheeked young scotchman. "he pretends there's nothing to it--that he wants company--that we pay for all we get--and that sort of thing, you know; but this is no boarding house, i can tell you!" and then he flushed till his very hair grew redder--remembering that the guests came from one. "of course not!" vivian cordially agreed with him. "you must have lovely times here. i don't wonder you appreciate it!" and she smiled so sweetly that he felt at ease again. beneath all this cheery good will and the gay chatter of the group her quick sense caught an impression of something hidden and repressed. she felt the large and quiet beauty of the rooms; the smooth comfort, the rational, pleasant life; but still more she felt a deep keynote of loneliness. the pictures told her most. she noted one after another with inward comment. "there's 'persepolis,'" she said to herself--"loneliness incarnate; and that other lion-and-ruin thing,--loneliness and decay. gerome's 'lion in the desert,' too, the same thing. then daniel--more lions, more loneliness, but power. 'circe and the companions of ulysses'--cruel, but loneliness and power again--of a sort. there's that 'island of death' too--a beautiful thing--but o dear!--and young burne-jones' 'vampire' was in one of the bedrooms--that one he shut the door of!" while they ate and drank in the long, low-ceiled wide-windowed room below, she sought the bookcases and looked them over curiously. yes--there was marcus aurelius, epictetus, plato, emerson and carlisle--the great german philosophers, the french, the english--all showing signs of use. dr. hale observed her inspection. it seemed to vaguely annoy him, as if someone were asking too presuming questions. "interested in philosophy, miss lane?" he asked, drily, coming toward her. "yes--so far as i understand it," she answered. "and how far does that go?" she felt the inference, and raised her soft eyes to his rather reproachfully. "not far, i am afraid. but i do know that these books teach one how to bear trouble." he met her gaze steadily, but something seemed to shut, deep in his eyes. they looked as unassailable as a steel safe. he straightened his big shoulders with a defiant shrug, and returned to sit by mrs. pettigrew, to whom he made himself most agreeable. the four young men did the honors of the tea table, with devotion to all; and some especially intended for the younger ladies. miss elder cried out in delight at the tea. "where did you get it, dr. hale? can it be had here?" "i'm afraid not. that is a particular brand. sun brought me a chest of it when he came from his visit." when they went home each lady was given a present, chinese fashion--lychee nuts for sue, lily-bulbs for vivian, a large fan for mrs. pettigrew, and a package of the wonderful tea for miss orella. "that's a splendid thing for him to do," she said, as they walked back. "such a safe place for those boys!" "it's lovely of him," sue agreed. "i don't care if he is a woman-hater." vivian said nothing, but admitted, on being questioned, that "he was very interesting." mrs. pettigrew was delighted with their visit. "i like this country," she declared. "things are different. a man couldn't do that in bainville--he'd be talked out of town." that night she sought dr. bellair and questioned her. "tell me about that man," she demanded. "how old is he?" "not as old as he looks by ten years," said the doctor. "no, i can't tell you why his hair's gray." "what woman upset him?" asked the old lady. dr. bellair regarded her thoughtfully. "he has made me no confidences, mrs. pettigrew, but i think you are right. it must have been a severe shock--for he is very bitter against women. it is a shame, too, for he is one of the best of men. he prefers men patients--and gets them. the women he will treat if he must, but he is kindest to the 'fallen' ones, and inclined to sneer at the rest. and yet he's the straightest man i ever knew. i'm thankful to have him come here so much. he needs it." mrs. pettigrew marched off, nodding sagely. she felt a large and growing interest in her new surroundings, more especially in the numerous boys, but was somewhat amazed at her popularity among them. these young men were mainly exiles from home; the older ones, though more settled perhaps, had been even longer away from their early surroundings; and a real live grandma, as jimmy saunders said, was an "attraction." "if you were mine," he told her laughingly, "i'd get a pianist and some sort of little side show, and exhibit you all up and down the mountains!--for good money. why some of the boys never had a grandma, and those that did haven't seen one since they were kids!" "very complimentary, i'm sure--but impracticable," said the old lady. the young men came to her with confidences, they asked her advice, they kept her amused with tales of their adventures; some true, some greatly diversified; and she listened with a shrewd little smile and a wag of the head--so they never were quite sure whether they were "fooling" grandma or not. to her, as a general confidant, came miss peeder with a tale of woe. the little hall that she rented for her dancing classes had burned down on a windy sunday, and there was no other suitable and within her means. "there's sloan's; but it's over a barroom--it's really not possible. and baker's is too expensive. the church rooms they won't let for dancing--i don't know what i _am_ to do, mrs. pettigrew!" "why don't you ask orella elder to rent you her dining-room--it's big enough. they could move the tables----" miss peeder's eyes opened in hopeful surprise. "oh, if she _would_! do _you_ think she would? it would be ideal." miss elder being called upon, was quite fluttered by the proposition, and consulted dr. bellair. "why not?" said that lady. "dancing is first rate exercise--good for us all. might as well have the girls dance here under your eye as going out all the time--and it's some addition to the income. they'll pay extra for refreshments, too. i'd do it." with considerable trepidation miss orella consented, and their first "class night" was awaited by her in a state of suppressed excitement. to have music and dancing--"with refreshments"--twice a week--in her own house--this seemed to her like a career of furious dissipation. vivian, though with a subtle sense of withdrawal from a too general intimacy, was inwardly rather pleased; and susie bubbled over with delight. "oh what fun!" she cried. "i never had enough dancing! i don't believe anybody has!" "we don't belong to the class, you know," vivian reminded her. "oh yes! miss peeder says we must _all_ come--that she would feel _very_ badly if we didn't; and the boarders have all joined--to a man!" everyone seemed pleased except mrs. jeaune. dancing she considered immoral; music, almost as much so--and miss elder trembled lest she lose her. but the offer of extra payments for herself and son on these two nights each week proved sufficient to quell her scruples. theophile doubled up the tables, set chairs around the walls, waxed the floor, and was then sent to bed and locked in by his anxious mother. she labored, during the earlier hours of the evening, in the preparation of sandwiches and coffee, cake and lemonade--which viands were later shoved through the slide by the austere cook, and distributed as from a counter by miss peeder's assistant. mrs. jeaune would come no nearer, but peered darkly upon them through the peep-hole in the swinging door. it was a very large room, due to the time when many "mealers" had been accommodated. there were windows on each side, windows possessing the unusual merit of opening from the top; wide double doors made the big front hall a sort of anteroom, and the stairs and piazza furnished opportunities for occasional couples who felt the wish for retirement. in the right-angled passages, long hat-racks on either side were hung with "derbies," "kossuths" and "stetsons," and the ladies took off their wraps, and added finishing touches to their toilettes in miss elder's room. the house was full of stir and bustle, of pretty dresses, of giggles and whispers, and the subdued exchange of comments among the gentlemen. the men predominated, so that there was no lack of partners for any of the ladies. miss orella accepted her new position with a half-terrified enjoyment. not in many years had she found herself so in demand. her always neat and appropriate costume had blossomed suddenly for the occasion; her hair, arranged by the affectionate and admiring susie, seemed softer and more voluminous. her eyes grew brilliant, and the delicate color in her face warmed and deepened. miss peeder had installed a pianola to cover emergencies, but on this opening evening she had both piano and violin--good, lively, sole-stirring music. everyone was on the floor, save a few gentlemen who evidently wished they were. sue danced with the gaiety and lightness of a kitten among wind-blown leaves, vivian with gliding grace, smooth and harmonious, miss orella with skill and evident enjoyment, though still conscientious in every accurate step. presently mrs. pettigrew appeared, sedately glorious in black silk, jet-beaded, and with much fine old lace. she bore in front of her a small wicker rocking chair, and headed for a corner near the door. her burden was promptly taken from her by one of the latest comers, a tall person with a most devoted manner. "allow _me_, ma'am," he said, and placed the little chair at the point she indicated. "no lady ought to rustle for rockin' chairs with so many gentlemen present." he was a man of somewhat advanced age, but his hair was still more black than white and had a curly, wiggish effect save as its indigenous character was proven by three small bare patches of a conspicuous nature. he bowed so low before her that she could not help observing these distinctions, and then answered her startled look before she had time to question him. "yes'm," he explained, passing his hand over head; "scalped three several times and left for dead. but i'm here yet. mr. elmer skee, at your service." "i thought when an indian scalped you there wasn't enough hair left to make greeley whiskers," said grandma, rising to the occasion. "oh, no, ma'am, they ain't so efficacious as all that--not in these parts. i don't know what the ancient mohawks may have done, but the apaches only want a patch--smaller to carry and just as good to show off. they're collectors, you know--like a phil-e-a-to-lol-o-gist!" "skee, did you say?" pursued the old lady, regarding him with interest and convinced that there was something wrong with the name of that species of collector. "yes'm. skee--elmer skee. no'm, _not_ pronounced 'she.' do i look like it?" mr. skee was an interesting relic of that stormy past of the once wild west which has left so few surviving. he had crossed the plains as a child, he told her, in the days of the prairie schooner, had then and there lost his parents and his first bit of scalp, was picked up alive by a party of "movers," and had grown up in a playground of sixteen states and territories. grandma gazed upon him fascinated. "i judge you might be interesting to talk with," she said, after he had given her this brief sketch of his youth. "thank you, ma'am," said mr. skee. "may i have the pleasure of this dance?" "i haven't danced in thirty years," said she, dubitating. "the more reason for doing it now," he calmly insisted. "why not?" said mrs. pettigrew, and they forthwith executed a species of march, the gentleman pacing with the elaborate grace of a circus horse, and grandma stepping at his side with great decorum. later on, warming to the occasion, mr. skee frisked and high-stepped with the youngest and gayest, and found the supper so wholly to his liking that he promptly applied for a room, and as soon as one was vacant it was given to him. vivian danced to her heart's content and enjoyed the friendly merriment about her; but when fordham greer took her out on the long piazza to rest and breathe a little, she saw the dark bulk of the house across the street and the office with its half-lit window, and could not avoid thinking of the lonely man there. he had not come to the dance, no one expected that, of course; but all his boys had come and were having the best of times. "it's his own fault, of course; but it's a shame," she thought. the music sounded gaily from within, and young greer urged for another dance. she stood there for a moment, hesitating, her hand on his arm, when a tall figure came briskly up the street from the station, turned in at their gate, came up the steps---- the girl gave a little cry, and shrank back for an instant, then eagerly came forward and gave her hand to him. it was morton. chapter vi new friends and old 'twould be too bad to be true, my dear, and wonders never cease; twould be too bad to be true, my dear, if all one's swans were geese! vivian's startled cry of welcome was heard by susie, perched on the stairs with several eager youths gathered as close as might be about her, and several pairs of hands helped her swift descent to greet her brother. miss orella, dropping mr. dykeman's arm, came flying from the ball-room. "oh, morton! morton! when did you come? why didn't you let us know? oh, my _dear_ boy!" she haled him into their special parlor, took his hat away from him, pulled out the most comfortable chair. "have you had supper? and to think that we haven't a room for you! but there's to be one vacant--next week. i'll see that there is. you shall have my room, dear boy. oh, i am so glad to see you!" susie gave him a sisterly hug, while he kissed her, somewhat gingerly, on the cheek, and then she perched herself on the arm of a chair and gazed upon him with affectionate interest. vivian gazed also, busily engaged in fitting present facts to past memories. surely he had not looked just like that! the morton of her girlhood's dream had a clear complexion, a bright eye, a brave and gallant look--the voice only had not changed. but here was morton in present fact, something taller, it seemed, and a good deal heavier, well dressed in a rather vivid way, and making merry over his aunt's devotion. "well, if it doesn't seem like old times to have aunt 'rella running 'round like a hen with her head cut off, to wait on me." the simile was not unjust, though certainly ungracious, but his aunt was far too happy to resent it. "you sit right still!" she said. "i'll go and bring you some supper. you must be hungry." "now do sit down and hear to reason, auntie!" he said, reaching out a detaining hand and pulling her into a seat beside him. "i'm not hungry a little bit; had a good feed on the diner. never mind about the room--i don't know how long i can stay--and i left my grip at the allen house anyway. how well you're looking, auntie! i declare i'd hardly have known you! and here's little susie--a regular belle! and vivian--don't suppose i dare call you vivian now, miss lane?" vivian gave a little embarrassed laugh. if he had used her first name she would never have noticed it. now that he asked her, she hardly knew what answer to make, but presently said: "why, of course, i always call you morton." "well, i'll come when you call me," he cheerfully replied, leaning forward, elbows on knees, and looking around the pretty room. "how well you're fixed here. guess it was a wise move, aunt 'rella. but i'd never have dreamed you'd do it. your dr. bellair must have been a powerful promoter to get you all out here. i wouldn't have thought anybody in bainville could move--but me. why, there's grandma, as i live!" and he made a low bow. mrs. pettigrew, hearing of his arrival from the various would-be partners of the two girls, had come to the door and stood there regarding him with a non-committal expression. at this address she frowned perceptibly. "my name is mrs. pettigrew, young man. i've known you since you were a scallawag in short pants, but i'm no grandma of yours." "a thousand pardons! please excuse me, mrs. pettigrew," he said with exaggerated politeness. "won't you be seated?" and he set a chair for her with a flourish. "thanks, no," she said. "i'll go back," and went back forthwith, attended by mr. skee. "one of these happy family reunions, ma'am?" he asked with approving interest. "if there's one thing i do admire, it's a happy surprise." "'tis some of a surprise," mrs. pettigrew admitted, and became rather glum, in spite of mr. skee's undeniably entertaining conversation. "some sort of a fandango going on?" morton asked after a few rather stiff moments. "don't let me interrupt! on with the dance! let joy be unconfined! and if she must"--he looked at vivian, and went on somewhat lamely--"dance, why not dance with me? may i have the pleasure, miss lane?" "oh, no," cried miss orella, "we'd much rather be with you!" "but i'd rather dance than talk, any time," said he, and crooked his elbow to vivian with an impressive bow. somewhat uncertain in her own mind, and unwilling to again disappoint fordham greer, who had already lost one dance and was visibly waiting for her in the hall, the girl hesitated; but susie said, "go on, give him part of one. i'll tell mr. greer." so vivian took morton's proffered arm and returned to the floor. she had never danced with him in the old days; no special memory was here to contrast with the present; yet something seemed vaguely wrong. he danced well, but more actively than she admired, and during the rest of the evening devoted himself to the various ladies with an air of long usage. she was glad when the dancing was over and he had finally departed for his hotel, glad when susie had at last ceased chattering and dropped reluctantly to sleep. for a long time she lay awake trying to straighten out things in her mind and account to herself for the sense of vague confusion which oppressed her. morton had come back! that was the prominent thing, of which she repeatedly assured herself. how often she had looked forward to that moment, and felt in anticipation a vivid joy. she had thought of it in a hundred ways, always with pleasure, but never in this particular way--among so many strangers. it must be that which confused her, she thought, for she was extremely sensitive to the attitude of those about her. she felt an unspoken criticism of morton on the part of her new friends in the house, and resented it; yet in her own mind a faint comparison would obtrude itself between his manners and those of jimmie saunders or mr. greer, for instance. the young scotchman she had seen regarding morton with an undisguised dislike, and this she inwardly resented, even while herself disliking his bearing to his aunt--and to her grandmother. it was all contradictory and unsatisfying, and she fell asleep saying over to herself, "he has come back! he has come back!" and trying to feel happy. aunt orella was happy at any rate. she would not rest until her beloved nephew was installed in the house, practically turning out mr. gibbs in order to accommodate him. morton protested, talked of business and of having to go away at any time; and mr. gibbs, who still "mealed" with them, secretly wished he would. but morton did not go away. it was a long time since he had been petted and waited on, and he enjoyed it hugely, treating his aunt with a serio-comic affection that was sometimes funny, sometimes disagreeable. at least susie found it so. her first surprise over, she fell back on a fund of sound common sense, strengthened by present experience, and found a good deal to criticise in her returned brother. she was so young when he left, and he had teased her so unmercifully in those days, that her early memories of him were rather mixed in sentiment, and now he appeared, not as the unquestioned idol of a manless family in a well-nigh manless town, but as one among many; and of those many several were easily his superiors. he was her brother, and she loved him, of course; but there were so many wanting to be "brothers" if not more, and they were so much more polite! morton petted, patronized and teased her, and she took it all in good part, as after the manner of brothers, but his demeanor with other people was not to her mind. his adoring aunt, finding no fault whatever with this well-loved nephew, lavished upon him the affection of her unused motherhood, and he seemed to find it a patent joke, open to everyone, that she should be so fond. to this and, indeed, to his general walk and conversation, mrs. pettigrew took great exception. "fine boy--rella's nephew!" she said to dr. bellair late one night when, seeing a light over her neighbor's transom, she dropped in for a little chat. conversation seemed easier for her here than in the atmosphere of bainville. "fine boy--eh? nice complexion!" dr. bellair was reading a heavy-weight book by a heavier-weight specialist. she laid it down, took off her eyeglasses, and rubbed them. "better not kiss him," she said. "i thought as much!" said grandma. "i _thought_ as much! huh!" "nice world, isn't it?" the doctor suggested genially. "nothing the matter with the world, that i know of," her visitor answered. "nice people, then--how's that?" "nothing the matter with the people but foolishness--plain foolishness. good land! shall we _never_ learn anything!" "not till it's too late apparently," the doctor gloomily agreed, turning slowly in her swivel chair. "that boy never was taught anything to protect him. what did rella know? or for that matter, what do any boys' fathers and mothers know? nothing, you'd think. if they do, they won't teach it to their children." "time they did!" said the old lady decidedly. "high time they did! it's never too late to learn. i've learned a lot out of you and your books, jane bellair. interesting reading! i don't suppose you could give an absolute opinion now, could you?" "no," said dr. bellair gravely, "no, i couldn't; not yet, anyway." "well, we've got to keep our eyes open," mrs. pettigrew concluded. "when i think of that girl of mine----" "yes--or any girl," the doctor added. "you look out for any girl--that's your business; i'll look out for mine--if i can." mrs. pettigrew's were not the only eyes to scrutinize morton elder. through the peep-hole in the swing door to the kitchen, jeanne jeaune watched him darkly with one hand on her lean chest. she kept her watch on whatever went on in that dining-room, and on the two elderly waitresses whom she had helped miss elder to secure when the house filled up. they were rather painfully unattractive, but seemed likely to stay where no young and pretty damsel could be counted on for a year. morton joked with perseverance about their looks, and those who were most devoted to susie seemed to admire his wit, while vivian's special admirers found it pointless in the extreme. "your waitresses are the limit, auntie," he said, "but the cook is all to the good. is she a plain cook or a handsome one?" "handsome is as handsome does, young man," mrs. pettigrew pointedly replied. "mrs. jones is a first-class cook and her looks are neither here nor there." "you fill me with curiosity," he replied. "i must go out and make her acquaintance. i always get solid with the cook; it's worth while." the face at the peep-hole darkened and turned away with a bitter and determined look, and master theophile was hastened at his work till his dim intelligence wondered, and then blessed with an unexpected cookie. vivian, morton watched and followed assiduously. she was much changed from what he remembered--the young, frightened, slender girl he had kissed under the lilac bushes, a kiss long since forgotten among many. perhaps the very number of his subsequent acquaintances during a varied and not markedly successful career in the newer states made this type of new england womanhood more marked. girls he had known of various sorts, women old and young had been kind to him, for morton had the rough good looks and fluent manner which easily find their way to the good will of many female hearts; but this gentle refinement of manner and delicate beauty had a novel charm for him. sitting by his aunt at meals he studied vivian opposite, he watched her in their few quiet evenings together, under the soft lamplight on miss elder's beloved "center table;" and studied her continually in the stimulating presence of many equally devoted men. all that was best in him was stirred by her quiet grace, her reserved friendliness; and the spur of rivalry was by no means wanting. both the girls had their full share of masculine attention in that busy houseful, each having her own particular devotees, and the position of comforter to the others. morton became openly devoted to vivian, and followed her about, seeking every occasion to be alone with her, a thing difficult to accomplish. "i don't ever get a chance to see anything of you," he said. "come on, take a walk with me--won't you?" "you can see me all day, practically," she answered. "it seems to me that i never saw a man with so little to do." "now that's too bad, vivian! just because a fellow's out of a job for a while! it isn't the first time, either; in my business you work like--like anything, part of the time, and then get laid off. i work hard enough when i'm at it." "do you like it--that kind of work?" the girl asked. they were sitting in the family parlor, but the big hall was as usual well occupied, and some one or more of the boarders always eager to come in. miss elder at this moment had departed for special conference with her cook, and susie was at the theatre with jimmie saunders. fordham greer had asked vivian, as had morton also, but she declined both on the ground that she didn't like that kind of play. mrs. pettigrew, being joked too persistently about her fondness for "long whist," had retired to her room--but then, her room was divided from the parlor only by a thin partition and a door with a most inefficacious latch. "come over here by the fire," said morton, "and i'll tell you all about it." he seated himself on a sofa, comfortably adjacent to the fireplace, but vivian preferred a low rocker. "i suppose you mean travelling--and selling goods?" he pursued. "yes, i like it. there's lots of change--and you meet people. i'd hate to be shut up in an office." "but do you--get anywhere with it? is there any outlook for you? anything worth doing?" "there's a good bit of money to be made, if you mean that; that is, if a fellow's a good salesman. i'm no slouch myself, when i feel in the mood. but it's easy come, easy go, you see. and it's uncertain. there are times like this, with nothing doing." "i didn't mean money, altogether," said the girl meditatively, "but the work itself; i don't see any future for you." morton was pleased with her interest. reaching between his knees he seized the edge of the small sofa and dragged it a little nearer, quite unconscious that the act was distasteful to her. though twenty-five years old, vivian was extremely young in many ways, and her introspection had spent itself in tending the inner shrine of his early image. that ikon was now jarringly displaced by this insistent presence, and she could not satisfy herself yet as to whether the change pleased or displeased her. again and again his manner antagonized her, but his visible devotion carried an undeniable appeal, and his voice stirred the deep well of emotion in her heart. "look here, vivian," he said, "you've no idea how it goes through me to have you speak like that! you see i've been knocking around here for all this time, and i haven't had a soul to take an interest. a fellow needs the society of good women--like you." it is an old appeal, and always reaches the mark. to any women it is a compliment, and to a young girl, doubly alluring. as she looked at him, the very things she most disliked, his too free manner, his coarsened complexion, a certain look about the eyes, suddenly assumed a new interest as proofs of his loneliness and lack of right companionship. what mrs. st. cloud had told her of the ennobling influence of a true woman, flashed upon her mind. "you see, i had no mother," he said simply--"and aunt rella spoiled me--." he looked now like the boy she used to know. "of course i ought to have behaved better," he admitted. "i was ungrateful--i can see it now. but it did seem to me i couldn't stand that town a day longer!" she could sympathize with this feeling and showed it. "then when a fellow knocks around as i have so long, he gets to where he doesn't care a hang for anything. seeing you again makes a lot of difference, vivian. i think, perhaps--i could take a new start." "oh do! do!" she said eagerly. "you're young enough, morton. you can do anything if you'll make up your mind to it." "and you'll help me?" "of course i'll help you--if i can," said she. a feeling of sincere remorse for wasted opportunities rose in the young man's mind; also, in the presence of this pure-eyed girl, a sense of shame for his previous habits. he walked to the window, his hands in his pockets, and looked out blankly for a moment. "a fellow does a lot of things he shouldn't," he began, clearing his throat; she met him more than half way with the overflowing generosity of youth and ignorance: "never mind what you've done, morton--you're going to do differently now! susie'll be so proud of you--and aunt orella!" "and you?" he turned upon her suddenly. "oh--i? of course! i shall be very proud of my old friend." she met his eyes bravely, with a lovely look of hope and courage, and again his heart smote him. "i hope you will," he said and straightened his broad shoulders manfully. "morton elder!" cried his aunt, bustling in with deep concern in her voice, "what's this i hear about you're having a sore throat?" "nothing, i hope," said he cheerfully. "now, morton"--vivian showed new solicitude--"you know you have got a sore throat; susie told me." "well, i wish she'd hold her tongue," he protested. "it's nothing at all--be all right in a jiffy. no, i won't take any of your fixings, auntie." "i want dr. bellair to look at it anyhow," said his aunt, anxiously. "she'll know if it's diphtheritic or anything. she's coming in." "she can just go out again," he said with real annoyance. "if there's anything i've no use for it's a woman doctor!" "oh hush, hush!" cried vivian, too late. "don't apologize," said dr. bellair from her doorway. "i'm not in the least offended. indeed, i had rather surmised that that was your attitude; i didn't come in to prescribe, but to find mrs. pettigrew." "want me?" inquired the old lady from her doorway. "who's got a sore throat?" "morton has," vivian explained, "and he won't let aunt rella--why where is she?" miss elder had gone out as suddenly as she had entered. "camphor's good for sore throat," mrs. pettigrew volunteered. "three or four drops on a piece of sugar. is it the swelled kind, or the kind that smarts?" "oh--halifax!" exclaimed morton, disgustedly. "it isn't _any_ kind. i haven't a sore throat." "camphor's good for cold sores; you have one of them anyhow," the old lady persisted, producing a little bottle and urging it upon morton. "just keep it wet with camphor as often as you think of it, and it'll go away." vivian looked on, interested and sympathetic, but morton put his hand to his lip and backed away. "if you ladies don't stop trying to doctor me, i'll clear out to-morrow, so there!" this appalling threat was fortunately unheard by his aunt, who popped in again at this moment, dragging dr. hale with her. dr. bellair smiled quietly to herself. "i wouldn't tell him what i wanted him for, or he wouldn't have come, i'm sure--doctors are so funny," said miss elder, breathlessly, "but here he is. now, dr. hale, here's a foolish boy who won't listen to reason, and i'm real worried about him. i want you to look at his throat." dr. hale glanced briefly at morton's angry face. "the patient seems to be of age, miss elder; and, if you'll excuse me, does not seem to have authorized this call." "my affectionate family are bound to have me an invalid," morton explained. "i'm in imminent danger of hot baths, cold presses, mustard plasters, aconite, belladonna and quinine--and if i can once reach my hat--" he sidled to the door and fled in mock terror. "thank you for your good intentions, miss elder," dr. hale remarked drily. "you can bring water to the horse, but you can't make him drink it, you see." "now that that young man has gone we might have a game of whist," mrs. pettigrew suggested, looking not ill-pleased. "for which you do not need me in the least," and dr. hale was about to leave, but dr. bellair stopped him. "don't be an everlasting winter woodchuck, dick! sit down and play; do be good. i've got to see old mrs. graham yet; she refuses to go to sleep without it--knowing i'm so near. by by." mrs. pettigrew insisted on playing with miss elder, so vivian had the questionable pleasure of dr. hale as a partner. he was an expert, used to frequent and scientific play, and by no means patient with the girl's mistakes. he made no protest at a lost trick, but explained briefly between hands what she should have remembered and how the cards lay, till she grew quite discouraged. her game was but mediocre, played only to oblige; and she never could see why people cared so much about a mere pastime. pride came to her rescue at last; the more he criticised, the more determined she grew to profit by all this advice; but her mind would wander now and then to morton, to his young life so largely wasted, it appeared, and to what hope might lie before him. could she be the help and stimulus he seemed to think? how much did he mean by asking her to help him? "why waste a thirteenth trump on your partner's thirteenth card?" dr. hale was asking. she flushed a deep rose color and lifted appealing eyes to him. "do forgive me; my mind was elsewhere." "will you not invite it to return?" he suggested drily. he excused himself after a few games, and the girl at last was glad to have him go. she wanted to be alone with her thoughts. mrs. pettigrew, sitting unaccountably late at her front window, watched the light burn steadily in the small office at the opposite corner. presently she saw a familiar figure slip in there, and, after a considerable stay, come out quietly, cross the street, and let himself in at their door. "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew. chapter vii. side lights. high shines the golden shield in front, to those who are not blind; and clear and bright in all men's sight, the silver shield behind. in breadth and sheen each face is seen; how tall it is, how wide; but its thinness shows to only those who stand on either side. theophile wept aloud in the dining-room, nursing one hand in the other, like a hurt monkey. most of the diners had departed, but professor toomey and mr. cuthbert still lingered about miss susie's corner, to the evident displeasure of mr. saunders, who lingered also. miss susie smiled upon them all; and mr. saunders speculated endlessly as to whether this was due to her general friendliness of disposition, to an interest in pleasing her aunt's boarders, to personal preference, or, as he sometimes imagined, to a desire to tease him. morton was talking earnestly with vivian at the other end of the table, from which the two angular waitresses had some time since removed the last plate. one of them opened the swing door a crack and thrust her head in. "he's burnt his hand," she said, "and his ma's out. we don't dare go near him." both of these damsels professed great terror of the poor boy, though he was invariably good natured, and as timid as a rabbit. "do get the doctor!" cried susie, nervously; she never felt at ease with theophile. "dr. bellair, i fear, is not in her office," professor toomey announced. "we might summon dr. hale." "nonsense!" said mr. cuthbert, rising heavily. "he's a great baby, that's all. here! quit that howling and show me your hand!" he advanced upon theophile, who fled toward vivian. morton rose in her defence. "get out!" he said, "go back to the kitchen. there's nothing the matter with you." "wait till you get burned, and see if you think it's nothing," jimmy saunders remarked with some acidity. he did not like mr. elder. "come here youngster, let me see it." but the boy was afraid of all of them, and cowered in a corner, still bawling. "stop your noise," mr. cuthbert shouted, "get out of this, or i'll put you out." vivian rose to her feet. "you will do nothing of the kind. if you, all of you, will go away, i can quiet theophile, myself." susie went promptly. she had every confidence in her friend's management. mr. cuthbert was sulky, but followed susie; and mr. saunders, after some hesitation, followed susie, too. morton lingered, distrustful. "please go, morton. i know how to manage him. just leave us alone," vivian urged. "you'd better let me put him out, and keep him out, till the old woman comes back," morton insisted. "you mean kindly, i don't doubt, but you're making me very angry," said the girl, flushing; and he reluctantly left the room. professor toomey had departed long since, to fulfill his suggestion of calling dr. hale, but when that gentleman appeared, he found that vivian had quieted the boy, stayed him with flagons and comforted him with apples, as it were, and bound up his hand in wet cooking soda. "it's not a very bad burn," she told the doctor, "but it hurt, and he was frightened. he is afraid of everybody but his mother, and the men were cross to him." "i see," said dr. hale, watching theophile as he munched his apple, keeping carefully behind vivian and very near her. "he does not seem much afraid of you, i notice, and he's used to me. the soda is all right. where did you learn first aid to the injured, and how to handle--persons of limited understanding?" "the former i studied. the latter comes by nature, i think," replied the girl, annoyed. he laughed, rather suddenly. "it's a good quality, often needed in this world." "what's all this rumpus?" demanded grandma, appearing at the door. "waking me up out of my nap!" grandma's smooth, fine, still dark hair, which she wore in "water waves," was somewhat disarranged, and she held a little shawl about her. "only the household baby, playing with fire," dr. hale answered. "miss lane resolved herself into a red cross society, and attended to the wounded. however i think i'll have a look at it now i'm here." then was vivian surprised, and compelled to admiration, to see with what wise gentleness the big man won the confidence of the frightened boy, examined the hurt hand, and bound it up again. "you'll do, all right, won't you theophile," he said, and offered him a shining nickel and a lozenge, "which will you have, old man?" after some cautious hesitation the boy chose the lozenge, and hastily applied it where it would do the most good. "where's mrs. jones all this time?" suddenly demanded grandma, who had gone back to her room and fetched forth three fat, pink gumdrops for the further consolation of the afflicted. "she had to go out to buy clothes for him, she hardly ever leaves him you know," vivian explained. "and the girls out there are so afraid that they won't take any care of him." this was true enough, but vivian did not know that "mrs. jones" had returned and, peering through her favorite peephole, had seen her send out the others, and attend to the boy's burn with her own hand. jeanne jeaune was not a sentimental person, and judged from her son's easy consolation that he was little hurt, but she watched the girl's prompt tenderness with tears in her eyes. "she regards him, as any other boy;" thought the mother. "his infirmity, she does not recall it." dr. hale had long since won her approval, and when theophile at last ran out, eager to share his gumdrops, he found her busy as usual in the kitchen. she was a silent woman, professionally civil to the waitresses, but never cordial. the place pleased her, she was saving money, and she knew that there must be _some_ waitresses--these were probably no worse than others. for her unfortunate son she expected little, and strove to keep him near her so far as possible; but vivian's real kindness touched her deeply. she kept a sharp eye on whatever went on in the dining-room, and what with the frequent dances and the little groups which used to hang about the table after meals, or fill a corner of the big room for quiet chats, she had good opportunities. morton's visible devotion she watched with deep disapproval; though she was not at all certain that her "young lady" was favorably disposed toward him. she could see and judge the feelings of the men, these many men who ate and drank and laughed and paid court to both the girls. dr. hale's brusque coldness she accepted, as from a higher order of being. susie's gay coquetries were transparent to her; but vivian she could not read so well. the girl's deep conscientiousness, her courtesy and patience with all, and the gentle way in which she evaded the attentions so persistently offered, were new to jeanne's experience. when morton hung about and tried always to talk with vivian exclusively, she saw her listen with kind attention, but somehow without any of that answering gleam which made susie's blue eyes so irresistible. "she has the lovers, but she has _no_ beauty--to compare with my young lady!" jeanne commented inwardly. if the sad-eyed jeanne had been of scotch extraction instead of french, she might have quoted the explanation of the homely widow of three husbands when questioned by the good-looking spinster, who closed her inquiry by saying aggrievedly, "and ye'r na sae bonny." "it's na the bonny that does it," explained the triple widow, "it's the come hither i' the een." susie's eyes sparkled with the "come hither," but those who came failed to make any marked progress. she was somewhat more cautious after the sudden approach and overthrow of mr. a. smith; yet more than one young gentleman boarder found business called him elsewhere, with marked suddenness; his place eagerly taken by another. the cottonwoods had a waiting list, now. vivian made friends first, lovers afterward. then if the love proved vain, the friendship had a way of lingering. hers was one of those involved and over-conscientious characters, keenly sensitive to the thought of duty and to others, pain. she could not play with hearts that might be hurt in the handling, nor could she find in herself a quick and simple response to the appeals made to her; there were so many things to be considered. morton studied her with more intensity than he had ever before devoted to another human being; his admiration and respect grew with acquaintance, and all that was best in him rose in response to her wise, sweet womanliness. he had the background of their childhood's common experiences and her early sentiment--how much he did not know, to aid him. then there was the unknown country of his years of changeful travel, many tales that he could tell her, many more which he found he could not. he pressed his advantage, cautiously, finding the fullest response when he used the appeal to her uplifting influence. when they talked in the dining-room the sombre eye at the peephole watched with growing disapproval. the kitchen was largely left to her and her son by her fellow workers, on account of their nervous dislike for theophile, and she utilized her opportunities. vivian had provided the boy with some big bright picture blocks, and he spent happy hours in matching them on the white scoured table, while his mother sewed, and watched. he had forgotten his burn by now, and she sewed contentedly for there was no one talking to her young lady but dr. hale, who lingered unaccountably. to be sure, vivian had brought him a plate of cakes from the pantry, and he seemed to find the little brown things efficiently seductive, or perhaps it was grandma who held him, sitting bolt upright in her usual place, at the head of one table, and asking a series of firm but friendly questions. this she found the only way of inducing dr. hale to talk at all. yes, he was going away--yes, he would be gone some time--a matter of weeks, perhaps--he could not say--his boys were all well--he did not wonder that they saw a good deal of them--it was a good place for them to come. "you might come oftener yourself," said grandma, "and play real whist with me. these young people play _bridge_!" she used this word with angry scorn, as symbol of all degeneracy; and also despised pinochle, refusing to learn it, though any one could induce her to play bezique. some of the more venturous and argumentative, strove to persuade her that the games were really the same. "you needn't tell me," mrs. pettigrew would say, "i don't want to play any of your foreign games." "but, madam, bezique is not an english word," professor toomey had insisted, on one occasion; to which she had promptly responded, "neither is 'bouquet!'" dr. hale shook his head with a smile. he had a very nice smile, even vivian admitted that. all the hard lines of his face curved and melted, and the light came into those deep-set eyes and shone warmly. "i should enjoy playing whist with you very often, mrs. pettigrew; but a doctor has no time to call his own. and a good game of whist must not be interrupted by telephones." "there's miss orella!" said grandma, as the front door was heard to open. "she's getting to be quite a gadder." "it does her good, i don't doubt," the doctor gravely remarked, rising to go. miss orella met him in the hall, and bade him good-bye with regret. "we do not see much of you, doctor; i hope you'll be back soon." "why it's only a little trip; you good people act as if i were going to alaska," he said, "it makes me feel as if i had a family!" "pity you haven't," remarked grandma with her usual definiteness. dykeman stood holding miss orella's wrap, with his dry smile. "good-bye, hale," he said. "i'll chaperon your orphan asylum for you. so long." "come out into the dining-room," said miss orella, after dr. hale had departed. "i know you must be hungry," and mr. dykeman did not deny it. in his quiet middle-aged way, he enjoyed this enlarged family circle as much as the younger fellows, and he and mr. unwin seemed to vie with one another to convince miss orella that life still held charms for her. mr. skee also hovered about her to a considerable extent, but most of his devotion was bestowed upon damsels of extreme youth. "here's one that's hungry, anyhow," remarked dr. bellair, coming out of her office at the moment, with her usual clean and clear-starched appearance. "i've been at it for eighteen hours, with only bites to eat. yes, all over; both doing well." it was a source of deep self-congratulation to dr. bellair to watch her friend grow young again in the new atmosphere. to susie it appeared somewhat preposterous, as her aunt seems to her mind a permanently elderly person; while to mrs. pettigrew it looked only natural. "rella's only a young thing anyway," was her comment. but jane bellair marked and approved the added grace of each new gown, the blossoming of lace and ribbon, the appearance of long-hoarded bits of family jewelry, things held "too showy to wear" in bainville, but somehow quite appropriate here. vivian and grandma made miss orella sit down at her own table head, and bustled about in the pantry, bringing cheese and crackers, cake and fruit; but the doctor poked her head through the swing door and demanded meat. "i don't want a refection, i want food," she said, and jeanne cheerfully brought her a plate of cold beef. she was much attached to dr. bellair, for reasons many and good. "what i like about this place," said mrs. pettigrew, surveying the scene from the head of her table, "is that there's always something going on." "what i like about it," remarked dr. bellair, between well-fletcherized mouthfuls, "is that people have a chance to grow and are growing." "what i like," mr. dykeman looked about him, and paused in the middle of a sentence, as was his wont; "is being beautifully taken care of and made comfortable--any man likes that." miss orella beamed upon him. emboldened, he went on: "and what i like most is the new, delightful"--he was gazing admiringly at her, and she looked so embarrassed that he concluded with a wide margin of safety--"friends i'm making." miss orella's rosy flush, which had risen under his steady gaze, ebbed again to her usual soft pink. even her coldest critics, in the most caustic bainvillian circles, could never deny that she had "a good complexion." new england, like old england, loves roses on the cheeks, and our dry western winds play havoc with them. but miss orella's bloomed brighter than at home. "it is pleasant," she said softly; "all this coming and going--and the nice people--who stay." she looked at no one in particular, yet mr. dykeman seemed pleased. "there's another coming, i guess," remarked grandma, as a carriage was heard to stop outside, the gate slammed, and trunk-burdened steps pounded heavily across the piazza. the bell rang sharply, mr. dykeman opened the door, and the trunk came in first--a huge one, dumped promptly on the hall floor. behind the trunk and the man beneath it entered a lady; slim, elegant, graceful, in a rich silk dust coat and soft floating veils. "my dear miss elder!" she said, coming forward; "and vivian! dear vivian! i thought you could put me up, somewhere, and told him to come right here. o--and please--i haven't a bit of change left in my purse--will you pay the man?" "well, if it isn't mrs. st. cloud," said grandma, without any note of welcome in her voice. mr. dykeman paid the man; looked at the trunk, and paid him some more. the man departed swearing softly at nothing in particular, and mr. dykeman departed also to his own room. miss orella's hospitable soul was much exercised. refuse shelter to an old acquaintance, a guest, however unexpected, she could not; yet she had no vacant room. vivian, flushed and excited, moved anew by her old attraction, eagerly helped the visitor take off her wraps, mrs. pettigrew standing the while, with her arms folded, in the doorway of her room, her thin lips drawn to a hard line, as one intending to repel boarders at any risk to life or limb. dr. bellair had returned to her apartments at the first sound of the visitor's voice. she, gracious and calm in the midst of confusion, sat in a wreath of down-dropped silken wrappings, and held vivian's hand. "you dear child!" she said, "how well you look! what a charming place this is. the doctors sent me west for my health; i'm on my way to california. but when i found the train stopped here--i didn't know that it did till i saw the name--i had them take my trunk right off, and here i am! it is such a pleasure to see you all." "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew, and disappeared completely, closing the door behind her. "anything will do, miss elder," the visitor went on. "i shall find a hall bedroom palatial after a sleeping car; or a garret--anything! it's only for a few days, you know." vivian was restraining herself from hospitable offers by remembering that her room was also susie's, and miss orella well knew that to give up hers meant sleeping on a hard, short sofa in that all-too-public parlor. she was hastily planning in her mind to take susie in with her and persuade mrs. pettigrew to harbor vivian, somewhat deterred by memories of the old lady's expression as she departed, when mr. dykeman appeared at the door, suitcase in hand. "i promised hale i'd keep house for those fatherless boys, you know," he said. "in the meantime, you're quite welcome to use my room, miss elder." and he departed, her blessing going with him. more light refreshments were now in order. mrs. st. cloud protesting that she wanted nothing, but finding much to praise in the delicacies set before her. several of the other boarders drifted in, always glad of an extra bite before going to bed. susie and mr. saunders returned from a walk, morton reappeared, and jeanne, peering sharply in, resentful of this new drain upon her pantry shelves, saw a fair, sweet-faced woman, seated at ease, eating daintily, while miss elder and vivian waited upon her, and the men all gathered admiringly about. jeanne jeaune wagged her head. "ah, ha, madame!" she muttered softly, "such as you i have met before!" theophile she had long since sent to bed, remaining up herself to keep an eye on the continued disturbance in the front of the house. vivian and susie brought the dishes out, and would have washed them or left them till morning for the maids. "truly, no," said jeanne jeaune; "go you to your beds; i will attend to these." one by one she heard them go upstairs, distant movement and soft dissuasion as two gentlemen insisted on bearing mrs. st. cloud's trunk into her room, receding voices and closing doors. there was no sound in the dining-room now, but still she waited; the night was not yet quiet. miss elder and susie, vivian also, hovered about, trying to make this new guest comfortable, in spite of her graceful protests that they must not concern themselves in the least about her, that she wanted nothing--absolutely nothing. at last they left her, and still later, after some brief exchange of surprised comment and warm appreciation of mr. dykeman's thoughtfulness, the family retired. vivian, when her long hair was smoothly braided for the night, felt an imperative need for water. "don't you want some, susie? i'll bring you a glass." but susie only huddled the bedclothes about her pretty shoulders and said: "don't bring me _anything_, until to-morrow morning!" so her room-mate stole out softly in her wrapper, remembering that a pitcher of cool water still stood on one of the tables. the windows to the street let in a flood of light from a big street lamp, and she found her way easily, but was a bit startled for a moment to find a man still sitting there, his head upon his arms. "why, morton," she said; "is that you? what are you sitting up for? it's awfully late. i'm just after some water." she poured a glassful. "don't you want some?" "no, thank you," he said. "yes, i will. give me some, please." the girl gave him a glass, drank from her own and set it down, turning to go, but he reached out and caught a flowing sleeve of her kimono. "don't go, vivian! do sit down and talk to a fellow. i've been trying to see you for days and days." "why, morton elder, how absurd! you have certainly seen me every day, and we've talked hours this very evening. this is no time for conversation, surely." "the best time in the world," he assured her. "all the other times there are people about--dozens--hundreds--swarms! i want to talk to just you." there were certainly no dozens or hundreds about now, but as certainly there was one, noting with keen and disapproving interest this midnight tête-à-tête. it did not last very long, and was harmless and impersonal enough while it lasted. vivian sat for a few moments, listening patiently while the young man talked of his discouragements, his hopes, his wishes to succeed in life, to be worthy of her; but when the personal note sounded, when he tried to take her hand in the semi-darkness, then her new england conscience sounded also, and she rose to her feet and left him. "we'll talk about that another time," she said. "now do be quiet and do not wake people up." he stole upstairs, dutifully, and she crept softly back to her room and got into bed, without eliciting more than a mild grunt from sleepy susie. silence reigned at last in the house. not for long, however. at about half past twelve dr. bellair was roused from a well-earned sleep by a light, insistent tap upon her door. she listened, believing it to be a wind-stirred twig; but no, it was a finger tap--quiet--repeated. she opened the door upon jeanne in her stocking feet. "your pardon, mrs. doctor," said the visitor, "but it is of importance. may i speak for a little? no, i'm not ill, and we need not a light." they sat in the clean little office, the swaying cottonwood boughs making a changeful pattern on the floor. "you are a doctor, and you can make an end to it--you must make an end to it," said jeanne, after a little hesitation. "this young man--this nephew--he must not marry my young lady." "what makes you think he wants to?" asked the doctor. "i have seen, i have heard--i know," said jeanne. "you know, all can see that he loves her. _he!_ not such as he for my young lady." "why do you object to him, jeanne?" "he has lived the bad life," said the woman, grimly. "most young men are open to criticism," said dr. bellair. "have you anything definite to tell me--anything that you could _prove_?--if it were necessary to save her?" she leaned forward, elbows on knees. jeanne sat in the flickering shadows, considering her words. "he has had the sickness," she said at last. "can you prove that?" "i can prove to you, a doctor, that coralie and anastasia and estelle--they have had it. they are still alive; but not so beautiful." "yes; but how can you prove it on him?" "i know he was with them. well, it was no secret. i myself have seen--he was there often." "how on earth have you managed not to be recognized?" dr. bellair inquired after a few moments. jeanne laughed bitterly. "that was eight years ago; he was but a boy--gay and foolish, with the others. what does a boy know?... also, at that time i was blonde, and--of a difference." "i see," said the doctor, "i see! that's pretty straight. you know personally of that time, and you know the record of those others. but that was a long time ago." "i have heard of him since, many times, in such company," said jeanne. they sat in silence for some time. a distant church clock struck a single deep low note. the woman rose, stood for a hushed moment, suddenly burst forth with hushed intensity: "you must save her, doctor--you will! i was young once," she went on. "i did not know--as she does not. i married, and--_that_ came to me! it made me a devil--for awhile. tell her, doctor--if you must; tell her about my boy!" she went away, weeping silently, and dr. bellair sat sternly thinking in her chair, and fell asleep in it from utter weariness. chapter viii. a mixture. in poetry and painting and fiction we see such praise for the dawn of the day, we've long since been convinced that a sunrise must be all glorious and golden and gay. but we find there are mornings quite foggy and drear, with the clouds in a low-hanging pall; till the grey light of daylight can hardly make clear that the sun has arisen at all. dr. richard hale left his brood of temporary orphans without really expecting for them any particular oversight from andrew dykeman; but the two were sufficiently close friends to well warrant the latter in moving over to the monastery--as jimmie saunders called it. mr. dykeman was sufficiently popular with the young men to be welcome, even if he had not had a good excuse, and when they found how super-excellent his excuse was they wholly approved. to accommodate miss orella was something--all the boys liked miss orella. they speculated among themselves on her increasing youth and good looks, and even exchanged sagacious theories as to the particular acting cause. but when they found that mr. dykeman's visit was to make room for the installation of mrs. st. cloud, they were more than pleased. all the unexpressed ideals of masculine youth seemed centered in this palely graceful lady; the low, sweet voice, the delicate hands, the subtle sympathy of manner, the nameless, quiet charm of dress. young burns became her slave on sight, lawson and peters fell on the second day; not one held out beyond the third. even susie's attractions paled, her very youth became a disadvantage; she lacked that large considering tenderness. "fact is," mr. peters informed his friends rather suddenly, "young women are selfish. naturally, of course. it takes some experience to--well, to understand a fellow." they all agreed with him. mr. dykeman, quiet and reserved as always, was gravely polite to the newcomer, and mr. skee revolved at a distance, making observations. occasionally he paid some court to her, at which times she was cold to him; and again he devoted himself to the other ladies with his impressive air, as of one bowing low and sweeping the floor with a plumed hat. mr. skee's stetson had, as a matter of fact, no sign of plumage, and his bows were of a somewhat jerky order; but his gallantry was sweeping and impressive, none the less. if he remained too far away mrs. st. cloud would draw him to her circle, which consisted of all the other gentlemen. there were two exceptions. mr. james saunders had reached the stage where any woman besides susie was but a skirted ghost, and morton was by this time so deeply devoted to vivian that he probably would not have wavered even if left alone. he was not wholly a free agent, however. adela st. cloud had reached an age when something must be done. her mysterious absent husband had mysteriously and absently died, and still she never breathed a word against him. but the bible class in bainville furnished no satisfactory material for further hopes, the place of her earlier dwelling seemed not wholly desirable now, and the west had called her. finding herself comfortably placed in mr. dykeman's room, and judging from the number of his shoe-trees and the quality of his remaining toilet articles that he might be considered "suitable," she decided to remain in the half-way house for a season. so settled, why, for a thousand reasons one must keep one's hand in. there were men in plenty, from twenty year old archie to the uncertain decades of mr. skee. idly amusing herself, she questioned that gentleman indirectly as to his age, drawing from him astounding memories of the previous century. when confronted with historic proof that the events he described were over a hundred years passed, he would apologize, admitting that he had no memory for dates. she owned one day, with gentle candor, to being thirty-three. "that must seem quite old to a man like you, mr. skee. i feel very old sometimes!" she lifted large eyes to him, and drew her filmy scarf around her shoulders. "your memory must be worse than mine, ma'am," he replied, "and work the same way. you've sure got ten or twenty years added on superfluous! now me!" he shook his head; "i don't remember when i was born at all. and losin' my folks so young, _and_ the family bible--i don't expect i ever shall. but i 'low i'm all of ninety-seven." this being palpably impossible, and as the only local incidents he could recall in his youth were quite dateless adventures among the indians, she gave it up. why mr. skee should have interested her at all was difficult to say, unless it was the appeal to his uncertainty--he was at least a game fish, if not edible. of the women she met, susie and vivian were far the most attractive, wherefore mrs. st. cloud, with subtle sympathy and engaging frankness, fairly cast mr. saunders in susie's arms, and vice versa, as opportunity occurred. morton she rather snubbed, treated him as a mere boy, told tales of his childhood that were in no way complimentary--so that he fled from her. with vivian she renewed her earlier influence to a great degree. with some inquiry and more intuition she discovered what it was that had chilled the girl's affection for her. "i don't wonder, my dear child," she said; "i never told you of that--i never speak of it to anyone.... it was one of the--" she shivered slightly--"darkest griefs of a very dark time.... he was a beautiful boy.... i never _dreamed_----" the slow tears rose in her beautiful eyes till they shone like shimmering stars. "heaven send no such tragedy may ever come into your life, dear!" she reached a tender hand to clasp the girl's. "i am so glad of your happiness!" vivian was silent. as a matter of fact, she was not happy enough to honestly accept sympathy. mrs. st. cloud mistook her attitude, or seemed to. "i suppose you still blame me. many people did. i often blame myself. one cannot be _too_ careful. it's a terrible responsibility, vivian--to have a man love you." the girl's face grew even more somber. that was one thing which was troubling her. "but your life is all before you," pursued the older woman. "your dream has come true! how happy--how wonderfully happy you must be!" "i am not, not _really_," said the girl. "at least----" "i know--i know; i understand," mrs. st. cloud nodded with tender wisdom. "you are not sure. is not that it?" that was distinctly "it," and vivian so agreed. "there is no other man?" "not the shadow of one!" said the girl firmly. and as her questioner had studied the field and made up her mind to the same end, she believed her. "then you must not mind this sense of uncertainty. it always happens. it is part of the morning clouds of maidenhood, my dear--it vanishes with the sunrise!" and she smiled beatifically. then the girl unburdened herself of her perplexities. she could always express herself so easily to this sympathetic friend. "there are so many things that i--dislike--about him," she said. "habits of speech--of manners. he is not--not what i----" she paused. "not all the dream! ah! my dear child, they never are! we are given these beautiful ideals to guard and guide us; but the real is never quite the same. but when a man's soul opens to you--when he loves--these small things vanish. they can be changed--you will change them." "yes--he says so," vivian admitted. "he says that he knows that he is--unworthy--and has done wrong things. but so have i, for that matter." mrs. st. cloud agreed with her. "i am glad you feel that, my dear. men have their temptations--their vices--and we good women are apt to be hard on them. but have we no faults? ah, my dear, i have seen good women--young girls, like yourself--ruin a man's whole life by--well, by heartlessness; by lack of understanding. most young men do things they become ashamed of when they really love. and in the case of a motherless boy like this--lonely, away from his home, no good woman's influence about--what else could we expect? but you can make a new man of him. a glorious work!" "that's what he says. i'm not so sure--" the girl hesitated. "not sure you can? oh, my child, it is the most beautiful work on earth! to see from year to year a strong, noble character grow under your helping hand! to be the guiding star, the inspiration of a man's life. to live to hear him say: "'ah, who am i that god should bow from heaven to choose a wife for me? what have i done he should endow my home with thee?'" there was a silence. vivian's dark eyes shone with appreciation for the tender beauty of the lines, the lovely thought. then she arose and walked nervously across the floor, returning presently. "mrs. st. cloud----" "call me adela, my dear." "adela--dear adela--you--you have been married. i have no mother. tell me, ought not there to be more--more love? i'm fond of morton, of course, and i do want to help him--but surely, if i loved him--i should feel happier--more sure!" "the first part of love is often very confusing, my dear. i'll tell you how it is: just because you are a woman grown and feel your responsibilities, especially here, where you have so many men friends, you keep morton at a distance. then the external sort of cousinly affection you have for him rather blinds you to other feelings. but i have not forgotten--and i'm sure you have not--the memory of that hot, sweet night so long ago; the world swimming in summer moonlight and syringa sweetness; the stillness everywhere--and your first kiss!" vivian started to her feet. she moved to the window and stood awhile; came back and kissed her friend warmly, and went away without another word. the lady betook herself to her toilet, and spent some time on it, for there was one of miss peeder's classes that night. mrs. st. cloud danced with many, but most with mr. dykeman; no woman in the room had her swimming grace of motion, and yet, with all the throng of partners about her she had time to see susie's bright head bobbing about beneath mr. saunders down-bent, happy face, and vivian, with her eyes cast down, dancing with morton, whose gaze never left her. he was attention itself, he brought her precisely the supper she liked, found her favorite corner to rest in, took her to sit on the broad piazza between dances, remained close to her, still talking earnestly, when all the outsiders had gone. vivian found it hard to sleep that night. all that he had said of his new hope, new power, new courage, bore out mrs. st. cloud's bright promise of a new-built life. and some way, as she had listened and did not forbid, the touch of his hand, the pressure of his arm, grew warmer and brought back the memories of that summer night so long ago. he had begged hard for a kiss before he left her, and she quite had to tear herself away, as susie drifted in, also late; and aunt orella said they must all go to bed right away--she was tired if they were not. she did look tired. this dance seemed somehow less agreeable to her than had others. she took off her new prettinesses and packed them away in a box in the lower drawer. "i'm an old fool!" she said. "trying to dress up like a girl. i'm ashamed of myself!" quite possibly she did not sleep well either, yet she had no room-mate to keep her awake by babbling on, as susie did to vivian. her discourse was first, last and always about jimmie saunders. he had said this, he had looked that, he had done so; and what did vivian think he meant? and wasn't he handsome--and _so_ clever! little susie cuddled close and finally dropped off asleep, her arms around vivian. but the older girl counted the hours; her head, or her heart, in a whirl. morton elder was wakeful, too. so much so that he arose with a whispered expletive, took his shoes in his hand, and let himself softly out for a tramp in the open. this was not the first of his love affairs, but with all his hot young heart he wished it was. he stood still, alone on the high stretches of moonlit mesa and looked up at the measureless, brilliant spaces above him. "i'll keep straight--if i can have her!" he repeated under his breath. "i will! i will!" it had never occurred to him before to be ashamed of the various escapades of his youth. he had done no more than others, many others. none of "the boys" he associated with intended to do what was wrong; they were quite harsh in judgment of those who did, according to their standards. none of them had been made acquainted with the social or pathological results of their amusements, and the mere "zutritt ist verboten" had never impressed them at all. but now the gentler influences of his childhood, even the narrow morality of bainville, rose in pleasant colors in his mind. he wished he had saved his money, instead of spending it faster than it came in. he wished he had kept out of poker and solo and barrooms generally. he wished, in a dumb, shamed way, that he could come to her as clean as she was. but he threw his shoulders back and lifted his head determinedly. "i'll be good to her," he determined; "i'll make her a good husband." in the days that followed his devotion was as constant as before, but more intelligent. his whole manner changed and softened. he began to read the books she liked, and to talk about them. he was gentler to everyone, more polite, even to the waitresses, tender and thoughtful of his aunt and sister. vivian began to feel a pride in him, and in her influence, deepening as time passed. mrs. pettigrew, visiting the library on one of her frequent errands, was encountered there and devotedly escorted home by mr. skee. "that is a most fascinating young lady who has mr. dykeman's room; don't you think so, ma'am?" quoth he. "i do not," said mrs. pettigrew. "young! she's not so young as you are--nothing like--never was!" he threw back his head and laughed his queer laugh, which looked so uproarious and made so little noise. "she certainly is a charmer, whatever her age may be," he continued. "glad you think so, mr. skee. it may be time you lost a fourth!" "lost a fourth? what in the--hesperides!" "if you can't guess what, you needn't ask me!" said the lady, with some tartness. "but for my own part i prefer the apaches. good afternoon, mr. skee." she betook herself to her room with unusual promptness, and refused to be baited forth by any kind of offered amusement. "it's right thoughtful of andy dykeman, gettin' up this entertainment for mrs. st. cloud, isn't it, mrs. elder?" thus mr. skee to miss orella a little later. "i don't think it is mr. dykeman's idea at all," she told him. "it's those boys over there. they are all wild about her, quite naturally." she gave a little short sigh. "if dr. hale were at home i doubt if he would encourage it." "i'm pretty sure he wouldn't, ma'am. he's certainly down on the fair sex, even such a peacherino as this one. but with andy, now, it's different. he is a man of excellent judgment." "i guess all men's judgment is pretty much alike in some ways," said miss orella, oracularly. she seemed busy and constrained, and mr. skee drifted off and paid court as best he might to dr. bellair. "charmed to find you at home, ma'am," he said; "or shall i say at office?" "call it what you like, mr. skee; it's been my home for a good many years now." "it's a mighty fine thing for a woman, livin' alone, to have a business, seems to me," remarked the visitor. "it's a fine thing for any woman, married or single, to my mind," she answered. "i wish i could get vivian lane started in that kindergarten she talks about." "there's kids enough, and goodness knows they need a gardener! what's lackin'? house room?" "she thinks she's not really competent. she has no regular certificate, you see. her parents would never let go of her long enough," the doctor explained. "some parents _are_ pretty graspin', ain't they? to my mind, miss vivian would be a better teacher than lots of the ticketed ones. she's got the natural love of children." "yes, and she has studied a great deal. she just needs an impetus." "perhaps if she thought there was 'a call' she might be willing. i doubt if the families here realize what they're missin'. aint there some among your patients who could be stirred up a little?" the doctor thought there were, and he suggested several names from his apparently unlimited acquaintance. "i believe in occupation for the young. it takes up their minds," said mr. skee, and departed with serenity. he strolled over to dr. hale's fence and leaned upon it, watching the preparations. mr. dykeman, in his shirt-sleeves, stood about offering suggestions, while the young men swarmed here and there with poles and stepladders, hanging chinese lanterns. "hello, elmer; come in and make yourself useful," called mr. dykeman. "i'll come in, but i'll be switched if i'll be useful," he replied, laying a large hand on the fence and vaulting his long legs over it with an agility amazing in one of his alleged years. "you all are sure putting yourself out for this occasion. is it somebody's birthday?" "no; it's a get-up of these youngsters. they began by wanting mrs. st. cloud to come over to tea--afternoon tea--and now look at this!" "did she misunderstand the invitation as bad as that?" "o, no; just a gradual change of plan. one thing leads to another, you know. here, archie! that bush won't hold the line. put it on the willow." "i see," said mr. skee; "and, as we're quotin' proverbs, i might remark that 'while the cat's away the mice will play.'" mr. dykeman smiled. "it's rather a good joke on hale, isn't it?" "would be if he should happen to come home--and find this hen-party on." they both chuckled. "i guess he's good for a week yet," said mr. dykeman. "those medical associations do a lot of talking. higher up there, george--a good deal higher." he ran over to direct the boys, and mr. skee, hands behind him, strolled up and down the garden, wearing a meditative smile. he and andrew dykeman had been friends for many long years. dr. bellair used her telephone freely after mr. skee's departure, making notes and lists of names. late in the afternoon she found vivian in the hall. "i don't see much of you these days, miss lane," she said. the girl flushed. since mrs. st. cloud's coming and their renewed intimacy she had rather avoided the doctor, and that lady had kept herself conspicuously out of the way. "don't call me miss lane; i'm vivian--to my friends." "i hope you count me a friend?" said dr. bellair, gravely. "i do, doctor, and i'm proud to. but so many things have been happening lately," she laughed, a little nervously. "the truth is, i'm really ashamed to talk to you; i'm so lazy." "that's exactly what i wanted to speak about. aren't you ready to begin that little school of yours?" "i'd like to--i should, really," said the girl. "but, somehow, i don't know how to set about it." "i've been making some inquiries," said the doctor. "there are six or eight among my patients that you could count on--about a dozen young ones. how many could you handle?" "oh, i oughtn't to have more than twenty in any case. a dozen would be plenty to begin with. do you think i _could_ count on them--really?" "i tell you what i'll do," her friend offered; "i'll take you around and introduce you to any of them you don't know. most of 'em come here to the dances. there's mrs. horsford and mrs. blake, and that little mary jackson with the twins. you'll find they are mostly friends." "you are awfully kind," said the girl. "i wish"--her voice took on a sudden note of intensity--"i do wish i were strong, like you, dr. bellair." "i wasn't very strong--at your age--my child. i did the weakest of weak things--" vivian was eager to ask her what it was, but a door opened down one side passage and the doctor quietly disappeared down the other, as mrs. st. cloud came out. "i thought i heard your voice," she said. "and miss elder's, wasn't it?" "no; it was dr. bellair." "a strong character, and a fine physician, i understand. i'm sorry she does not like me." mrs. st. cloud's smile made it seem impossible that anyone should dislike her. vivian could not, however, deny the fact, and was not diplomatic enough to smooth it over, which her more experienced friend proceeded to do. "it is temperamental," she said gently. "if we had gone to school together we would not have been friends. she is strong, downright, progressive; i am weaker, more sensitive, better able to bear than to do. you must find her so stimulating." "yes," the girl said. "she was talking to me about my school." "your school?" "didn't you know i meant to have a sort of kindergarten? we planned it even before starting; but miss elder seemed to need me at first, and since then--things--have happened----" "and other things will happen, dear child! quite other and different things." the lady's smile was bewitching. vivian flushed slowly under her gaze. "oh, my dear, i watched you dancing together! you don't mind my noticing, do you?" her voice was suddenly tender and respectful. "i do not wish to intrude, but you are very dear to me. come into my room--do--and tell me what to wear to-night." mrs. st. cloud's clothes had always been a delight to vivian. they were what she would have liked to wear--and never quite have dared, under the new england fear of being "too dressy." her own beauty was kept trimly neat, like a closed gentian. her friend was in the gayest mood. she showed her a trunkful of delicate garments and gave her a glittering embroidered scarf, which the girl rapturously admired, but declared she would never have the courage to wear. "you shall wear it this very night," declared the lady. "here--show me what you've got. you shall be as lovely as you _are_, for once!" so vivian brought out her modest wardrobe, and the older woman chose a gown of white, insisted on shortening the sleeves to fairy wings of lace, draped the scarf about her white neck, raised the soft, close-bound hair to a regal crown, and put a shining star in it, and added a string of pearls on the white throat. "look at yourself now, child!" she said. vivian looked, in the long depths of mr. dykeman's mirror. she knew that she had beauty, but had never seen herself so brilliantly attired. erect, slender, graceful, the long lines of her young body draped in soft white, and her dark head, crowned and shining, poised on its white column, rising from the shimmering lace. her color deepened as she looked, and added to the picture. "you shall wear it to-night! you shall!" cried her admiring friend. "to please me--if no one else!" whether to please her or someone else, vivian consented, the two arriving rather late at the garden party across the way. mr. dykeman, looking very tall and fine in his evening clothes, was a cordial host, ably seconded by the eager boys about him. the place was certainly a credit to their efforts, the bare rooms being turned to bowers by vines and branches brought from the mountains, and made fragrant by piled flowers. lights glimmered through colored shades among the leaves, and on the dining table young peters, who came from connecticut, had rigged a fountain by means of some rubber tubing and an auger hole in the floor. this he had made before mr. dykeman caught him, and vowed dr. hale would not mind. mr. peters' enjoyment of the evening, however, was a little dampened by his knowledge of the precarious nature of this arrangement. he danced attendance on mrs. st. cloud, with the others, but wore a preoccupied expression, and stole in once or twice from the lit paths outside to make sure that all was running well. it was well to and during supper time, and the young man was complimented on his ingenuity. "reminds me of the hanging gardens of babylon," said mr. skee, sentimentally. "why?" asked mrs. pettigrew. "oh, _why_, ma'am? how can a fellow say why?" he protested. "because it is so--so efflorescent, i suppose." "reminds me of a loose faucet," said she, _sotto voce_, to dr. bellair. mr. peters beamed triumphantly, but in the very hour of his glory young burns, hastening to get a cup of coffee for his fair one, tripped over the concealed pipe, and the fountain poured forth its contributions among the feet of the guests. this was a minor misadventure, however, hurting no one's feeling but mr. peters', and mrs. st. cloud was so kind to him in consequence that he was envied by all the others. mr. dykeman was attentive to his guests, old and young, but mrs. pettigrew had not her usual smile for him; miss orella declined to dance, alleging that she was too tired, and dr. bellair somewhat dryly told him that he need not bother with her. he was hardly to be blamed if he turned repeatedly to mrs. st. cloud, whose tactful sweetness was always ready. she had her swarm of young admirers about her, yet never failed to find a place for her host, a smile and a word of understanding. her eyes were everywhere. she watched mr. skee waltzing with the youngest, providing well-chosen refreshments for miss orella, gallantly escorting grandma to see the "lovers' lane" they had made at the end of the garden. its twin lines of lights were all outside; within was grateful shadow. mrs. st. cloud paced through this fragrant arbor with each and every one of the receiving party, uttering ever-fresh expressions of admiration and gratitude for their kind thoughtfulness, especially to mr. dykeman. when she saw susie and mr. saunders go in at the farther end, she constituted herself a sort of protective agency to keep every one else out, holding them in play with various pleasant arts. and vivian? when she arrived there was a little gasp from morton, who was waiting for her near the door. she was indeed a sight to make a lover's heart leap. he had then, as it were, surrounded her. vainly did the others ask for dances. morton had unblushingly filled out a card with his own name and substituted it for the one she handed him. she protested, but the music sounded and he whirled her away before she could expostulate to any avail. his eyes spoke his admiration, and for once his tongue did not spoil the impression. half laughing and half serious, she let him monopolize her, but quite drove him away when mr. dykeman claimed his dance. "all filled up!" said morton for her, showing his card. "mine was promised yesterday, was it not, miss lane?" said the big man, smiling. and she went with him. he took her about the garden later, gravely admiring and attentive, and when susie fairly rushed into her arms, begging her to come and talk with her, he left them both in a small rose-crowned summer-house and went back to mrs. st. cloud. "oh, vivian, vivian! what do you think!" susie's face was buried on vivian's shoulder. "i'm engaged!" vivian held her close and kissed her soft hair. her joyous excitement was contagious. "he's the nicest man in the world!" breathed susie, "and he loves me!" "we all supposed he did. didn't you know it before?" "oh, yes, in a way; but, vivian--he kissed me!" "well, child, have you never in all your little life been kissed before?" susie lifted a rosy, tearful face for a moment. "never, never, never!" she said. "i thought i had, but i haven't! oh, i am so happy!" "what's up?" inquired morton, appearing with a pink lantern in his hand, in impatient search for his adored one. "susie--crying?" "no, i'm _not_," she said, and ran forthwith back to the house, whence jimmy was bringing her ice cream. vivian started to follow her. "oh, no, vivian; don't go. wait." he dropped the lantern and took her hands. the paper cover flared up, showing her flushed cheeks and starry eyes. he stamped out the flame, and in the sudden darkness caught her in his arms. for a moment she allowed him, turning her head away. he kissed her white shoulder. "no! no, morton--don't! you mustn't!" she tried to withdraw herself, but he held her fast. she could feel the pounding of his heart. "oh, vivian, don't say no! you will marry me, won't you? some day, when i'm more worth while. say you will! some day--if not now. i love you so; i need you so! say yes, vivian." he was breathing heavily. his arms held her motionless. she still kept her face turned from him. "let me go, morton; let me go! you hurt me!" "say yes, dear, and i'll let you go--for a little while." "yes," said vivian. the ground jarred beside them, as a tall man jumped the hedge boundary. he stood a moment, staring. "well, is this my house, or coney island?" they heard him say. and then morton swore softly to himself as vivian left him and came out. "good evening, dr. hale," she said, a little breathlessly. "we weren't expecting you so soon." "i should judge not," he answered. "what's up, anyhow?" "the boys--and mr. dykeman--are giving a garden party for mrs. st. cloud." "for whom?" "for adela st. cloud. she is visiting us. aren't you coming in?" "not now," he said, and was gone without another word. chapter ix. consequences. you may have a fondness for grapes that are green, and the sourness that greenness beneath; you may have a right to a colic at night-- but consider your children's teeth! dr. hale retired from his gaily illuminated grounds in too much displeasure to consider the question of dignity. one suddenly acting cause was the news given him by vivian. the other was the sight of morton elder's face as he struck a match to light his cigarette. thus moved, and having entered and left his own grounds like a thief in the night, he proceeded to tramp in the high-lying outskirts of the town until every light in his house had gone out. then he returned, let himself into his office, and lay there on a lounge until morning. vivian had come out so quickly to greet the doctor from obscure motives. she felt a sudden deep objection to being found there with morton, a wish to appear as one walking about unconcernedly, and when that match glow made morton's face shine out prominently in the dark shelter, she, too, felt a sudden displeasure. without a word she went swiftly to the house, excused herself to her grandmother, who nodded understandingly, and returned to the cottonwoods, to her room. she felt that she must be alone and think; think of that irrevocable word she had uttered, and its consequences. she sat at her window, rather breathless, watching the rows of pink lanterns swaying softly on the other side of the street; hearing the lively music, seeing young couples leave the gate and stroll off homeward. susie's happiness came more vividly to mind than her own. it was so freshly joyous, so pure, so perfectly at rest. she could not feel that way, could not tell with decision exactly how she did feel. but if this was happiness, it was not as she had imagined it. she thought of that moonlit summer night so long ago, and the memory of its warm wonder seemed sweeter than the hasty tumult and compulsion of to-night. she was stirred through and through by morton's intense emotion, but with a sort of reaction, a wish to escape. he had been so madly anxious, he had held her so close; there seemed no other way but to yield to him--in order to get away. and then dr. hale had jarred the whole situation. she had to be polite to him, in his own grounds. if only morton had kept still--that grating match--his face, bent and puffing, dr. hale must have seen him. and again she thought of little susie with almost envy. even after that young lady had come in, bubbled over with confidences and raptures, and finally dropped to sleep without vivian's having been able to bring herself to return the confidences, she stole back to her window again to breathe. why had dr. hale started so at the name of mrs. st. cloud? that was puzzling her more than she cared to admit. by and by she saw his well-known figure, tall and erect, march by on the other side and go into the office. "o, well," she sighed at last, "i'm not young, like susie. perhaps it _is_ like this--" now morton had been in no special need of that cigarette at that special moment, but he did not wish to seem to hide in the dusky arbor, nor to emerge lamely as if he had hidden. so he lit the match, more from habit than anything else. when it was out, and the cigarette well lighted, he heard the doctor's sudden thump on the other side of the fence and came out to rejoin vivian. she was not there. he did not see her again that night, and his meditations were such that next day found him, as a lover, far more agreeable to vivian than the night before. he showed real understanding, no triumph, no airs of possession; took no liberties, only said: "when i am good enough i shall claim you--my darling!" and looked at her with such restrained longing that she quite warmed to him again. he held to this attitude, devoted, quietly affectionate; till her sense of rebellion passed away and her real pleasure in his improvement reasserted itself. as they read together, if now and then his arm stole around her waist, he always withdrew it when so commanded. still, one cannot put the same severity into a prohibition too often repeated. the constant, thoughtful attention of a man experienced in the art of pleasing women, the new and frankly inexperienced efforts he made to meet her highest thoughts, to learn and share her preferences, both pleased her. he was certainly good looking, certainly amusing, certainly had become a better man from her companionship. she grew to feel a sort of ownership in this newly arisen character; a sort of pride in it. then, she had always been fond of morton, since the time when he was only "susie's big brother." that counted. another thing counted, too, counted heavily, though vivian never dreamed of it and would have hotly repudiated the charge. she was a woman of full marriageable age, with all the unused powers of her woman's nature calling for expression, quite unrecognized. he was a man who loved her, loved her more deeply than he had ever loved before, than he had even known he could love; who quite recognized what called within him and meant to meet the call. and he was near her every day. after that one fierce outbreak he held himself well in check. he knew he had startled her then, almost lost her. and with every hour of their companionship he felt more and more how much she was to him. other women he had pursued, overtaken, left behind. he felt that there was something in vivian which was beyond him, giving a stir and lift of aspiration which he genuinely enjoyed. day by day he strove to win her full approval, and day by day he did not neglect the tiny, slow-lapping waves of little tendernesses, small affectionate liberties at well-chosen moments, always promptly withdrawing when forbidden, but always beginning again a little further on. dr. bellair went to dr. hale's office and sat herself down solidly in the patient's chair. "dick," she said, "are you going to stand for this?" "stand for what, my esteemed but cryptic fellow-practitioner?" she eyed his calm, reserved countenance with friendly admiration. "you are an awfully good fellow, dick, but dull. at the same time dull and transparent. are you going to sit still and let that dangerous patient of yours marry the finest girl in town?" "your admiration for girls is always stronger than mine, jane; and i have, if you will pardon the boast, more than one patient." "all right, dick--if you want it made perfectly clear to your understanding. do you mean to let morton elder marry vivian lane?" "what business is it of mine?" he demanded, more than brusquely--savagely. "you know what he's got." "i am a physician, not a detective. and i am not miss lane's father, brother, uncle or guardian." "or lover," added dr. bellair, eyeing him quietly. she thought she saw a second's flicker of light in the deep gray eyes, a possible tightening of set lips. "suppose you are not," she said; "nor even a humanitarian. you _are_ a member of society. do you mean to let a man whom you know has no right to marry, poison the life of that splendid girl?" he was quite silent for a moment, but she could see the hand on the farther arm of his chair grip it till the nails were white. "how do you know he--wishes to marry her?" "if you were about like other people, you old hermit, you'd know it as well as anybody. i think they are on the verge of an engagement, if they aren't over it already. once more, dick, shall you do anything?" "no," said he. then, as she did not add a word, he rose and walked up and down the office in big strides, turning upon her at last. "you know how i feel about this. it is a matter of honor--professional honor. you women don't seem to know what the word means. i've told that good-for-nothing young wreck that he has no right to marry for years yet, if ever. that is all i can do. i will not betray the confidence of a patient." "not if he had smallpox, or scarlet fever, or the bubonic plague? suppose a patient of yours had the leprosy, and wanted to marry your sister, would you betray his confidence?" "i might kill my sister," he said, glaring at her. "i refuse to argue with you." "yes, i think you'd better refuse," she said, rising. "and you don't have to kill vivian lane, either. a man's honor always seems to want to kill a woman to satisfy it. i'm glad i haven't got the feeling. well, dick, i thought i'd give you a chance to come to your senses, a real good chance. but i won't leave you to the pangs of unavailing remorse, you poor old goose. that young syphilitic is no patient of mine." and she marched off to perform a difficult duty. she was very fond of vivian. the girl's unselfish sweetness of character and the depth of courage and power she perceived behind the sensitive, almost timid exterior, appealed to her. if she had had a daughter, perhaps she would have been like that. if she had had a daughter would she not have thanked anyone who would try to save her from such a danger? from that worse than deadly peril, because of which she had no daughter. dr. bellair was not the only one who watched morton's growing devotion with keen interest. to his aunt it was a constant joy. from the time her boisterous little nephew had come to rejoice her heart and upset her immaculate household arrangements, and had played, pleasantly though tyrannically, with the little girl next door, miss orella had dreamed this romance for him. to have it fail was part of her grief when he left her, to have it now so visibly coming to completion was a deep delight. if she had been blind to his faults, she was at least vividly conscious of the present sudden growth of virtues. she beamed at him with affectionate pride, and her manner to mrs. pettigrew was one of barely subdued "i told you so." indeed, she could not restrain herself altogether, but spoke to that lady with tender triumph of how lovely it was to have morton so gentle and nice. "you never did like the boy, i know, but you must admit that he is behaving beautifully now." "i will," said the old lady; "i'll admit it without reservation. he's behaving beautifully--now. but i'm not going to talk about him--to you, orella." so she rolled up her knitting work and marched off. "too bad she's so prejudiced and opinionated," said miss elder to susie, rather warmly. "i'm real fond of mrs. pettigrew, but when she takes a dislike----" susie was so happy herself that she seemed to walk in an aura of rosy light. her jimmie was so evidently the incarnation of every masculine virtue and charm that he lent a reflected lustre to other men, even to her brother. because of her love for jimmie, she loved morton better--loved everybody better. to have her only brother marry her dearest friend was wholly pleasant to susie. it was not difficult to wring from vivian a fair knowledge of how things stood, for, though reserved by nature, she was utterly unused to concealing anything, and could not tell an efficient lie if she wanted to. "are you engaged or are you not, you dear old thing?" demanded susie. and vivian admitted that there was "an understanding." but susie absolutely must not speak of it. for a wonder she did not, except to jimmie. but people seemed to make up their minds on the subject with miraculous agreement. the general interest in the manifold successes of mrs. st. cloud gave way to this vivid personal interest, and it was discussed from two sides among their whole circle of acquaintance. one side thought that a splendid girl was being wasted, sacrificed, thrown away, on a disagreeable, good-for-nothing fellow. the other side thought the "interesting" mr. elder might have done better; they did not know what he could see in her. they, that vaguely important they, before whom we so deeply bow, were also much occupied in their mind by speculations concerning mr. dykeman and two possibilities. one quite patently possible, even probable, giving rise to the complacent "why, anybody could see that!" and the other a fascinatingly impossible possibility of a sort which allows the even more complacent "didn't you? why, i could see it from the first." mr. dykeman had been a leading citizen in that new-built town for some ten years, which constituted him almost the oldest inhabitant. he was reputed to be extremely wealthy, though he never said anything about it, and neither his clothing nor his cigars reeked of affluence. perhaps nomadic chambermaids had spread knowledge of those silver-backed appurtenances, and the long mirror. or perhaps it was not woman's gossip at all, but men's gossip, which has wider base, and wider circulation, too. mr. dykeman had certainly "paid attentions" to miss elder. miss elder had undeniably brightened and blossomed most becomingly under these attentions. he had danced with her, he had driven with her, he had played piquet with her when he might have played whist. to be sure, he did these things with other ladies, and had done them for years past, but this really looked as if there might be something in it. mr. skee, as mr. dykeman's oldest friend, was even questioned a little; but it was not very much use to question mr. skee. his manner was not repellant, and not in the least reserved. he poured forth floods of information so voluminous and so varied that the recipient was rather drowned than fed. so opinions wavered as to mr. dykeman's intentions. then came this lady of irresistible charm, and the unmarried citizens of the place fell at her feet as one man. even the married ones slanted over a little. mr. dykeman danced with her, more than he had with miss elder. mr. dykeman drove with her, more than he had with miss elder. mr. dykeman played piquet with her, and chess, which miss elder could not play. and miss elder's little opening petals of ribbon and lace curled up and withered away; while mrs. st. cloud's silken efflorescence, softly waving and jewel-starred, flourished apace. dr. bellair had asked vivian to take a walk with her; and they sat together, resting, on a high lonely hill, a few miles out of town. "it's a great pleasure to see this much of you, dr. bellair," said the girl, feeling really complimented. "i'm afraid you won't think so, my dear, when you hear what i have to say: what i _have_ to say." the girl flushed a little. "are you going to scold me about something? have i done anything wrong?" her eyes smiled bravely. "go on, doctor. i know it will be for my best good." "it will indeed, dear child," said the doctor, so earnestly that vivian felt a chill of apprehension. "i am going to talk to you 'as man to man' as the story books say; as woman to woman. when i was your age i had been married three years." vivian was silent, but stole out a soft sympathetic hand and slipped it into the older woman's. she had heard of this early-made marriage, also early broken; with various dark comments to which she had paid no attention. dr. bellair was dr. bellair, and she had a reverential affection for her. there was a little silence. the doctor evidently found it hard to begin. "you love children, don't you, vivian?" the girl's eyes kindled, and a heavenly smile broke over her face. "better than anything in the world," she said. "ever think about them?" asked her friend, her own face whitening as she spoke. "think about their lovely little soft helplessness--when you hold them in your arms and have to do _everything_ for them. have to go and turn them over--see that the little ear isn't crumpled--that the covers are all right. can't you see 'em, upside down on the bath apron, grabbing at things, perfectly happy, but prepared to howl when it comes to dressing? and when they are big enough to love you! little soft arms that will hardly go round your neck. little soft cheeks against yours, little soft mouths and little soft kisses,--ever think of them?" the girl's eyes were like stars. she was looking into the future; her breath came quickly; she sat quite still. the doctor swallowed hard, and went on. "we mostly don't go much farther than that at first. it's just the babies we want. but you can look farther--can follow up, year by year, the lovely changing growing bodies and minds, the confidence and love between you, the pride you have as health is established, strength and skill developed, and character unfolds and deepens. "then when they are grown, and sort of catch up, and you have those splendid young lives about you, intimate strong friends and tender lovers. and you feel as though you had indeed done something for the world." she stopped, saying no more for a little, watching the girl's awed shining face. suddenly that face was turned to her, full of exquisite sympathy, the dark eyes swimming with sudden tears; and two soft eager arms held her close. "oh, doctor! to care like that and not--!" "yes, my dear;" said the doctor, quietly. "and not have any. not be able to have any--ever." vivian caught her breath with pitying intensity, but her friend went on. "never be able to have a child, because i married a man who had gonorrhea. in place of happy love, lonely pain. in place of motherhood, disease. misery and shame, child. medicine and surgery, and never any possibility of any child for me." the girl was pale with horror. "i--i didn't know--" she tried to say something, but the doctor burst out impatiently: "no! you don't know. i didn't know. girls aren't taught a word of what's before them till it's too late--not _then_, sometimes! women lose every joy in life, every hope, every capacity for service or pleasure. they go down to their graves without anyone's telling them the cause of it all." "that was why you--left him?" asked vivian presently. "yes, i left him. when i found i could not be a mother i determined to be a doctor, and save other women, if i could." she said this with such slow, grave emphasis that vivian turned a sudden startled face to her, and went white to the lips. "i may be wrong," the doctor said, "you have not given me your confidence in this matter. but it is better, a thousand times better, that i should make this mistake than for you to make that. you must not marry morton elder." vivian did not admit nor deny. she still wore that look of horror. "you think he has--that?" "i do not know whether he has gonorrhea or not; it takes a long microscopic analysis to be sure; but there is every practical assurance that he's had it, and i know he's had syphilis." if vivian could have turned paler she would have, then. "i've heard of--that," she said, shuddering. "yes, the other is newer to our knowledge, far commoner, and really more dangerous. they are two of the most terrible diseases known to us; highly contagious, and in the case of syphilis, hereditary. nearly three-quarters of the men have one or the other, or both." but vivian was not listening. her face was buried in her hands. she crouched low in agonized weeping. "oh, come, come, my dear. don't take it so hard. there's no harm done you see, it's not too late." "oh, it _is_ too late! it is!" wailed the girl. "i have promised to marry him." "i don't care if you were at the altar, child; you _haven't_ married him, and you mustn't." "i have given my word!" said the girl dully. she was thinking of morton now. of his handsome face, with it's new expression of respectful tenderness; of all the hopes they had built together; of his life, so dependent upon hers for its higher interests. she turned to the doctor, her lips quivering. "he _loves_ me!" she said. "i--we--he says i am all that holds him up, that helps him to make a newer better life. and he has changed so--i can see it! he says he has loved me, really, since he was seventeen!" the older sterner face did not relax. "he told me he had--done wrong. he was honest about it. he said he wasn't--worthy." "he isn't," said dr. bellair. "but surely i owe some duty to him. he depends on me. and i have promised--" the doctor grew grimmer. "marriage is for motherhood," she said. "that is its initial purpose. i suppose you might deliberately forego motherhood, and undertake a sort of missionary relation to a man, but that is not marriage." "he loves me," said the girl with gentle stubbornness. she saw morton's eyes, as she had so often seen them lately; full of adoration and manly patience. she felt his hand, as she had felt it so often lately, holding hers, stealing about her waist, sometimes bringing her fingers to his lips for a strong slow kiss which she could not forget for hours. she raised her head. a new wave of feeling swept over her. she saw a vista of self-sacrificing devotion, foregoing much, forgiving much, but rejoicing in the companionship of a noble life, a soul rebuilt, a love that was passionately grateful. her eyes met those of her friend fairly. "and i love him!" she said. "will you tell that to your crippled children?" asked dr. bellair. "will they understand it if they are idiots? will they see it if they are blind? will it satisfy you when they are dead?" the girl shrank before her. "you _shall_ understand," said the doctor. "this is no case for idealism and exalted emotion. do you want a son like theophile?" "i thought you said--they didn't have any." "some don't--that is one result. another result--of gonorrhea--is to have children born blind. their eyes may be saved, with care. but it is not a motherly gift for one's babies--blindness. you may have years and years of suffering yourself--any or all of those diseases 'peculiar to women' as we used to call them! and we pitied the men who 'were so good to their invalid wives'! you may have any number of still-born children, year after year. and every little marred dead face would remind you that you allowed it! and they may be deformed and twisted, have all manner of terrible and loathsome afflictions, they and their children after them, if they have any. and many do! dear girl, don't you see that's wicked?" vivian was silent, her two hands wrung together; her whole form shivering with emotion. "don't think that you are 'ruining his life,'" said the doctor kindly. "he ruined it long ago--poor boy!" the girl turned quickly at the note of sympathy. "they don't know either," her friend went on. "what could miss orella do, poor little saint, to protect a lively young fellow like that! all they have in their scatter-brained heads is 'it's naughty but it's nice!' and so they rush off and ruin their whole lives--and their wives'--and their children's. a man don't have to be so very wicked, either, understand. just one mis-step may be enough for infection." "even if it did break his heart, and yours--even if you both lived single, he because it is the only decent thing he can do now, you because of a misguided sense of devotion; that would be better than to commit this plain sin. beware of a biological sin, my dear; for it there is no forgiveness." she waited a moment and went on, as firmly and steadily as she would have held the walls of a wound while she placed the stitches. "if you two love each other so nobly and devotedly that it is higher and truer and more lasting than the ordinary love of men and women, you might be 'true' to one another for a lifetime, you see. and all that friendship can do, exalted influence, noble inspiration--that is open to you." vivian's eyes were wide and shining. she saw a possible future, not wholly unbearable. "has he kissed you yet?" asked the doctor suddenly. "no," she said. "that is--except----" "don't let him. you might catch it. your friendship must be distant. well, shall we be going back? i'm sorry, my dear. i did hate awfully to do it. but i hated worse to see you go down those awful steps from which there is no returning." "yes," said vivian. "thank you. won't you go on, please? i'll come later." an hour the girl sat there, with the clear blue sky above her, the soft steady wind rustling the leaves, the little birds that hopped and pecked and flirted their tails so near her motionless figure. she thought and thought, and through all the tumult of ideas it grew clearer to her that the doctor was right. she might sacrifice herself. she had no right to sacrifice her children. a feeling of unreasoning horror at this sudden outlook into a field of unknown evil was met by her clear perception that if she was old enough to marry, to be a mother, she was surely old enough to know these things; and not only so, but ought to know them. shy, sensitive, delicate in feeling as the girl was, she had a fair and reasoning mind. chapter x. determination. you may shut your eyes with a bandage, the while world vanishes soon; you may open your eyes at a knothole and see the sun and moon. it must have grieved anyone who cared for andrew dykeman, to see mrs. st. cloud's manner toward him change with his changed circumstances--she had been so much with him, had been so kind to him; kinder than carston comment "knew for a fact," but not kinder than it surmised. then, though his dress remained as quietly correct, his face assumed a worn and anxious look, and he no longer offered her long auto rides or other expensive entertainment. she saw men on the piazza stop talking as he came by, and shake their heads as they looked after him; but no one would tell her anything definite till she questioned mr. skee. "i am worried about mr. dykeman," she said to this ever-willing confidant, beckoning him to a chair beside her. a chair, to the mind of mr. skee, seemed to be for pictorial uses, only valuable as part of the composition. he liked one to stand beside, to put a foot on, to lean over from behind, arms on the back; to tip up in front of him as if he needed a barricade; and when he was persuaded to sit in one, it was either facing the back, cross-saddle and bent forward, or--and this was the utmost decorum he was able to approach--tipped backward against the wall. "he does not look well," said the lady, "you are old friends--do tell me; if it is anything wherein a woman's sympathy would be of service?" "i'm afraid not, ma'am," replied mr. skee darkly. "andy's hard hit in a worse place than his heart. i wouldn't betray a friend's confidence for any money, ma'am; but this is all over town. it'll go hard with andy, i'm afraid, at his age." "oh, i'm so sorry!" she whispered. "so sorry! but surely with a man of his abilities it will be only a temporary reverse!--" "dunno 'bout the abilities--not in this case. unless he has ability enough to discover a mine bigger'n the one he's lost! you see, ma'am, it's this way," and he sunk his voice to a confidential rumble. "andy had a bang-up mine, galena ore--not gold, you understand, but often pays better. and he kept on putting the money it made back into it to make more. then, all of a sudden, it petered out! no more eggs in that basket. 'course he can't sell it--now. and last year he refused half a million. andy's sure down on his luck." "but he will recover! you western men are so wonderful! he will find another mine!" "o yes, he _may_! certainly he _may_, ma'am. not that he found this one--he just bought it." "well--he can buy another, there are more, aren't there?" "sure there are! there's as good mines in the earth as ever was salted--that's my motto! but andy's got no more money to buy any mines. what he had before he inherited. no, ma'am," said mr. skee, with a sigh. "i'm afraid its all up with andy dykeman financially!" this he said more audibly; and miss elder and miss pettigrew, sitting in their parlor, could not help hearing. miss elder gave a little gasp and clasped her hands tightly, but miss pettigrew arose, and came outside. "what's this about mr. dykeman?" she questioned abruptly. "has he had losses?" "there now," said mr. skee, remorsefully, "i never meant to give him away like that. mrs. pettigrew, ma'am, i must beg you not to mention it further. i was only satisfyin' this lady here, in answer to sympathetic anxiety, as to what was making andrew h. dykeman so down in the mouth. yes'm--he's lost every cent he had in the world, or is likely to have. of course, among friends, he'll get a job fast enough, bookkeepin', or something like that--though he's not a brilliant man, andy isn't. you needn't to feel worried, mrs. pettigrew; he'll draw a salary all right, to the end of time; but he's out of the game of hot finance." mrs. pettigrew regarded the speaker with a scintillating eye. he returned her look with unflinching seriousness. "have a chair, ma'am," he said. "let me bring out your rocker. sit down and chat with us." "no, thanks," said the old lady. "it seems to me a little--chilly, out here. i'll go in." she went in forthwith, to find miss orella furtively wiping her eyes. "what are you crying about, orella elder! just because a man's lost his money? that happens to most of 'em now and then." "yes, i know--but you heard what he said. oh, i can't believe it! to think of his having to be provided for by his friends--and having to take a small salary--after being so well off! i am so sorry for him!" miss elder's sorrow was increased to intensity by noting mrs. st. cloud's changed attitude. mr. dykeman made no complaint, uttered no protest, gave no confidences; but it soon appeared that he was working in an office; and furthermore that this position was given him by mr. skee. that gentleman, though discreetly reticent as to his own affairs, now appeared in far finer raiment than he had hitherto affected; developed a pronounced taste in fobs and sleeve buttons; and a striking harmony in socks and scarfs. men talked openly of him; no one seemed to know anything definite, but all were certain that "old skee must have struck it rich." mr. skee kept his own counsel; but became munificent in gifts and entertainments. he produced two imposing presents for susie; one a "betrothal gift," the other a conventional wedding present. "this is a new one to me," he said when he offered her the first; "but i understand it's the thing. in fact i'm sure of it--for i've consulted mrs. st. cloud and she helped me to buy 'em." he consulted mrs. st. cloud about a dinner he proposed giving to mr. saunders--"one of these farewell to egypt affairs," he said. "not that i imagine jim saunders ever was much of a--egyptian--but then----!" he consulted her also about vivian--did she not think the girl looked worn and ill? wouldn't it be a good thing to send her off for a trip somewhere? he consulted her about a library; said he had always wanted a library of his own, but the public ones were somewhat in his way. how many books did she think a man ought really to own--to spend his declining years among. also, and at considerable length he consulted her about the best possible place of residence. "i'm getting to be an old man, mrs. st. cloud," he remarked meditatively; "and i'm thinking of buying and building somewhere. but it's a ticklish job. lo! these many years i've been perfectly contented to live wherever i was at; and now that i'm considering a real home--blamed if i know where to put it! i'm distracted between a model farm, and a metropolitan residence. which would you recommend, ma'am?" the lady's sympathy and interest warmed to mr. skee as they cooled to mr. dykeman, not with any blameworthy or noticeable suddenness, but in soft graduations, steady and continuous. the one wore his new glories with an air of modest pride; making no boast of affluence; and the other accepted that which had befallen him without rebellion. miss orella's tender heart was deeply touched. as fast as mrs. st. cloud gave the cold shoulder to her friend, she extended a warm hand; when they chatted about mr. skee's visible success, she spoke bravely of the beauty of limited means; and when it was time to present her weekly bills to the boarders, she left none in mr. dykeman's room. this he took for an oversight at first; but when he found the omission repeated on the following week, he stood by his window smiling thoughtfully for some time, and then went in search of miss orella. she sat by her shaded lamp, alone, knitting a silk tie which was promptly hidden as he entered. he stood by the door looking at her in spite of her urging him to be seated, observing the warm color in her face, the graceful lines of her figure, the gentle smile that was so unfailingly attractive. then he came forward, calmly inquiring, "why haven't you sent me my board bill?" she lifted her eyes to his, and dropped them, flushing. "i--excuse me; but i thought----" "you thought i couldn't conveniently pay it?" "o please excuse me! i didn't mean to be--to do anything you wouldn't like. but i did hear that you were--temporarily embarrassed. and i want you to feel sure, mr. dykeman, that to your real friends it makes no difference in the _least_. and if--for a while that is--it should be a little more convenient to--to defer payment, please feel perfectly at liberty to wait!" she stood there blushing like a girl, her sweet eyes wet with shining tears that did not fall, full of tender sympathy for his misfortune. "have you heard that i've lost all my money?" he asked. she nodded softly. "and that i can't ever get it back--shall have to do clerk's work at a clerk's salary--as long as i live?" again she nodded. he took a step or two back and forth in the quiet parlor, and returned to her. "would you marry a poor man?" he asked in a low tender voice. "would you marry a man not young, not clever, not rich, but who loved you dearly? you are the sweetest woman i ever saw, orella elder--will you marry me?" she came to him, and he drew her close with a long sigh of utter satisfaction. "now i am rich indeed," he said softly. she held him off a little. "don't talk about being rich. it doesn't matter. if you like to live here--why this house will keep us both. if you'd rather have a little one--i can live _so_ happily--on _so_ little! and there is my own little home in bainville--perhaps you could find something to do there. i don't care the least in the world--so long as you love me!" "i've loved you since i first set eyes on you," he answered her. "to see the home you've made here for all of us was enough to make any man love you. but i thought awhile back that i hadn't any chance--you weren't jealous of that artificial fairy, were you?" and conscientiously miss orella lied. carston society was pleased, but not surprised at susie's engagement; it was both pleased and surprised when miss elder's was announced. some there were who protested that they had seen it from the beginning; but disputatious friends taxed them with having prophesied quite otherwise. some thought miss elder foolish to take up with a man of full middle age, and with no prospects; and others attributed the foolishness to mr. dykeman, in marrying an old maid. others again darkly hinted that he knew which side his bread was buttered--"and first-rate butter, too." adding that they "did hate to see a man sit around and let his wife keep boarders!" in bainville circles the event created high commotion. that one of their accumulated maidens, part of the virgin sacrifice of new england, which finds not even a minotaur--had thus triumphantly escaped from their ranks and achieved a husband; this was flatly heretical. the fact that he was a poor man was the only mitigating circumstance, leaving it open to the more captious to criticize the lady sharply. but the calm contentment of andrew dykeman's face, and the decorous bliss of miss elder's were untroubled by what anyone thought or said. little susie was delighted, and teased for a double wedding; without success. "one was enough to attend to, at one time," her aunt replied. * * * * * in all this atmosphere of wooings and weddings, vivian walked apart, as one in a bad dream that could never end. that day when dr. bellair left her on the hill, left her alone in a strange new horrible world, was still glaring across her consciousness, the end of one life, the bar to any other. its small events were as clear to her as those which stand out so painfully on a day of death; all that led up to the pleasant walk, when an eager girl mounted the breezy height, and a sad-faced woman came down from it. she had waited long and came home slowly, dreading to see a face she knew, dreading worst of all to see morton. the boy she had known so long, the man she was beginning to know, had changed to an unbelievable horror; and the love which had so lately seemed real to her recoiled upon her heart with a sense of hopeless shame. she wished--eagerly, desperately, she wished--she need never see him again. she thought of the man's resource of running away--if she could just _go_, go at once, and write to him from somewhere. distant bainville seemed like a haven of safety; even the decorous, narrow, monotony of its dim life had a new attraction. these terrors were not in bainville, surely. then the sickening thought crept in that perhaps they were--only they did not know it. besides, she had no money to go with. if only she had started that little school sooner! write to her father for money she would not. no, she must bear it here. the world was discolored in the girl's eyes. love had become a horror and marriage impossible. she pushed the idea from her, impotently, as one might push at a lava flow. in her wide reading she had learned in a vague way of "evil"--a distant undescribed evil which was in the world, and which must be avoided. she had known that there was such a thing as "sin," and abhorred the very thought of it. morton's penitential confessions had given no details; she had pictured him only as being "led astray," as being "fast," even perhaps "wicked." wickedness could be forgiven; and she had forgiven him, royally. but wickedness was one thing, disease was another. forgiveness was no cure. the burden of new knowledge so distressed her that she avoided the family entirely that evening, avoided susie, went to her grandmother and asked if she might come and sleep on the lounge in her room. "surely, my child, glad to have you," said mrs. pettigrew affectionately. "better try my bed--there's room a-plenty." the girl lay long with those old arms about her, crying quietly. her grandmother asked no questions, only patted her softly from time to time, and said, "there! there!" in a pleasantly soothing manner. after some time she remarked, "if you want to say things, my dear, say 'em--anything you please." in the still darkness they talked long and intimately; and the wise old head straightened things out somewhat for the younger one. "doctors don't realize how people feel about these matters," said mrs. pettigrew. "they are so used to all kinds of ghastly things they forget that other folks can't stand 'em. she was too hard on you, dearie." but vivian defended the doctor. "oh, no, grandma. she did it beautifully. and it hurt her so. she told me about her own--disappointment." "yes, i remember her as a girl, you see. a fine sweet girl she was too. it was an awful blow--and she took it hard. it has made her bitter, i think, perhaps; that and the number of similar cases she had to cope with." "but, grandma--is it--_can_ it be as bad as she said? seventy-five per cent! three-quarters of--of everybody!" "not everybody dear, thank goodness. our girls are mostly clean, and they save the race, i guess." "i don't even want to _see_ a man again!" said the girl with low intensity. "shouldn't think you would, at first. but, dear child--just brace yourself and look it fair in the face! the world's no worse than it was yesterday--just because you know more about it!" "no," vivian admitted, "but it's like uncovering a charnel house!" she shuddered. "never saw a charnel house myself," said the old lady, "even with the lid on. but now see here child; you mustn't feel as if all men were unspeakable villains. they are just ignorant boys--and nobody ever tells 'em the truth. nobody used to know it, for that matter. all this about gonorrhea is quite newly discovered--it has set the doctors all by the ears. having women doctors has made a difference too--lots of difference." "besides," she went on after a pause, "things are changing very fast now, since the general airing began. dr. prince morrow in new york, with that society of his--(i can never remember the name--makes me think of tooth brushes) has done much; and the popular magazines have taken it up. you must have seen some of those articles, vivian." "i have," the girl said, "but i couldn't bear to read them--ever." "that's it!" responded her grandmother, tartly; "we bring up girls to think it is not proper to know anything about the worst danger before them. proper!--why my dear child, the young girls are precisely the ones _to_ know! it's no use to tell a woman who has buried all her children--or wishes she had!--that it was all owing to her ignorance, and her husband's. you have to know beforehand if it's to do you any good." after awhile she continued: "women are waking up to this all over the country, now. nice women, old and young. the women's clubs and congresses are taking it up, as they should. some states have passed laws requiring a medical certificate--a clean bill of health--to go with a license to marry. you can see that's reasonable! a man has to be examined to enter the army or navy, even to get his life insured; marriage and parentage are more important than those things! and we are beginning to teach children and young people what they ought to know. there's hope for us!" "but grandma--it's so awful--about the children." "yes dear, yes. it's pretty awful. but don't feel as if we were all on the brink of perdition. remember that we've got a whole quarter of the men to bank on. that's a good many, in this country. we're not so bad as europe--not yet--in this line. then just think of this, child. we have lived, and done splendid things all these years, even with this load of disease on us. think what we can do when we're rid of it! and that's in the hands of woman, my dear--as soon as we know enough. don't be afraid of knowledge. when we all know about this we can stop it! think of that. we can religiously rid the world of all these--'undesirable citizens.'" "how, grandma?" "easy enough, my dear. by not marrying them." there was a lasting silence. grandma finally went to sleep, making a little soft whistling sound through her parted lips; but vivian lay awake for long slow hours. * * * * * it was one thing to make up her own mind, though not an easy one, by any means; it was quite another to tell morton. he gave her no good opportunity. he did not say again, "will you marry me?" so that she could say, "no," and be done with it. he did not even say, "when will you marry me?" to which she could answer "never!" he merely took it for granted that she was going to, and continued to monopolize her as far as possible, with all pleasant and comfortable attentions. she forced the situation even more sharply than she wished, by turning from him with a shiver when he met her on the stairs one night and leaned forward as if to kiss her. he stopped short. "what is the matter, vivian--are you ill?" "no--" she could say nothing further, but tried to pass him. "look here--there _is_ something. you've been--different--for several days. have i done anything you don't like?" "oh, morton!" his question was so exactly to the point; and so exquisitely inadequate! he had indeed. "i care too much for you to let anything stand between us now," he went on. "come, there's no one in the upper hall--come and 'tell me the worst.'" "as well now as ever." thought the girl. yet when they sat on the long window seat, and he turned his handsome face toward her, with that newer, better look on it, she could not believe that this awful thing was true. "now then--what is wrong between us?" he said. she answered only, "i will tell you the worst, morton. i cannot marry you--ever." he whitened to the lips, but asked quietly, "why?" "because you have--oh, i _cannot_ tell you!" "i have a right to know, vivian. you have made a man of me. i love you with my whole heart. what have i done--that i have not told you?" then she recalled his contrite confessions; and contrasted what he had told her with what he had not; with the unspeakable fate to which he would have consigned her--and those to come; and a sort of holy rage rose within her. "you never told me of the state of your health, morton." it was done. she looked to see him fall at her feet in utter abashment, but he did nothing of the kind. what he did do astonished her beyond measure. he rose to his feet, with clenched fists. "has that damned doctor been giving me away?" he demanded. "because if he has i'll kill him!" "he has not," said vivian. "not by the faintest hint, ever. and is _that_ all you think of?-- "good-bye." she rose to leave him, sick at heart. then he seemed to realize that she was going; that she meant it. "surely, surely!" he cried, "you won't throw me over now! oh, vivian! i told you i had been wild--that i wasn't fit to touch your little slippers! and i wasn't going to ask you to marry me till i felt sure this was all done with. all the rest of my life was yours, darling--is yours. you have made me over--surely you won't leave me now!" "i must," she said. he looked at her despairingly. if he lost her he lost not only a woman, but the hope of a life. things he had never thought about before had now grown dear to him; a home, a family, an honorable place in the world, long years of quiet happiness. "i can't lose you!" he said. "i _can't_!" she did not answer, only sat there with a white set face and her hands tight clenched in her lap. "where'd you get this idea anyhow?" he burst out again. "i believe it's that woman doctor! what does she know!" "look here, morton," said vivian firmly. "it is not a question of who told me. the important thing is that it's--true! and i cannot marry you." "but vivian--" he pleaded, trying to restrain the intensity of his feeling; "men get over these things. they do, really. it's not so awful as you seem to think. it's very common. and i'm nearly well. i was going to wait a year or two yet--to make sure--. vivian! i'd cut my hand off before i'd hurt you!" there was real agony in his voice, and her heart smote her; but there was something besides her heart ruling the girl now. "i am sorry--i'm very sorry," she said dully. "but i will not marry you." "you'll throw me over--just for that! oh, vivian don't--you can't. i'm no worse than other men. it seems so terrible to you just because you're so pure and white. it's only what they call--wild oats, you know. most men do it." she shook her head. "and will you punish me--so cruelly--for that? i can't live without you, vivian--i won't!" "it is not a question of punishing you, morton," she said gently. "nor myself. it is not the sin i am considering. it is the consequences!" he felt a something high and implacable in the gentle girl; something he had never found in her before. he looked at her with despairing eyes. her white grace, her stately little ways, her delicate beauty, had never seemed so desirable. "good god, vivian. you can't mean it. give me time. wait for me. i'll be straight all the rest of my life--i mean it. i'll be true to you, absolutely. i'll do anything you say--only don't give me up!" she felt old, hundreds of years old, and as remote as far mountains. "it isn't anything you can do--in the rest of your life, my poor boy! it is what you have done--in the first of it!... oh, morton! it isn't right to let us grow up without knowing! you never would have done it _if_ you'd known--would you? can't you--can't we--do something to--stop this awfulness?" her tender heart suffered in the pain she was inflicting, suffered too in her own loss; for as she faced the thought of final separation she found that her grief ran back into the far-off years of childhood. but she had made up her mind with a finality only the more absolute because it hurt her. even what he said of possible recovery did not move her--the very thought of marriage had become impossible. "i shall never marry," she added, with a shiver; thinking that he might derive some comfort from the thought; but he replied with a bitter derisive little laugh. he did not rise to her appeal to "help the others." so far in life the happiness of morton elder had been his one engrossing care; and now the unhappiness of morton elder assumed even larger proportions. that bright and hallowed future to which he had been looking forward so earnestly had been suddenly withdrawn from him; his good resolutions, his "living straight" for the present, were wasted. "you women that are so superior," he said, "that'll turn a man down for things that are over and done with--that he's sorry for and ashamed of--do you know what you drive a man to! what do you think's going to become of me if you throw me over!" he reached out his hands to her in real agony. "vivian! i love you! i can't live without you! i can't be good without you! and you love me a little--don't you?" she did. she could not deny it. she loved to shut her eyes to the future, to forgive the past, to come to those outstretched arms and bury everything beneath that one overwhelming phrase--"i love you!" but she heard again dr. bellair's clear low accusing voice--"will you tell that to your crippled children?" she rose to her feet. "i cannot help it, morton. i am sorry--you will not believe how sorry i am! but i will never marry you." a look of swift despair swept over his face. it seemed to darken visibly as she watched. an expression of bitter hatred came upon him; of utter recklessness. all that the last few months had seemed to bring of higher better feeling fell from him; and even as she pitied him she thought with a flicker of fear of how this might have happened--after marriage. "oh, well!" he said, rising to his feet. "i wish you could have made up your mind sooner, that's all. i'll take myself off now." she reached out her hands to him. "morton! please!--don't go away feeling so hardly! i am--fond of you--i always was.--won't you let me help you--to bear it--! can't we be--friends?" again he laughed that bitter little laugh. "no, miss lane," he said. "we distinctly cannot. this is good-bye--you won't change your mind--again?" she shook her head in silence, and he left her. chapter xi. thereafter. if i do right, though heavens fall, and end all light and laughter; though black the night and ages long, bitter the cold--the tempest strong-- if i do right, and brave it all-- the sun shall rise thereafter! the inaccessibility of dr. hale gave him, in the eye of mrs. st. cloud, all the attractiveness of an unscaled peak to the true mountain climber. here was a man, an unattached man, living next door to her, whom she had not even seen. her pursuance of what mr. skee announced to his friends to be "one of these platonic friendships," did not falter; neither did her interest in other relations less philosophic. mr. dykeman's precipitate descent from the class of eligibles was more of a disappointment to her than she would admit even to herself; his firm, kind friendliness had given a sense of comfort, of achieved content that her restless spirit missed. but dr. hale, if he had been before inaccessible, had now become so heavily fortified, so empanoplied in armor offensive and defensive, that even mrs. pettigrew found it difficult to obtain speech with him. that his best friend, so long supporting him in cheerful bachelorhood, should have thus late laid down his arms, was bitterly resented. that mr. skee, free lance of years standing, and risen victor from several "stricken fields," should show signs of capitulation, annoyed him further. whether these feelings derived their intensity from another, which he entirely refused to acknowledge, is matter for the psychologist, and dr. hale avoided all psychologic self-examination. with the boys he was always a hero. they admired his quiet strength and the unbroken good nature that was always presented to those about him, whatever his inner feelings. mr. peters burst forth to the others one day, in tones of impassioned admiration. "by george, fellows," he said, "you know how nice doc was last night?" "never saw him when he wasn't," said archie. "don't interrupt mr. peters," drawled percy. "he's on the brink of a scientific discovery. strange how these secrets of nature can lie unrevealed about us so long--and then suddenly burst upon our ken!" mr. peters grinned affably. "that's all right, but i maintain my assertion; whatever the general attraction of our noble host, you'll admit that on the special occasion of yesterday evening, which we celebrated to a late hour by innocent games of cards--he was--as usual--the soul of--of----" "affability?" suggested percy. "precisely!" peters admitted. "if there is a well-chosen word which perfectly describes the manner of dr. richard hale--it is affable! thank you, sir, thank you. well, what i wish to announce, so that you can all of you get down on your knees at once and worship, is that all last evening he--had a toothache--a bad toothache!" "my word!" said archie, and remained silent. "oh, come now," percy protested, "that's against nature. have a toothache and not _mention_ it? not even mention it--without exaggeration! why archimedes couldn't do that! or--sandalphon--or any of them!" "how'd you learn the facts, my son? tell us that." "heard him on the 'phone making an appointment. 'yes;' 'since noon yesterday,' 'yes, pretty severe.' ' : ? you can't make it earlier? all right.' i'm just mentioning it to convince you fellows that you don't appreciate your opportunities. there was some exceptional female once--they said 'to know her was a liberal education.' what would you call it to live with dr. hale?" and they called it every fine thing they could think of; for these boys knew better than anyone else, the effect of that association. his patients knew him as wise, gentle, efficient, bringing a sense of hope and assurance by the mere touch of that strong hand; his professional associates in the town knew him as a good practitioner and friend, and wider medical circles, readers of his articles in the professional press had an even higher opinion of his powers. yet none of these knew richard hale. none saw him sitting late in his office, the pages of his book unturned, his eyes on the red spaces of the fire. no one was with him on those night tramps that left but an hour or two of sleep to the long night, and made that sleep irresistible from self-enforced fatigue. he had left the associations of his youth and deliberately selected this far-off mountain town to build the life he chose; and if he found it unsatisfying no one was the wiser. his successive relays of boys, young fellows fresh from the east, coming from year to year and going from year to year as business called them, could and did give good testimony as to the home side of his character, however. it was not in nature that they should speculate about him. as they fell in love and out again with the facility of so many romeos, they discoursed among themselves as to his misogyny. "he certainly has a grouch on women," they would admit. "that's the one thing you can't talk to him about--shuts up like a clam. of course, he'll let you talk about your own feelings and experiences, but you might as well talk to the side of a hill. i wonder what did happen to him?" they made no inquiry, however. it was reported that a minister's wife, a person of determined character, had had the courage of her inquisitiveness, and asked him once, "why is it that you have never married, dr. hale?" and that he had replied, "it is owing to my dislike of the meddlesomeness of women." he lived his own life, unquestioned, now more markedly withdrawn than ever, coming no more to the cottonwoods. even when morton elder left, suddenly and without warning, to the great grief of his aunt and astonishment of his sister, their medical neighbor still "sulked in his tent"--or at least in his office. morton's departure had but one explanation; it must be that vivian had refused him, and she did not deny it. "but why, vivian, why? he has improved so--it was just getting lovely to see how nice he was getting. and we all thought you were so happy." thus the perplexed susie. and vivian found herself utterly unable to explain to that happy little heart, on the brink of marriage, why she had refused her brother. miss orella was even harder to satisfy. "it's not as if you were a foolish changeable young girl, my dear. and you've known morton all your life--he was no stranger to you. it breaks my heart, vivian. can't you reconsider?" the girl shook her head. "i'm awfully sorry, miss orella. please believe that i did it for the best--and that it was very hard for me, too." "but, vivian! what can be the reason? i don't think you understand what a beautiful influence you have on the boy. he has improved so, since he has been here. and he was going to get a position here in town--he told me so himself--and really settle down. and now he's _gone_. just off and away, as he used to be--and i never shall feel easy about him again." miss orella was frankly crying; and it wrung the girl's heart to know the pain she was causing; not only to morton, and to herself, but to these others. susie criticised her with frankness. "i know you think you are right, vivian, you always do--you and that conscience of yours. but i really think you had gone too far to draw back, jimmie saw him that night he went away--and he said he looked awfully. and he really was changed so--beginning to be so thoroughly nice. whatever was the matter? i think you ought to tell me, vivian, i'm his sister, and--being engaged and all--perhaps i could straighten it out." and she was as nearly angry as her sunny nature allowed, when her friend refused to give any reason, beyond that she thought it right. her aunt did not criticise, but pleaded. "it's not too late, i'm sure, vivian. a word from you would bring him back in a moment. do speak it, vivian--do! put your pride in your pocket, child, and don't lose a lifetime's happiness for some foolish quarrel." miss orella, like susie, was at present sure that marriage must mean a lifetime's happiness. and vivian looked miserably from one to the other of these loving women-folk, and could not defend herself with the truth. mrs. pettigrew took up the cudgels for her. she was not going to have her favorite grandchild thus condemned and keep silence. "anybody'd think vivian had married the man and then run away with another one!" she said tartly. "pity if a girl can't change her mind before marrying--she's held down pretty close afterward. an engagement isn't a wedding, orella elder." "but you don't consider the poor boy's feelings in the least, mrs. pettigrew." "no, i don't," snapped the old lady. "i consider the poor girl's. i'm willing to bet as much as you will that his feelings aren't any worse than hers. if _he'd_ changed his mind and run off and left _her_, i warrant you two wouldn't have been so hard on him." evading this issue, miss orella wiped her eyes, and said: "heaven knows where he is now. and i'm afraid he won't write--he never did write much, and now he's just heartbroken. i don't know as i'd have seen him at all if i hadn't been awake and heard him rushing downstairs. you've no idea how he suffers." "i don't see as the girl's to blame that he hadn't decency enough to say good-bye to the aunt that's been a mother to him; or to write to her, as he ought to. a person don't need to forget _all_ their duty because they've got the mitten." vivian shrank away from them all. her heart ached intolerably. she had not realized how large a part in her life this constant admiration and attention had become. she missed the outward agreeableness, and the soft tide of affection, which had risen more and more warmly about her. from her earliest memories she had wished for affection--affection deep and continuous, tender and with full expression. she had been too reserved to show her feeling, too proud by far to express it, but under that delicate reticence of hers lay always that deep longing to love and to be loved wholly. susie had been a comfort always, in her kittenish affection and caressing ways, but susie was doubly lost, both in her new absorption and now in this estrangement. then, to bring pain to miss orella, who had been so kind and sweet to her from earliest childhood, to hurt her so deeply, now, to mingle in her cup of happiness this grief and anxiety, made the girl suffer keenly. jimmie, of course, was able to comfort susie. he told her it was no killing matter anyhow, and that morton would inevitably console himself elsewhere. "he'll never wear the willow for any girl, my dear. don't you worry about him." also, mr. dykeman comforted miss orella, not only with wise words, but with his tender sympathy and hopefulness. but no one could comfort vivian. even dr. bellair seemed to her present sensitiveness an alien, cruel power. she had come like the angel with the flaming sword to stand between her and what, now that it was gone, began to look like paradise. she quite forgot that she had always shrunk from morton when he made love too warmly, that she had been far from wholly pleased with him when he made his appearance there, that their engagement, so far as they had one, was tentative--"sometime, when i am good enough" not having arrived. the unreasoning voice of the woman's nature within her had answered, though but partially, to the deep call of the man's; and now she missed more than she would admit to herself the tenderness that was gone. she had her intervals of sharp withdrawal from the memory of that tenderness, of deep thanksgiving for her escape; but fear of a danger only prophesied, does not obliterate memory of joys experienced. her grandmother watched her carefully, saying little. she forced no confidence, made no comment, was not obtrusively affectionate, but formed a definite decision and conveyed it clearly to dr. bellair. "look here, jane bellair, you've upset vivian's dish, and quite right; it's a good thing you did, and i don't know as you could have done it easier." "i couldn't have done it harder--that i know of," the doctor answered. "i'd sooner operate on a baby--without an anæsthetic--than tell a thing like that--to a girl like that. but it had to be done; and nobody else would." "you did perfectly right. i'm thankful enough, i promise you; if you hadn't i should have had to--and goodness knows what a mess i'd have made. but look here, the girl's going all to pieces. now we've got to do something for her, and do it quick." "i know that well enough," answered her friend, "and i set about it even before i made the incision. you've seen that little building going up on the corner of high and stone streets?" "that pretty little thing with the grass and flowers round it?" "yes--they got the flowers growing while the decorators finished inside. it's a first-rate little kindergarten. i've got a list of scholars all arranged for, and am going to pop the girl into it so fast she can't refuse. not that i think she will." "who did it?" demanded mrs. pettigrew. "that man skee?" "mr. skee has had something to do with it," replied the doctor, guardedly; "but he doesn't want his name mentioned." "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew. vivian made no objection, though she was too listless to take up work with enthusiasm. as a prescription nothing could have worked better. enough small pupils were collected to pay the rent of the pretty place, and leave a modest income for her. dr. bellair gathered together the mothers and aunts for a series of afternoon talks in the convenient building, vivian assisting, and roused much interest among them. the loving touch of little hands, the pleasure of seeing the gay contentment of her well-ordered charges, began to lighten the girl's heart at last. they grew so fond of her that the mothers were jealous, but she played with and taught them so wisely, and the youngsters were so much improved by it, that no parent withdrew her darling. further than that, the new interest, the necessary reading and study, above all the study hours of occupation acted most beneficently, slowly, but surely steadying the nerves and comforting the heart. there is a telling oriental phrase describing sorrow: "and the whole world became strait unto him." the sense of final closing down of life, of a dull, long, narrow path between her and the grave, which had so oppressed the girl's spirit, now changed rapidly. here was room to love at least, and she radiated a happy and unselfish affection among the little ones. here was love in return, very sweet and honest, if shallow. here was work; something to do, something to think about; both in her hours with the children and those spent in study. her work took her out of the house, too; away from susie and her aunt, with their happy chatter and endless white needlework, and the gleeful examination of presents. never before had she known the blessed relief of another place to go to. when she left the cottonwoods, as early as possible, and placed her key in the door of the little gray house sitting among the roses, she felt a distinct lightening of the heart. this was hers. not her father's, not miss elder's; not anybody's but hers--as long as she could earn the rent. she paid her board, too, in spite of deep and pained remonstrance, forcing miss elder to accept it by the ultimatum "would you rather make me go away and board somewhere else?" she could not accept favors where she was condemned. this, too, gave her a feeling hitherto inexperienced, deep and inspiring. she began to hold her graceful head insensibly higher, to walk with a freer step. life was not ended after all, though love had gone. she might not be happy, but she might be useful and independent. then dr. bellair, who had by quiet friendliness and wise waiting, regained much of her former place with the girl, asked her to undertake, as a special favor to her, the care of a class of rather delicate children and young girls, in physical culture. "of course, johanna johnson is perfectly reliable and an excellent teacher. i don't know a better; but their mothers will feel easier if there's someone they know on the spot. you keep order and see that they don't overdo. you'll have to go through their little exercises with them, you see. i can't pay you anything for it; but it's only part of two afternoons in the week--and it won't hurt you at any rate." vivian was more than glad to do something for the doctor, as well as to extend her friendship among older children; also glad of anything to further fill her time. to be alone and idle was to think and suffer. mrs. pettigrew came in with dr. bellair one afternoon to watch the exercises. "i don't see but what vivian does the tricks as well as any of them," said her grandmother. "she does beautifully," the doctor answered. "and her influence with the children is just what they needed. you see there's no romping and foolishness, and she sets the pace--starts them off when they're shy. i'm extremely obliged to her." mrs. pettigrew watched vivian's rhythmic movements, her erect carriage and swinging step, her warm color and sparkling eyes, as she led the line of happy youngsters and then turned upon the doctor. "huh!" she said. at susie's wedding, her childhood's friend was so far forgiven as to be chief bridesmaid, but seeing the happiness before her opened again the gates of her own pain. when it was all over, and the glad young things were safely despatched upon their ribboned way, when all the guests had gone, when mrs. st. cloud felt the need of air and with the ever-gallant mr. skee set forth in search of it, when dr. bellair had returned to her patients, and miss orella to her own parlor, and was there consoled by mr. dykeman for the loss of her niece, then vivian went to her room--all hers now, looking strangely large and empty--and set down among the drifts of white tissue paper and scattered pins--alone. she sank down on the bed, weary and sad at heart, for an hour of full surrender long refused; meaning for once to let her grief have its full way with her. but, just as on the night of her hurried engagement she had been unable to taste to the full the happiness expected, so now, surrender as she might, she could not feel the intensity of expected pain. she was lonely, unquestionably. she faced a lonely life. six long, heavy months had passed since she had made her decision. "i am nearly twenty-seven now," she thought, resignedly. "i shall never marry," and she felt a little shiver of the horror of last year. but, having got this far in melancholy contemplation, her mind refused to dwell upon it, but filled in spite of her with visions of merry little ones, prancing in wavering circles, and singing their more wavering songs. she was lonely and a single woman--but she had something to do; and far more power to do it, more interest, enthusiasm, and skill, than at the season's beginning. she thought of morton--of what little they had heard since his hurried departure. he had gone farther west; they had heard of him in san francisco, they had heard of him, after some months, in the klondike region, then they had heard no more. he did not write. it seemed hard to so deeply hurt his aunt for what was no fault of hers; but morton had never considered her feelings very deeply, his bitter anger, his hopelessness, his desperate disappointment, blinding him to any pain but his own. but her thoughts of him failed to rouse any keen distinctive sorrow. they rambled backward and forward, from the boy who had been such a trouble to his aunt, such a continuous disappointment and mortification; to the man whose wooing, looked back upon at this distance, seemed far less attractive to the memory than it had been at the time. even his honest attempt at improvement gave her but a feeling of pity, and though pity is akin to love it is not always a near relation. from her unresisting descent into wells of pain, which proved unexpectedly shallow, the girl arose presently and quietly set to work arranging the room in its new capacity as hers only. from black and bitter agony to the gray tastelessness of her present life was not an exciting change, but vivian had more power in quiet endurance than in immediate resistance, and set herself now in earnest to fulfill the tasks before her. this was march. she was planning an extension of her classes, the employment of an assistant. her work was appreciated, her school increased. patiently and steadily she faced her task, and found a growing comfort in it. when summer came, dr. bellair again begged her to help out in the plan of a girls' camp she was developing. this was new work for vivian, but her season in mrs. johnson's gymnastic class had given her a fresh interest in her own body and the use of it. that stalwart instructress, a large-boned, calm-eyed swedish woman, was to be the manager of the camp, and vivian this time, with a small salary attached, was to act as assistant. "it's a wonderful thing the way people take to these camps," said dr. bellair. "they are springing up everywhere. magnificent for children and young people." "it is a wonderful thing to me," observed mrs. pettigrew. "you go to a wild place that costs no rent; you run a summer hotel without any accommodations; you get a lot of parents to pay handsomely for letting their children be uncomfortable--and there you are." "they are not uncomfortable!" protested her friend, a little ruffled. "they like it. and besides liking it, it's good for them. it's precisely the roughing it that does them good." it did do them good; the group of young women and girls who went to the high-lying mountain lake where dr. bellair had bought a piece of wild, rough country for her own future use, and none of them profited by it more than vivian. she had been, from time to time, to decorous "shore places," where one could do nothing but swim and lie on the sand; or to the "mountains," those trim, green, modest, pretty-picture mountains, of which new england is so proud; but she had never before been in an untouched wilderness. often in the earliest dawn she would rise from the springy, odorous bed of balsam boughs and slip out alone for her morning swim. a run through the pines to a little rocky cape, with a small cave she knew, and to glide, naked, into that glass-smooth water, warmer than the sunless air, and swim out softly, silently, making hardly a ripple, turn on her back and lie there--alone with the sky--this brought peace to her heart. she felt so free from every tie to earth, so like a soul in space, floating there with the clean, dark water beneath her, and the clear, bright heaven above her; and when the pale glow in the east brightened to saffron, warmed to rose, burst into a level blaze of gold, the lake laughed in the light, and vivian laughed, too, in pure joy of being alive and out in all that glittering beauty. she tramped the hills with the girls; picked heaping pails of wild berries, learned to cook in primitive fashion, slept as she had never slept in her life, from dark to dawn, grew brown and hungry and cheerful. after all, twenty-seven was not an old age. she came back at the summer-end, and dr. bellair clapped her warmly on the shoulder, declaring, "i'm proud of you, vivian! simply proud of you!" her grandmother, after a judicious embrace, held her at arm's length and examined her critically. "i don't see but what you've stood it first rate," she admitted. "and if you _like_ that color--why, you certainly are looking well." she was well, and began her second year of teaching with a serene spirit. in all this time of slow rebuilding vivian would not have been left comfortless if masculine admiration could have pleased her. the young men at the cottonwoods, now undistracted by susie's gay presence, concentrated much devotion upon vivian, as did also the youths across the way. she turned from them all, gently, but with absolute decision. among her most faithful devotees was young percy watson, who loved her almost as much as he loved dr. hale, and could never understand, in his guileless, boyish heart, why neither of them would talk about the other. they did not forbid his talking, however, and the earnest youth, sitting in the quiet parlor at the cottonwoods, would free his heart to vivian about how the doctor worked too hard--sat up all hours to study--didn't give himself any rest--nor any fun. "he'll break down some time--i tell him so. it's not natural for any man to work that way, and i don't see any real need of it. he says he's working on a book--some big medical book, i suppose; but what's the hurry? i wish you'd have him over here oftener, and make him amuse himself a little, miss vivian." "dr. hale is quite welcome to come at any time--he knows that," said she. again the candid percy, sitting on the doctor's shadowy piazza, poured out his devoted admiration for her to his silent host. "she's the finest woman i ever knew!" the boy would say. "she's so beautiful and so clever, and so pleasant to everybody. she's _square_--like a man. and she's kind--like a woman, only kinder; a sort of motherliness about her. i don't see how she ever lived so long without being married. i'd marry her in a minute if i was good enough--and if she'd have me." dr. hale tousled the ears of balzac, the big, brown dog whose head was so often on his knee, and said nothing. he had not seen the girl since that night by the arbor. later in the season he learned, perforce, to know her better, and to admire her more. susie's baby came with the new year, and brought danger and anxiety. they hardly hoped to save the life of the child. the little mother was long unable to leave her bed. since her aunt was not there, but gone, as mrs. dykeman, on an extended tour--"part business and part honeymoon," her husband told her--and since mrs. pettigrew now ruled alone at the cottonwoods, with every evidence of ability and enjoyment, vivian promptly installed herself in the saunders home, as general housekeeper and nurse. she was glad then of her strength, and used it royally, comforting the wretched jim, keeping up susie's spirits, and mothering the frail tiny baby with exquisite devotion. day after day the doctor saw her, sweet and strong and patient, leaving her school to the assistant, regardless of losses, showing the virtues he admired most in women. he made his calls as short as possible; but even so, vivian could not but note how his sternness gave way to brusque good cheer for the sick mother, and to a lovely gentleness with the child. when that siege was over and the girl returned to her own work, she carried pleasant pictures in her mind, and began to wonder, as had so many others, why this man, who seemed so fitted to enjoy a family, had none. she missed his daily call, and wondered further why he avoided them more assiduously than at first. chapter xii. achievements. there are some folk born to beauty, and some to plenteous gold, some who are proud of being young, some proud of being old. some who are glad of happy love, enduring, deep and true, and some who thoroughly enjoy the little things they do. upon all this grandma pettigrew cast an observant eye, and meditated sagely thereupon. coming to a decision, she first took a course of reading in some of dr. bellair's big books, and then developed a series of perplexing symptoms, not of a too poignant or perilous nature, that took her to dr. hale's office frequently. "you haven't repudiated dr. bellair, have you?" he asked her. "i have never consulted jane bellair as a physician," she replied, "though i esteem her much as a friend." the old lady's company was always welcome to him; he liked her penetrating eye, her close-lipped, sharp remarks, and appreciated the real kindness of her heart. if he had known how closely she was peering into the locked recesses of his own, and how much she saw there, he would perhaps have avoided her as he did vivian, and if he had known further that this ingenious old lady, pursuing long genealogical discussions with him, had finally unearthed a mutual old-time friend, and had forthwith started a correspondence with that friend, based on this common acquaintance in carston, he might have left that city. the old-time friend, baited by mrs. pettigrew's innocent comment on dr. hale's persistence in single blessedness, poured forth what she knew of the cause with no more embellishment than time is sure to give. "i know why he won't marry," wrote she. "he had reason good to begin with, but i never dreamed he'd be obstinate enough to keep it up sixteen years. when he was a boy in college here i knew him well--he was a splendid fellow, one of the very finest. but he fell desperately in love with that beautiful mrs. james--don't you remember about her? she married a st. cloud later, and he left her, i think. she was as lovely as a cameo--and as hard and flat. that woman was the saintliest thing that ever breathed. she wouldn't live with her husband because he had done something wrong; she wouldn't get a divorce, nor let him, because that was wicked--and she always had a string of boys round her, and talked about the moral influence she had on them. "young hale worshipped her--simply worshipped her--and she let him. she let them all. she had that much that was god-like about her--she loved incense. you need not ask for particulars. she was far too 'particular' for that. but one light-headed chap went and drowned himself--that was all hushed up, of course, but some of us felt pretty sure why. he was a half-brother to dick hale, and dick was awfully fond of him. then he turned hard and hateful all at once--used to talk horrid about women. he kept straight enough--that's easy for a mysogynist, and studying medicine didn't help him any--doctors and ministers know too much about women. so there you are. but i'm astonished to hear he's never gotten over it; he always was obstinate--it's his only fault. they say he swore never to marry--if he did, that accounts. do give my regards if you see him again." mrs. pettigrew considered long and deeply over this information, as she slowly produced a jersey striped with roman vividness. it was noticeable in this new life in carston that mrs. pettigrew's knitted jackets had grown steadily brighter in hue from month to month. whereas, in bainville, purple and brown were the high lights, and black, slate and navy blue the main colors; now her worsteds were as a painter's palette, and the result not only cheered, but bade fair to inebriate. "a pig-headed man," she said to herself, as her needle prodded steadily in and out; "a pig-headed man, with a pig-headedness of sixteen years' standing. his hair must 'a turned gray from the strain of it. and there's vivian, biddin' fair to be an old maid after all. what on _earth_!" she appeared to have forgotten that marriages are made in heaven, or to disregard that saying. "the lord helps those that help themselves," was one of her favorite mottoes. "and much more those that help other people!" she used to add. flitting in and out of dr. hale's at all hours, she noted that he had a fondness for music, with a phenomenal incapacity to produce any. he encouraged his boys to play on any and every instrument the town afforded, and to sing, whether they could or not; and seemed never to weary of their attempts, though far from satisfied with the product. "huh!" said mrs. pettigrew. vivian could play, "well enough to know better," she said, and seldom touched the piano. she had a deep, full, contralto voice, and a fair degree of training. but she would never make music unless she felt like it--and in this busy life, with so many people about her, she had always refused. grandma meditated. she selected an evening when most of the boarders were out at some entertainment, and selfishly begged vivian to stay at home with her--said she was feeling badly and wanted company. grandma so seldom wanted anything that vivian readily acquiesced; in fact, she was quite worried about her, and asked dr. bellair if she thought anything was the matter. "she has seemed more quiet lately," said that astute lady, "and i've noticed her going in to dr. hale's during office hours. but perhaps it's only to visit with him." "are you in any pain, grandma?" asked the girl, affectionately. "you're not sick, are you?" "o, no--i'm not sick," said the old lady, stoutly. "i'm just--well, i felt sort of lonesome to-night--perhaps i'm homesick." as she had never shown the faintest sign of any feeling for their deserted home, except caustic criticism and unfavorable comparison, vivian rather questioned this theory, but she began to think there was something in it when her grandmother, sitting by the window in the spring twilight, began to talk of how this time of year always made her think of her girlhood. "time for the march peepers at home. it's early here, and no peepers anywhere that i've heard. 'bout this time we'd be going to evening meeting. seems as if i could hear that little old organ--and the singing!" "hadn't i better shut that window," asked vivian. "won't you get cold?" "no, indeed," said her grandmother, promptly. "i'm plenty warm--i've got this little shawl around me. and it's so soft and pleasant out." it was soft and pleasant, a delicious may-like night in march, full of spring scents and hints of coming flowers. on the dark piazza across the way she could make out a still figure sitting alone, and the thump of balzac's heel as he struggled with his intimate enemies told her who it was. "come ye disconsolate," she began to hum, most erroneously. "how does that go, vivian? i was always fond of it, even if i can't sing any more'n a peacock." vivian hummed it and gave the words in a low voice. "that's good!" said the old lady. "i declare, i'm kinder hungry for some of those old hymns. i wish you'd play me some of 'em, vivian." so vivian, glad to please her, woke the yellow keys to softer music than they were accustomed to, and presently her rich, low voice, sure, easy, full of quiet feeling, flowed out on the soft night air. grandma was not long content with the hymns. "i want some of those old-fashioned songs--you used to know a lot of 'em. can't you do that 'kerry dance' of molloy's, and 'twickenham ferry'--and 'lauriger horatius?'" vivian gave her those, and many another, scotch ballads, english songs and german lieder--glad to please her grandmother so easily, and quite unconscious of a dark figure which had crossed the street and come silently to sit on the farthest corner of their piazza. grandma, meanwhile, watched him, and vivian as well, and then, with the most unsuspected suddenness, took to her bed. sciatica, she said. an intermittent pain that came upon her so suddenly she couldn't stand up. she felt much better lying down. and dr. hale must attend her unceasingly. this unlooked for overthrow of the phenomenally active old lady was a great blow to mr. skee; he showed real concern and begged to be allowed to see her. "why not?" said mrs. pettigrew. "it's nothing catching." she lay, high-pillowed, as stiff and well arranged as a knight templar on a tombstone, arrayed for the occasion in a most decorative little dressing sack and ribbony night-cap. "why, ma'am," said mr. skee, "it's highly becomin' to you to be sick. it leads me to hope it's nothin' serious." she regarded him enigmatically. "is dr. hale out there, or vivian?" she inquired in a low voice. "no, ma'am--they ain't," he replied, after a glance in the next room. then he bent a penetrating eye upon her. she met it unflinchingly, but as his smile appeared and grew, its limitless widening spread contagion, and her calm front was broken. "elmer skee," said she, with sudden fury, "you hold your tongue!" "ma'am!" he replied, "i have said nothin'--and i don't intend to. but if the throne of europe was occupied by you, mrs. pettigrew, we would have a better managed world." he proved a most agreeable and steady visitor during this period of confinement, and gave her full accounts of all that went on outside, with occasional irrelevant bursts of merriment which no rebuke from mrs. pettigrew seemed wholly to check. he regaled her with accounts of his continuous consultations with mrs. st. cloud, and the wisdom and good taste with which she invariably advised him. "don't you admire a platonic friendship, mrs. pettigrew?" "i do not!" said the old lady, sharply. "and what's more i don't believe you do." "well, ma'am," he answered, swaying backward and forward on the hind legs of his chair, "there are moments when i confess it looks improbable." mrs. pettigrew cocked her head on one side and turned a gimlet eye upon him. "look here, elmer skee," she said suddenly, "how much money have you really got?" he brought down his chair on four legs and regarded her for a few moments, his smile widening slowly. "well, ma'am, if i live through the necessary expenses involved on my present undertaking, i shall have about two thousand a year--if rents are steady." "which i judge you do not wish to be known?" "if there's one thing more than another i have always admired in you, ma'am, it is the excellence of your judgment. in it i have absolute confidence." mrs. st. cloud had some time since summoned dr. hale to her side for a severe headache, but he had merely sent word that his time was fully occupied, and recommended dr. bellair. now, observing mrs. pettigrew's tactics, the fair invalid resolved to take the bull by the horns and go herself to his office. she found him easily enough. he lifted his eyes as she entered, rose and stood with folded arms regarding her silently. the tall, heavy figure, the full beard, the glasses, confused even her excellent memory. after all it was many years since they had met, and he had been but one of a multitude. she was all sweetness and gentle apology for forcing herself upon him, but really she had a little prejudice against women doctors--his reputation was so great--he was so temptingly near--she was in such pain--she had such perfect confidence in him-- he sat down quietly and listened, watching her from under his bent brows. her eyes were dropped, her voice very weak and appealing; her words most perfectly chosen. "i have told you," he said at length, "that i never treat women for their petty ailments, if i can avoid it." she shook her head in grieved acceptance, and lifted large eyes for one of those penetrating sympathetic glances so frequently successful. "how you must have suffered!" she said. "i have," he replied grimly. "i have suffered a long time from having my eyes opened too suddenly to the brainless cruelty of women, mrs. james." she looked at him again, searchingly, and gave a little cry. "dick hale!" she said. "yes, dick hale. brother to poor little joe medway, whose foolish young heart you broke, among others; whose death you are responsible for." she was looking at him with widening wet eyes. "ah! if you only knew how i, too, have suffered over that!" she said. "i was scarce more than a girl myself, then. i was careless, not heartless. no one knew what pain i was bearing, then. i liked the admiration of those nice boys--i never realized any of them would take it seriously. that has been a heavy shadow on my life, dr. hale--the fear that i was the thoughtless cause of that terrible thing. and you have never forgiven me. i do not wonder." he was looking at her in grim silence again, wishing he had not spoken. "so that is why you have never been to the cottonwoods since i came," she pursued. "and i am responsible for all your loneliness. o, how dreadful!" again he rose to his feet. "no, madam, you mistake. you were responsible for my brother's death, and for a bitter awakening on my part, but you are in no way responsible for my attitude since. that is wholly due to myself. allow me again to recommend dr. jane bellair, an excellent physician and even more accessible." he held the door for her, and she went out, not wholly dissatisfied with her visit. she would have been far more displeased could she have followed his thoughts afterward. "what a consummate ass i have been all my life!" he was meditating. "because i met this particular type of sex parasite, to deliberately go sour--and forego all chance of happiness. like a silly girl. a fool girl who says, 'i will never marry!' just because of some quarrel * * * but the girl never keeps her word. a man must." the days were long to vivian now, and dragged a little, for all her industry. mrs. st. cloud tried to revive their former intimacy, but the girl could not renew it on the same basis. she, too, had sympathized with mr. dykeman, and now sympathized somewhat with mr. skee. but since that worthy man still volubly discoursed on platonism, and his fair friend openly agreed in this view, there seemed no real ground for distress. mrs. pettigrew remained ailing and rather captious. she had a telephone put at her bedside, and ran her household affairs efficiently, with vivian as lieutenant, and the ever-faithful jeanne to uphold the honor of the cuisine. also she could consult her physician, and demanded his presence at all hours. he openly ignored mrs. st. cloud now, who met his rude treatment with secret, uncomplaining patience. vivian spoke of this. "i do not see why he need be so rude, grandma. he may hate women, but i don't see why he should treat her so shamefully." "well, i do," replied the invalid, "and what's more i'm going to show you; i've always disliked that woman, and now i know why. i'd turn her out of the house if it wasn't for elmer skee. that man's as good as gold under all his foolishness, and if he can get any satisfaction out of that meringue he's welcome. dr. hale doesn't hate women, child, but a woman broke his heart once--and then he made an idiot of himself by vowing never to marry." she showed her friend's letter, and vivian read it with rising color. "o, grandma! why that's worse than i ever thought--even after what dr. bellair told us. and it was his brother! no wonder he's so fond of boys. he tries to warn them, i suppose." "yes, and the worst of it is that he's really got over his grouch; and he's in love--but tied down by that foolish oath, poor man." "is he, grandma? how do you know? with whom?" "you dear, blind child!" said the old lady, "with you, of course. has been ever since we came." the girl sat silent, a strange feeling of joy rising in her heart, as she reviewed the events of the last two years. so that was why he would not stay that night. and that was why. "no wonder he wouldn't come here!" she said at length. "it's on account of that woman. but why did he change?" "because she went over there to see him. he wouldn't come to her. i heard her 'phone to him one evening." the old lady chuckled. "so she marched herself over there--i saw her, and i guess she got her needin's. she didn't stay long. and his light burned till morning." "do you think he cares for her, still?" "cares for her!" the old lady fairly snorted her derision. "he can't bear the sight of her--treats her as if she wasn't there. no, indeed. if he did she'd have him fast enough, now. well! i suppose he'll repent of that foolishness of his all the days of his life--and stick it out! poor man." mrs. pettigrew sighed, and vivian echoed the sigh. she began to observe dr. hale with new eyes; to study little matters of tone and manner--and could not deny her grandmother's statement. nor would she admit it--yet. the old lady seemed weaker and more irritable, but positively forbade any word of this being sent to her family. "there's nothing on earth ails me," she said. "dr. hale says there's not a thing the matter that he can see--that if i'd only eat more i'd get stronger. i'll be all right soon, my dear. i'll get my appetite and get well, i have faith to believe." she insisted on his coming over in the evening, when not too busy, and staying till she dropped asleep, and he seemed strangely willing to humor her; sitting for hours in the quiet parlor, while vivian played softly, and sang her low-toned hymns. so sitting, one still evening, when for some time no fretful "not so loud" had come from the next room, he turned suddenly to vivian and asked, almost roughly--"do you hold a promise binding?--an oath, a vow--to oneself?" she met his eyes, saw the deep pain there, the long combat, the irrepressible hope and longing. "did you swear to keep your oath secret?" she asked. "why, no," he said, "i did not. i will tell you. i did not swear never to tell a woman i loved her. i never dreamed i should love again. vivian, i was fool enough to love a shallow, cruel woman, once, and nearly broke my heart in consequence. that was long years ago. i have never cared for a woman since--till i met you. and now i must pay double for that boy folly." he came to her and took her hand. "i love you," he said, his tense grip hurting her. "i shall love you as long as i live--day and night--forever! you shall know that at any rate!" she could not raise her eyes. a rich bright color rose to the soft border of her hair. he caught her face in his hands and made her look at him; saw those dark, brilliant eyes softened, tear-filled, asking, and turned sharply away with a muffled cry. "i have taken a solemn oath," he said in a strained, hard voice, "never to ask a woman to marry me." he heard a little gasping laugh, and turned upon her. she stood there smiling, her hands reached out to him. "you don't have to," she said. * * * * * a long time later, upon their happy stillness broke a faint voice from the other room: "vivian, i think if you'd bring me some bread and butter--and a cup of tea--and some cold beef and a piece of pie--i could eat it." * * * * * upon the rapid and complete recovery of her grandmother's health, and the announcement of vivian's engagement, mr. and mrs. lane decided to make a visit to their distant mother and daughter, hoping as well that mr. lane's cough might be better for a visit in that altitude. mr. and mrs. dykeman also sent word of their immediate return. jeanne, using subtle powers of suggestion, caused mrs. pettigrew to decide upon giving a dinner, in honor of these events. there was the betrothed couple, there were the honored guests; there were jimmie and susie, with or without the baby; there were the dykemans; there was dr. bellair, of course; there was mr. skee, an even number. "i'm sorry to spoil that table, but i've got to take in mrs. st. cloud," said the old lady. "o, grandma! why! it'll spoil it for dick." "huh!" said her grandmother. "he's so happy you couldn't spoil it with a mummy. if i don't ask her it'll spoil it for mr. skee." so mrs. st. cloud made an eleventh at the feast, and neither mr. dykeman nor vivian could find it in their happy hearts to care. mr. skee arose, looking unusually tall and shapely in immaculate every-day dress, his well-brushed hair curling vigorously around the little bald spots; his smile wide and benevolent. "ladies and gentlemen, both domestic and foreign, friends and fellowtownsmen and women--ladies, god bless 'em; also children, if any: i feel friendly enough to-night to include the beasts of the fields--but such would be inappropriate at this convivial board--among these convivial boarders. "this is an occasion of great rejoicing. we have many things to rejoice over, both great _and_ small. we have our healths; all of us, apparently. we are experiencing the joys of reunion--in the matter of visiting parents that is, and long absent daughters. "we have also the return of the native, in the shape of my old friend andy--now become a benedict--and seeming to enjoy it. about this same andy i have a piece of news to give you which will cause you astonishment and gratification, but which involves me in a profuse apology--a most sincere and general apology. "you know how a year or more ago it was put about in this town that andrew dykeman was a ruined man?" mrs. st. cloud darted a swift glance at mr. dykeman, but his eyes rested calmly on his wife; then at mr. skee--but he was pursuing his remorseful way. "i do not wish to blame my friend andy for his reticence--but he certainly did exhibit reticence on this occasion--to beat the band! he never contradicted this rumor--not once. _he_ just went about looking kind o' down in the mouth for some reason or other, and when for the sake o' auld lang syne i offered him a job in my office--the cuss took it! i won't call this deceitful, but it sure was reticent to a degree. "well, ladies--and gentlemen--the best of us are liable to mistakes, and i have to admit--i am glad to humble myself and make this public admission--i was entirely in error in this matter. "it wasn't so. there was nothing in it. it was rumor, pure and simple. andy dykeman never lost no mine, it appears; or else he had another up his sleeve concealed from his best friends. anyhow, the facts are these; not only that a. dykeman as he sits before you is a prosperous and wealthy citizen, but that he has been, for these ten years back, and we were all misled by a mixture of rumor and reticence. if he has concealed these facts from the wife of his bosom i submit that that is carrying reticence too far!" again mrs. st. cloud sent a swift glance at the reticent one, and again caught only his tender apologetic look toward his wife, and her utter amazement. mr. dykeman rose to his feet. "i make no apologies for interrupting my friend," he said. "it is necessary at times. he at least can never be accused of reticence. neither do i make apologies for letting rumor take its course--a course often interesting to observe. but i do apologize--in this heartfelt and public manner, to my wife, for marrying her under false pretenses. but any of you gentlemen who have ever had any experience in the attitude of," he hesitated mercifully, and said, "the world, toward a man with money, may understand what it meant to me, after many years of bachelorhood, to find a heart that not only loved me for myself alone, but absolutely loved me better because i'd lost my money--or she thought i had. i have hated to break the charm. but now my unreticent friend here has stated the facts, and i make my confession. will you forgive me, orella?" "speech! speech!" cried mr. skee. but mrs. dykeman could not be persuaded to do anything but blush and smile and squeeze her husband's hand under the table, and mr. skee arose once more. "this revelation being accomplished," he continued cheerfully; "and no one any the worse for it, as i see," he was not looking in the direction of mrs. st. cloud, whose slippered foot beat softly under the table, though her face wore its usual sweet expression, possibly a trifle strained; "i now proceed to a proclamation of that happy event to celebrate which we are here gathered together. i allude to the betrothal of our esteemed friend, dr. richard hale, and the fairest of the fair! regarding the fair, we think he has chosen well. but regarding dick hale, his good fortune is so clear, so evidently undeserved, and his pride and enjoyment thereof so ostentatious, as to leave us some leeway to make remarks. "natural remarks, irresistible remarks, as you might say, and not intended to be acrimonious. namely, such as these: it's a long lane that has no turning; there's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip; the worm will turn; the pitcher that goes too often to the well gets broken at last; better late than never. and so on and so forth. any other gentleman like to make remarks on this topic?" dr. hale rose, towering to his feet. "i think i'd better make them," he said. "no one else could so fully, so heartily, with such perfect knowledge point out how many kinds of a fool i've been for all these years. and yet of them all there are only two that i regret--this last two in which if i had been wiser, perhaps i might have found my happiness sooner. as that cannot be proven, however, i will content myself with the general acknowledgment that bachelors are misguided bats, i myself having long been the worst instance; women, in general, are to be loved and honored; and that i am proud and glad to accept your congratulations because the sweetest and noblest woman in the world has honored me with her love." "i never dreamed you could put so many words together, doc--and really make sense!" said mr. skee, genially, as he rose once more. "you certainly show a proper spirit at last, and all is forgiven. but now, my friends; now if your attention is not exhausted, i have yet another event to confide to you." mr. and mrs. lane wore an aspect of polite interest. susie and jim looked at each other with a sad but resigned expression. so did mrs. dykeman and her husband. vivian's hand was in her lover's and she could not look unhappy, but they, too, deprecated this last announcement, only too well anticipated. only mrs. st. cloud, her fair face bowed in gentle confusion, showed anticipating pleasure. mr. skee waved his hand toward her with a large and graceful gesture. "you must all of you have noticed the amount of platonic friendship which has been going on for some time between my undeserving self and this lovely lady here. among so many lovely ladies perhaps i'd better specify that i refer to the one on my left. "what she has been to me, in my lonely old age, none of you perhaps realize." he wore an expression as of one long exiled, knowing no one who could speak his language. "she has been my guide, counsellor and friend; she has assisted me with advice most wise and judicious; she has not interfered with my habits, but has allowed me to enjoy life in my own way, with the added attraction of her companionship. "now, i dare say, there may have been some of you who have questioned my assertion that this friendship was purely platonic. perhaps even the lady herself, knowing the heart of man, may have doubted if my feeling toward her was really friendship." mr. skee turned his head a little to one side and regarded her with a tender inquiring smile. to this she responded sweetly: "why no, mr. skee, of course, i believed what you said." "there, now," said he, admiringly. "what is so noble as the soul of woman? it is to this noble soul in particular, and to all my friends here in general, that i now confide the crowning glory of a long and checkered career, namely, and to wit, that i am engaged to be married to that peerless lady, mrs. servilla pettigrew, of whose remarkable capacities and achievements i can never sufficiently express my admiration." a silence fell upon the table. mr. skee sat down smiling, evidently in cheerful expectation of congratulations. mrs. pettigrew wore an alert expression, as of a skilled fencer preparing to turn any offered thrusts. mrs. st. cloud seemed to be struggling with some emotion, which shook her usual sweet serenity. the others, too, were visibly affected, and not quick to respond. then did mr. saunders arise with real good nature and ever-ready wit; and pour forth good-humored nonsense with congratulations all around, till a pleasant atmosphere was established, in which mrs. st. cloud could so far recover as to say many proper and pretty things; sadly adding that she regretted her imminent return to the east would end so many pleasant friendships. * * * * * books by charlotte perkins gilman moving the mountain. a utopia at short range. how we might change this country in thirty years, if we changed our minds first. mrs. gilman's latest book, like her earliest verse, is a protest against the parrot cry that "you can't alter human nature." by mail of charlton co., $ . what diantha did. a novel. "what she did was to solve the domestic service problem for both mistress and maid in a southern california town." "_the survey._" "a sensible book, it gives a new and deserved comprehension of the importance and complexity of housekeeping." "_the independent._" "mrs. perkins gilman is as full of ideas as ever, and her diantha is a model for all young women." "_the englishwoman._" by mail of charlton co., $ . the man-made world. "we defy any thoughtful person to read this book of mrs. gilman, and not be moved to or towards conviction, whether he acknowledges it or not." "_san francisco star._" "mrs. gilman has presented in this work the results of her thought, study, and observation of the much debated question of the relation of man to woman and of woman to man. the subject is developed with much wise argument and wholesome sense of humor." "_the craftsman._" "mrs. gilman has applied her theory with much cleverness, consistency and logical thinking." "_chicago evening post._" by mail of charlton co., $ . "in this our world" there is a joyous superabundance of life, of strength, of health, in mrs. gilman's verse, which seems born of the glorious sunshine and rich gardens of california. --_washington times._ the freshness, charm and geniality of her satire temporarily convert us to her most advanced views. --_boston journal._ the poet of women and for women, a new and prophetic voice in the world. montaigne would have rejoiced in her. --_mexican herald._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. "the home" indeed, mrs. gilman has not intended her book so much as a treatise for scholars as a surgical operation on the popular mind. --_the critic, new york._ whatever mrs. gilman writes, people read--approving or protesting, still they read. --_republican, springfield, mass._ full of thought and of new and striking suggestions. tells what the average woman has and ought not keep, what she is and ought not be. --_literature world._ but it is safe to say that no more stimulating arraignment has ever before taken shape and that the argument of the book is noble, and, on the whole, convincing. --_congregationalist, boston._ the name of this author is a guarantee of logical reasoning, sound economical principles and progressive thought. --_the craftsman, syracuse._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. "the home" has been translated into swedish. "women and economics" since john stuart mill's essay there has been no book dealing with the whole position of women to approach it in originality of conception and brilliancy of exposition. --_london chronicle._ the most significant utterance on the subject since mill's "subjection of women." --_the nation._ it is the strongest book on the woman question that has yet been published. --_minneapolis journal._ a remarkable book. a work on economics that has not a dull page,--the work of a woman about women that has not a flippant word. --_boston transcript._ this book unites in a remarkable degree the charm of a brilliantly written essay with the inevitable logic of a proposition of euclid. nothing that we have read for many a long day can approach in clearness of conception, in power of arrangement, and in lucidity of expression the argument developed in the first seven chapters of this remarkable book. --_westminster gazette, london._ will be widely read and discussed as the cleverest, fairest, most forcible presentation of the view of the rapidly increasing group who look with favor on the extension of industrial employment to women. --_political science quarterly._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. "women and economics" has been translated into german, dutch, italian, hungarian, russian and japanese. "concerning children" wanted:--a philanthropist, to give a copy to every english-speaking parent. --_the times, new york._ should be read by every mother in the land. --_the press, new york._ wholesomely disturbing book that deserves to be read for its own sake. --_chicago dial._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. "concerning children" has been translated into german, dutch and yiddish. "the yellow wallpaper" worthy of a place beside some of the weird masterpieces of hawthorne and poe. --_literature._ as a short story it stands among the most powerful produced in america. --_chicago news._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. "human work" charlotte perkins gilman has added a third to her great trilogy of books on economic subjects as they affect our daily life, particularly in the home. mrs. gilman is by far the most brilliant woman writer of our day, and this new volume, which she calls "human work," is a glorification of labor. --_new orleans picayune._ charlotte perkins gilman has been writing a new book, entitled "human work." it is the best thing that mrs. gilman has done, and it is meant to focus all of her previous work, so to speak. --_tribune, chicago._ in her latest volume, "human work," charlotte perkins gilman places herself among the foremost students and elucidators of the problem of social economics. --_san francisco star._ it is impossible to overestimate the value of the insistence on the social aspect of human affairs as mrs. gilman has outlined it. --_public opinion._ by mail of charlton co., =$ . =. charlton company, wall st., new york the forerunner a monthly magazine, written, edited, owned and published by charlotte perkins gilman wall street, new york city u. s. a. subscription per year domestic $ . canadian . foreign . bound volumes, each year $ . post paid this magazine carries mrs. gilman's best and newest work, her social philosophy, verse, satire, fiction, ethical teaching, humor and opinion. it stands for humanness in women and men; for better methods in child culture; for the new ethics, the better economics--the new world we are to make, are making. the breadth of mrs. gilman's thought and her power of expressing it have made her well-known in america and europe as a leader along lines of human improvement and a champion of woman. the forerunner voices her thought and its messages are not only many, but strong, true and vital. * * * * * transcription notes: text in bold has been marked with equal signs (=text=). text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_). the original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and formatting have been retained. minor punctuation . , ; " ' changes have been made without annotation. other changes to the original text are listed as follows: page man-made/man-made: the man-made world page evclaimed/exclaimed: exclaimed his wife page removed repeated word a: were a real page who/why: why his hair's page though/thought: i thought as much page mr./my: my dear miss page removed repeated word and: her own and set it page removed redundant word a: he had not had page though/thought: i thought i heard page litle/little: a little dampened page weedings/weddings: wooings and weddings page irrestible/irresistible: sleep irresistible from page cottonwood/cottonwoods: to the cottonwoods page busband/husband: live with her husband page massages/messages: its messages are not only